Nfolk unsc 1325 rapport trykk

Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325:

Elections in South Sudan. Photo: Werner Anderson

On women's participation in peace processes and post-conflict governance

By Andreas Indregard

INTRODUCTION

Equality Myanmar train activists in how they can monitor the human rights situation. Photo: Kristine Lindberg

In October 2000, Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council. The resolution addresses the impact of war on women, and urges all actors (national and international alike) to adopt gendersensitive approaches.

The resolution also recognizes the role of women in conflict prevention, resolution and recovery. Since its adoption, 1325 has become the main point of reference for global efforts to strengthen the role of women in conflict and post-conflict situations, and approximately 50 countries have adopted national action plans for the implementation of 1325.1

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See for instance Norway’s national action plan for 2011 to 2013: https:// www.regjeringen.no/globalassets/upload/ud/vedlegg/fn/kvinner_likestilling/sr1325_strategic_plane880e_web.pdf

Broadly speaking Resolution 1325 may be divided into three main areas: Participation – calling for the inclusion of women and women's interests in decision-making processes related to prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, including peace processes and post-conflict governance;

Prevention and protection – urging all parties to a conflict to prevent structural and physical violence against women - particularly sexual and gender-based violence and ensuring that women's human rights are respected.

Relief and Recovery – addressing the specific needs of women in post-conflict situations, including processes related to demobilization, disarmament, reintegration, reconstruction and humanitarian demining.

NPA is engaged with all these aspects of 1325. However, this particular report relates exclusively to the first aspect, i.e. the question of women's participation. Moreover, the issue of women's representation within international organizations – like UN peace-keeping forces – is also beyond the scope of this paper, as it looks exclusively at local actors. In other words, this report aims to outline NPA's strategies in order to strengthen the political representation of local women in relation to peace processes and post-conflict governance, exemplified by the organization's work in South Sudan, Myanmar and Colombia.

Norwegian People's Aid – Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325

OPERATIONALIZING 1325:

GENERAL CONSTRAINTS

Anyeth, internally displaced from Yonglei, South Sudan. Photo: Kristine Lindberg.

It may be argued that the question of women participation constitutes the core of Resolution 1325. Although the various paragraphs of the resolution are not arranged according to importance, it is telling that the first paragraph relates exclusively to women representation. The question of representation is also the most far-reaching, as its implementation depends on long-term societal changes in the countries in question. This also makes the issue particularly sensitive, as it often constitutes a direct challenge to the prevailing male-dominated political and social order.

Unsurprisingly, the work to operationalize this particular aspect of 1325 has been challenging for all actors involved, including the UN, its member states and civil society organizations. Progress has been mixed. According to a comprehensive impact study carried out by the UN's Department of Peacekeeping Operations in 2010, there has been some improvement with regard to the political representation of women after the signing of peace accords: More women have entered national politics, and more women have voted in elections. Yet, there has been “little success in turning around the limited participation of

women in peace negotiations and peace agreements.”2 In other words, the room for progress seems to be particularly small during periods of conflict and ensuing peace negotiations.

There might be several reasons for this. First, armed conflicts tend to cement male-dominated political structures, inasmuch as warfare typically is the prerogative of men.

Simply put, war accentuates the direct correlation between political power and violence, and as few women fight, few women will have political influence. This logic continues into subsequent peace negotiations, where armed actors are the only sine qua non participants.

Secondly, during periods of conflict or negotiation, armed actors tend to be particularly resistant to external pressure.

International actors trying to influence the composition of the delegations participating in the negotiations often risk being perceived as interventionist. This is indeed a

2 UNDPO: Ten-Year Impact Study on Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security in Peacemaking: http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/documents/10year_impact_ study_1325.pdf

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serious concern: If an armed actor has been brought to the negotiation table, few would like to jeopardize the process by pushing too hard on issues which do not strictly pertain to the stated agenda of the actor in question. In areas with strong memories of Western colonialism, such pressure could prove particularly counter-productive.

Yet, in times of war, women will often have to fill untraditional roles in the absence of men and/or due to the exceptional situation. While such processes may be partially reversed after the cessation of fighting, they still tend to generate long-term modifications of gender roles, as the sphere of women engagement expands. Such dynamics may be particularly discernable within civil society, explaining why many women come to play significant roles in so-called “second track” peace processes (see chapter below). It may also explain why the room for progress is generally larger in post-war situations.

NPA'S STRATEGY Bearing in mind the above-mentioned constraints, NPA's strategy is not primarily focused on urging the parties of an armed conflict to include more women in their delegations.

First, as an international NGO, NPA will rarely have the necessary political access to approach governments and armed groups directly. Secondly, NPA does not consider “index finger diplomacy” from external actors to be the most adequate way to promote 1325. Rather, NPA believes that the most efficient form of advocacy for the inclusion of women must be home-grown. For that reason, NPA's strategy for the implementation of 1325 is anchored in our partnership with local organizations working on such issues from within.

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In terms of peace processes, it typically means supporting so-called track 2 processes, i.e. the broader and more inclusive peace processes, encompassing civil society organizations, grass-root organizations, labor unions and academia. Track 2 processes typically aim at making the peace process more inclusive, promote people-to-people understanding, and advocate for the inclusion of broader societal issues on the peace process agenda, including gender equality.

Essentially, NPA does not seek to implement 1325 for the sake of the resolution itself, but to enhance women's participation as they see fit in their respective contexts. 1325 is an important tool and a useful international reference, and often a great inspiration for politicians and activists.

Yet, it is not an ideologically determined straight-jacket. It is crucial to respect the local interpretations, strategies and priorities of our partner organizations, and allow them to have the ownership of the process. Following this line of thinking, NPA's task is not to implement 1325, but to allow women to appropriate the spirit of 1325 in ways they see fit.

The following chapters will outline how NPA has sought to promote women participation in the peace process and post-conflict governance in South Sudan, Myanmar and Colombia.

Norwegian People's Aid – Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325

EXPERIENCES FROM SOUTH-SUDAN

Internally displaced in South Sudan with an uncertain future. Photo: Kristine Lindberg

The South Sudanese context represents both a postconflict and a conflict situation. On the one side, the country is finally recovering from five decades of armed conflict with the regime in Khartoum - an all-out civil war which probably claimed more than two million lives. On the other side, the country has been plagued by a series of new armed conflicts, threatening the stability of the newly established state. Jonglei has seen large-scale communal violence, displacing tens of thousands. Since 2013, rivalry within the SPLM has resulted in a civil war - largely following ethnic divisions between Dinka and Nuer - which probably has claimed thousands of lives. Moreover, conflicts in Blue Nile and South Kordofan in Sudan have driven tens of thousands of refugees into the northern part of South Sudan.

In a context of protracted militarization, combined with strong patriarchal traditions, the work to strengthen the political participation of women has been challenging.

Although many women were active in South Sudan's resistance movement over the years, they were generally excluded from higher positions within the structures of the

SPLM/A. Tellingly, in the negotiations for the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005 - which ended the civil war with the north - the role of women was negligible.3 Since the CPA, NPA has mainly supported the implementation of 1325 through its civil society program - working in partnership with a variety of women's organizations, as well as other local organizations with a gender equality component. This includes organizations like South Sudan Women General Association (SSWGA), South Sudan Women Empowerment Network (SSWEN), South Sudan Women Lawyers Association (SSWLA), and state level umbrella organizations (NPA also supports five male-dominated organizations which advocate for women's inclusion).

In cooperation with these partners, NPA has adopted a long-term approach to strengthen the representation of women in political decision-making. In practical terms, the

3 See for instance Dr. Anne Itto, Guests at the Table: The role of women in peace processes (2006): http://www.c-r.org/sites/default/files/Accord18_1 9Guestsatthetable_2006_ENG.pdf

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approach includes direct advocacy for women's inclusion in governance (as well as negotiations), technical support to government-lead processes to strengthen the legal framework for gender equality, dissemination of information on CEDAW, and capacity building for women activists and leaders. Despite a challenging context, much has been done, and much has been achieved.

NEGOTIATIONS (FIRST AND SECOND TRACK PROCESSES): As mentioned, women's participation in the formal peace negotiations over the last decade has been meager, especially in the beginning. The CPA from 2005 had virtually no meaningful women participation, and has been referred to as a “gender-blind” agreement. However, NPA partners and other women organizations have increasingly sought to pressure the SPLM and the government of South Sudan to include more women. The resistance has continued to be significant, and – by reviewing the most recent rounds of peace negotiations - improvements appear to have been relatively modest: In the Addis Ababa negotiations between the governments of South Sudan and Sudan in 2011-2012, there were no women on the main negotiation table. Yet, there were several women in the broader negotiation teams. The main legal adviser to the team of South Sudan was a woman, and two women participated on thematic side tables dealing with debt issues and the question of citizenship. In total, approximately 10% of the negotiation teams were women, and most of them were involved as technical experts. In the Jonglei negotiations in 2012 – aiming at ending strife between the Government of South Sudan and armed parts of the Murle ethnic group – five of 23 committee members were women. When the agreement was eventually signed, 27 of the 145 attendees were women. In the negotiations in Addis Ababa from – seeking an end to the in-fighting within SPLM – no women were present at first. However, after massive pressure from civil society, five women were eventually included (three from the Dinka-dominated government, two from the Nuer-dominated opposition).

One of the delegates on the government side was a representative from SSWGA, one of NPA's partners.

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Women leaders have been significantly more prominent in the second track processes. Various women organizations – including NPA partners mentioned above – have been pivotal in campaigning for peace on a grass-root level, disseminating information about the peace process, organizing peace building forums and national prayers.

In general, these organizations have promoted ethnic reconciliation, and lobbied for an inclusive process, paying attention to the grievances of broad segments of society (including women). Large-scale consultation meetings on the peace process were conducted at state-level, in Juba, and even abroad. According to a recent study, the track II processes have had “far-reaching effects on the official processes”. 4

IMPROVING THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN POST-CONFLICT SUDAN Civil society advocacy directed towards the government and SPLM has yielded results. Already in 2005, NPA partners (along with other civil society organizations) lobbied the SPLM to adopt a mechanism for affirmative action. The demand was eventually accepted and codified in the Interim Constitution, calling for 25% women participation in all organs of government. Over the last decade, this constitutional provision has undoubtedly been a strong tool to strengthen women's political participation. As of today, 95 out of 237 members of the National Legislative Council are women (29%), and 37% of all Deputy National Ministers are women. Yet, progress is uneven. In certain key branches of the government, in particular security, finance and foreign affairs, the proportion of women falls well below 25%. Similarly, only 2 of 18 High Court Judges are women.

Moreover – as shown by a recent USAID study – women working for the government “are usually not given the same opportunities for advancement as men are, especially in attending trainings and workshops outside the office”.5 Over the last three years, several important milestones have been reached – in particular as a result of close cooperation

4 Women’s Peace and Security: Resolution 1325 in South Sudan, Baseline Study (2013), commissioned by South Sudan’s Ministry of Gender, Child and Social Welfare (document on file with the author).

5 USAID: Gender Assessment, USAID/South Sudan: http://www.pdf.usaid. gov/pdf_docs/PNADT679.pdf

Norwegian People's Aid – Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325

between the government and civil society. Since the beginning of 2013, NPA and several of its partners have been involved in a comprehensive baseline study on 1325 in South Sudan. The work was coordinated by the Ministry of Gender, Child and Social Welfare, and carried out in cooperation with other government ministries, the UN, and representatives of local and international NGOs. Finalized in February 2013, it provides an unprecedented crosssectorial overview of the achievements and shortcomings related to 1325. Crucially, the paper establishes an agreed upon starting point for future efforts.

In particular, the baseline study became an important tool in the formulation of a National Action Plan for 1325, which is currently in its final stages of preparation. The action plan serves to re-affirm South Sudan's commitment to 1325, and establish adequate reporting and monitoring mechanisms for its implementation. Like the baseline study, the formulation of the action plan has involved several ministries, the UN, and civil society organizations. When adopted, South Sudan will be one of approximately 50 countries to enact such a national plan.

Other important laws and regulations have also been enacted, including a national gender policy, and the local government act, both including specific provisions to strengthen women's rights. CEDAW has been ratified by parliament, and is now awaiting the President's approval.

NPA and its partners were involved in all these processes.

ENGAGING WOMEN AT GRASS-ROOT LEVEL Partner organizations have not only directed their advocacy campaigns upwards, i.e. towards the government and SPLM, but also towards the general public, not least in order to disseminate information and mobilize the grassroot in support for women's rights. Partners have organized workshops and seminars across the country, and produced radio broadcasts to raise the awareness of genderrelated issues. Several research projects have also been commissioned, as well as a translation of resolution 1325 into several local languages, and booklets with simplified versions of key legislation. NPA and partner organizations have also systematically encouraged women to use their right to vote. During the referendum for independence in

2011, 52% of women in South Sudan voted, which may be considered high, as the illiteracy rate is a staggering 84%.

NPA is currently implementing a project to enhance women's participation in local government and local conflict resolution mechanisms. One of the main aims has been to organize women at the local level, and facilitate dialogues on peace building, conflict resolution and sexual and gender-based violence for women and community leaders.

CAPACITY BUILDING / NETWORKING A significant part of NPA's work is related to capacity building. Over the last three years, 497 have been trained directly through Women Can Do It (WCDI),6 and many more have been trained through capacity building workshops run by NPA partners. Women activists and civil society representatives have been trained in leadership, advocacy and conflict management skills. Some of the women who received training from NPA or our partners have become prominent political figures. One was elected state member of parliament in Eastern Equitoria, another become Minister for Gender and Social Development in Central Equatoria.

One prominent member of the South Sudan Women General Association (SSWGA) has recently participated in the peace negotiations between different factions of the SPLM in Addis Ababa.

NPA has also worked to strengthen the organizational capacity of the partner organizations, both through financial assistance, coordination of joint platforms, and by assisting their efforts to institutionalize internal democratic practices.

NPA has also provided support to the efforts to reorganize and strengthen the umbrella organizations at state level.

All in all, the women organizations of South Sudan have become stronger and better coordinated advocates for women's rights, as well as active participants in the national peace forums.

6 Women Can Do It (“Kvinner Kan” in Norwegian) is an empowerment training program emanating from the Norwegian Labor Party’s women network, primarily focusing on leadership skills. The program has been carried out in a variety of different countries in partnership with NPA’s international programs.

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EXPERIENCES FROM MYANMAR

Aung Soe Moe, accountant of a self-reliance group says she can go back to the farm after the ceasefire. Photo: Jo Straube

´Since 2011, Myanmar has gone through a period of rapid political and societal change. The government has taken the first tentative steps towards democracy, liberalized the economy, reduced media censorship and freed the vast majority of political prisoners. The leadership in Nay Pyi Taw has also engaged in a new peace process with a dozen ethnic non-state armed groups, some of which have been fighting central authority since the 1940s. So far, the process has generated ceasefire arrangements in all ethnic states except Kachin, where fighting has intensified since 2011. Although the initial phase of the peace process was promising, progress stagnated in 2013-14, and it seems increasingly unlikely that the parties will reach a comprehensive peace agreement in the near future.

Beyond opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, women play a highly limited role in Myanmar's political affairs, both within the government and the ethnic non-state armed groups. In parliament, 32 out of 658 seats are occupied by women (around 4,9 percent), and only 2 of 36 ministers are women. Within the peace process, the delegations from the government and the armed groups are usually devoid of women, albeit with some exceptions (most notably Zipporah Sein, the former secretary general of the Karen National Union (KNU), who was heavily involved in the negotiations that eventually lead to a ceasefire accord between the KNU and the government in April 2012). International actors have had minimal influence on the negotiating parties, both with regard to the content of the talks and the make-up of the delegations.

Encouragement from Western diplomats to include more women has been flatly ignored. However, this should not automatically be interpreted as something negative: More than anything, it demonstrates the home-grown nature of the process, which in the long run might be a necessity for a peaceful resolution.

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PEACE PROCESS (SECOND TRACK) As in South Sudan, NPA's efforts to support 1325 have been carried out as part of second track processes. And within the second track, the voice of women has been forceful.

Shalom Foundation, a long-term NPA partner – headed by two women from Kachin – has arguably been the single most important actor in the peace process beyond the negotiating parties themselves.7 Over the past three years, Shalom has facilitated the Civil Society Forum for Peace, the main forum for information sharing and civil society coordination related to the peace process. The forums have been arranged both for the national level and in certain ethnic minority states, occasionally also drawing in government representatives, non-state armed groups and foreign diplomats.

Strengthening the role of women in the peace process was also a component of NPA's projects carried out in the context of the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI).

While MPSI and NPA carefully refrained from pushing the ethnic non-state armed groups to appoint more women to their peace delegations, the strategy was rather to empower women leaders within civil society. For instance, when NPA designed a large-scale consultation project with the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 2012, NPA ensured that Mon Women Organization (MWO) was formally included in the program design. Consequently, MWO got a hand on the wheel in one of the most far-reaching political consultation processes in the history of Myanmar.

7 See article by Ja Nan Lahtaw and Nang Raw (Shalom), published by Center for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD): Myanmar’s Current Peace Process: A new role for women? http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Publications/ Detail/?lng=en&id=157186

Norwegian People's Aid – Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325

In the context of the MPSI, NPA also supported the Women Forum in Burma in 2013. Under the slogan “no woman, no peace”, the forum was held with the explicit purpose of increasing the participation of women in the peace process at every level. The event – which was the largest of its kind in the history of Myanmar – was attended by all the main women organizations in the country (including the Diaspora), political parties, female MPs and the media. The joint media statement at the end of the forum called (inter alia) for governmental endorsement of the principles enshrined in UN resolution 1325, including increased women inclusion in decision making and improved protection of women in conflict zones. In particular, the forum addressed the general lack of knowledge about 1325, urging leaders and political parties to implement training courses and internal discussions NPA and its partners have been involved in several projects in the ethnic minority areas promoting women participation in the peace process. In Kayah State, Karenni National Women Organization (KNWO) carried out extensive community consultation - mobilizing the grass-root in support of the peace process, as well as promoting women inclusion. The consultation process – including a conference attracting some 500 delegates – resulted in demands that women and youth must be consulted prior to the signing of any agreement, and that more women should hold decision making positions. The demands were mainly directed towards the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the main ethnic armed group in the area, which subsequently accommodated some of the demands (in particular those related to consultation). Similar projects – focusing on 1325 awareness and promoting women participation – have also been carried out in Karen and Kachin.

IMPROVING THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN POST-CONFLICT MYANMAR. With increased operational space, NPA's civil society partners are not only engaged in promoting women participation in the peace process, but also working on broader strategies to strengthen the political role of women in post-conflict in Myanmar. Much of this work in based on capacity building. Over the past three years, 491 women have received leadership training in the context of WCDI. Three women who went through the course have already announced their candidacy for the parliamentarian elections in November 2015, while a dozen others are in the process

of following suit. Others have come to play leading roles in civil society, or become well-known public figures. Dr May May Pyone, a member of WCDI's steering committee (and long-term NPA partner), became the leader of the regional steering committee for the ASEAN's People's Forum in April 2014, thus in charge of one of the biggest civil society events in the history of South East Asia.

In 2014, Equality Myanmar (EM) conducted ToT seminars on gender and women rights in Kachin – with special emphasis on 1325. Subsequently, the newly educated trainers passed on their knowledge in follow-up seminars in all major cities of Kachin. Another partner, Charity-Oriented Myanmar (COM), arranged training courses in CEDAW and 1325 for young activists in Shan State. 17 female participants were later promoted to leadership positions in their respective organizations and political parties. COM also arranged three national forums on women in the peace process.

Recommendations from the forums were later used in their advocacy campaigns to influence the government's National Plan for the Advancement of Women, as well as the law against gender-based violence.

In preparation for the November 2015 elections, NPA's partner Myanmar Minerva Education Center (MMEC) organized a comprehensive training program for politicians from the ethnic minorities. Within this program, 37 women from ethnic minority parties were trained on issues like Myanmar's electoral system, centralism versus federalism, party institutionalization, legitimate political campaigning in a democratic context, media handling, ethnic politics, and the development of party platforms and issue-specific policies. How many of the participants who eventually will run for seats in parliament – or act as political advisers to MPs – will be determined closer to election date.

ADVOCACY Much of the work related to advocacy is related to advocacy and dissemination of information. In 2013 – 2014, WCDI/ Myanmar printed three editions of its journal (8,000 copies in total), focusing – inter alia – on the role of women in the peace process and the on-going nation building process.

Various NPA partners have been among the key organizers of the International Women's Day, and joined a coalition of women advocating affirmative action in parliament and government structures.

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EXPERIENCES FROM COLOMBIA

One leader from the Wayuu people talking at the South American meeting between indigenous women. They were gathered in Colombia to promote women’s rights and to end the violence. mPhoto: Cristina Santacruz

For more than half a century, Colombia has been plagued by civil war. The government has been locked in combat with several leftist guerrillas (of which FARC is the most prominent) since the 1960s, while paramilitary groups and crime syndicates have added to the mix. The violence has left about 200,000 people dead, and millions have been displaced. Colombia has also been marked by stark economic inequality, intermittently triggering waves of social and political protests. In 2012, the government and FARC initiated a peace process, facilitated by Cuba and

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Norway. While bilateral peace talks are held behind closed doors in Havana, preliminary press statements suggest that some progress has been made.

NPA's country program in Colombia is significantly smaller than in South Sudan and Myanmar. With a highly limited number of partner organizations, NPA does not provide support to specialized women organizations, nor does it organize training sessions in the framework of Women Can Do It. Rather, women empowerment is one element

Norwegian People's Aid – Strategies for the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325

among many others for NPA partners in Colombia, typically integrated into a wider political struggle.

Yet, these differences notwithstanding, NPA's work in Colombia is based on the same principles as elsewhere, aligning our work with the efforts of local partner organizations. And as the peace process between the government and FARC largely excludes other actors, the prime focus of NPA partners has been “second track” processes – just like in South Sudan and Myanmar.

And the “second track” has grown significant in Colombia.

In parallel with the talks in Havana, large-scale popular movements are arising, demanding a more inclusive peace process. In order to achieve sustainable peace, these movements urge the parties to include a broad range of issues in the process, including land reforms, improved conditions to organize politically, and improved social policies. In this context, many organizations – including NPA partners – also advocate for increased representation of marginalized groups, including women, ethnic minorities, and in particular women from ethnic minorities.

NPA's main partner organization in Colombia is Organizacion Nacional Indigena de Colombia (ONIC), which represents 102 different ethnic minorities. The cooperation has focused on organizational capacity building, with emphasis on political training of indigenous leaders. Between 2008 and 2012, more than 4,200 women from ethnic minorities have been trained in leadership, political thinking, and various issues related to the peace process.

In 2012, NPA supported the Fifth National Women Assembly, which (inter alia) provided ONIC's women with the opportunity to prepare for ONIC's Eight Congress.

Subsequently, at the congress, where approximately half of the 3,000 delegates were women, two women were elected to the organization's governing council. This was one more than previously (and the highest number ever), indicating the growing prominence of women within the organization.

Dora Tavera, one of the council members, was later part of an advocacy delegation to Oslo. In meetings with the MFA, trade unions and civil society organizations, she underlined the importance of an all-inclusive peace process.8 ONIC's Women Council Office has also become a strong actor. In 2012, it published the report “Indigenous Women, Invisible Victims of the Armed Conflict in Colombia, and Sexual Violence as a War Strategy”,9 which was presented to the UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict. And in 2013, women from ONIC organized the Second Continental Summit for Indigenous Women, a Latin American conference that brought together 200 women leaders from twelve different countries to discuss women empowerment in a regional perspective.

Gradually, ONIC and other partner organizations have pushed more women to the forefront. The focus is not so much to push for women negotiators in the on-going peace process, but rather to prepare a new generation of women leaders for the anticipated post-peace process reality.

8 See NPA newsletter, Peace talks in Colombia (2013): http://www.npaid.org/ News/News-archive/2012/Peace-talks-in-Colombia 9 The report can be found on the website of the International Office for Human Rights Action on Colombia (OIDHACO): http://www.oidhaco. org/?art=1410&lang=en

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