Resultater 2008 2011 rapport norad

Final Result Report - Cooperation Agreement with Norad 2008-2011

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1. General 1.1 1.2 1.3

Name of grant recipient: Norwegian People’s Aid GLO 0613 GLO 07/383 Agreement period: 2008-2011

Introduction In 2008, Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) left the thematic focus in our international strategy behind and went back to an emphasis on supporting partner organizations capacity to address democratic deficits and inequalities. This was done to be able to adapt even better to the local context and provide flexible support to social organization on the issues that mobilize in each country. NPA has prioritized support to strengthen partner organizations internally as well as in their capacity to mobilize support and influence political decisions. This has been complemented by NPAs efforts to promote partners agenda in Norway and influence Norwegian foreign and development policies. At the end of the period most NPA programs considered that they have been able to adapt to the new strategy. The NORAD Cooperation Agreement 2008-2011 has contributed to fund the work in 19 of 23 countries were NPA has long term cooperation programs. At the end of this period the program in Tanzania was faced out and a pre study including support to partners was initiated in Vietnam in 2011. In addition, it enabled us to strengthen our support to the democratization processes in Southern Africa and to map the possibilities for similar support in North-Africa and Middle East.

NPA has established partnership with organizations based on shared values with respect to the work for democratic rights and redistribution of resources. Our approach to the relationship with the organizations is established in NPAs international strategy and partnership policy. Policies on Land and Natural Resources and Organization and Participation were developed to guide the implementation of the international strategy 2008-2011. In addition to the follow up of the geographical advisors at head office, NPA prioritized resources to head office support to the programs in the areas of planning monitoring and reporting and organizational development.

Throughout the period NPA has increased its political work and support to forward partners’ agenda in Norway. Based on an external evaluation, NPAs gender work at head office was reorganized with a clearer focus on mainstreaming gender and women’s participation within NPAs priority program and policy work.

In 2010 NPA commissioned an external review of the International Development Strategy 2008-11.

It was undertaken by CMI, and the report published in 20111. NORAD carried out an organizational review in 20112. Both recognize NPA as a good and flexible partner with clear stated policies for its partnership practice. They point at improved reporting of results, but question whether NPA has too many partners to achieve quality in the accompaniment and that the approach to partner selection is not consistent across the countries. NPA has taken steps to improve consistency in the new international strategy developed for the period 2012-15, as well as in the plans for its implementation.

In this report, we will present a brief context analysis as well as selected results according to the goals of each country program. In the following we will present an analysis of the overall achievements based on the program presented in Annex 1 to the Cooperation Agreement.

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Making Partnership work – Vision and Implementation of a Development Programme. CMI (Tjønneland/ Tostensen) NPA (Mørck; January 2011).

2 Organisational Performance Review, CMI, (Tjønneland and Hagen, 2011).

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2. Reporting on Results 2.1

What are the most important results achieved in the agreement period?

On an overall note, program implementation and the results point towards the predefined goals and may be considered important contributions to the struggle for democratic development and just distribution of power and resources in the countries where NPA works. In some cases, however, it is evident that the country program goals – especially the development goals, have been too ambitious while in other cases the political environment has not been conducive to work for democracy. Rwanda and Ethiopia are case in point.

All programs report outcomes and relate to the planned indicators, but there are planned results that we have not achieved or that are weak. The reasons are explained in the result matrixes and vary. The South Sudan program reports on local conflicts between groups of people being a hindrance, while the Tanzania and Zimbabwe program explain that one partner struggled with organizational issues. In other cases, the hindrances are linked to the political environment (Honduras, Rwanda) or to a combination of two or more factors (Ecuador). South Africa may have spread its small resources too thinly and/or failed in its selecting and trying of partners. Finally, in some cases, the ability to monitor and document results could be stronger. Notwithstanding such cases, this report supplements the Periodic Result Report 2008-2011 and confirms that we have delivered in accordance to the agreement with Norad.

Chapter 2.1.1 is a summary of results related to NPA’s work to strengthen civil society’s capacity to address democratic deficits and inequalities through partnership and organizational development.

The chapters 2.1.2 - 2.1.22 update information relevant to the country context and results. The result matrix indicates what has changed (or did not change) for whom. The examples referred to in the first chapter are not necessary the same as the results shown in the chapters 2.1.2 - 2.1.22.

These chapters also reflect on the achievement of the program goals and impact, and explain how the results shown in the matrix have been chosen.

2.1.1 Strengthening civil society’s capacity to address democratic deficits and inequalities through partnership and organizational development The development goal of Norwegian People's Aid`s (NPA) work funded by the NORAD Cooperation agreement in the period 2008-11 has been that “Representative organizations effectively defend people’s democratic rights and the redistribution of resources”. This is a long term goal and the program goal was therefore established as: “Civil society organizations work for the right to assemble and associate”, with the indicators referring to the number of civil society organizations involved and the issues raised by the organizations in the field of right to assemble and associate, participation in public debate, NGO/CSO legislation and redistribution of wealth and power. The final impact in society will always depend on a number of external factors outside the control of NPA or partners.

In this report we consider that the number of organizations involved is not a good indicator as such.

At the same time, the number of organizations that received support is an indication of the important outreach of the work of NPA. A total of 298 partners in 19 countries received financial support between 2008 and 2011 through the NORAD Cooperation Agreement. The major part has been support to long term partners, but the number also include one off support to initiatives or small amounts transferred to try out new partnerships. There has been a reduction of the number of partners during the period. Transfers were made to 205 partners in 2008, while in 2011 this had been reduced to 175.

All NPA programs worked for the right to assemble and associate, understanding this both as the legal possibilities to organize, the promotion of an enabling environment for organizations, as

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well as the work done by the organizations to push for participation, mobilize for their demands and strengthening their organizations and alliances. The country reports show results both at the local and the national level. Neither organizational nor political developments are linear processes and the results must be evaluated taking into consideration the broader political development and the degree to which the organizations are able to respond to a changing context.

The right to assemble and associate has been challenged by the authorities in many of the countries where NPA works. Notably Honduras, Cambodia, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia can be mentioned as examples of this. One result stated in NPAs plans for the period was that “NPA partners’ knowledge and competence contribute to civil societies work for the right to assemble and associate”. NPA has not contributed with general analysis of civil society legislation that could be used by partners. We have in different ways supported partners’ work when this right has been challenged through restrictive legislation or through repression of organized groups. Examples of this are the work done by partners in Cambodia that has halted the approval of restrictive NGO legislation or NPAs own protest against assassinations of members of partner organizations in Honduras and Guatemala.

The push for broadening the participation and the recognition of the organizations voice in decision making processes is reflected in the program reports. This has been done in a variety of ways: Partners in 15 countries have worked to improve legislation. Partners influenced the formulation of new constitutions in Bolivia and Ecuador (ref. partner proposals, formulation in the constitution and newspaper reports). Gender sensitive constitutional amendments were approved in South Sudan. In Zimbabwe, partners are closely monitoring and seeking to influence the ongoing constitutional reform process (partner reports, public debate), also promoting increased participation of women in the process (petition submitted to the constitutional reform body COPAC and lobby and awareness document from ZWLA).

Some law proposals have sought to improve political processes and access to information, like the proposals for the law on public participation and social monitoring (Ecuador), political campaign financing (Cambodia) and three draft media bills that are under discussion in the parliament of South Sudan. There are some examples of partners presenting law proposals related to privatization and public services, as the proposals for policies regarding water (Bolivia, Nicaragua and Honduras) or improvement of public services like decent housing or consumer defence (Nicaragua). Partners promoted a law on violence against women in Angola that was approved Proposals addressing the management of land and natural resources were presented in 10 countries, also addressing the rights of indigenous/tribal people. Partners have promoted the regulation of mining (El Salvador and Honduras), suggested legislation regarding distribution and restoration of land and territories (South Sudan, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Chile, Colombia) as well as rural development (Guatemala, Bolivia). By-laws to promote positive customary law practices on women’s rights were approved in South Sudan.

Influence on national democratic change in 5 countries. Political crisis or fundamental transition processes in a country provide challenges and opportunities for organization to influence change. Partners in Bolivia and Ecuador have been drivers in the change process. Especially the large mass organizations (CSTUCB and CONAIE) have mobilised against neoliberal economic policies, for a government that promote a just distribution and for indigenous rights. There is no doubt that this has changed the political participation and state policies substantially. NPA has played an important role in the transition on South Sudan that was established as an independent state in 20113 . After the coup in Honduras, there has been a setback when it comes to political reform and repression has increased. The spontaneous and long lasting mobilization against the coup, where all NPA partners participated, made it difficult for the new regime to get the expected recognition. It did create new alliances within civil society, alliances that are upheld, though with problems, and sparked increased civil society initiative.

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Prime Minister Salva Khirs’ speech when the new state was established July 9, 2011

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The mobilization of organizations in Zimbabwe has been of great importance to the democratization process among others as watchdogs for human rights and lately in the pressure towards the government to stick to the General Political Agreement and not call for early elections.

Zimbabwe can also be seen as a test case for democracy and human rights in region. In addition to the results reported from the Zimbabwe program, NPA has been supporting a regional initiative in Southern Africa where our partners Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum (ZSF-Action Support Network) and Crisis in Zimbabwe South Africa have been supporting and coordinating civil society work at a national- and regional level in countries such as Zimbabwe, South Africa, Mozambique, Angola and Zambia with the aim of influencing the political situation in Zimbabwe. The seminars organized have brought together persons representing the three GNU (Government of National Unity) parties (MDC T, MDC N and ZANU PF) in the constitutional process. While ZSF has mobilized and forwarded demands from grassroots level, Crisis has lobbied representatives at the highest political level. This has been done through meetings with the SADC Secretariat, with President Zuma’s facilitation Team on Zimbabwe, with the Foreign Affairs Ministers in Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa, and the Heads of States for Namibia and Zambia. SADC representatives have expressed that their work towards Zimbabwe is easier with public support for the demands. Demands presented regarding priority to constitutional reform before elections, SADC representation in the constitutional reform process among others have been echoed by SADC that has a much stronger language now than two years ago. This work done by partners in the region is supplemented by Zimbabwe Europe Network (ZEN) where partners in Zimbabwe are members of the reference groups and NPA sits in the board.

Campaigns, protests, awareness raising and alliance building to change public policies have taken place on a variety of issues, as for example; Campaigning against Gender based violence (Palestine, Rwanda and Angola), against privatization and general increases payment of basic services (South Africa), the right to know campaign (South Africa), organization of the Broad Movement for Dignity and Justice (Honduras), budget monitoring, gender responsive budgeting and campaigns to influence the national budget for health, education and agriculture (Angola).

Management of land and natural resources has by far been the issue that has led to most mobilization of partner organizations over the last years; 18 of 19 programme countries supported partners in the work to avoid negative consequences of privatization of natural resources. NPA has had a long standing work on land rights. In the plan for 2008-2011 the perspective was broadened aiming for that “CSOs sustain pressure on their governments to avoid negative consequences of privatization of natural resources”. The reports show results in the strengthening of organizations and mobilization against negative consequences of large scale land investments or evictions (South Sudan, Mozambique, Angola, Cambodia, Palestine), mining- hydropower- and mega dam projects (Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Zimbabwe). Along with this the work on land tenure and natural resource management (Tanzania, Angola, Chile, Nicaragua, Ethiopia and South Sudan) has continued.

NPA has also developed its methods, on the one hand through reports documenting the challenges of large scale land investments, on the other through joint lobbying with partners in Norway. Some examples: •

The NPA report “The New Frontier (2011) documented the scale of large land investments in South Sudan. This has showed very positive results. The information has been spread and discussed in all South Sudanese provinces and groups have organized in the provinces to spread the information further. The report has gained international recognition and has been referred to in international media like the BBC. The access to information has led local groups to raise the problems they face due to large scale land investment with the authorities. South Sudanese authorities have stopped one contract and made a promise publicly to review all contracts on land investment.

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•

•

The NPA supported report “The Lords of the Land” (2011)4 documented the process of foreign direct investment in land and mining and resulting conflicts with the communities in Mozambique. The report was cited and raised debate in Mozambique media and is being used as an advocacy tool by UNAC. It also contributed to raise awareness and provide information to UNACs 87.000 members and local chapters.

NPA has started a campaign to push Chevron to clean up the mess left from exploitation of oil in the Ecuadorian part of the Amazon. NPA supports the affected communities and the accompaniment of FDA (The Front for Defence of the Amazon) in their legal case in Ecuador is networking with other international organizations. In Norway, the labour federation IndustriEnergi and NPA are seeking to push The Norwegian Government Pension Fund (SPU) to practice an active ownership or else withdraw their investments in Chevron. Chevron should assume responsibility instead of using massive amounts of money on lawyers in court on a case that may seriously harm their reputation. This campaign continues in 2012.

NPA is not an environment organization, but much of our work with natural resources involves environmental aspects, as the case mentioned above. Other cases can illustrate this; In Bolivia and Ethiopia, partners presented proposals for environmental legislation. NPA partner MELCA has been a central actor in achieving that 238750 hectares of Sheka forest land was approved in Ethiopia and by UNASCO as a world biosphere reserve. In Tanzania partners managed to amend the Wild life bill.

All programmes have contributed to partners’ organizational development. The NORAD organizational review recognizes NPAs contribution, but also states that given NPAs strategic approach to strengthen organizations capacity to mobilize and influence political decisions, the evaluators found too much emphasis on technical aspects in some countries. The need for greater consistency is also recognized by NPA. At the same time, the partner and program reports do show significant results; •

•

•

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In Cambodia, NPA works with less organised grassroots groups emerging from land conflict situations. These have a great capacity for social mobilization but lack sufficient standards for financial and administrative management. NPA has dedicated a lot of effort and time to support these organizations in this respect, but also faces challenges in terms of resources to follow up.

During the last years, these groups have developed networks and increased coordination.

The Zimbabwe Chamber of Informal Economy Associations (ZCIEA) expanded its membership base. In 2008 ZCIEA had presence in 12 territories, organised 65 chapters and had 45000 members. In 2011 the presence had been expanded to 15 territories, the organisation had 265 chapters and 53600 members. NPA provided support to capacity building and consultative meetings. One result of the organizational strengthening was that ZCIEA was requested by the Ministry to give input to the Small and Medium Enterprise bill and 2191 members were allocated residential stands, while 2260 got operational stands.

In Palestine, there were 55 farmers committees with 344 members in 2008. In 2011, the total number of members reached 960 forming 131 committees in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, including 6 fishermen committees. 34,5% of the members are women. NPA provided support to the partner UAWC for networking, training among others in rights based approaches, leadership, syndicate organizing, social discussion and teamwork. The farmers and fishermen committees have gained trust, shown capacity to respond to crisis situations, 2096 female and male farmers have designed their own micro- enterprises and 3800 participated in the olive picking campaign.

The Union of Journalists in South Sudan is now functioning. UJSS held their first democratic election of leadership in 2010, have increased their membership and established three suboffices. At the same time, the Association of Media Women in Southern Sudan (AWISS) has increased the visibility of gender and women’s issues in the audio visual and printed media.

NPA has closely accompanied the process and provided support to the general assembly, training, information material and exchange visits.

Lords of the Land, Justicia Ambiental & Uniao Nacional dos Camponeses (UNAC), 2011

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A tool used in many of NPA programs is Women can do it (WCDI). Since it started in 2001, the WCDI had been introduced in 23 country programs by the end of 2011. Burma is the newest country program that included the WCDI into the program portfolio. The WCDI methodology has primarily been used as a tool for mobilizing women to engage in organized civil society forums and in politics, but it has also been used by our partners as an organizational development tool to strengthen women`s role and influence within the organizations (like in the Small scale farmers union in Tete (UPCT/UNAC) in Mozambique). In 2012 there will be an external evaluation of the WCDI. In 2008 NPA introduced a simplified framework for results based planning, monitoring and reporting (PMR). The hand book “Observing Change” was written and published late 2010, and is used in most program countries. Since 2008, more than 20 workshops have been held to train NPA staff, and some partners, to establish more realistic PMR routines, relevant baselines and indicators to measure change , and to encourage the use of simple monitoring methods (quantitative and qualitative). The hand book has been translated to Portuguese and Khmer.

In 2011 NPA decided to do more in-depth PMR work more in-depth in some program countries: Angola, Iraq, Cambodia. There have been 4 workshops in these pilot countries and extra follow up., In addition training on PMR has taken place with NPA staff from Palestine (in Oslo). In August and October 2011, the M&E advisor conducted PMR workshops and trainings in Oslo and Kenya for Norwegian and International members of the Atlas Alliance on monitoring of Organizational Development.

In 2011, a questionnaire on practices and challenges regarding monitoring was sent to all program countries. The findings are that most program countries have formal M&E systems in place, but that these often are not used as practical tools because they are top heavy and too ambitious.

Two program countries work more informally on monitoring. Among the challenges are to find adequate qualitative indicators, that the previous systems (formats, number and type of indicators) are too demanding in terms of skills, time and capacity. In addition, base lines are often not relevant or they are too broad.

NPA has been active in lobbying Norwegian international and development policies. Some of the main issues we have raised over the last years are; Norwegian policies towards Palestina and promoting withdrawal of SPU investments in Israeli enterprises that contribute to the occupation of Palestinian territories; Norwegian policies towards Sudan, Burma and Zimbabwe; campaigning in coordination with Norwegian networks and Colombian organizations that until now successfully has halted the Norwegian ratification of the free trade agreement between EFTA and Colombia; promoted the right of indigenous peoples to free prior informed consent in relation to investment in their territories, with special focus on SN Powers’ investment in Chile and on a Norwegian company’s’ pre-investment study in Guatemala – in both cases the companies have withdrawn from the investment. We have worked consistently to push democratization and just distribution up on the development agenda, and prepared a special report on inequalities to be published in 2012. We have produced input and to hearing statements to 6 white papers to the Storting as well as to the national budgets each year.

2.1.2 Ethiopia After the 2005 elections, when protests were brutally knocked down and 20 000 arrested, the room for civil society has been increasingly diminished and critical voices have been suppressed. New undemocratic legislation on terrorism, media and civil society has been adopted. The NGO law (explicitly prohibiting promotion of human rights, democracy and conflict resolutions) has reinforced pressure away from advocacy to service delivery and poverty reduction. The Ethiopian government’s development plan (Growth and Transformation Plan 2011 – 2015) includes a land lease program including more than 3 million hectares. Consultations are not done and stable jobs and new infrastructure not delivered. The land lease program is also a threat in many places to pastoralist’s traditional way of life and communal management of land and forests.

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As a consequence of the restrictions on NGOs, the goal to strengthen democratization processes in urban and semi urban communities was dropped as the partner organization working on voter education and democratic practices was forced to end their activities. Many organizations were forced to close or change their activities including leading organizations on human rights such as Women Lawyers Association. The work on gender based violence is still possible, although the focus of the program is now more on the criminal act and women victims’ social and health needs rather than on women’s rights or gender equality. For instance, awareness raising and capacity building has led to strengthening police academy curriculum and police training in prevention and handling of gender based violence, and violence and harassment is reported to have decreased in targeted schools in Addis. NPA partner AWSAD is also still active in contributing to legal reforms in cooperation with other gender based organizations and networks. However, it has not been possible to document outcomes (e.g. to see significant effect from awareness raising of authorities when it comes to gender based violence).

The NPA Ethiopia program started in 2008 and it may be unrealistic to expect any impact yet. On the other hand, the program has contributed to strengthen pastoralists’ access and sustainable use of communal land and natural resources while at the same time contributed to the strengthening of democratic practices in institutions on local levels. The target group has engaged in issues related to livelihood and protection of sacred sites and communal land. Partners have mobilized people and engaged key institutions in Borana and in Sheka, resulting in consultative and open decision making on resource management of communal land. An application for biosphere status for the Sheka forest is now sitting in UNESCO for approval. The introduction of participatory forest management in Borana has for example reduced deforestation and wild fires.

Although there seems to be room for engagement in capacity building and awareness-raising, and on mobilization on certain local issues, the recently implemented directive on administration of NGOs and charities, could challenge this in the near future. 30 % of the organizations’ budget can be used for administration, but the definition of administration includes activities such as strengthening organizational capacity and project follow up. It will be clear during 2012 how this will be enforced and if it will further narrow the space for civil society. The main civil society consortium in Ethiopia (in which NPA partners are members) has actively engaged in opposing the directive, but so far to no avail.

The first result shown in the matrix has been chosen because it actually document real success that may be sustainable.

Planned results

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Better system in 238,750 hectare Sheka forest land place for natural is now being considered by resource UNESCO as one of the world’s management biosphere reserves.

It was approved at all levels up to the federal level in Ethiopia.

A draft alternative Environmental Impact Assessment law, drafted by MELCA with the participation of local communities as well as law makers, local, regional and national parliamentarians is now sitting in the parliament to be approved.

Indicators and other relevant information Government reversed original decision to grant more than 3.000 ha for a tea plantation. The permit was reduced by two thirds (some 1.000 ha was already cleared) This happens after NPA partner Melca’s activities with government structures and competence building including information seminars and group discussions on threats of deforestation, and after Melca has strengthened traditional institutions such as clan leader association and mapping of sacred sites 5.

Two clan leaders associations with now 400 members have been 5

Re also Report “Evaluation of NPA’s Development Programme in Ethiopia”

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registered as a legal entity.

Women’s capacity to deal with violence is strengthened on a personal level and when dealing with authorities

People demand and use their rights to vote and their right to public services

Clan leaders have been designated around 300 sacred and cultural forest sites and have negotiated community protection and legal recognition by the local government body for these sites.

The extent of rape and sexual harassment has been reduced in the target school compound in 2011 as compared to the project start-up period in 2008.

Baseline and project end period survey show e.g. that rape is reduced from 9.1% in 2008 to 2.5% in 2011.

Sexual and physical harassments from teachers and students have decreased from 13, 2 % in 2008 to 2,5 in 2011.

Men and women in 28 districts in Amhara, SNNPR and Oromia regions attended teachings, trainings and meetings on basic principles of democratic practices, elections and human rights

NPAs partner AWSAD, runs a women shelter, and disseminated iinformation and organized seminars, group discussions on gender based violence among teachers, students, school administrators, police officers and parents.

The project ended at the end of 2009 The goal of this project was no longer in line with the new legislation and ENWYAY choose not to continue and ended the contract with NPA.

In 2008 MELCA gave a Para-legal training on environmental laws and cultural and human rights for 35 community members including youth, women and clan leaders for Masha and Anderacha woreda of Sheka Zone. The training was meant to enhance the awareness of these members of the community regarding their cultural, environmental and human rights.

These members of the community reached and shared the idea they got from the training with about 17.930 fellow community members.

Following these, MELCA organized training on national and international environmental laws, culture and human right for law enforcement and justice organs as well as those in the administrative position of Masha Woreda. The purpose of these trainings were to enlighten these organs with national and international laws dealing with environmental issues, cultural rights and make them aware of the challenges relating to the implementation of the environmental impact assessment law of the country.

Furthermore consultation meetings with the local government organs continued on the value of conserving the forest of Sheka and the different strategies that can be used to that end.

Triggered by these consecutive trainings and consultative meetings, the community of Masha Woreda demanded the forestland granted to East Africa Group for investment in tea plantation should be reversed as it has adverse effect on the forest and livelihood of the community. Through their repeated strive their voice gets the ears of decision makers. Then this idea of the community was supported by the local government organs and resulted in the stopping further of expansion of the tea plantation.

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The East African Group was originally given a permit granting them 3.435 hectares of forestland for their tea plantation. By the time the community demanded reversal of the investment agreement the East African group has already cleared about 1000 hectares of forestland and planted tea on it.

So, the group was ordered by the relevant government organ to restrict its investment to the land it has already planted and to stop further expansion. Accordingly, for over five years now, the company was not able to expand to the forest land and is producing tea from the land it has cultivated before the community demanded its expulsion from the area.

Beyond increasing community awareness and spurring political action on forest protection, MELCA-Ethiopia has also expanded the economic opportunities available in non-timber forest products (like honey, spices, animal fattening etc). This is an effort to replace income from charcoal.

2.1.3 South Sudan The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between North and South Sudan was signed in January 2005. The CPA promised hope for a peaceful and democratic future of Southern Sudan with expectations for democratic nation building, wealth sharing and final retribution for the sacrifices of the past decade. On the 9th of July 2011 the Independence of South Sudan was celebrated to the undivided satisfaction of 98.8% of the South Sudanese people. However, the relationship between Sudan and South Sudan was and continues to be marred by lack of trust.

Insecurity in the border regions to Sudan has escalated, and inside South Sudan conflicts between neighboring communities over access to resources have been spurred on by a growing population, the impact of climate change, and environmental degradation. Cases where huge areas of land are been leased away to agricultural investors is on the rise (as documented in the report “The New Frontier” commissioned by NPA and launched in 2011), with the potential to increase conflicts over land. The need for emergency assistance rose throughout 2010 and 2011.

Considerable efforts have been made to build the capacity of GOSS institutions. The creation of decentralized government institutions takes time and is ongoing. The capacity in these new institutions is low and division of tasks between National and State level is not well defined. Many communities have still to see the improvements they expected when they celebrated independence and education and health indicators remain among the lowest in the world. The situation for women in the country side has not improved much, but on a political level there has been improvement with a higher representation of women in national and state parliament.

Civil society in Southern Sudan is still weak. It takes time for them to understand the oversight and advocacy role they need to play as a non-government actor. High costs in Juba, brain drain and few funding opportunities are challenges the organizations have to face. NPA partners are chosen based on dedication and constituencies more than on their capacity to write proposals. In some specific areas like oil and environment there has been total absence of possible partners to work with. We therefore reverted to be operational at the same time as we have tried to spark interest and capacity of individuals and organizations to work in these areas.

In the South Sudanese context the goal was translated into the following two program goals: • Southern Sudanese State co-operating partner organizations have developed legal frameworks, policy guidelines and institutional systems and capacity to implement, monitor and evaluate the policies and services they manage.

• Southern Sudanese non-State co-operating partner organizations have strengthened their capacity and those of their constituencies to advance and advocate women’s equal rights, combating Violence Against Women, advancing freedom of expression, access to information, access to natural resources, access to economic opportunities and efficient public services.

It is not possible to show all the good results and achievements that have been accomplished through this project. Therefore we have not included our gender and media activities, as they have

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been highlighted in previous year’s reporting. The successes have been achieved due to the flexibility of the long-term funding that allowed us to adjust activities to the needs in a very fluid and volatile environment.

We have included activities that show our involvement at community level but also activities supporting the development of the state institutions for the new nation. The only area where we failed to achieve expected result was with traditional authorities. In South Sudan they are very important actors, but there are also many challenges. In the case of Lakes state our support was hampered by local politics that paralyzed the work of the council.

Planned results Health Institutions run by NPA (Yei, Labone, Chukudum Hospitals) to become quality health institutions taken over and under state ministries of health within 2011 A viable and functional Lakes State Traditional Authority Council

To mitigate water and pasture related conflicts in Yirol West Guongbit and Longyier

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Yei Civil Hospital handed over to State ministry of health for Central Equatoria state (MOH/CES), and both Labone and Chukudum Hospitals to State Ministry of health for Eastern Equatoria state (SMOH/EEQ)

Indicators and other relevant information • Ministry of Health guidelines and systems introduced to NPA run hospitals • Increased Ministry budget allocations to the hospitals, • phased introduction of staff and assets, and HMIS indicated • State Ministries of Health continue to deliver health services to the populations in the catch up areas with improved mortality and morbidity rates Traditional Authority Council of Renovated premises for Traditional Lakes State has premises from Authority Council of Lakes State where to operate.

Functional Traditional Authority Council of Lakes State has not been accomplished.

Community harvesting water structure constructed and water management committees established.

Water is now available throughout the dry season.

Two community harvesting structure constructed

water

Two Water management committees established and empowered with skills 15 committee project trained.

members

from

each

Conflict over access to resources at the community level persists in South Sudan today, spurred on by a growing population, the impact of climate change, and environmental degradation. Thus, variation in long term rainfall patterns, flooding, drought, and changing dry season migratory movements have increased competition over limited water and vegetation cover supplies, causing tensions along resource relevant routes and access to water points. Towards contributing to conflict mitigation, in 2010 NPA RD/COREMAP piloted two community based water harvesting structures that are now proving to be a big success and popular among the communities of Abang and Gengeng Payams of Yirol West County.

During the implementation stage, the communities were mobilized and organized by the COREMAP team and two working committees of fifteen people each were selected from among the two communities of Abang and Gengeng. They were later trained by Acacia Consultants from Kenya on Project Management, Operation and Maintenance. Part of that training focused on maintenance of environmental sustainability in relation to the conservation of water dams. By-laws and Operation Manuals were developed through a participatory approach. Management officials were appointed from the cattle camps with the cattle camp leaders as the patrons. This made the

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projects fully community owned and managed. Local authorities were deliberately left out such that their role remains advisory to avoid domination and patronage.

Eight months down the line after the completion of the structures and training of the management committees, the good news is that with the onset of the rainy season, the structures have started filling up with Guongbit collecting a large amount and already in use. The cattle camp leader strongly indicated that “The water structure has not only enabled them to come back from the toic earlier than normal thereby avoiding further conflict over competition of water with the neighboring section but has also allowed them to carry out timely land preparation and planting. The returning of large herds of cattle from the Toich earlier than normal, eased heavy grazing pressure on the ecologically sensitive Toich area, thereby reducing environmental degradation due to overgrazing.

It is hoped that by the end of the rainy season, the amount of water in the dams will be enough to keep some members of the community permanently within these areas, and in essence the projects they suggested during training, ie, health facilities, schools, demonstration gardens, cattle clutch, village expansion and market center, would eventually be initiated by respective sectors.

2.1.4 Rwanda Since 2008 Rwanda has continued to rebuild and recover from the tragic consequences of the 1994 genocide which left up to 800,000 people dead and almost 2 million accused of complicity in the killings and/or other violent crimes. The Government of President Paul Kagame (re-elected in 2010 with 93% of the vote), although often criticized as being ‘heavy handed’ and limiting the space for civil society participation, has made considerable progress in the fields of development, delivery of public services, health, and the economy. Similarly it has developed and implemented legislation that, at least on paper, promotes social inclusion and equality for all its citizens. Many CSOs which originally were created to provide service delivery have evolved and adopted governance and accountability issues as their main areas of intervention. Arguably, and still within the frames of self-censorship, partners are careful not to fall out of favor with the authorities. At the same time they appear to embrace any opportunity to engage in more political matters affecting the communities and constituents they represent.

It is fair to state that CSOs in Rwanda - although still struggling to find their niche and capacity for intervention – have made great leaps in line with the program goal, in organising themselves and the communities they represent to demand greater transparency and accountability from their elected leaders. This, of course, must be measured within the Rwanda context which traditionally has not had a culture of open participation by its citizens.NPA’s partners have - over the years demonstrated a growing confidence and ability to publically tackle issues that previously would have not been allowed due to fear of repercussions. As these organizations mature and perhaps are given more freedom to operate in, it is highly likely that they will strengthen their ability to mobilize communities with a view to exerting more influence on the decision-making processes that affect their lives.

It is evident from the formulation of the program goal “Civil society organizations representing or voicing the causes of excluded and under-represented groups have ability and capacity to mobilize effectively for democratisation, justice and social and economic change” that the ambition, as reported in 2010, was set too high to realistically achieve. Therefore, the program concentrated its efforts around activities that would generate achievable results in three results areas. The matrix below shows that this adjustment contributed to a highly positive development, indicating that the partnering CSOs have – over the course of the last four years – legitimately promoted and represented the interests of their constituents; often under-represented or excluded groups. This can be noted by their successes in sensitizing communities on VaW and mobilizing representative groups in a coordinated manner with local authorities to reduce the causes and consequences of VaW.

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Planned results COPRWA, AJPRODHO, Tubibe Amahoro, and ADTS mobilize communities, raise awareness and strengthen capacities towards a coordinated approach to combat violence against women

COPRWA, AJPRODHO, Tubibe Amahoro, and ADTS have increased their capacity to promote and strengthen democratic rights and to work effectively with local communities and with authorities to influence development in favor of excluded and underrepresented groups Women and youth at local level are more effectively represented in decision-making processes and participate actively and effectively to ensure good governance and good management of resources in their 6

Main achieved (or not achieved) results

Indicators and other relevant information6 • 7 district level GBV network established to coordinate No anti GBV stakeholders (government, CSOs, community network existed representatives) joint initiatives aimed at combating before 2008. gender based violence such as the campaign of 16 days of activism against GBV. • 225 Ending Violence (EDV) associations established at the community level in all the 9 districts primarily to combat domestic violence • 12 community animators (community based identified individuals to represent EDV associations at district level) and 140 focal points (EDV associations representatives at Cell level) trained to sensitize community members and coordinate village level activities aimed at combating GBV. • More than 6 000 members of EDV associations in 10 districts have been sensitized on anti GBV policies and laws • Local authorities include anti GBV activities in their performance contracts and reports • 250,000 individuals reached and sensitized through community meetings and sensitization campaign, • 63 EDV associations trained on anti GBV drama and sketches with message to fight gender based violence • Organized and functioning 1,654 groups in 6 districts Before October (Karongi, Ngororero, Musanze, Burera, Nyagatare and 2009 no VSL Kayonza) comprising 49,139 people group existed • 49,139 people increased daily earnings. Members got 6,777 sheep; 786 goats; 16 cows; 55 pigs; 135 mattresses; 1,390 members paid annual medical insurance.

• 828 VSL groups managed to access funding from financial institutions • Approximately 1,500 of previously marginalized people (340 women) are included in communities events

More women from VSL groups have been elected to No baseline decision making positions at Village, Cell and Sector data available level: 93 in women council at village level, 31 at Cell level; 12 at Sector level. 45 have been elected as Cell leaders.

Source of information: internal NPA monitoring reports; partner reports

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favor Tubibe Amahoro Association (TA) was initiated by a group of 30 enthusiasts, most of them women, in 2000. 5 years later, in 2005 they entered into partnership with NPA. Through learning by doing and the NPA’s capacity building program, TA has grown into being an important change agent promoting gender equality working with ending domestic violence projects and promoting the forming of village saving and loan (VSL) associations at grass root level in several districts in Rwanda. For Mrs Marie Claire Mukabishaka the most significant capacity building support from NPA has been the development of TA’s strategic plan and the VSL project. “The guidance in making the strategic plan help us to have a clear vision on what has to be done and how to do it” She reaches for the document and holds it in her hands while continuing talking: “Whenever there are funds available (whatever the source), we do not have to scratch from our heads to find what to do, we have a document from where to look”. Mari Claire puts the strategic plan back on the shelf and picks up a picture. Her laughter is filling the room. “Look at this picture; it is from one of the walls in the house of Christine Kankindi, a woman who is benefitting from the VSL project. Before joining the association, Christina had neither house nor land to cultivate. To survive, she was working on other people’s land for small amounts of money to buy basic food. Presently, Christine has her own house and one goat; she is able to pay school fees for her children and health insurance for her family. Marie Claire’s smile comes however back when she generalizes TA’s success story: “The VSL project helped many vulnerable people, the majority of them women, to overcome poverty problems and gain respect from fellow villagers. “When we in Tubibe Amahoro hear their stories, we feel very proud that we did something tangible and relevant to address people’s livelihood issues” 2.1.5 Tanzania Tanzania has since 2000 been characterized by a steady increase in the headroom provided for civil society to act as a democratic corrective. And the ensuing space has been enthusiastically embraced and filled by media and political opposition parties. There are challenges – both legal ((example the NGO Act from 2004) and socio-economic (example the tensions surrounding land investment). However, the tendency is very clear that the CCM dominance is a thing of the past.

The ruling party CCM is under pressure to kickstart political reforms. However, there is internal resistance within the CCM itself to this. CCM is just now in part affected by deep conflicts which are basically between old party stalwarts and upcoming young politicians. Some key issues that are pertinent to the NPA program focus on democracy and land rights that have come up (and which will probably continue to come up) are: 1. There is a need to review the constitution. This has been the subject of much debate in 2011.

And CCM has pledged to have a new constitution in place by 2014 – in advance of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2015. Some of the issues debated so far have been a need to limit presidential powers, introduce electoral reforms and allow independent candidates to stand for parliament as well as president. A referendum will be called once this has been approved by parliament.

2. There have been major gas discoveries. Tanzania has emerged as a key player in Africa's energy sector, with amongst other STATOIL recently announcing new gas discoveries. The institutions to manage this are still weak. Though there are some small positive signs – the tax reform on mineral resources has resulted in an increasing pressure on some of the mining companies to pay more tax to Tanzania (30% corporate tax). However, we see that many companies are resisting this. The present level is 4% (raised from 3% to 4% in 2010). In this regard the implementation of key regulatory institutions e.g. the Land Acts and the Wildlife Bill will be important as finds of mineral resources and large external investments will increase the pressure on land.

The NPA Tanzania program has had an overall objective of promoting the ability and space for oppressed people – especially women, young people and those in marginal livelihoods – to have secured representation in governance processes and to secure an allocation of natural resources

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which is more environmentally sustainable. Through the program period we have seen – as also indicated above – that the space for civil society to act as a democratic corrective has steadily improved. Based on the NPA partner reports the NPA sees that oppressed or marginalized groups are better able to mobilize and organize to secure access to and control of resources they need in order to sustain and improve their livelihoods, and to gain better representation in public and policy debate. A couple of examples of this are listed below that show results from the cooperation agreement as well as the strategic partnership.

Planned results

M ain achieved (or not achieved) results

Indicators and other relevant information 7

Cooperation Agreement As a consequence of NPA’s engagement, partners have substantially improved key aspects of their organizations, accountability and operation compared with a baseline mapping in early 2008.

As part of this a review8 was implemented on EMIMA. The review conclusions included: - - EMIMA constitution too broad and lacks clarity -The vision outlined in the constitution is a general statement and lacks action.

-There is weak linkage between EMIMA and its broader Constituency (Young boys and Girls).

- The EMIMA board did not function as a necessary corrective to the executive leadership.

As a consequence decision making processes are too centralized.

East Africa Cup has become a fulcrum for networking, showcasing of sport/development approaches and promoting the participation of young men and women in building their communities.

The review findings were shared with other donors (UK Sports and Norwegian National Sports Council). Subsequent dialogues with EMIMA between all three donors and EMIMA failed in the respect that EMIMA did not take any action on crucial administrative challenges relating to financial management and activity implementation. As a consequence all donors withdrew their support.

Strategic Partnership: Young People’s Right to Participate will be advanced through the development of networks that use sports as a gateway for young people to wider participation, confidence in society, and control over lives.

The EAC has provided a platform on which many organizations and institutions participate. BBC is there with media training. The global Kicking Aids Out network uses the EAC as the hub for the training in methods and leadership development. Right to Play uses the EAC as a major platform for showcasing their “abilities first” program and networking. UK Sports uses this as the major platform for their focus on community coaching methods and gender awareness within the sports sector. The list is long… In recognition of this the EAC was given the award for the “Best global sports event for peace of 2011” by the prestigious Peace and Sport forum based in Monaco.

Approx. 2000 youth in the age brackets Under 13 and Under 16 from 8 countries (South Sudan, Zimbabwe, Zambia,

7

EAC: Information in local and regional media. On UCRT/Hadza, re for instance http://www.dorobofund.org/dorobo-fund-journal; Equator Initiative nomination 2008; http://www.survivalinternational.org/news/7859 8 Review of the Partnership between EMIMA and the Norwegian Peoples Aid in Tanzania, July 2008

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Burundi, Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda) participated in the East Africa Cup 20|11. The gender ratio was a remarkable 50/509 Cooperation Agreement: Oppressed groups reached by the programme have more power to demand secure access to the land on which they depend (women, pastoralists, indigenous groups and the poor).

The Wildlife Bill was amended in 2009. The bill now reflects the needs and rights of the communities in the areas around the national parks and reserves.

The major indicator is the text of the amended Bill. This was achieved through the coordinated efforts of amongst other NPA partners TNRF, the Policy Forum and UCRT. We have also seen the impact of this in specific cases regarding certain marginal groups e.g. the Maasai in the Loliondo case and the Hadza land titling (see elaboration below). The UCRT role in the securing of land titles for the Hadza has been especially remarkable – and would not have been possible without the legal space provided by the Wildlife Bill and relevant land acts.

The recent land titling of two parcels of land totaling 23,304 HA in the Hadza name illustrates the achievements. One of the very few hunter-gatherer tribes in East Africa celebrated a remarkable recognition of its land rights in 2011. The land titles for 23,304 Ha were formally handed over at a special ceremony October 2011 in the Hadza community of Domanga.

This is the first time that a Tanzanian government has formally recognized a minority tribe’s land rights. In the hand over the government signaled that they have resolved that the Hadza should be given official title deeds to ensure that the country’s last hunter-gatherers are not troubled by landhungry-invaders, particularly in the wake of scramble for land.

This unique agreement was amongst other facilitated by the NPA partner Ujamaa Community Resource Trust (UCRT). Over the last few years, the Hadza were outnumbered by immigrants and lost political control of the village. This necessitated a new strategy to give the Hadza some control over a remnant of their historical land. With careful maneuvering within the political and legal context, UCRT was able to facilitate the issuance of land title of these village zones to the Hadza as a community with the designated use restricted to conservation and traditional use by the Hadza for hunting and gathering. The Dorobo Fund provided strategic support for this process throughout with Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) providing core support in the last several years augmented by support from The Nature Conservancy (TNC) in the final phases.

2.1.6 Angola The NPA`s program has been carried out in an atmosphere of great transformations at political, economic and social level. The first general elections since 2002 was held in 2008, economic growth has been explosive since the war ended in 2002, and social and legal reforms were under development. Civil society organizations had special focus on the development of non-oil sectors like securing the approval of the Law on domestic violence, implementation of the new strategies for food security, poverty alleviation, the Decentralization and the Education for All program. The 2008 elections lead to an even greater concentration of power to the ruling party MPLA. The opposition remains weak and fragmented and suffers by internal conflicts, but is now mobilizing for the parliamentarian elections expected in 2012. After a tough economic downturn during the 2008 international monetary crisis, the economic growth is recovering, but with large credits from China and IMF. It is subject to repeated criticism that redistribution in Angola is among the most inefficient in the world. Government policies do not encourage the decentralization of funds, and the majority of the people see very little benefits from the strong economic growth. There has been a significant increase in forced evictions and demolition of houses in urban areas and various attempts to land grabbing in rural areas. There has been an increase in reactions from the targeted population in 9

EAC: Information in local and regional media.

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urban and rural areas, and NPA partners, both women and men, have been directly involved in reporting, disseminating findings, protesting and advocating both nationally and internationally.

NPA partners were also actively involved in the anti-government demonstrations that mobilized youth groups in protesting against illegal detentions of civil society activists, and made public announcements about the illegal procedures of the legal organs. There is a close relation between the partners and their activities under this agreement, the Strategic partnership and the Oil for development. During the period, the program has been working systematically towards the objective set initially. Only 10 years have passed since the civil war ended in Angola and the process to develop a democratic society is still young. NPA`s partners in particular have strengthened their capacity to organize internally and to mobilize the population in the targeted areas, and have also contributed to a closer cooperation in civil society in Angola, i.e in organizing a national annual CS conference.

The results below are representative of results in areas where the partners have been working systematically on various levels, putting pressure on and influencing public policies and practice.

The partners have supported grass root mobilization, coordinated activities through network cooperation, and contributed to raise the general level of knowledge of citizen`s rights on key human rights like women`s rights and land rights.

Planned results Selected civil society organizations have acquired the skills and competences to actively identity pro-poor policy formulation opportunities, influence decisions and monitor its implementation

Women and men in rural communities have a better understanding of their rights to access land, and are mobilizing to demand their

Main achieved (or not achieved) results 1.1. A national food security and nutrition strategy drawn and approved with contributions of CSOs, and adopted as part of the poverty alleviation strategy.

Information on the strategy disseminated to local communities and debated in public media.

Indicators and other relevant information.

1.2. The national budget 2010 increased the allocation for education, health and agriculture sectors.

1.3. ASBC and CHOFA were selected by the Provincial government of Kwanza Sul to monitor the Lifestock Credit System for rural development.

1.3.

NPA partners are recognized as partners and counselors to various government and public institutions within their thematic areas, and are taking leading roles in professional networks and associations nationally and internationally

GLIF, PMA and FMJIG serves as counselors to the Ministry of Family and Women.

1.1. 20 CSOs had 4 conferences and one workshop on food security in Luanda, Benguela, Huambo, Malanje,Huila and Kwanza Sul 1.2. 30 members of CS, coordinated by ADRA, influenced the budget by submitted suggestions that members of parliament confirmed was important inputs for the 2011 budget

Forum Terra is widely consulted upon land issues.

Rede Juvenil is a collaborator of the public hospital Cajueiro in hiv-issues.

Rede Eleitoral is counselor to municipal Administrators 2.1.Rural population in 2.1. 35 land conflicts were identified, Kwanza Sul effectively protect documented and brought to the traditional themselves against land and formal courts and authorities of Kwanza grabbing Sul, Huambo and malanje for action. Three were satisfactory resolved at municipal level and the others by traditional authorities.

2.1.Dissemination campaigns on the land law reached out to 800 communities in

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rights and participate in the management of land and resources needed to secure their livelihood.

Kwanza Sul (Amboim, Conda, Kibala, Cela and Cassongue municipalities), reaching 15 200 persons, 43% women and 57 % men.

The campaign was led by Forum Terra 2.1.A study on land conflicts was made in 5 provinces (Kwanza Sul, Huambo, Huila, Benguela and Malanje) and presented on a national conference on land rights (ADRA 2010)

Salomão is a small village in the province of Kwanza Sul. The villagers had been cultivating their land for a long time, when one day a foreigner, Mr. Cabral, showed up and claimed that the land belonged to him as son of a former owner.

The people of Salomão understood that they were facing a land conflict, and they knew what to do.

They had been trained by Forum Terra, a network of organizations working with land issues in Kwanza Sul, and a partner to NPA. Forum Terra had trained specific members of the village to teach the Land Law to the rest of the villagers by means of short summaries of the Law, cartoons explaining conflict resolution, and other material. Forum Terra had also assisted the village in creating a core group on land rights.

The community called a meeting between Mr. Cabral, the Soba (village chief) and the core group trying to resolve the dispute via dialogue, but Mr. Cabral kept insisting that the land belonged to him and that the villagers had no right to cultivate it.

The core group then brought the case to the Municipal Administration, which called a new meeting with the involved parts. With the law in hand, the Administration finally managed to convince Mr. Cabral that the villagers of Salomão are the legal owners of the land.

2.1.7 Mozambique Mozambique remains one of the world’s poorest countries, despite an economic growth of about 7% over many years. The poverty is rooted in the country history of colonization and civil war, but has continue being stable at national level with 52% of the households living under the poverty line10. This shows that economic growth only benefits a few privileged families and it is reasonable to believe these few are close to the political power.

Mozambique’s public administration is politicized and the unclear division between party and State does not only raise democratic question marks, but it also ties all socio-economic development processes to politics under control of the ruling party elites and the people close to them. Being close to the political power holds the key to link up with foreign capital and gain access to resources without too many bureaucratic checks and balances11. Civil servants are often senior party members’ and have interests in companies and concessions processes. The Right to Use and Profit of the Land (DUAT) process has benefited foreign companies and national elites at the cost of local rural communities. In a situation where the communities have little knowledge of their rights and are unfamiliar with the land laws, the national elites and their partners often do as they like. Moreover, opening up to private investors in order to attract large investments (mega-projects such as we have seen in Tete) has created land conflicts and need for resettlement of affected population groups. Women are strongly underrepresented or fully excluded in the land and natural resources consultation processes. Such consultations are often held with community leaders only, and in many cases, prior informal meetings have been held to ensure favourable outcome for investors12. Women especially feel the main negative impacts of the decisions made.

Our partners are affiliated to UNAC and the peasant movement represent 87000 small scale and subsistence farmers and their communities. More than half of their constituencies are women. The program has contributed to strengthen their ability and capacity to mobilize their constituencies and Household Budget Survey (IOF) from 2008, published in 2010/11 CIP, 2010 12 Op.cit 10 11

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to build alliances against the injustices described above. Our partners have defended the interests of their communities at local, district and provincial levels and have become more visible as actors.

They are active in public meetings and campaigns, and use legal tools such as land and natural resources laws and its regulations to claim and protect their rights. They have gained small, but significant victories that benefit both men and women, including become recognized as representatives of the small scale farmers by government authorities, private sector and civil society organizations. This program has held a high focus on achieving gender equality goals and we see positive changes in rural women’s ability to speak out in meetings and take leadership roles in their organization. However, leadership especially at top level is still male dominated and there continue to be weaknesses regarding partners’ capacity to address rural women’s needs.

The results below are representative of the focus of the program and partners achievements.

Planned results Men and women in UNAC’s associations claim their rights when threatened by investors or other people who exploit their land and natural resources

Main achieved (or not achieved) results In partners’ constituencies (rural communities in Niassa, Tete and Cabo Delgado) men and women have information on land laws and rights, where to access relevant assistance and legal support, and how to proceed in case of dispute. They bring their claims forward and use our partners to solve conflicts and negotiate settlements.

Result examples: Seven court verdicts in favor of the claimants, one case – 177 resettled people in the resettlement centres of Cateme and Muanza, Tete against the Brazilian company (Vale do Rio) still pending.

Partners work for women’s and youth participation in public

Authorities recognize the ability and capacity of our partners and deal with the claims that they put forward Three women’s commissions in UNAC`s (UPCT, UCA and UPCCD) established and functioning. Compared to earlier, women express

Indicators and other relevant information13 Four partners trained 5.902 members (4.279 men & 1.623 women) in laws and regulations on land, forestry and rights Two partners mediated in and brought 8 land conflicts in Niassa (5) and Tete (3) to court.

UNAC allied with Justicia Ambiental and did a study on land grabbing financed by NPA14 . The study is being used as monitoring and advocacy tool: • Trained seven provincial unions on mapping • Informed 243 people - farmers, civil society organizations and government officials in Maputo, Cabo-Delgado, Tete and Niassa – about the findings Tete Provincial government revised its resettlement strategy. It will not allow companies to resettle households in "type 1" houses and has stated that not observing legal procedures on compensation is not acceptable15. Agreement between UCA and Provincial Department of Agriculture in Niassa; District administration in Maravia requested UPCT to capacitate associations for district development fund eligibility; Number of small-scale farmers’ representatives in district consultative councils in Cabo-Delgado province increased from 1 in 2010 to 15 in 2011.

1.469 women (aged from 20 to 60) from more than 250 small-scale farmers associations in Tete, Niassa, Cabo Delgado, Manica and Sofala provinces trained in Women Can Do It techniques.

In 2011, 398 of the 16 23 women trained in land

13

Sources of information: Reports from partners show disaggregated data including qualitative and quantitative gender analysis information (UPCT, UCA, UPCD AND ORAM-Manica). NPA field visits. Mid-term Evaluation report 2010 14 Op.cit 15 Noticias, 2nd February, 2012

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decisionmaking bodies

themselves more freely in their organizations/ associations and communities, organize group discussions on women’s access to land in their communities, access positions and/or exercise leadership within their associations, organizations as well as in local forums.

laws and rights organised 7 sessions in their communities, sharing their knowledge with 270 people End of 2011, women constituted 28% of the leaders in partners’ constituencies. Ex: In Changara district consultative council, Tete, the number of elected women increased from 6 (2008) to 30 (2011). They represent administrative posts, villages and provincial assemblies.

One WCDI trainer is chief of Malowera administrative post, Tete. She mobilizes women to be in consultative councils.

2.1.8 South Africa The world economic recession hit South Africa hard, especially the groups of people who could no longer afford the ever increasing price of basic commodities such as food, rent, electricity and quality healthcare. Social inequality has increased and unemployment estimates range from 25% to 40%, far above the government’s target of 15%. 70% of black youth are unemployed. This has led to disgruntlement and waves of service delivery protests around the country regularly, especially in the vast, poverty-stricken townships and informal settlements surrounding South Africa’s cities. They remain a potential source of political instability, but are also the social base of organizations that mobilize against the injustices.

The government set a number of targets, including the settlement of all land claims by the end of 2008 and the ambitious transfer of 30% of agricultural lands to small scale farmers by 2013.

Concerns about the slow pace of Land Reform and rural development are mounting and only 6% of land has so far been redistributed. The process of redistribution has very few success stories.

Various factors have led to disagreements and splits between small scale farmers moving in. In some cases the farmers are not allowed to settle on their new land and have to stay far away. In other cases the land is redistributed, but the water rights are not included.

Program implementation has been in accordance with the goals “NPA’s partners are organised collectively to address inequality in their communities” and “demand democratic control of power and resources in South Africa”. The social organizations that NPA has worked with during this period have taken part in the social protests, claiming changes in governance and resource distribution. However, while these partners organized actions, coordinated campaigns against inequalities and voiced their demands, their results vary and mostly limited to small victories in their constituencies. The 5 Rand campaign reported last year is case in point. Overall, the social organizations struggle with internal challenges, including young and untrained leadership and financial management, and are not able to agree on longer term strategies, policies and alliances for wider impact. NPAs partnerships with the APF and Soweto Concerned Residents were short lived. APF was reported in 2009 while Soweto Concerned Residents was terminated last year due to mismanagement of funds and internal split in spite of close dialogue and considerable management training in 2010 (report 2008-2010).

On the other hand, the program did succeed in identifying and working with organizations that use more methodical approaches and have strategies that link issues on the ground to policy work.

TCOE has been working on documenting the few successes and a larger number of failures experienced so far in the area of land reforms and brought these lessons learnt into the planning of new redistribution projects. On policy level, TCOE uses their experience to influence political processes and the national budget that to a large degree still favour medium and large scale farmers at the cost of small farmers. For instance, TCOE were active in linking small scale farmers, including rural women to civil society activities working to influence national positions to the climate conference COP 17 in Durban.

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The last year also saw strong civil society mobilization against the Protection of State and Information Bill that has been widely criticized for undermining the Promotion of Access to Information Act. NPAs partners were among the organizations that came out strongly against it through the Right to Know Campaign (R2K). This campaign also received direct, minor financial support from this program.

The results in the matrix below have been selected from the country report because they illustrate what has so far been achieved by partners who have strategic approaches, influence policy processes and build strong social movements, capacitating in particular rural women and young people to do policy work and leadership.

Planned results NPA’s CBO’s partners’ capacity and work to solve their problems is strengthened. It is expected that by linking up with professional organisations to share experience and resources CBOs who struggle to solve local problems like housing, water and land resource will have learning that they can use to demand change.

NPA’s partner17 has increased capacity to coordinate joint actions for youth rights irrespective of their age, sex, race and nationality

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Communities in two district municipalities , the Breede River and Overburg Valley in the Western Cape challenged their municipalities to implement The 1998 National Water Act which obliges the government (through municipalities) to introduce fair water distribution and address past racial discrimination regarding access to water.

Main indicators and other relevant information16 TCOE worked with and trained community based organisations in Cape and Limpopo: • Information on legislative and other aspects related to land, housing and water disseminated to and discussed by men and women in the communities • Seminar on water rights held in Palaborwa, Limpopo on the 22nd November 2011 • TCOE carried out case studies on the impact of lack of access to water within its associations • Roadshow on Green Paper Commonage arranged

Four youth organisations in Western Cape, Gauteng and the North West have made their organisations more visible within their communities

Workers World Media Production worked with and trained youth groups: • The Progressive Youth Movement continues to operate independently of WWMP and to make use of local media to highlight their campaigns.

• WWMP Youth organisations use skills learnt at media training workshops to build and strengthen their organisations and their struggles • WWMP initiated the National Youth Network consisting of youth from the Western Cape, Gauteng and the North West.

• Amaza Youth organisation in Strand, Cape Town continues to meet regularly (every Tuesday and Thursday).

2.1.9 Zimbabwe In 2008 the opposition won the national elections. However, they were denied the right to form a government of their own. Hence, a negotiated settlement (Global Political Agreement) was made 16

Sources of information: Past NPA reports; Partner’s Annual Reports, Mid-term Evaluation Report 2010; meetings/field visits, emails, case stories/interviews with beneficiaries 17 Due to the increased problem with immigration of people, and particularly young people from Zimbabwe after 2008, it was later decided to include WWMP as partner. Originally the text was: “NPA’s partner SAYVON has increased capacity to coordinate joint actions for youth rights in Limpopo and nationally irrespective of their age, sex, race and nationality”.

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between ZANU PF and the two MDC parties, and a Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed. With the creation of the GNU it was hoped that political reforms would start and that power would be equally shared amongst the three main political parties (ZANU PF and the two MDCs).

However, despite the formation of the GNU, there was no meaningful change to policies.

Repressive policies such as the Access to Information and Protection of privacy Act (AIPPA), the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA), the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Act, the Official Secrets Act continue to affect the rights of citizens to gather without police clearance or else face terrorism and treason charges.

After the land reform process the land went mainly to the ZANU PF elites who had been fighting people out of their farms. Particularly in Shamva the communities were mainly commercial farm workers who are now residing on the farms which today belong to the ‘new farmers’. They live on less than 1 US$ a day and they have terrible working conditions. Hence, many have resorted to gold panning.

The goal “Organized men and women in civil society mobilize to influence policies, decisions and practices that affect them” was achieved as all the 12 partners that work at the national level with human rights issues have maintained their presence. All the 12 partners, including CBOs, have managed to mobilize and organize communities at different levels (regional, national and grassroots) to engage with elected leaders at local and national levels and with traditional leadership to demand access to and control over resources. All the 12 partners have emerged stronger and better organized in their respective working environments The work and persistence of our partners and other actors, the voice of the people in the 2008 elections and later during the period has had an impact and contributed to change that Zimbabwe has experienced during the period. ‘A populace that defend democratic rights and the redistribution of power and resources have contributed to improve socio-economic and political order in Zimbabwe.’

ZimRights has been chosen as an example due to their outstanding ability to work with the membership and to bring their work with the membership to a national level. They have continued to highlight the inequalities that exist in Zimbabwe at a national level around resource distribution and around the issue of human rights. They have shown how they have been able to influence policies, decisions and practices at the local level in Shamva and Matziva, and how this has had a direct impact on the gold panners which again has set precedence at a national level. The other example, Women’s Trust, was chosen due to their unexpected negative results when it comes to visibility in the country. This was as a result of internal policies that lead to a minimized impact of the Women’s Trusts’ work at the national level.

Planned results NPA partners (12) that work on the national level with Human Rights have maintained their presence

Main achieved (or not achieved) results All 12 partners are working at national level on human rights.

For example, the following activities have had a national impact. It sent precedence at the national level.

Communities in Shamva and Madziva, through ZimRights, were made aware of their rights and they demanded access to mining resources within their communities. They took action against abuse from foreign mine owners on unfair working conditions: a) 7 workers who were prematurely dismissed from work took a Chinese company to court and got a compensation of US$ 15 970,61. b) In Shamva a community member

Indicators and other relevant information Nu and type of meetings, campaigns, networks, lobby and other activities that partners a) have organized and/or b) taken part in Nu and types of reports, information, articles and documents on partner’s core issues published and disseminated where and to whom.

For example 500 newsletters pr. year published and disseminated to the above communities on human rights issues affecting them Presence or lack of police

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lobbied against the police who had denied him pegging a mine on a government owned farm. He has now been granted the right to peg and to farm.

Between 10 and 12 NPA partners have improved their organization’s policies and practices.

Out of the 12 partners, 11 partners improved their organization’s policies and practices.

However, despite Women’s Trust’s sustainability (succession) plan one couldn’t foresee the consequences of handing over the position to a more junior staff with less experience and weight. This resulted in the lowering of the visibility of their programs at a national level. Women’s Trust’s space and work was taken over by other women’s bodies such as ZWLA and Women’s Coalition in Zimbabwe.

harassment recorded: For example due to shrinking CSO space, arrests and harassment of Zimrights’ 6 staff members arrested on yearly basis resulting in 24 arrests in 4 year. Despite these arrests Zimrights continued to operate Transparency and succession plans documented

ZimRights became a partner of NPA in 2008. NPA have in addition to financial support, supported ZimRight’s staff members with capacity building training in results-based management, lobbying and advocacy as well as monitoring and evaluation. For example the Director of ZimRights, Mr Okay Machisa has benefitted from NPA’s capacity building work and has attended all of NPA’s capacity building training workshops over the last four years. He has now become a fearless civic player in Zimbabwe, while raising the visibility of ZimRights as a critical voice in Zimbabwe’s civic movement. In 2010 and 2011 ZimRights led a national campaign against the holding of elections in Zimbabwe. Machisa took a photo exhibition of victims of electoral violence from the 2008 elections to the SADC Summit and to the African Union Summit in 2010. In 2011, he took the exhibition to the Human Rights Commission meeting in London and to other countries in Europe. In December 2011 Machisa’s house was vandalised by unknown assailants to intimidate him, but this has not stopped him and he is still heading ZimRights.

In 2009, ZimRights mobilised community action in Shamva which lobbied against a Chinese mining company that had not paid its workers’ wages for 11 months. The Chinese had sold the gold mill, where these seven workers had been employed, to another company and they brought their own staff. This left the seven unemployed and desperate. They attended a gold panners' workshop held

by ZimRights where they got a chance to present their case to the legal department. ZimRights took up the matter to the Ministry of Labour and their lobby efforts succeeded in getting USD$15,970.00 in compensation from the Chinese Co. 2.1.10 Cambodia The Parliamentary Elections in 2008 have consolidated the power of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which, with an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly, is capable to lead political changes without having to ask support from any of the (drastically reduced) smaller parties.

CPP keeps a strong grip on the political and economic developments of Cambodia with a steady trend towards further restrictions of the space for political debates.

A draft NGO/Association Law was released at the end of 2010 including very restrictive measures on freedom of association. CSOs have been able to mobilize and effectively advocate on the incumbent NGO Law which aims at reducing the political space for groups and organizations, this led to the Government to extend the consultation and suspend the issuing of the Law.

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Landlessness and inequalities in land holding are rapidly growing among both rural and urban people; landlessness is higher among female-headed families compared to male-headed ones.

Land grabbing and forced evictions remain a major problem in Cambodia.

Along with the increase of land grabbing events, we register an increase in the reactions from local communities subject to abuse of their land and housing rights. While most of the ’cases’ are still kept silent by efficient threats from military, police and private companies, there is a remarkable increase of reports of communities reacting and attempting to block forced evictions. The increase of the social mobilization on land rights is shown also by the sad and worrying increase of repression and violence against local communities affected by land conflicts.

CSOs and social movements become relevant actors, produce impacts in the process of redistribution of wealth and resources, and of political reforms both at the national and at the provincial levels.

The sets of results below have been selected from the larger country report because they well represent the degree to which the goal “CSOs and social movements become relevant actors, produce impacts in the process of redistribution of wealth and resources, and of political reforms both at the national and at the provincial levels”has been achieved. The results also present a picture of the difficulties and the ‘defeats’ faced by progressive CSOs when challenging the Cambodian political and economic system. For more results and details, please consult the NORAD Report 2008-10.

Planned results CSO regularly monitor and report relevant processes of political, social and economic transformation

Emerging and informal social networks are given access, representation and protection in relevant social, political and economic processes effecting local communities

Main achieved (or not achieved) results The Prime Minister publicly announced the delay in passing the very restrictive NGO law until it reaches consensus between CSOs and Govt. The NGO Law is however, still not being amended to more liberal and democratic standards.

A Political Campaign Finance Law NGO Working Group established in 2011 to draft the law submitted to the National Assembly. The draft was considered by four minority party, but rejected outright by the ruling party effectively blocking any further political process on the issue In Boeung Kak Lake (BKL) On 17th August 2011, the Prime Minister signed a sub-decree allowing 12.44 hectares to be distributed to the 800 families.

December 10th, 2011 254 families received land titles; December 23rd, 221 land titles were distributed.

94 families informed that they were excluded from the distribution of the 12.44 ha, mostly because of their activism during the campaigns.

Main indicators and other relevant information18 500 Civil Society Organizations at national and sub-national level participated the consultation meetings on the draft law with Ministry of Interior (MoI)

Analysis of Political Campaign Finance Law and practise in other countries (Afghanistan, Indonesia, Canada, France, England and USA) Drafting recommendations on political campaign finance law. (COMFREL) In September 2009, BKL families filed complaints to World Bank‘s (WB) Inspection Panel.

In May 2011, the WB supported the BKL residents and decided to pressure the RGC by cancelling the support to land title project.

89 advocacy meetings to help communities facing evictions organised by NGOs (HRTF, STT, BABC, and NGO Forum RAN)

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Sources of Information: partners’ Reports, NPA Staff direct observation, Government Letters, Media Reports, Election Reports

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Communities are provided sufficient protection in accessing existing basic resources of local livelihood and participate to local redistribution of strategic national resources

In Kos Krolor District (Battambang Province) 180 hectares of Farm land were successfully reclaimed by communities in 8 villages.

Ongoing negotiations to reclaim 406 hectares

268 people (30% women) marched 320 km from Battambang to Phnom Penh to deliver complaints 8 demonstrations in Phnom Penh with the participation of 490 people (110 women).

198 demonstrations within the province of Battambang with 843 participated (465 women) Media reports Authorities agreed to provide land titles to the communities.

Boeung Kak Lake Development an astounding victory for most but still a struggle to go on for some 94 families left out from the 12.44 hectares promised by Prime Minister Hun Sen In 2007, The Royal Government of Cambodia agreed to lease Beoung Kak Lake for development to a private company called Shukaku Inc. which is owned by the ruling party (CPP) Senator Lao Menh Khing. The move has led to forced evictions of thousands of families. The families affected by the development have been offered 8,500 USD or a flat located 25 km from the centre of Phnom Penh. Many protests have been organized by the lakeside residents, most are women, against the local authorities to save their land and houses. Protesters mainly women, elderly, boys and girls were beaten arrested and detained in police station. It was a struggle that many thought was not even worth waging because the odds were stacked to highly against the people. But it proved what an organized, empowered and determined community is capable of achieving against the forces of unmitigated greed and power.

In a desperate last attempt, in September 2009, community representatives assisted by some organizations working against forced eviction (HRTF, STT, BABC), filed a complaint to the World Bank’s Inspection Panel, arguing that the 4,000 families facing eviction from their homes around Boeung Kak lake had been unfairly excluded from a Bank-funded land-titling project in 2007. The families were denied the protection of World Bank safeguard policies when their land was illegally leased to a private company. After a thorough and impartial investigation, the Inspection panel found that the Boeung Kak residents’ claims were valid. The Panel concluded that the World Bank’s failure to properly supervise the titling project made the Boeung Kak lake families more vulnerable to forced eviction.

World Bank President Robert Zoellick used the full extent of the Bank’s leverage to compel the Cambodian government to respect the rights of the Boeung Kak residents. Finally, after ignoring the community’s plight for years, on August 17, 2011, Prime Minister Hun Sen issued a decree carving 12.44 hectares out of the development zone to be assigned to the remaining 800 families.

It was known later that some 94 families are still left out from this deal.

Here is the story of Ms. Heng Mom a woman activist in Boeung Kak Lake Ms. Heng Mom is one activist from the Boeung Kak lake region. She is forty-one years old and has been living in Boeung Kak since 1993. She has one daughter aged 16. Her husband used to be a policeman and she used to be a grocer. The controversial development of Boeung Kak has affected her life. She said there was no consultation with the affected families, there was no news on the development on first hand and the compensation was imposed to all. She was given like others 8,500 USD or a flat 25 km away from Phnom Penh. This made her angry at how her government wanted to treat her family. Without nobody to turn to, she and her husband decided to join other residents in their protests to get onsite development. “I keep struggling to live on my land, in my house and keep my small business in the city, otherwise my family will be drowning in poverty,’ said Ms. Heng Mom. As a result of her struggle, her husband has lost his job as a policeman. “Now we only earn about $1,000 a year. I am happy to see that most of the families protesting have got their land back but for me I am still left out of the deal. I will continue to protest and I want to know why, what are the

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reasons to exclude me and some other 94 families from the 12.44 hectares of land promised. I have all the required documents including ID card, wedding card but still they deny my rights as a resident of Boeung Kak lake.� “In 2008 national election, the local authorities promised us that if the CPP wins the election, nobody will be evicted from Boeung Kak Lake. After the election, they forgot their promise. We all have learned a lesson, but we are now stronger, we understand our force when we get together and we will continue to stand up together, there is still a long battle ahead.�

2.1.11 Palestine In Palestine the period 2008-2011 has been characterised by the consolidation of the occupation, war and blockade on the Gaza Strip, and the political split between two Palestinian authorities.

There has been little meaningful political process between Israel and the PLO. The occupation has been deepened in the form of increased number and expansion of Israeli settlements, the construction of the wall, and the blockade on the Gaza Strip. The rights of the Palestinians to make use of their own resources are increasingly being violated. The 2008/9 war on the Gaza Strip devastated both humans and already worn out infrastructure. A slight ease in the tight blockade after the war has not solved problems of construction, power supply, water and sewage, and production facilities.

The split between Fatah and Hamas and between West Bank and Gaza has been entrenched during the period. The split has weakened the Palestinians in the face of the outside world, has led to the institutionalization of two separate authorities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and has resulted in serious pressure on civil and political freedoms of people and organizations, with increased control over NGOs and INGOs. Reconciliation efforts between Fatah and Hamas have so far not yielded tangible results.

Palestinian civil society organizations have increasingly found themselves stuck between a rock and a hard place. Freedom of association has been limited. A large number of NGOs have been closed either by Israeli authorities or by the two governments in the West Bank including East Jerusalem or the Gaza Strip. Freedom of expression has been critical as well. One example: on the 16th of March 2011, hundreds of students gathered at Al-Azhar University with raised Palestinian flags calling for an end to political division, but persons wearing civilian clothes and carrying sticks and clubs broke into the campus and indiscriminately beat and insulted students.

Media is generally prevented from covering such events.

Nonetheless, many civil society actors have managed to maintain their position and to avoid becoming part of the political division. However, they have neither been able to counteract the division or to contain it, nor have they made significant progress to the seemingly impossible task of ending the occupation. The NPA program intended to contribute to a free and Democratic Palestinian Society with focus on the right to organize and a fair distribution of resources. It is difficult to establish the impact of the NPA program on Palestinian civil society as a whole. In relation to the program goal of strengthening Palestinian civil society actors in their struggle for an independent and democratic civil society, it is possible to establish from several partner experiences that civil society actors have been able to play an effective role and expand their reach. The example of PNGO and freedom of association in Gaza is highlighted, and PNGO as an umbrella has also increased its membership from 98 members in 2007 to 127 members in 2011.

There are a large number of organized farmers and workers committees and the participation of women in these is considerable. Despite difficulties, organizations have been able to move policies and practises, and can show results in their areas of work.

The selected results show some of the key partners and processes from the program period. For the program as a whole, on a project level most planned results were achieved. Four partnerships were phased out or terminated during the period, one due to corruption (Al-Majed, refer to separate communication to Norad). The work of other partners has complemented or replaced the work of these organizations with regards to program goals. Due to a non-functional Palestinian Legislative Council and the political division, work on improved representation of social groups ( youth and women) in politics, and lobbying for new and improved legislation were not implemented as

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planned. This is reflected in the matrix below regarding trade union legislation. The program was adapted to the circumstances with several partners and shorter term initiatives focusing on reconciliation.

Planned results Work place committees effectively promote freedom of association and the right to organize without restrictions for male and female workers in the occupied Palestinian territories

Civil society organizations and other institutions have acquired knowledge and professional skills in administration, finance, media, lobbying and advocacy in their respective field of work and have emphasised the on human rights situation within the Palestinian society.

Assist and help women who are victimized by violence and raised public awareness on this issue.

Main achieved (or not achieved) results A larger than expected increase in organized work place committees, with increased membership.

Women are taking a lead to a large extent.

Effectiveness in promoting worker’s rights is not very clear.

No new trade union law was introduced (this was a goal). It was not possible to do effective lobbying for new laws as the PLC was out of function.

Targeted civil society organizations have increased their institutional capacity.

PNGO played a crucial part in protecting the freedom of association.

Through PNGO there is more coordination and opportunities for joint advocacy campaigns are expanded.

- Women victims of violence get better support and the taboo of reporting VAW and seeking assistance is slowly but steadily diminishing.

- acceptance that VAW is a problem in Palestine has increased both in Gaza and the West Bank

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Indicators and other relevant information19 - 92 new workers’ committees established in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank (planned target was 50).

- 4792 female and male workers joined democratic unions and workers’ committees.

- 55.5% of workers’ Representatives elected by workers’ committees are women and women obtained representation in union elections held. (Target was at least 20% women in new elected leadership, but this statistic is not available).

- The concept of trade union pluralism was integrated in the Ministry of Labour’s draft law presented to the Council of Ministers in the West Bank, but as the PLC has not been operating due to the split, one will wait pushing for the law until the PLC is functioning.

- 66 CSOs and NGOs that received training have developed their strategic plans, built their own bylaws, regulations and capacity (planned target was 72 CSOs).

- PNGO addressed the Palestinian authorities to reopen closed organizations.

- PNGO took the lead and resolved the issue of patients’ referral between the two Palestinian ministries of health.

- PNGO as a civil society representative increased membership from 98 organizations in 2007 to 127 at the end of 2011.

- CSOs are actively networking and exchanging information - 8674 women provided with psychosocial support services.

- A national momentum created in WB and GS to protect women from violence, in 2011 the PA enacted a Strategic Plan for combating Violence against Women, with the involvement of PCDCR. - Percentage of victimized women who received assistance on different levels and improved their wellbeing is not less than 75%.

- Advocacy approach adopted to develop legislation to eliminating violence against women and campaign launched among NGO members.

Source of information: Partners’ reports and NPA’s monitoring notes

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PNGO is an umbrella organisation for civil society organisations in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. During the period PNGO successfully managed to enhance the coordination among these NGOs to address issues related to the different sectors they work in. PNGO played a crucial role in protecting the freedom of association, by extensive networking and lobbying towards the Palestinian authority in the Gaza Strip in particular, they managed to have a number of closed NGOs reopened.

One of the most successful campaigns of PNGO in collaboration with other actors was the patients’ referral advocacy campaign. Critically ill patients in Gaza require special authorization to travel to the West Bank and Israel for medical treatment. In March 2009, the Ministry of Health in Gaza took over the operation of the department over a dispute with the Ministry of Health in Ramallah. All referrals were halted and the treatment of hundreds of patients, especially those in need of chemotherapy, radiology and bone marrow transplants, was interrupted. 10 patients from Gaza died as a result and the health of more than 800 patients severely deteriorated.

PNGO health sector launched an advocacy campaign to lobby the Palestinian government and political party officials. They established a special committee in cooperation from the World Health Organization and were soon joined by other Palestinian and international NGOs, UN agencies, academics, a former Minister of Health and various national figures. 70 organizations signed the appeal to President Mahmoud Abbas. The coalition also launched a media campaign.

The direct result of this campaign was that the two Ministries of Health reached an understanding and the External Medical Treatment Department resumed referrals on April 27, 2009. By end of April, 40 referral cases had been processed. Within a week the backlog of referrals was processed and new cases were being reviewed. The civil society organizations involved considered the campaign a great success.

2.1.12 Bolivia 2008 to 2011 were decisive years in Bolivia’s transition from a neo-liberal economy and weak democracy that had excluded the indigenous majority, to a pluri-national State with a social, community economy. The five rural indigenous peasant organisations in the Unity Pact (CSUTCB, Campesinas Bartolina Sisa, Colonizadores, CIDOB, and CONAMAQ), in alliance with urban popular sectors from El Alto, were the fundamental political and social forces for this process. MAS (Movement for Socialism), whose weight continues to be in rural areas, is consolidated as the main national force. MSM (Movement Without Fear) a mostly urban leftist movement that broke away from MAS, is the second most articulated political force at the national level.

There is a long list of victories: the election of indigenous President Evo Morales (2005); a new Constitution (2009); and the Municipal election (2010). Tax revenue collection rose more than 55%; investment for development increased 1086% compared to 2001- 2005; legalization of 8,9 million hectares of land for indigenous peoples. During all these years the right wing has threatened the reform process, but they are divided, and so far the organizations and government have managed to maintain the required unity and defence against setbacks.

Until April 2010 the popular organizations were coordinating with the government in the struggle to move ahead with the change process. Since the second half of 2010 tensions have built up between popular organizations, and between some organizations and the government, after political initiatives without prior dialogue with the organizations. The most relevant examples are: the attempt to eliminate the subsidy to gas and the attempt to build a highway through Tipnis, a national park and indigenous territory. This has led to clashes between sectors interested in having the highway (government, coca-growing campesinos, and some indigenous communities) and those sectors opposing it (CIDOB/Amazon indigenous and environmental organizations).

The program goal was Bolivian popular sectors and indigenous representative organizations that struggle for the transformation of the State, the redistribution of wealth, the recognition of individual and collective rights, gender equity and the defense of natural resources have increased their prestige among indigenous peasants, traditional peoples and other popular sectors and maintain

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their influence in the democratization process. Partner organizations have generally influenced the process of change. From 2008 to early 2010, the organizations joined forces and built their capacity to mobilize and submit policy proposals. The participation of campesina indigenous women was significant. At the end of the period the organizations were unable to adjust to new challenges, and experienced constraints coordinating with the government. The capacity for dialogue and forging alliances with urban grassroots sectors and the urban middle class continues to be shaky. Although there has been major progress in the organizations’ use of the media, it remains insufficient to counteract the mass media controlled by the ruling economic interest groups.

Based on partner organizations’ priorities the program has concentrated on supporting indigenous peasant movement organizations central in the transformation process, and connecting the indigenous peasant movement and other disadvantaged groups. The examples below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results Partner organizations have improved leadership

Main achieved (or not achieved) results The Nina Program has in 2009-11 provided political formation for 1201 leaders (54% men) of the 5 national organisations (CSUTCB, Bartolina Sisa, CSCIB, Landless Movement, CONAMAQ, CIDOB) in 18 departmental and 44 local org.

FSUTCC: The Assembly (2011) evaluated the Political Training Program and found it a major contribution to organizational capacity building. They noted progress in quality (it has a participatory approach); it is more systematic; and has contributed to the discussion on organizational policy.

Indigenous Several partners presented proposals peasant for legislation and policies to implement organizations, the new Constitution and the process of water users’ change. For example: organizations and urban After consulting with its members groups CSUTCB convinced the Plurinational supported by Legislative Assembly to approve two the program law proposals presented by CSUTCB: are active The Mother Earth Law and The law on and make Agrarian Communitarian Production. policy proposals for CSUTCB also managed to get the defence proposals related to indigenous and of natural campesino rights integrated in 18 other resources, laws and regulations approved during land/territory, the period. water and fossil fuels.

FEDECOR contributed with proposals for norms and policies on water resources, to reach an agreement for a national agenda on water with other.

Main indicators and other relevant information Local communities give positive feedback to the performance of leaders graduated from political training activities Leaders of organizations and participants express their satisfaction regarding the results of the schools.

Examples of advances in the quality of the leadership training efforts of the partner organizations.

FSUTCC: 87 leaders attended the political training program (35 women and 52 men) in 2010 and 2011.

Examples of political proposals made by organizations and networks, presented and discussed with governmental authorities.

Partners organized political formation workshops; campaigns; marches; meetings to share information and expand alliances; coordination between social organizations and the Government Various partners contributed to political reflection using communication, for example: NINA SANK’A produced 756 programs broadcasted on 27 community radios (2008-11) - see case story below.

CUECA contributed to analysis, reflection, and debate on political issues in the weekly TV programme

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CSUTCB proposed a mandate to President Morales for the construction of a new political agenda for the next phase of the process for change (2011)

“Vamos a Andar” (Let’s Move); 91 TV programmes 2009-2011.

Transmitting thoughts, connecting diversity: Pedro belongs to the Aymara Nation, and has coordinated Nina Sank’a Radio from the start in 2005. The Radio is part of the Nina Program for Training of Indigenous Leaders in Bolivia, that has trained leaders from the main organizations since 1989.

“My work is demanding, but very gratifying”, says Pedro. Thanks to the radio, Nina’s leadership training program is extended to the most distant communities. To write program scripts Pedro attends Nina’s training program all over the country. At the trainings topics such as land, natural resources, political participation of men and women, and organizational capacity building are addressed. Pedro interviews participating leaders and guest speakers. Afterwards, he records the programs in Aymara language. The program is broadcasted from Monday to Friday during peak listening hours on Radio San Gabriel, a very popular grassroots radio in Bolivia, and reaches the entire Aymara area of Bolivia and part of Peru.

An evaluation of Radio San Gabriel rated Pedro’s program one of the best public opinion programs, contributing to reflection and debate. Since it started operating in 2005 Nina Sank’a has broadcast 1,283 programs via Radio San Gabriel. Since 2007, it is also broadcasted on more than 27 community radios. There is a high demand for programs among these radios, as it provides an overall national view to highly remote localities.

2.1.13 Chile The centre-left alliance Concertación was in 2010, after 20 years in government, replaced by centre-right alliance Por Chile, under President Sebastian Piñera.

The Concertación were contradictory in dealing with the Mapuches; a security policy with repression and police violence in communities against actions to claim indigenous rights; and a policy of integration that had very little effect in resolving the exclusion and inequity. However, the ILO 169 was approved in 2009, but has resulted in little, and the law to create the Coastal Marine Space of the Indigenous Peoples and its regulations were approved in 2008 and 2009.

The Piñera government announced a new indigenous policy focusing on fighting poverty through service provision. The Mapuche organizations criticised that it does not address their territorial, political, and cultural rights. In 2010, 34 Mapuches in different jails held an 80-day hunger strike to protest against the use of the anti-terrorist law to criminalize the Mapuche social protest. Although they were unable to stop the enforcement of the law, they were able to strengthen their capacity for mobilization and highlight their demands in the country and worldwide.

Chile was hit by an earthquake and tsunami on February 27, 2010. The Lafkenche communities (Mapuches living by and from the sea) were very much affected. The population in the most affected zones reinforced their organization and mobilization.

Involved communities and organizations viewed the withdrawal of SN Power in 2011 as a victory.

But the withdrawal has not resolved any key issues related to privatization of community water.

Program goal: The organizations of the Mapuche People that struggle for the recognition of their individual and collective rights and the construction of an inclusive democracy based in diversity have built a consensus on a common political agenda and strengthened its capacity to influence government decisions.

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Lafkenche Territorial Identity (LTI) succeeded to get the State to recognise strategic rights like those to territory and the sea. The approval of the law and regulations to create a maritime coastal space for indigenous peoples included 8 items proposed by the Lafkenche Identity about indigenous rights. The Lafkenche communities have worked intensively to make use of the law, but so far there has been no progress in recognizing these territorial spaces.

Organizational strengthening is the central focus of the programme. During this period there has been major strengthening of the unity of the Lafkenches, and of women’s participation. However, opportunities for Mapuche cooperation was overestimated in the program plan. Coordination between the Mapuche organizations continues to be ephemeral. Nevertheless, they had some coordinated responses, such as: Denunciations and mobilizations after young leaders were killed; the hunger strike, and after the tsunami. But they were unable to exert joint pressure during the ratification process for ILO 169.

The examples below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results Partner organizations show progress regarding organizational unity, policy consistency, technical and administrative capacity

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Mapuche Lafkenche Territorial Identity (ITL) has strengthened its organizational unity and political initiative. In 2008 it was very dynamic in the struggle to approve the law on coastal territories, followed by demobilisation due to internal conflicts (2009), and a gradual recovery (2010/11) on the work around implementing the law.

A major achievement was establishing territorial committees in each zone.

The LTI has about 50 active leaders who are trained and sensitized in relevant issues (the new law, indigenous rights, ILO 169).

Participation in Lafkenche Identity activities rose from 650 to 924 between 2009 and 2011. This increase is most noteworthy in the case of women who increased their participation from 163 to 408 (214%).

The First Gathering of Lafkenche Women was held (2008); it is viewed as a milestone for the organization; women’s participation in the organization was consolidated.

Partner organizations have capacity to denounce, protest and present policy proposals to the government regarding the

Based on 27 workshops, LTI drafted a proposal for the Regulations for the Law recognizing indigenous rights to coastal resources. The regulations adopted by the Government incorporated a large part of the Lafkenche proposal.

9 territories (52% of the territorial spaces of the LTI) have documented indigenous use of coastal territories: 5 submitted requests

Main Indicators and other relevant information Reports show advance in the building of partner organizations’ own agendas.

Local community members report positive changes in the relations between leaders and members of the organizations.

ITL organize monthly delegates from all monthly meetings of and weekly meetings board

assemblies with the territories, political council, of administrative

LTI showed technical capabilities in drafting the nine territorial requests on coastal resources, although they need to strengthen their technical team even more.

80% of the Lafkenche territories raised funds for purchasing its own headquarters.

Gender equity and women’s rights are visible in the legal and political proposals of the partner organizations to the government.

2009-2011: more than 2,400 persons (about 1,500 men) participated in 27 community workshops in 9 territories.

LTI was recognized as an actor in the Seaboard Zoning process, which enabled them to have a voice to ensure approval of the coastal maritime spaces.

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defence of for legalization; 2 miss legal requirements; 2 Indigenous are in the process of internal validation.

People´s Rights.

Citizen Observatory trained approx. 5,000 indigenous leaders on indigenous rights; provided legal counselling to 100 indigenous communities; and filed legal proceedings for 50 communities and with international courts for 5 communities.

In 2011, the LTI established a Political and Technical Committee to dialogue with the Government and to support the submittal of requests for territories. The Government institutions have not responded to requests for a meeting.

2.1.14 Colombia The period covers the last years of Álvaro Uribe’s presidential term, and the first of Juan Manuel Santos. Santos’ administration is more sophisticated than the preceding administration, talking about possible solutions to the conflict based on dialogue, and adapting the Law on Victims in 2011. However, for the organized victims and left-wing sectors, this law was insufficient.

Santos’ economic strategy, “democratic prosperity”, implies an aggressive neo-liberal project based on e.g. mining and agriculture. 40% of Colombia’s territory is requested for mining project concessions. Farms of more than 50 hectares accounted for 32% of the arable land 20 years ago, now 62%. These huge areas of land are in the hands of 4% of the landowners.

The conflict between guerrillas, paramilitary groups and the army lead to population displacement, violence, violence against women, land grabbing, and the threat to survival of indigenous peoples.

The human rights situation is critical and perpetrators continue to go unpunished. Colombia ranks first in the world in terms of people needing international protection. FARC has suffered severe military defeats and several commanders killed.

The indigenous movement showed capacity for mobilization in 2008, with the National Indigenous and Social Resistance Solidarity Campaign (Minga), when 15,000 indigenous marched from Cauca to Bogotá. The Minga did not obtain secure commitments from the government, but strengthened the unity of the indigenous movement. During Santos government, NPA’s partner ONIC (National Organization for Indigenous Peoples in Colombia) went back to the dialogue forums to lobby for enforcement of the right to prior consultation. ONIC, and others have taken actions against the signing of several FTAs, including with Norway.

Regarding the program goal “The Colombian indigenous movement has gained strength and organisational cohesion at the local and national level and has the capacity to undertake national and international advocacy actions to stop rights violations and promote democratisation of Colombian society”, ONIC has strengthened its role as an essential political player of Colombia’s indigenous movement. It is recognised as such by social movements, and has presented political proposals and actions defending indigenous peoples. It combines mobilisations and calls for the enforcement of rights in dialogue with the government. An important contribution to the capacity building has been the political training provided by ONIC’s National Indigenous Training School (EFIN), see result matrix below.

The examples below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results Partner organizati ons have renewed and improved

Main achieved (or not achieved) results

Indicators and other relevant information Through the National Indigenous Training School Organizations leaders and (EFIN) indigenous men and women leaders have participants express satisfaction with more information about their rights; better the results of leadership schools. understanding of standards, decrees and instruments; and improved capacity to call for During the four-year period, 4,265 enforcement of their rights and defend persons (40 % women) received

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the quality themselves against aggressive extraction of of their natural resources. leadership .

Leaders at various levels of the organization have been renewed, and have improved their political and organizational capacities.

EFIN has facilitated dissemination and explanation of relevant legal instruments to the organizations, such as the judgments by the Constitution Court (Rulings 004 and 092) and safeguard plans.

EFIN contributed to 12 national training events for a certificate program on public administration, training 199 indigenous leaders.

Five grassroots organizations of ONIC established regional formation schools, like EFIN. Indigenou The impact of the capacity building of women is s women reflected at all levels of ONIC. are overcomin The Council for Women, Family and Generation g fear and has strengthened its position and promotes e.g. silence, political training with EFIN, workshops on have women’s participation; restoring the importance of secured women in the indigenous movements; drawing up opportuniti political and organizational proposals; es to documenting cases of violence; restoring the selfparticipate esteem of women; capacity building and training , exercise of young people. leadership and are The establishment of the National Council of accepted Indigenous Women; permanent participation of 10 and women leaders from 5 macro-regions. The respected Council is a political forum for analyzes and decision making by women inside ONIC.

training on organisational policy and human rights (including rights of indigenous peoples and women), the history of the indigenous movement, the country’s current situation, and national and international instruments for the protection of rights.

EFIN developed 44 community workshops in the field to meet local political needs.

EFIN facilitated discussions in 20 macro-regional assemblies on the mandates of the Seventh ONIC Congress.

More women are holding high political office in regional and local organizations. For example, Aida Quilcué, a student of EFIN, member of the Senior Council of Cauca, one of the leading roles in the Indigenous and Social Solidarity Resistance Campaign in 2008, and one of the delegates who participated most in the dialogue forums in 2011.

Female leaders and members of organizations express they experience change in the improvement of the quality of women’s organizational dynamics.

Training Indigenous Peoples indigenous rights: Arelis Uriana does not hesitate: “EFIN’s most important contribution has been to strengthen indigenous women’s participation. Women now have their local, regional, national and international organizational and political forum. Women have created that forum. It has been difficult for indigenous women to be acknowledged and respected. I know; I was part of it.”

More than half of Colombia’s 1, 4 million indigenous people live in autonomous territories where they practice self-governance in accordance with their traditions and culture. The National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) is an umbrella organisation with 44 registered indigenous organizations from all parts of the country. EFIN (National School for Indigenous Training) is a training program for leaders and members in ONIC’s member organizations.

EFIN’s training program has training modules on for instance international conventions and declarations on indigenous people’s rights, relevant national legislation and traditional indigenous jurisdiction, history of indigenous people, women’s rights, and self-governance.

“EFIN comes to the students in their communities”, says Arelis. “The first thing we do when we come to a community is to agree on the topics they are most interested in”. The training is based on participatory methods related to the needs and experiences of the students.

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“The most important contribution of EFIN is the development of local democracy”, says John Guiterrez, advisor to EFIN. “In many indigenous communities there are many men preventing the participation of young people and women, hindering open discussions and reflections”.

2.1.15 Cuba No major political changes have taken place in Cuba during the period 2008-2011. In 2010, the government announced a gradual reorganization of the economy including; major reduction in State employment; more mixed private/state firms and cooperatives; decentralization; increased management autonomy in state firms. The 6th CCP Congress in 2011 approved most adjustments, but the speed of employment reduction and elimination of ration cards, were softened or postponed. The government aims to transform the economy without sacrificing the social gains of the revolution. During 2011 economic adjustments included; increased bank credits for private business; closure of unprofitable state companies; promises of support to profitable cooperatives.

In 2010, 65% of the food consumed in the country was imported while large tracts of land remain uncultivated. Since 2008 the government has distributed 1,100,000 hectares of idle land (16% of the arable land) in usufruct to more than 100 000 farmers and cooperatives.

Program goal: The role of Cuban organisations and institutions that promote innovative experiences of participation with gender equity and environmental sustainability has been strengthened in Havana and five provinces of the eastern and central regions of the country.

There has been major progress. The NPA program relates to some of the main challenges for Cuba and its civil society. The main approaches of the partners have gained legitimacy, and were underlined during the CPP Congress as necessary for the continuity of the Cuban model: decentralization, more openness for criticism, less vertical imposition, generalisation of sustainable technologies, and priority of food production.

Organizations and institutions that promote and utilise popular education are recognized, and State institutions, municipal governments and social organizations ask partners to train them.

Decentralization is increasingly accepted as necessary for progress. Sustainable, ecological agriculture is also gaining support. Partners have progressed in incorporating gender perspectives in their agendas, but there are no advances with women in leadership positions.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results The formation of social subjects and community leaders in Popular Education methodology is multiplied

Main achieved (or not achieved) results CMLK (Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial Centre): The network of Popular Educators is growing.

In 2011 it had 350 educators in 63 local groups in 25 municipalities in 12 provinces.

In 2011 each local group selected 3 processes to accompany. By the end of 2011, members of the Network of Popular Educators had accompanied 105 community or institutional processes.

ACTAF(Cuban Association of Agriculture and Forestry Technicians), ACPA (The Cuban Association for Animal Production), ANAP (National Association of Small Farmers):

Provincial directors, officials, and grassroots

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Main indicators and other relevant information The network of Popular Educators gathers 300 persons each year The CMLK has formation training for 50 new persons a year (60% women).

CMLK: Courses for the local groups of the Network of Educators; Regional gatherings of the Network; 1 national gathering of the network in the period with 273 participants (188 women).

2011: exchange visit of 12 members of the Network of Popular Educators (7 women) to 6 Latin American countries

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leaders in these organisations have been trained by CMMLK or members of the Network of Popular Educators.

In 20 barrios of Havana, the Transformati on Workshops (TTs) act as advisors for municipal governments in community work:

Examples that show how popular education in Cuba has gained legitimacy: 4 university careers that incorporate popular education methodology and content; municipal governments and national government are requesting popular education from CMLK. GDIC (Group for the Integral Development of the Capital): The on-going process of restructuring the State institutions and municipal governments threaten the stability of the 20 Transformation Workshops (TTs).

However, up to 2011 all of them continued their successful development.

CEPRODESO: Receive more demands for environmental popular education than they can handle, including among State institutions.

Their National Network of Environmental Popular Educators has 180 members.

TTs of the barrios cooperate with more local organisations and institutions than in 2007.

GDIC: In 2011, 7990 urban inhabitants ( 66% women) were trained in a program based on Popular education

By 2011, 12 of 20 TTs have programs promoting social participation of youth.

In 2011 a mixed advisory and accompaniment team was established During 2008-2011 Alamar TT coordinated for the 20 TTs, composed by training for 1244 grassroots government representatives from GDIC and 5 TTs delegates of Havana del Este and 683 officials (54% women) through The School for Alamar TT formation training on Popular Power Delegates. mapping of sustainable solutions to local problems.

2.1.16 Ecuador President Correa and his political movement Country Alliance (CA) headed the “citizen revolution” that led to victory in the Presidential elections in 2006. The citizen revolution focused more on mobilizing the unorganized masses than cooperating with social organizations. The process leading up to the new Constitution in 2008 was participatory with public debates and workshops throughout the country. The constitution was ratified in a referendum despite opposition from media, business community, right-wing parties, and the church.

Some changes implemented by the Correa government are; restructuring the State’s institutional framework; renegotiation of petroleum contracts; improved public services; transparent management of government; increased tax collection; reduction of foreign debt. Poverty and extreme poverty have declined slightly, but there is no change in the concentration of wealth.

The government shows no interest to consult with organized stakeholders as they are seen to have specific interests in mind rather than the public good. Therefore there are tensions between the government and social organizations, in particular with the indigenous movement. The most controversial debates have been around developing new laws for managing natural resources.

However, the government has a high popularity rating, while the social movement is dispersed.

In 2011, the indigenous and farmers movement returned to discussing an agrarian agenda to exert pressure for redistribution in the countryside. This agenda provides potential opportunities for alliances between several of the country’s most important social organizations.

Programme goal: Ecuadorian indigenous and grassroots organizations that promote structural economic and political change aimed at building an equitable and pluri-national society as a result of their struggle to defend the individual and collective rights of men and women have improved their capacity to influence State policies and actions.

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The achievement of the program goal is mixed and can be divided into two phases: The drafting and adoption of the new Constitution (2008) and the subsequent phase (2009-2011). In the first period, there was substantial progress. The active participation of grassroots organizations in drafting proposals, and campaigning for the new Constitution, was decisive for the inclusion of many principles reflecting the grassroots struggles.

In the second period, however, there were constraints. In confrontations with the government, the social movement was undermined, and their internal fragmentation highlighted. Noteworthy is the clash over the extraction of natural resources in indigenous territories.

Organizations that do not belong to the indigenous movement have shown progress. Some have opted to participate in the State’s coordination forums to focus on agrarian issues such as land and food sovereignty. Others have opted to build up their leadership as stakeholders and look for dialogues with authorities to pressure for actions with respect to public policymaking.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized programme areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results An increased number of women are participating and are respected as members and/or as leaders of partner organizations.

Main achieved (or not achieved) results More women are holding offices with considerable political responsibility in communities and on provincial councils, including Mariana Solórzano, the women’s leader of CONAIE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador) elected in 2011, a former student of the Dolores Cuacuango School.

APDH (Asamblea Permanente de Derechos Humanos): Political training of 320 women of the Border Network for Peace (RFP) and the campaign “women leaders fighting for peace in the border region.” Women are at the head of the Community Communication Units of the three border provinces.

CNC-EA: Broader participation of women and young people in the organization.

Partner organizations and member communities have renewed and improved the quality of leadership

Dolores Cacuango Training School 140 indigenous women were trained regionally and nationally in 2008-9. In 2010 training was suspended because of an internal crisis and NPA suspended its cooperation.

APDH: 350 men and women leaders from 33 organizations (members of RFP) trained every year to exert local and national political incidence: monitoring public policies, providing information to the public about the contents of the new Constitution, and drafting proposals. The capacity building, and the increase of

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Main indicators and other relevant information Examples of significant changes in the quality of women participation in organizations: AUCC (Asamblea de Unidad Cantonal Cotacachi): Irma Torosina, 24, elected president for two years in 2009 and re-elected in 2011. Irma is a student of the organization’s political training.

MICC (Movimiento Indigena y Campesino de Cotopaxi): Dioceliza Iza, 46, elected president for two years.

AUCC: Increased participation of women in the General Assembly (from 280 women in 2010, to 350 in 2011) because of the political training and awareness campaigns done by the Canton Coordination for Women.

FDA (Frente de Defensa de la Amazonia): 33 community leaders trained in human rights and environmental conflicts.

AUCC Training School: 22 young people participated in political economy training, 27 completed in territorial management, and 43 completed the political training cycle.

Exchanges of youth leaders with NPA partner FSUTCC in Bolivia.

Kayambi People: 200 members trained in territorial management and community government, and 25 leaders completed the political

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grassroots organizations members (from 67 in 2009 to 93 in 2011), led to local agreements with the municipality and parish boards on healthcare, violence against women, development projects.

MICC elected a new government council with 3/10 former MICC students.

training cycle, by Kawsay Foundation.

MICC: Political training workshops on rights for indigenous peoples, food sovereignty and organizational development. Graduation of 25 leaders (12 men) from the second level of the formation program.

2.1.17 El Salvador In 2009, after 20 years with right-wing ARENA, the FMLN, a leftist party from the armed struggle, won the elections. A new government of broad political alliances was established with centre-left Mauricio Funes as president. Nevertheless, 80 % of the deputies and members of municipal councils elected are men, and only 1 of 13 in the cabinet is a woman The economic situation in the country limits the new government in meeting people’s expectations for change. The most significant achievements so far; fees in public health and education have been removed, and subsidies for the poorest have expanded. The tax reform approved in December 2011 is a positive step, although the economic impact will be small.

There are tensions within the coalition government, but FMLN has managed to remain critical supportive of President Funes. Most of the NPA partners participated in the electoral process that resulted in the victory in 2009. But the relationship between FMLN and the social organizations is tense, and most NPA partners are immersed in disputes among themselves and with the party about which positions to take, and whether to be loyal or remain a critical force.

Program goal: Popular organizations of El Salvador that promote political, economic, social and cultural change towards a more equitable and environmentally healthy society have increased their appeal and prestige among the oppressed and exploited sectors and their capacity to influence in the decisions of the State.

Partner organizations have made progress in increasing memberships and improving internal unity. The defence of natural resources has been the most successful struggle for the popular movement. The improvement of the political formation programs, as well as the strengthening of community radio/ social communication are important results in themselves, but have also contributed significantly to the work to defend natural resources.

Despite increased participation of women in partner organizations, women are not holding more leadership positions. Since 2009 the conditions for political work have improved for the organizations, but the Salvadoran popular movement has remained weak and are largely subordinate to FMLN. Partners have struggled to adapt their political agendas to the present political situation, and have not had much influence on the government. However, MAM (Mélida Anaya Montes Women’s Movement) did participate in the processes leading up to two new laws on gender equality and prevention of violence against women.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results The program has contributed to the political formation of leaders, particularly young leaders, who are

Main achieved (or not achieved) results

Indicators and other relevant information 6 NPA partners have regional and/or EquipoMaíz: Published and national political formation programs, for distributed 49 weekly issues yearly example: of the information sheet La Página de Maíz, covering political and MPR12 and Equipo Maíz: 2008-2011, the economic themes: 25,000 print political formation program has trained 144 sheets weekly in a national

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active within their organizations and in the social movement.

national leaders (63 women) and another newspaper; and 94,000 sheets that 1332 leaders (52% women) in 12 regional are used by social organizations for schools. All with annual courses. More political formation. than 1/3 are under 30 years old.

Youth are the majority in the political Funaspad: During 2008 and 2011 the formation programs supported. municipal political school for FMLN leaders in community organizations had NPA has supported exchanges an average participation of 25 leaders (10 between different political formation women) each year. 18 of them are youth. programs, including national and Central American gatherings for popular educators.

The population CRIPDES/CCR (Association for Observers confirm there is an recognises Development of El Salvador/Chalatenango enhanced support to the partners´ community branch) and CAC (Cabañas work related to environment and organisations Environmental Committee) are two of the natural resources, compared to struggling for a most active members at the National 2007. healthy Roundtable Against Mining. So far they environment and have prevented metal mining in the Examples of achievements of the right to country, but their main demand for a law to partner organizations in preventing natural resources prohibit metal mining has still not been the plundering of natural resources met.

Various partners have done Radio and TV Izcanal has led campaigns educative campaigns and mobilized in the Eastern provinces to raise nationally and in communities, and awareness about mining, the water law, have carried out actions to drive out and plans for building dams for companies, and defend hydroelectric power. environmentalists in legal proceedings promoted by CRIPDES/CCR has expanded its alliances companies. in the struggle against the mega-dams.

Equipo Maiz’s political formation “Living in poverty and understanding poverty are two different things; we try to help people understand why some are rich and others poor,” says Daniela Brunet. “We try to explain that poverty is not necessary, that there are enough resources for all to live a dignified life”.

Daniela Brunet is the coordinator in Equipo Maiz, an organization engaged in political formation.

The formal education level in El Salvador is low. “Political formation is transformational education; the intention is to help people understand the national realities they live in and make them better equipped to change their lives”, says Daniela.

Equipo Maíz documents political realities in El Salvador, such as the social composition of the country, economic differences, women’s rights and political history. They collect data, analyse it, and transform difficult data into information material that can be understood by anybody. The whole process is done in cooperation with relevant social organizations. “Understanding economic politics is not easy, and most people are not familiar with the concepts used. We have to clarify the concepts before we can discuss what they mean”, she continuous.

Their most recent work is related to the national campaign against tax evasions and for a transformation of the national fiscal system. “It was a long process and many drafts before we were satisfied”, she says and points to a colourful poster on the wall. One box on the poster explains how the USD 21 billion value produced by Salvadorian workers in 2010 was distributed.

Another shows how company owners were responsible for tax exceptions worth 1,328 billion USD in 2010. A third explains how these billions could have been used to benefit the general population; e.g. 10 public hospitals, 100 schools, 25 000 houses for poor people.

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“But it is not enough to just send out the information”, Roberto Vega, trainer in Equipo Maiz, adds.

“We have made a guide on how to use the information material, including different methods, such as drama, games, drawings, paper dolls and pictures”. Every year more than 3000 people from 500 organizations receive training. The trainings vary from 6 to 50 hours. “The goal is that the organizations develop their own educational teams that can take the message to their own members and communities”, Roberto continues. “We try to help more people understand national politics”, Daniela smiles, “but we are not politically neutral. FMLN is in spite of its weaknesses the people’s and the poor’s party”.

2.1.18 Guatemala The deep-rooted causes of inequality continue to prevail, particularly for indigenous peoples. The expectations to the peace agreement signed in 1996 have been undermined because authoritarian State structures remain unchanged. The country’s economy is based on agrarian exploitation, transferring natural resources to transnational corporations.

Indigenous peoples have mobilized around indigenous peoples’ rights; defence of indigenous territories and natural resources; combating racist policies and intervention of the armed forces in communities; respect for indigenous institutions, values and governance principles; privatization of the economy, and fair wage-earning policies.

With the electoral victory of Otto Pérez Molina, it is feared the government will continue to pave way for domestic and transnational corporations in indigenous territories to plunder natural resources. On the basis of his platform “Crackdown” (Mano Dura), supposedly aimed at organized crime, any resistance is prevented by military control in the interior of the country, and grassroots resistance movements are crushed. However, with the appointment of Claudia Paz y Paz as attorney general in 2010, conditions for justice have improved.

Program goal: Indigenous and grassroots organisations that can call on the people and are broadly recognised as being able to have an influence on State policies.

As a result of strengthened capacities to defend their territories and natural resources partners, in cooperation with communities and other organizations, have been able to bring open-pit mining and megaprojects to a standstill. The mobilization for water access and territorial defence has made opportunities for local democracy, and the inclusion of women and young people.

Partner organizations are fighting for the rights to assemble and associate to be respected.

Political formation and training of leaders are the backbone of this struggle. The struggle is a signal to the political elite that the organizations should be taken into account, and serves to strengthen self-respect and solidarity within and between communities.

The communities have created their own local defence mechanisms, based on their traditions and culture. They also use national laws such as the law on development councils, municipal code, decentralization law, and international documents, such as the ILO Convention 169 to deal with the State to defend their rights.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results Partner organizations with political, methodological and

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Through the Indigenous Local Government of Sololá indigenous local government has extended to two municipalities in the Department of Sololá, three municipalities in the Department of San Marcos, and two

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Main indicators and other relevant information Commentators recognise an increase in number of women, men, and young people from the partners with political training and technical capabilities.

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mobilization capacities for the exercise of political advocacy and social auditing.

cities.

The partner organizations participate in partnerships and networks for joint efforts

Maya Balam Movement was strengthened, especially the contact between community leaders, especially young women, and the relationship with indigenous institutions of the country’s high Andean region.

Partner reports and monitoring show Political training of members in Maya Balam increase in workshops for political Movement, CODECA, Solmaya, CONCAD, training with gender-responsive, have contributed to raising awareness about youth, and inter-cultural approach. rights and how to tackle problems of public insecurity, defence of territories and natural Exchange visits between the resources. 280 community mayors trained in indigenous municipality and advisors four years. in Sololá and new indigenous local governments.

Maya League has influenced the bill of law aimed at changing the balance of power Solmaya and Maya League, between indigenous peoples and the State, comprised of students and and the law on government investment. professionals, have contributed to restructuring the Maya Balam COINDI 2008-11: 165 women have Movement and are providing completed “Training of Women Leaders for advisory services for the Political Participation”, 72 now hold positions movement’s political training and decision-making posts in their program. communities and municipalities.

The first congress of indigenous municipalities of western Guatemala by the Maya Balam Movement on December 12-13, 2011.

In 2009, exchanges between Maya The grassroots communities of CODECA Balam leaders and Mexican and participated in nine nationwide mobilizations Costa Rican indigenous requiring the government to adopt the organisations. comprehensive rural development law, nationalization of government services, In 2008-2011, eight political rejection of mining activities, and the rejection meetings with Maya Balam leaders of human rights violations. were held in various communities of western Guatemala.

CODECA has local organizations in 457 indigenous and rural worker communities, and 225 communities have established executive boards. In 181 communities, there is a women’s committee, and in 48 communities there is a young people’s committee.

2.1.19 Honduras In 2008-9, Manuel Zelaya’s government made a political turn towards the Bolivarian Alternative (ALBA). Progress was made in acknowledging civil, workers and indigenous people’s rights, and measures such as land redistribution and 100% increase of the minimum wage were initiated.

These moves distanced him from groups of power, his own party, and USA, and brought him closer to the governments of South America and grassroots organizations in the country.

In 2009 Zelaya promoted an opinion poll to modify the 1982 constitution. Factual groups responded with a Coup D’état, followed by an election. This led to a radical change in national social and security policies. Porfirio Lobo’s government has for instance taken initiatives to restrict public liberties and justify the criminalization of social protests, granted concessions for hydroelectric dams and given away territory for transnational companies to build Charter Cities.

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The paramilitary and State repression has increased, e.g. in Aguan Valley where several local leaders, representing communities claiming their land have been killed since the coup Programme goal: Popular organisations of Honduras working for political, economic, social and cultural change towards a more equitable and environmentally healthy society have increased their coverage and prestige among the oppressed and exploited sectors and their capacity to influence in the decisions of the State.

The coordinated response against the coup, organized in the National Front of Popular Resistance (FNRP) was impressive, and showed that social organizations had acquired stronger capacities to organize, mobilize and coordinate at a national level. But two years later the resistance movement is suffering from demobilization, bureaucratization, internal confrontations and repression from the regime. In 2011 the Refoundational Space, a network of 42 grassroots and left wing organizations, was established. They are pushing for a National Constituent Assembly, to continue mobilizations and demands against the neoliberal measures of the government, and are critical of the current leadership of the FNRP. Partners have significantly contributed to consolidate the popular movement, and NPA has supported their efforts to face repressive actions and violations of Human Rights, and to increase capacities for mobilization and organization through political training. NPA’s partners were forced to modify their agendas and plans after the coup.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results The program has contributed to the struggle of Honduran organizations for land rights and against looting of natural resources.

Main achieved (or not achieved) results In 2010 -11 ERIC, COPA, COPINH, MADJ, helped build the community network in 5 departments against concession of rivers for hydroelectric projects, and participated in resistance actions e.g. closing roads and immobilizing machinery. No concessions were stopped formally, but they achieved to prolong the absence of companies.

COPINH managed to stop the beginning of megaprojects (mining and dams), which would have affected natural resources in Intibucá and Lempira

Partner organizations show progress in their main organizational inner dimensions and gender equity.

REDAMUCOP achieved, through popular mobilization, to stop mining exploitation in San Jose, Comayagua.

In 2011 CDM (Centre for Women’s Rights) promoted the “Forum of Women for Life” which supports the political participation of women.

COPA (Popular Organization Coordinator of Aguan) increased, and is now formed by 30 organizations and 8,500 members. Its main leadership position is held by a

Main indicators and other relevant information CNTC (National Central for Agricultural Workers) and other farmers organizations, achieved the approval of the executive decree 18-2008 that allows for the expropriation of land in favour of occupying farmers. It was repealed in 2010, and the CNTC responded by proposing a national plan to continue their fight.

In the zones of influence of the partners, observers confirm greater social awareness about the right to a healthy environment and to natural resources CNRP submitted a proposal of a new Water Frame Law to the Parliament.

Reports confirm a gradual increase of participation of women in leadership positions of the partner organizations.

Monitoring and evaluation confirms that affiliates of the partners know about the political agenda of their organization and have participated in defining it Grassroots

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members

report

positive

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woman.

changes in the communication between leaders and the membership

FNRP includes more than 200 organizations locally, regionally, and nationally, and has a principle of equal women and men participation in leadership positions.

Generational changes and changes of the persons in the leadership in the majority of the partners, e.g. COPA, with respect to 2007.

Some boards, e.g. CNTC and COPINH, have opened up to include women.

COPINH organizes the first assembly of women for the national Refoundation Space.

CNTC maintained 21 socially-oriented business ventures (cooperatives) and covered 60% of annual organizational expenses with their own resources.

ERIC-MADJ carried out research corruption in the political system.

on

Mobilizing to defend their rivers: In San Francisco de Opalaca, an indigenous municipality since 1994, the mountains, with beautiful forests and rivers, have always been preserved by the population of Lenca origin. But lately their rivers have been threatened. The town’s mayor had in a secret agreement with the company Rio Power (RIPOSA) allowed them to build hydroelectric dams. The communities’ came down from the mountains to protest. The mayor arranged four open meetings to convince them to approve the project, but the people responded with total rejection. Together with COPINH they initiated a campaign in local villages and faraway towns: People had to be informed to avoid being deceived by the company offering money and gifts in exchange for their signatures.

When the Major called for a fifth open meeting, the people and COPINH met outside the mayor’s office and made the following statement: “If the municipality authorizes the construction of dams in our village, we will proceed to occupy the mayor’s office and accuse the mayor for abuse of authority, relentlessly until he is dismissed. In this village it is forbidden to promote the construction of dams favouring oligarch businessmen. The moment they start building dams, the machines will be taken and we will proceed to capture the personnel involved in such work”.

Through organization and mobilization they succeeded to stop the project, and presented the following statement: “Our Lenca indigenous community of San Francisco de Opalaca is a village free of dams, exploitation, mines and oligarch companies. Our rivers are alive. The earth, rivers, and other natural resources belong to the Lenca people in this village, to nature and God, the heart of earth and sky”.

2.1.20 Nicaragua In 2011 Daniel Ortega won his third presidential election, with 62% of the votes. Six magistrates of the Supreme Court surprised everyone by stating Article 147, declaring the re-election illegal, inapplicable. The Supreme Electoral Council abided by the ruling. This shows that the political pact from 2000, between Sandinista leader Ortega and the conservative leader Aleman, on the distribution of key leadership positions, is still alive. The opposition has never been more divided, and the population has little faith in present leaders and politicians. However, both the Army and the Police Force are highly respected. In fact the National Chief of Police (a previous Catholic nun and FSLN guerrilla fighter) ranks highest in all popularity surveys.

However, the government has made important achievements. The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) has enabled Nicaragua to start social projects like Zero Hunger, Roof Plan, Zero Usury, and the Solidarity Bonus, with women as the main beneficiaries. The government also established the “Let’s Produce Bank,” which is very useful for small and medium producers.

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Ortega continues to impose restrictive mechanisms on civil society organizations because they are considered disloyal to the party. As an alternative he created Citizen Power Councils (CPCs) to provide uncritical guidance from the communities to the government, and channel the party political line to the grassroots. The authoritarian model of the present government does not allow civil society to mobilize, unless they are “Danielistas” (Sandinistas most loyal to the president), and protests are met with police intervention. Civil society has been fragmented since the electoral defeat of the FSLN in 1990.

In many organizations there are tensions between national and local levels. The criticism from regional and local branches of the organizations is that the national level has a top-down, undemocratic, and arrogant style of the government. Gender based violence is a huge problem.

Program goal: Popular organizations of women, men, and youth have increased their legitimacy and have promoted political, economic, social, and cultural changes towards a more equitable and ecologically sustainable society.

Despite the control central and local government administrations have tried to exercise over the organizations, they have been able to uphold their own identity, maintain their capacity for protest, and submit proposals for public policymaking. Some partners have a different approach locally than nationally; while the national leaders are opposing the government, there is cooperation locally. In that spirit, several NPA partners established cooperation with the CPCs and local governments.

The political dialogue process with NPA and partners enabled us to strengthen leadership in partner organizations, map stakeholders, and discuss alliances, agendas and approaches to working in the country, as well as approaches to address environmental issues, working with young people, women, and debate possible new political practices. The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas, and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results NPA partner social organizations have established ties and forged partnerships among themselves, with other stakeholders advocating democratic rights at different levels: local, national, and international

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Six partners cooperate at the national, local, and international levels to restore therapeutic abortion.

Partner organizations have promoted the participation

Promotion of youth and women’s participation was prioritized in the new agendas of most partners.

Some examples:

CENIDH (Centre for HR) has a strategic partnership with the International Federation for Human Rights (IFDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture.

The MCN-Matagalpa cooperates with the CMLK (Martin Luther King Centre) in Cuba and Equipo Maíz in El Salvador (both NPA partners) on issues of gender, communication, and grassroots education.

Main indicators and other relevant information By 2011, the partners are participating in at least one forum and/or national partnership to strengthen their strategic actions, and they have identified at least one international forum or opportunity for cooperation.

Partners made radio and TV programs on youth, sexuality, climate change, power relations, autonomy, and leadership.

JxD decided to cooperate with new youth groups and created Art and Culture for Peace.

By 2011, partners have a political proposal (draft), for working with youth stressing the defence of their rights.

Most partners include

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and influence of more groups of youth and women in the struggle for their rights.

MCN (Community Movement) in Chinandega and Matagalpa, ASOMUPRO, CEI, and JxD are cooperating with youth and women.

MCN Chinandega has its own forum for youth, as well as organizations working with women.

strategic plans to support youth and women to enable a renewal of leadership Partners held workshops on gender, violence, self-esteem, HIV-AIDS, sexual and reproductive health, environment, power relations; e.g. CAPS held workshops on the links between gender, power and violence.

CAPS (Drinking Water and Sanitation Committees) have drafted a new gender policy and are using it.

2.1.21 Southern Africa Regional Programme (SARP) Most Southern African countries are characterised by unequal distribution of resources. Wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few elite, usually those with close connections to the ruling parties, while everyday realities of the majority mean a live of poverty, HIV/AIDS, hunger, unemployment and succumbing to other wise preventable diseases. Land, a vital source of livelihood and food security remains in the hands of a few throughout the region. These issues have a disproportionate effect on women. More women are affected by unemployment than men.

Land ownership partners are on gendered lines and throughout the region more women than men live in rural areas which are generally less developed than the cities. In addition to these women rural areas are more exposed to oppressive traditional customs and beliefs which are a major cause of gender based poverty in rural areas.

While none of the regional countries are at war, most of the region continues to experience internal unrest and conflict which is often meet with severe suppression using state apparatus. Civil society activists In Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Angola, Mozambique, the DRC and Malawi have over the years faced imprisonment, torture and even imprisonment at the hands of their governments for daring to be critical. SADC could play an important role in social and economic development in the region, but the organization has been divided on several issues and lately most serious on issues regarding the political and humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe. The organisation and its member states are also feeling the international economic crunch and the member states have cut their contributions which possibly will continue dropping and can raise questions regarding their commitment to SADC. Due to weaknesses and limitations in SADC’s decision power it has been important for NPA regional partners to lobby not only on SADC level, but lobbying national governments to achieve policy reforms.

Throughout the period, the program has contributed to establish and sustain network and alliance building between partners and other organisations – being professional institutions or informal groups. The effects vary as does the impact. Some of our partners (re chapter 2.1.1.) have been key in the building of a broad regional solidarity movement of organizations that from all levels and angles successfully pushed for their governments and SADC to put pressure on Zimbabwe for reforms. One of these partners agreed to share their solidarity and advocacy based conflict transformation skills with others and last year we started the first phase of such training. On regional youth networking for better youth policies in SADC and their respective countries, the result report 2008-2010 showed that youth partner achieved attention by SADC authorities and gained the young people a seat in SADC’s youth desk. It was the result of many years of NPA’s support to youth networking, resulting in youth groups organising national and regional hearings, mapping their gender sensitive demands and presenting them to their governments and finally to SADC during this reporting period. The youth groups have so far continued their regional networking and strategizing.

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Support to partners working for land reforms and women’s access to land started in 2009. This program has given rural women in the region, including women representing our partner UNAC in Mozambique, an opportunity to meet and learn from each other. However, this is just the very beginning of a long term process towards a situation where rural women themselves drive the activities towards policies and reforms which will reflect their needs. The information in the result matrix supplements the results reported previously and represents achievements so far. They also represent the focus that the program will have during the next period.

Planned results NPA partners in the region have strengthened their capacity to solve their own problems

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Eight CSOs including current and former NPA partners from South Africa and Zimbabwe (ASC, Yidez, ZPP and SCR) now have 1. Practical skills for conflict transformation and solidarity work.

2. Firsthand experience on Swaziland; ability to draw parallels with own forms of struggle.

3. Possibility and means to maintain a wider network and continue learning from each other There is not yet data on how the participating organizations use the skills or about the sustainability of communication and links that were established between the organizations.

In 2011, implemented first phase of pilot project: Two - 2 days strategic learning workshops in Swaziland and Mozambique, training 16 participants from eight organizations (4 countries) 1. Exchange and sharing of experience, skills on how conflict analysis tools can be used to deepen understanding of conflict dynamics.

2. Knowledge on how a culture of regional solidarity can be used to transforming conflict.

Press statement from the participants in Swaziland following intimidation of participants by plain cloth police and denial of access to political prisoners

Second phase to be implemented in 2012.

Action plan for ongoing learning and experience sharing adopted by the workshops’ participants.

Rural Women’s Assembly (RWA) established as a platform for rural women’s selforganizing, exchange of experience, learning, and strategizing for access to land and food production.

Trust for Community Outreach and Education: In 2009, started mobilizing, and 206 women from nine countries met to discuss and adopt strategies (the Limpopo Declaration) and follow up with actions in their home countries (re report 2008-2010).

With TCOE it succeeded in informing the public and some of the policy makers at the 2011 UN Climate Change Conference (COP 17) in Durban about the experience 20

Main indicators and other relevant information20 Action Support Centre/Action for Conflict Transformation (ACT) : In 2010, held consultation meetings with 24 CSOs in South Africa Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Swaziland and mapping their skills training needs.

In 2011, mobilized rural women in southern Africa for COP 17 in Durban: • four provincial awareness workshops in SA informing representatives from social organizations and NGOs about local level organizing, campaigning and policy inputs; • the South African RWA chapter, marches,

Past

NPA reports; Partner’s Annual Reports, Mid-term Evaluation Report 2010; meetings/field visits, emails, case stories/interviews with beneficiaries

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and demands of rural women for national and international action on climate change.

While the outcome of the COP 17 may not respond to their needs and interests, the rural women who joined the RWA have been visible and shown ability to translate their learning of climate issues and government policy making into actions.

•

meetings and demonstrations; the regional RWA for 650 women who organized exchanges (of seeds, experience of rainfall patterns, responses to climate change), speak-outs and actions (marches, demonstrations)

List of participants in meetings with European Commission, DIRCO and DEA conferences, stakeholder meetings and workshops relevant to COP 17.

TCOE reports increase of the regional RWA participants to 650 in 2011 (from 206 in 2009).

Memorandum from the 2011 regional RWA. The RWA South Africa invited to speak alongside the President, the premier of KZN and the minister of Economic Development 8 December 2011 Representatives from CBOs making up or working with the RWA met with Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, arguing against the exclusionary civil society COP 17 consultation process

2.1.22 Latin America Regional Programme21 Two contradictory political tendencies in the region characterise the period 2008-11. On the one hand, there has been consolidation of national processes and initiatives for regional integration for sovereignty and social justice. The majority of the Latin American countries have elected centre left governments. On the other hand, forces on the right are also making headway in the region. With the plans to overthrow Evo Morales in Bolivia in 2008, the coup in Honduras in 2009 and police revolts in Ecuador in 2010, the oligarchies again revealed their persistence in blocking every attempt to reduce their power and privileges.

The US is strengthening its military presence, and in Central America there was a return of military personnel in top positions in 2011. While European development cooperation with Latin America has decreased considerably in the period, EU launched a broad offensive for trade agreements.

Access to raw materials is a driving force. Norwegian companies are also involved, for instance Statoil and SN Power, but also Norwegian private interests in aquaculture and forestry.

Progressive governments in Latin America have taken steps to nationalize extractive industries and increase tax revenues. However, the progressive governments and the popular movements are still striving to transform nice talk into practice, and strategies for a gradual and structural change of the economies are hardly discussed publicly. There is still little control over capital flight and there are no important examples of tax reform. Increased State revenues have mainly come from sale of natural resources (e.g. Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador) and more effective tax collection (e.g. El Salvador, Ecuador). Some countries have shown progress in income distribution over the last seven years (e.g. Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua). The economy of Latin America experienced a growth of 6% in 2010 and 4.3% in 2011. In the present period approximately 1/3 of the Latin

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The principal sources of the Latin American country reports are annual reports from partners and NPA’s follow-up of the Programme, which includes dialogues and workshops with all counterparts, dialogues with other stakeholders such as organisations that are not part of the programme, academics, political commentators, militants of the grassroots movement, the Church, and the government. Various articles by political commentators are also references.

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American population is poor (53% among rural population). Agrarian reform is not making relevant progress, except for the steps being taken in Bolivia.

Program goal: Partner organizations participating in regional networks, coalitions, campaigns or exchanges, have increased their popular support and legitimacy by sharing knowledge and experiences with others, and developed joint agendas, proposals, and common actions in international arenas in Latin America.

Popular movements continue to struggle to be relevant at both national and regional level. In some countries with political changes organizations experience new opportunities for influence as well as risks of being co-opted. New situations require new roles and relations that take time to develop. At the regional level the popular movements have not kept up with the level of communication and integration between their respective governments. Alliances and networks between organizations are making their voices heard regarding policy of integration, militarization, environment and development, but there has not been a strengthening of coalitions and campaigns among popular organizations regionally during the period.

CAOI (Coordinacion Andina de Organizaciones Indigenas) for indigenous organizations to discuss experiences and leadership, partnership and organizational development women’s congress of CAOI, the strengthening of women in is a significant result.

America was the most relevant forum strategies for political education and policies. Since 2009, with the first CAOI and their member organizations

The program has contributed to contacts, exchange of experiences, and to cooperation between partners, and other national organizations, through supporting participation in regional seminars and gatherings. Political education and alternative, popular communication have been central topics. In Central America was also a central topic. With the regional partner organization, CAOI, the dialogue has addressed strengthening women’s participation in CAOI; the coordination structure and organization development of CAOI to avoid bureaucratization; and the risk of distance between national and regional agenda. NPA also had dialogues with regional networks and coalitions, such as ALFORJA and Foro Mesoamericano, with the purpose to exchange experiences and strengthen coordination in Central America.

The examples of achieved results in the matrix below are selected because they represent prioritized program areas and a supplement to results reported on in previous reports.

Planned results Partner organizations are active in regional networks together with other social organizations for the defence of natural resources in the region.

Main achieved (or not achieved) results Several coordinated actions (CAOI) by indigenous organizations of the region in response to free trade treaties, infrastructure mega-projects, transnationals, using international instruments referring to indigenous rights and the environment.

For example, CAOI presented alternative policies and complaints regarding the proposal of Free Trade Agreement proposal between CAN (Andean countries) and EU. CAOI also put forward allegations denunciations to the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights about harm to indigenous rights from extractive activities contemplated in the regional development program, IRRSA.

Main indicators and other information Examples of regional actions supported by the program for the defence of natural resources and the right to live in a salubrious environment.

Documents signed by social organizations from several countries, some supported by the program, claiming environmental justice and protesting against environmental depredation.

Women represented in the Coordinating Body for Women (CAOI) conclude that women should not create new organizations, but raise the awareness of their comrades in The Coordinating Body for Women in CAOI communities and local, national, and

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Partner organizations are active in regional networks together with other social organizations for the defence of natural resources in the region.

Several coordinated actions (CAOI) by indigenous organizations of the region in response to free trade treaties, infrastructure mega-projects, transnationals, using international instruments referring to indigenous rights and the environment.

For example, CAOI presented alternative policies and complaints regarding the proposal of Free Trade Agreement proposal between CAN (Andean countries) and EU. CAOI also put forward allegations denunciations to the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights about harm to indigenous rights from extractive activities contemplated in the regional development program, IRRSA.

Examples of regional actions supported by the program for the defence of natural resources and the right to live in a salubrious environment.

Documents signed by social organizations from several countries, some supported by the program, claiming environmental justice and protesting against environmental depredation.

Women represented in the Coordinating Body for Women (CAOI) conclude that women should not create new organizations, but raise the awareness of their comrades in communities and local, national, and regional organizations about the need to incorporate the situation of women in strategies, and that they have to make their own plans and activities. A priority issue is institutional and domestic violence.

Partner organizations in coordination with other social movements in the region have participated in actions lobbying for influence on decision makers.

The Coordinating Body for Women in CAOI has accompanied the national processes for strengthening women’s agenda in the 6 member organizations of CAOI (ONIC, Ecuarunari, Lafkenche Identity, ONPIA, Conacami and Conamaq). The women’s congress in CAOI was crucial in this respect.

Networks of Various partners in Central America, organizations together with other organizations, organized where in the Meso-American Forum of Peoples, partners are gathered in 2008 and 2009 for training in active and communication. supported by 2.1.23 Report from NPA Pre-study on Vietnam the Luther King Cuba andsuffered other Documents with proposals and claims After the end of Martin the American WarCentre (1975),in Vietnam from over a decade of political programme organizations combine conceptual debate referring to regional processes isolation, collectivization, and low economic growth. From the mid-80s’ progressive economic have (doi moi) were with introduced practical launching trainingVietnam in as popular elaborated by tigers socialwith organizations reforms one of the ‘small’ asian one of developed communication, anti-hegemonic information acting in networks the fastest and most consolidated growth in the region. capacityVietnam for maintains and free-of-charge communication Today’s a hegemonic clout over the tools. lower Mekong Region with tight political mobilisation, Process included training activities in and commercial relations with both Laos and Cambodia. 2008 The main social movements of making liberalization and and 2009 and thehave creation in 2011 of a by Central America and southern Mexico Economic and growth not been paralleled consistent political and social presenting “regional school” of communication for carried out joint mobilizations reforms. This has created pockets of poverty and inequality as well as a general restriction of in policy and participation. social organizations solidarity with the resistance struggle freedoms proposals in Honduras.

During the lasttodecade, steps have been made by the Government to accommodate the voices of influence from Honduras, CMMLK criticisms from small organizationCOPINH and groups expressing constructive to government policies both at public Cuba, Equipo Maiz and Cripdes from El local andpolicies national levels. of regional Salvador now base their web pages remain on Lack of participation and unequal distribution of growth some of the main concerns in dimension.

Cyclope, a free platform designed for social Vietnam as these factors may jeopardise the overall sustainability of development. organizations without technical training in communication.

In 2010 NPA conducted a brief fact finding mission to identify space and potentials for support to Vietnamese CSOs. The fact finding resulted in a NORAD funded exploratory phase during 2011 that enabled NPA to support the following activities: a) Organizations of local communities managing rain forest in North Vietnam, and their claim for re-mapping and safeguard the collective land allocations, b) Active research on the image of CSOs in VN media, c) The annual Government-CSOs conference organised by the Vietnamese Union of Science and Technology Associations.

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These activities, in addition to the concrete results mentioned below, gave the opportunity to NPA to: -­‐ consolidate relations with a small network of CSOs engaged in constructive dialogue with VN government at local and national level -­‐ observe the space currently available for CSOs interactions with the established power structures -­‐ observe the capacity of VN CSOs to mobilize people and communities.

Results (according to objectives): 1. Extend networking activities with local institutions and organizations NPA has started dialogue and cooperation with four Vietnamese organizations. One of those in particular (iSEE) is engaged in broadening the space for civil society and supporting the organization of informal civil society networks (including social networks).

The support to the annual VUSTA Annual Government-CSOs conference was also a great opportunity to make NPA’s interest in VN civil society visible and known.

2. Pilot project support to some relevant Vietnamese organisations SPERI mobilised local communities (Hmon ethnic) in the Northern District of Sima Cai to remap the forestry land directly managed by the communities. The new maps were used as a ground for the local authorities to cancel the existing official mapping (showing disfavour to local communities) and order a new mapping process with direct involvement of SPERI and local communities. The pilot re-mapping covered 400 HA of land and 63 families. The same pilot project has been accepted and it will be implemented in 4 more highland districts in Vietnam. iSEE analysed the image and role of Vietnamese CSOs in the media by monitoring 7 media (5 papers, 2 online) for one year. Results and recommendations were shared with media professional and relevant government and CPV officials. The recommendations are being followed-up during 2012.

3. Establish knowledge and conditions for the development of a broader country programme in support of Vietnamese civil society initiatives.

NPA will continue to follow up the same group of CSOs partners during the period 2012-15.

Vietnamese-experienced program staff was employed to follow up the newly established country program.

Conclusions and way forward Some reports convey an image of Vietnam as politically closed with everything under the direct control of the CPV. There are evidence that such a ‘narrow’ portrait is rather outdated and that some spaces have opened for Vietnamese groups and organizations to interact with the government representing various common interests.

NPA will focus on supporting programs on natural resource management and strengthening role of civil society organization in advocacy at national level. NPA will also pay attention to establish effective partnerships with Vietnamese NGOs, civil society organizations and related state agencies.

3. Other issues 3.1 Unanticipated consequences (positive or negative) of the programs, risk mitigation and work against corruption NPA’s program in Sudan has been more influential at a political level than anticipated. For instance, the Land Investment Report sparked a huge interest both nationally and globally, and the President came on board by promising to review the land deals made. Also, without the efforts of NPA’s partners, South Sudan would probably have had a restrictive media law by now. Instead, it

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is the hope that in the near future it will be possible to have a progressive legal framework for media passed.

In Cambodia, it was overwhelming and unexpected that so many communities and and CSO’s have mobilized and engaged in land conflicts. In Mozambique, the findings of the study “Lords of the Land surprised even our partner. UNAC and its affiliated organization were aware of land investments and grabbing as they struggle against it daily, but the study illustrated the depth and magnitude of the problem, and how their affected members live it.

Our Ethiopia program reports situations of conflicts for instance in Borana, where we now see a new and major actor challenging and undermining our partners’ approach of promoting participatory forest management systems.

Mostly, however, negative consequences are linked to the risks involved when people protest against injustices in oppressive regimes. Police harassment in Zimbabwe or killings in Guatemala are case in point. Such risks to partners happen in spite of their risk mitigation measures.

In South Africa, providing funds to Soweto Concerned Resident may unintentionally have undermined the social organization instead of strengthening it. Risk mitigation focused on financial management by following partners’ use of funds closely, checking vouchers before transferring funds, providing training in financial management and leadership and discussing anti-corruption policies and behaviour with partner. In spite of this, irregularities occurred. The organization now struggles with internal problems that may have happened anyway, but were maybe triggered by the partnership with NPA. The periodic result report 2008-2010 lists the measures that NPA is taking against corruptive practises and that NPA shows zero tolerance if such practises happens in spite of this. The case involving Soweto Concerned Residents is a case in point.

3.3 How the NPA programs relate to other donors, national or local, and to what extent they follow plans of the local authorities Our relations and coordination with other donors to our partners and how we relate to local authorities vary according to context. For instance, in Cambodia, NPA has cooperated closely with other national and international organizations regarding conceptual inputs and strategic guidance to partners. Colombia and all other Latin America programs have information on other existing donors and their financial contributions to common partners. They also exchange information with other donor organizations on policy and strategic issues. Similar approaches can be seen in programs like Mozambique. In South Africa, coordination with other donors has hitherto been issue based, but since 2011 increased emphasis has been put on better coordination of cooperation with common partners. On the other hand, one of the partners was selected for its ability to coordinate actions and policy issues with national, regional and international organizations. In Zimbabwe, the networking within ZEN to promote partner driven policy issues internationally, functions in the same way. Rwanda established cooperation with CARE International around activities supported by this program, and with SIDA/DFID it implements the PPIMA program to strengthen civil society’s capacity to engage in policy dialogue.

In most programs, NPA relates to the local authorities, but as NPA works to strengthen civil society and supports their issues, there is no direct cooperation. However, when and where relevant, our partners may seek dialogue and have issue based cooperation with the authorities or be in direct opposition to the regime. Partners in Mozambique and Honduras are case in point. In Tanzania, the program approach has been to relate closely to the national policies and laws, but involve itself in advocacy issues such as the NGO act and the Wildlife Bill in cooperation with partners and through the Policy Forum of national and international civil society organizations. In South Sudan, NPA has throughout been conscious of integrating activities with the country’s plans. There is close collaboration with the relevant ministries both at national and state levels, and NPA takes

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part in relevant coordination forums with other donors. Media, however, is one area that has lacked coordination, but NPA is dialoguing with a partner to organize a coordination forum.

A field where much can be done in many programs is coordinating donor planning and reporting requirements to partners who have contributions of different sizes from various donors, and therefore must relate to as many and often very complicated and fixed formats.

Date: 06/06/2012

Orrvar Dalby Director International Program Department

Annexed: Audited accounts

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