Pingkian Volume 2 Number 2 2014

VOLUME 02 NUMBER 02

Volume 2 Number 2 | February 2014

Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) and Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples’ Struggles (ILPS)

PINGKIAN Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education Volume 2 Number 2 ISSN-2244-3142 Copyright© 2014 CONTEND and ILPS All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, except for brief quotations for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review, without permission of the publisher.

Editors Gonzalo Campoamor II (University of the Philippines) Peter Chua (San Jose State University, USA) Gerry Lanuza (University of the Philippines) Roland Tolentino (University of the Philippines) Layout Fred Dabu Cover design Tilde Acuña International Advisory Board Delia Aguilar (University of Connecticut) Joi Barrios (University of California, Berkely) Jonathan Beller (Pratt Institute) Ramon Guillermo (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Caroline Hau (Kyoto University) Bienvenido Lumbera (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Elmer Ordonez Robyn Magalit Rodriguez (University of California, Davis) Epifanio San Juan, Jr. (University of Texas, Austin) Neferti Tadiar (Barnard College) Judy Taguiwalo (University of the Philippines, Diliman) Ed Villegas (University of the Philippines, Manila)

PINGKIAN , e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education, is published by the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) and the Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS). Papers submitted for consideration should be sent to the editors at pingkian.journal@yahoo.com.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

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Engaged Pedagogy as a Form of Critical Pedagogy Gerry Lanuza

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Future Exploits, Sharing Practices: Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers Vanessa Banta

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The Sexuality of Filipino Women’s Migration Valerie Francisco

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A Critical Look at the Anti-Corruption Discourse Gerry Lanuza

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LITERARY FOLIO May Bagyo Walang Pasok Tilde Acuña

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Storm Advisory Tilde Acuña

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Pananalig Tilde Acuña

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Subukang Purihin ang Mundong Pinira-piraso Tilde Acuña

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Sa Kuna Tilde Acuña

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Ang wakas at ang simula Tilde Acuña

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Ibinalita sa Telebisyon Kislap Alitaptap

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Sa mga batang di ko na Daratnan Rogine Gonzales

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Kung Paano Tayong Tinuruan Manahimik sa Klase Rogine Gonzales

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By Squander Mark Angeles

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“Women and children first” Mark Angeles

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DOCUMENTS & STATEMENTS Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization: Implementation Guidelines and Monitoring and Evaluation Plan Philippine Higher Education Institutions and World Rankings: Thinking Outside the Box International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) “Symbiosis”/“Mutualism” and the University of the Philippines’ Enhanced and Strategic Internationalization Agenda Reply of Statistics Dean Erniel Barrios to the column of Prof. Monsod on Feb. 15, 2014 which refers to the regression analysis made by Prof. de Dios Reply of AVPAA Marilou Nicolas to the article of Prof. Ramon Guillermo Change in Academic Calendar: Weather as a Backdrop and More Weather as Backdrop Proposal to pilot the shift in UP’s academic calendar in academic year 2014-15 Other Articles, Statements and University of the Philippines Memorandums on Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization Compilation of CONTEND UP Diliman Statements 2013-2014

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INTRODUCTION

TEACHING AGAINST DISASTER CAPITALISM How Capitalism and Imperialism Take Advantage of Disasters to Further Exploit the Poor Winds of up to 270km per hour hit the central Philippines when it made landfall on Samar and Leyte on 8 November 2013. Four months after the terrible disaster bodies are still being found under the wreckage as survivors struggle to rebuild their lives. The government's confirmed death toll of 6 , 2 0 1 h a s n o t b e e n u p da t e d f o r a m o n t h a c c o r di n g t o m e di a r e p o r ts ( http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/581040/corpses-still-being-found-in-tacloban-4-months-afteryolanda). Meanwhile the Aquino government had appointed Senator Panfilo Lacson as the Rehabilitation Secretary. And the Rehabilitation czar, following the “shock doctrine” of “disaster capitalism” (Naomi Klein, Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, 2007) invited the private sector for the long-term task of rebuilding. Nine giant companies promised to lead rehabilitation in most of the areas damaged by Super Typhoon Yolanda. These companies divided among themselves 16 out of 24 “development areas,” or clusters of Yolanda-affected towns and cities. To facilitate the privatization of rehabilitation, Lacson implemented the “no build zone” policy. Urban poor families are barred from returning to their communities due to the “no build zone” policy and are crammed into substandard bunkhouses. Worse, the “no build zones” where the urban poor in Tacloban is being denied entry are the same areas where supposed investment zones are being offered to big business and inventors. These “no-build zones” are strategic policy of “disaster capitalism” to clear the area not for safety's sake but for big businesses.

To add insult to the injury, the national government had built bunkhouses that according to a report by an international shelter group assisting the government in its relief efforts said the bunkhouses being developed by the DPWH in areas devastated by Supertyphoon “Yolanda” (international name: Haiyan) were “noncompliant in many respects with internationally recognized standards and best practices” (http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/558299/yolanda-bunkhousesoverpriced).

With the people devastated, the US-Aquino Regime employs a deliberate strategy to exploit crises by pushing through controversial, exploitative policies while citizens were too busy emotionally and physically reeling from disasters or upheavals to create an effective resistance. So we witness how the Yolanda survivors were not given foods and medicines immediately right after the typhoon. Instead the government deployed many police and military purportedly to “keep peace and order”. The US government likewise deployed 13,000 US servicemen to conduct “humanitarian relief mission”. The Center for Women's Resources, during the 100th anniversary celebration of International Women's Day, laments: “Sadly, the disaster became the reason for a smoother military deployment in the region. It is well known that there is ongoing talks with the increased rotational presence of US troops in the Philippines in line with the strategic US Pivot in Asia-Pacific.”

But the people are not taking this shock doctrine passively. People's Surge was formed last January 24 to 25 in Tacloban City when more than 13,000 protesters mobilized in downtown Tacloban to demand government action on the plight of the affected victims in the region. That was one of the biggest mass demonstration seen in Eastern Visayas in recent years. The group of typhoon survivors

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went to Malacañang last Feb. 17, carrying a list of their demands to the government signed by 17,000 individuals. They were snubbed by President Benigno Aquino III, only three of their members were allowed into the Palace where their petition was received by a clerk. Two days later, Aquino questioned their request for P40,000 in financial assistance, as well as their choice to travel to Manila instead of tending to their families in Eastern Visayas (http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/580604/in-the-know-whatis-people-surge). Rehabilitation czar Panfilo Lacson later accused them of being used by communists to destabilize the government.

Today capitalism has gone a long way from simply exploiting the workers towards exploiting natural disasters to further its territorial hold on public resources and accelerate the privatization of relief operations. Disasters have become opportunities for corrupt bureaucrat capitalists and their minions to further expand the market and extend the reach of capital. In devastated areas.

In this context, teachers and educational workers cannot afford to just be spectators. Teachers and their students had been affected by these disasters. And the government has been consistent in its neoliberal policy to abandon state's support of public education. Teachers and educational workers therefore will have to join forces with people's movement to assert their rights. Only through collective struggle and solidarity with the “wretched of the earth” can a genuine rehabilitation work. ********** In this issue of Pingkian, Gerry Lanuza, the current Chair of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy elaborates on the philosophical presupposition of his critical pedagogy.

Dubbed as “engaged pedagogy”, Lanuza argues that “rather than parroting the naïve bourgeois ideology that says education is the preparation of “man” to be a productive member of society,” education should be defined “not merely as a form of transmission but engaging the students in praxis that allows for critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices. Education is a subversive activity in so far as it challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing douxa or public opinion.”

The journal also includes three essays on national democratic scholarship. Two essays tackle the issue of migration. Vanessa Banta, currently Instructor at the Department of Theater Arts at the University of the Philippines, Diliman, offers her “Future Exploits, Sharing Practices: Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers,” which examines the plight of Tita Josie and the Florida 15 who were trafficked in the United States in the pursuit “better employment”. Echoing E. San Juan's critical analysis of Filipino diaspora, Banta described these trafficked Filipinos as exchangeable commodities. Based on her interviews, Banta asserts that common in the narratives of these trafficked Filipinos is the feeling of having been exploited.

In the second essay, “The Sexuality of Filipino Women's Migration,” Valerie Francisco, who teaches at the Department of Sociology and Social Work University of Portland, Oregon, U.S.A., documents how Filipino migration is tied with the exploitation of women. For Francisco, “Filipino women's migration narrate a circulation of the Filipino woman's body as a sexualized object through different circuits of labor brokerage, migration and incorporation.”

The third essay by Gerry Lanuza attempts to deconstruct the growing popularity of corruption discourse among scholars. Lanuza argues in this essay that corruption discourse cannot be divorced from neoliberal ideology that diverts attention away from the questions of global justice and inequalities towards moralistic discourse on corruption. Lanuza concludes that corruption discourse should always be put within the wider context of people's struggle to end bureaucrat capitalism.

In this issue we also included literary works of Tilde Acuña, Kislap Alitaptap, Rogene Gonzales, Joi Barrios, and Mark Angeles. These literary works, which deal with education and disasters, reflect the

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revolutionary imagination of poets in allowing the readers have a glimpse of a utopian world. These works highlight the continuing relevance of aesthetic and literary imagination to unmask the onedimensionality of capitalist consciousness. ************** It is our hope that like the past issues of Pingkian, the essays in this current issue will serve as resources for educators and students who are committed to teaching against “disaster capitalism”.

Disaster capitalism does not only exploit the vulnerabilities of the poor. It also takes advantage of exploiting the weakness of women who bear the brunt of disaster, state-sponsored repression, and neoliberal policies that leave people totally destitute. Disasters are not a loss for bureaucrat capitalism and imperialist lackeys. Disasters are opportunities to traffic women, to suspend democratic governance, and to take advantage of the vulnerabilities of the poor. Confronted with these violent contradictions, our task as critical educators is to transform the consciousness of our students so that they will participate in the struggle against neoliberal assault on our people. As Gerry Lanuza puts it in his essay, “[b]y asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy steadfastly dismisses the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. Education is always a reproduction of dominant social relations.” It is only by demystifying the reification of our consciousness that we can begin to awake from the shock of disaster capitalism.

The Editors February 2014

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Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

Engaged Pedagogy as a Form of Critical Pedagogy Gerry Lanuza Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)

Engaged Pedagogy as a Form of Critical Pedagogy Gerry Lanuza

First, I distinguish teaching from pedagogy. Teaching is to pedagogy just as method is to methodology. Teaching involves tools of inquiry and effective methods for transmission of knowledge, which may either be formal or informal. Pedagogy, however, as I define it, refers to the complex set of instruction as well as to the philosophical and epistemological assumptions that guide the pedagogue's approach to “leading” the learners to live with/in the world as well as transform it. "All descriptions of pedagogy – like knowledge in general – are shaped by those who devise them and the values they hold" (Kincheloe 2004, 5-6). Or as Peter McLaren says, “Critical pedagogy is a way of thinking about, negotiating, and transforming the relationship among classroom teaching, the production of knowledge, the institutional structures of the school, and the social and material relations of the wider community, society, and nation-state” (McLaren 1998, 443). Kincheloe would argue, however, that one commonality between the various descriptions is that a critical pedagogical vision within schools is grounded in the social, cultural, cognitive, economic, and political context that is part of the larger community and society.

I therefore reject offhand any notion that education is simple process of finding the best technology to transmit knowledge to a group of “eager” learners. My choice of “engaged pedagogy” to characterize my pedagogical practice reflects my self-conscious attempt to question the reduction of teaching and education to instrumentalist practice and philosophy. That is, equating pedagogy with the mere search for best teaching methods.

Edward Eisner (2002) criticizes critical theorists as being more interested in displaying the shortcomings of schooling than providing models toward which schools should aspire. Henry Giroux (1988, 37) declared that critical educational theory has "been unable to move from criticism to substantive vision." Giroux also observes that critical theory has been unable to "posit a theoretical discourse and set of categories for constructing forms of knowledge, classroom social relationships, and visions of the future that give substance to the meaning of critical pedagogy" (ibid., 37-38). In response to these shortcomings, I will try to present a coherent account of my own practice of doing critical pedagogy, which I specifically call as “engaged pedagogy.”

My Pedagogical Creed My pedagogic creed, if it can be considered as one, is derived mainly from John Dewey, Ivan Illlich, and Paolo Freire. However, the contemporary works of Ira Shor, the anarchistic theory of Paul Goodman, the libertarian pedagogy of John Holt and Neil's Summerhill, the radical educational theory of Henry Giroux, the black feminist theory of bell hooks, and the neo-Marxist theory of Peter McLaren also shaped the way I approach my pedagogical practice inside and outside the classroom.

Engaged Pedagogy Is Passionately Committed From Paolo Freire I learned the almost awful slogan among liberal educators: that education is never neutral. All pedagogical activities are saturated with ideological interests. At its core, Freirean

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critical pedagogy has the following two major agendas: transformation of knowledge and pedagogy. The most significant focus of critical pedagogy is the relationship between knowledge and power. By asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy steadfastly dismisses the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. In my classes therefore I always begin by telling my students that I'm not just a neutral teacher who transmits faithfully objective knowledge.

The act of transmitting knowledge itself is a form of reproduction of the ruling ideas in a particular society.

To teach is to position one's self in the on-going conflicts and power struggle in society (Zamudioa, Bridgemanb, Russellc and Riosd 2009). To practice “engaged pedagogy” is to make one's self vulnerable to students' interrogation. It is to open up one's arsenal of ideas and set it off against the prevailing douxa or opinion of society as well as the pre-existing knowledge horizons of the students. In engaged pedagogy I transform the space of my classroom into an arena of battlefield of ideas and assumptions where the only rule is: let the truth emerge in the dialogue to uncover the symbolic violence of arbitrarily imposed ideas and conventions. Thus, for me, the most important part of a class discussion is not to know what the students think but to be able to make students justify why they think that way.

Hence, I reject vehemently Max Weber's (1949) fetish for objectivism inside the classroom and during class discussions. I strongly believe that OBJECTIVISM is the tacit fortification of teachers to discourage students from critically examining the assumptions of the teacher. Objectivism is supposed to be critical: questioning everything except objectivism itself. Such classroom practice creates agnostic students who are obsessed with questioning all prevailing truths and dogma without any commitment to a cause other than pure cynicism towards everything existing.

However, engaged pedagogy is not the celebration of the opposite of cynicism. It can never be an unproblematic excuse for dogmatism and a justification for creating somnambulist students who simply follow the teacher's chosen or preferred position. Moreover, from this reductionist perspective the curriculum becomes merely a body of finalized knowledge to be transferred to the minds of students. Far from it, an engaged teacher must be able to lay bare his or her assumptions to allow students to examine them for their ideological worth and validity. Fear of unquestioned authority is the greatest enemy of engaged pedagogy. Albert Einstein, who had been victimized by this kind of pedagogy, points out its dire consequence: To me the worst thing seems to be for a school principally to work with methods of fear, force and artificial authority. Such treatment destroys the sound sentiments, the sincerity and the self-confidence of the pupil. It produces the submissive subject.

(Einstein 1950, 36) So, rather than parroting the naïve bourgeois ideology that says education is the preparation of “man” to be a productive member of society, I define education not merely as a form of transmission but engaging the students in praxis that allows for critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices.

Education is a subversive activity in as far as it challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing douxa or public opinion.

However, transmission is never a one-way process of indoctrination. Every process of transmission also allows room for resistance and creativity. A teacher therefore cannot treat her students as mere passive dopes or empty glasses waiting to be filled with scientific knowledge no matter how noble and expedient the goal is. Engaged pedagogy is a dialogical process that establishes, not only a democratic, but also, nurturing relationship between the learner and the teacher.

By affirming the agency of students, as against the traditional conception of students as mere passive learners, critical pedagogy basically relies on experiences against the claims of hegemonic truth.

The pedagogy of experience aims at “freeing students from oppressive cultural frames of knowing by providing them with new ways of claiming authority for their own experience” (Zavarzadeh and Morton 1994, 22). Claiming one's own experience is regarded not only as a process of ideology critique, but also a

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way to find alternatives. As Darder, Baltodano and Torres (2003, 12) put it, “students come to understand themselves as subjects of history and to recognize that conditions of injustice ... can also be transformed by human beings.” Engaged pedagogy therefore aims at creating the condition for the possibility of transformation.

Practitioners of critical pedagogy seek a liberating and transformative education that challenges the hierarchical power structures assumed in and naturalized by patriarchy, colonialism, and global capitalism. Not wishing to simply substitute a new set of dominant ideologies for older ones, critical pedagogy seeks a truly democratic classroom of learners, and therefore it must be, in the words of Henry Giroux (1994, 52), “simultaneously utopian but always distrustful of itself.”

Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Democratic Classroom From John Dewey (1916/1930, 101) I learned that education is all about democracy. Dewey writes: A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. The extension in space of the number of individuals who participate in an interest so that each has to refer his own action to that of others, and to consider the action of others to give point and direction to his own, is equivalent to the breaking down of those barriers of class, race, and national territory which kept men from perceiving the full import of their activity.

I see my classrooms as actual laboratories for democratic citizenship for the wider society. The goal is not to fully understand each other's perspectives but rather to establish a common, respectful space in which to acknowledge and engage differences.

Critical pedagogy is not just about preparation for democracy. It is democracy itself. Based on my experience, students lose their enthusiasm if you tell them that the objective of the course is to prepare them for future career or work. For me it is also dangerous to tell my students that democracy is something they will exercise in the near future. For it will only make student complacent about the nondemocratic practices that pervade our society. In short, if we focus mainly on the future applications of what we teach, our students lose sight of the pressing present problems they confront. I am not in any way denying the future-orientation of our pedagogical practices, but as Dewey explains: The mistake is not in attaching importance to preparation for future need, but in making it the mainspring of present effort. Because the need of preparation for a continually developing life is great, it is imperative that every energy should be bent to making the present experience as rich and significant as possible. Then as the present merges insensibly into the future, the future is taken care of. (ibid., 65) Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Convivial Community of Learners From Ivan Illich I learned that education is not about creating a self-perpetuating bureaucracy but establishing a community of learners. Moreover, this community of learners is nourished by “convivial” approach to educational tools. The term "convivial tools" comes from Ivan Illich's book Tools for Conviviality, published in 1973. Illich presented a radical critique of the existing system of industrial tools, which is oriented towards mass production for consumer society. He observed that: "As the power of machines increases, the role of persons decreases to that of mere consumers." Illich wanted to "invert the present deep structure of tools" and to "give people tools that guarantee their right to work with independent efficiency." He claimed that "people need new tools to work with rather than tools that work for them." Illich suggested that such tools would enhance a sort of "graceful playfulness" in personal relations, which he summed up by calling such tools "convivial" (Illich 1973).

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By making pedagogy as “convivial,” it means treating your students as “persons” rather than as grade-achievers or grade-addicted freaks. It means seeing grades, examinations, and other school requirements not as ends themselves but as “playful” instruments to further the growth and engagement of the students. What I abhor most is mass-ification of students through large classes and reduction of face-to-face interactions through computerized registration. Such non-convivial view of pedagogy reduces human interaction to mere circulation of information from one terminal to another. Efficiency becomes the end itself rather than humanization of teaching. Illich's convivial view of teaching converges with Freire's definition of dialogical learning as a form of love: Dialogue cannot exist, however, in the absence of a profound love for the world and for people. The naming of the world, which is an act of creation and re-creation, is not possible if it is not infused with love…. No matter where the oppressed are found, the act of love is commitment to their cause – the cause of liberation. And this commitment, because it is loving, is dialogical. As an act of bravery, love cannot be sentimental; as an act of freedom it must not serve as a pretext for manipulation. It must generate other acts of freedom; otherwise, it is not love. Only by abolishing the situation of oppression is it possible to restore the love which that situation made impossible. If I do not love the world – if I do not love life – if I do not love people – I cannot enter into dialogue. (Freire 2000, 89-90)1 According to a practitioner of engaged pedagogy, one of the main assumptions of critical pedagogy is “[c]oncerned that schools don't hurt students – good schools don't blame students for their failures or strip students of the knowledges they bring to the classroom” (Kincheloe 2008, 11). In the counterhegemonic classrooms of a critical pedagogy, teachers reframe the ways that school looks at students, in the process discovering student talents invisible to most everyone at school. Here teachers use such talents as bases of opportunity to which they can connect academic skills and affective dynamics. In other words, an engaged educator builds up on the existing knowledge of the students. Alternatively, as Freire states, “If students are not able to transform their lived experiences into knowledge and to use the already acquired knowledge as a process to unveil new knowledge, they will never be able to participate rigorously in a dialogue as a process of learning and knowing” (Freire 2000, 20).

I must therefore start with the pre-existing knowledge and background of my students. Moreover, in many instances, these planes of knowledge are not “authorized” by the academic discourse of the teachers and the official curriculum of the schools. This is not a simple way to skip rigor and academic demands in the name of the “anything-goes” philosophy of education that romanticizes the pre-existing knowledge of the students. Engaged pedagogy does not demand less rigor in the classroom. But it defines “rigor” not in the authoritarian way that makes it an exclusive property of students who follow rigid rules and sacredlike pronouncement of teachers and educational experts. It means, in the words of Freire: “we have to fight with love, with passion, in order to demonstrate that what we are proposing is absolutely rigorous.

We have, in doing so, to demonstrate that rigor is not synonymous with authoritarianism, that rigor does not mean 'rigidity'. Rigor lives with freedom, needs freedom. I cannot understand how it is possible to be rigorous without being creative. For me it is very difficult to be creative without having freedom. Without being free I can only repeat what is being told me” (Freire and Shor 1987, 75). That I think summarizes the humanistic foundation of engaged pedagogy.

Engaged Pedagogy Is Knowing about Myself So I can Love Better Finally, my reading of Bell Hooks2, Teaching to Transgress (1994), has taught me the value of the body language, emotional management, and the production of desire inside the classroom. Teaching is a performative act. Bell Hooks says, 1

Illich has a very similar position: “I remain certain the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship” (Illich 2002, 235).

2 Whose real name is Gloria Jeans Watkins, an American author, professor, feminist, and social activist.

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To embrace the performative aspect of teaching we are compelled to engage “audiences”, to consider issues of reciprocity. Teachers are not performers in the traditional sense of the word in that our work is not meant to be a spectacle. Yet it is means to serve as a catalyst that calls everyone to become more and more engaged, to become active participants in learning (Hooks 1994, 14).

Teaching, conceived in the masculinist way, perpetuates the myth that teachers must become detached towards their students. Such technicist approach lauds efforts of teachers to maintain authoritarian relationship with the students to maintain his or her power over them. bell hooks reminds us: To educate as the practice of freedom is a way of teaching that anyone can learn. That earning process comes easiest to those of us who teach who also believe that there is an aspect of our vocation that is sacred; who believe that our work is not merely to share information but to share in the intellectual and spiritual growth of our students.

To teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students is essential if we are to provide the necessary condition where learning can most deeply and intimately begin. (ibid., 13).

The feminist version of engaged pedagogy made me realize the need for reflexivity, that I must treat my class as a form of autoethnography or self-study. According to Robert Kincheloe, “In many contemporary educational settings driven by epistemologically naïve, unexamined top-down standardization, students and teachers are not encouraged to confront why they tend to think as they do about themselves, the world around them and their relationships to that world. In other words, such individuals gain little insight into the forces that shape them – the construction of their consciousnesses” (Kincheloe 2008, 31).

And this is not only naïve but dangerous. For it perpetuates the myth of knowledge production as happening in a vacuum sealed from material and cultural currents and influences.

Every after lecture I ask myself what are the things that I missed. I often feel upset whenever my students get out of my class without me making them understand fully the gravity of what we are doing.

Engaged pedagogy is very demanding. It involves time investment and emotional management. For these are the prerequisites for creating a caring and nurturing classrooms. One of the first tasks of the critical educator is to explore her own subjectivity and "locate" or situate herself within that praxis. This process is both active and reflexive. Subjectivity, in this sense, represents an ongoing construction of the development of the personal lens through which one sees the world, and through which notions of reality and truth are shaped. As Parker J. Palmer rightly points out, Teaching, like any truly human activity, emerges from one's inwardness, for better or worse. As I teach, I project the condition of my soul onto my students, my subject, and our way of being together. The entanglements I experience in the classroom are often no more or less than the convolutions of my inner life. Viewed from this angle, teaching holds a mirror to the soul. If I am willing to look in that mirror and not run from what I see, I have a chance to gain self knowledge – and knowing myself is as crucial to good teaching as knowing my students and my subject….

In fact, knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge.

When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my own unexamined life – and when I cannot see them clearly, I cannot teach them well. (Palmer 1998, 2) My students have their own life-projects or vocation. According to most critical theorists and experiential educators, students are not empty vessels, but rather are individuals with life experience

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and knowledge, situated within their own cultural, class, racial, historical and gender contexts (Freire, 1970; Hooks, 1994). Students arrive in the critical classroom with their individual expectations, hopes, dreams, diverse backgrounds, and life experiences, including a long history of previous schooling and educational hegemony. The challenge is to let them see how these knowledge productions relate and enhance their life-projects. These theories must be alive and must be able to transform the life-projects of the students in relation to the transformation of the world.

When the role of the student in the critical classroom is thus considered, the assumption is that not only will an educator create a classroom condition that offers students the opportunity to work toward social change, to have a voice in the educational process, to have the knowledge and courage to be critical, and to be interested in and committed to this process, but that students have a responsibility to critically commit themselves to this process.

References Darder, A., M. Baltodano, and R. Torres. 2003. Critical pedagogy: An introduction. In The Critical Pedagogy Reader, ed. A. Darder, M. Baltodano and R. Torres. NY: Routledge Falmer.

Dewey, John. 1916/1930. Democracy and education. NY: Macmillan.

Einstein, Albert. 1950. On education: Out of my later years. NY: Wisdom Library.

Eisner, Edward. 2002. The educational imagination: On the design and evaluation of school programs, 4th ed. NY: Macmillan.

Freire, Paulo. 2000. Pedagogy of the oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos. NY: Continuum International Publishing Group.

Freire, Paulo and Ira Shor. 1987. Pedagogy of liberation: Dialogues on transforming education. NY: Bergin and Garvey.

Giroux, Henry. 1994. Living dangerously: Identity politics and the new cultural racism. In Between borders: Pedagogy and the politics of cultural studies, ed. Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren, 29-55. NY: Routledge.

-----. 1997. Pedagogy and the politics of hope: Theory, culture, and schooling. GO: Westview Press.

Hooks, Bell. 1994. Teaching to transgress. Routledge.

Illich, Ivan. 1973. Tools for conviviality. Harper and Row. -----. 2002. The cultivation of conspiracy. In The challenge of Ivan Illich, ed. Lee Hoinacki and Carl Mitcham. NY: SUNY Press.

Kincheloe, Joel L. 2004. Critical pedagogy primer. NY: Peter Lang.

-----. 2008. Knowledge and critical pedagogy: An introduction. NY: Springer Science.

McLaren, Peter. 1998. Revolutionary pedagogy in post-revolutionary times: Rethinking the political economy of critical education. Educational Theory 48(4).

Palmer, Parker J. 1998. The courage to teach. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Weber, Max. 1949. On the methodology of the social sciences, trans. and ed. Edward Shils and Henry Finch.

Illinois: Free Fress.

Zamudioa, Margaret, Jacquelyn Bridgemanb, Caskey Russellc and Francisco Riosd. 2009. Developing a critical consciousness: Positionality, pedagogy, and problems. Race Ethnicity and Education 12(4): 455-472.

Zavarzadeh, M. and Morton, D. 1994. Theory as resistance: Politics and culture after poststructuralism. NY: Guilford Press.

Notes First published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of Institute of Formation and Religious Studies (IFRS), Vol. 18, 2013.

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Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

Future Exploits, Sharing Practices: Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers Vanessa Banta Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)

Future Exploits, Sharing Practices Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers Vanessa Banta

In December of 2011, reports stated that a California federal judge had set a “historic legal precedent” by stating that the federal Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) would be applied to a group rather than to individual victims. These reports contextualize the upcoming court proceedings scheduled for July starring 350 Filipino school teachers who have been victims of labor trafficking and the defendant, their illegal recruiters. Purported to protect not only the victims of the “most heinous human trafficking crimes” but also of trafficking cases involving fraud and extortion in forced labor, the TVPA would aid plaintiffs such as the group of 350 teachers who suffered from “psychological coercion” when threatened with deportation and loss of employment (SPLC). The stakes are high. The precedent is predicted to “offer hope” to the 350 school teachers who were trafficked and at the same time, it stands as a “promise” of the judicial system to help future victims of human trafficking. Here the report portends how the law proscribes -- gives, even -- a certain feeling but then also how the law would soon seize and be in charge of feelings that have been forged and broken in relationships, in this case, between the employee and employer, the duped and the deceiver. Yet in spite of the law's performative announcement of what is to come and how we should feel in the future, meanings and feelings have been and are being continuously contested outside of the courts. For labor trafficked workers, what does it mean to be, feel, speak and move in this moment in between now and July 2012?

I examine the speech acts of a migrant worker who will be named here Tita Mely (Aunt Mely ) and a group of workers who have collectively taken up the name Florida 15 that stands for the 15 workers who have together escaped from their employers in Florida and now live together in Jersey City, New York. I suggest that theories on performance provide critical weight in this attempt to understand the strategies employed by the workers I interview who await their trial. I hope to underscore and contextualize Tita Mely's speech acts in order to consider the ways in which they do much more than contain stories of migration. I draw from performance theorist Judith Butler's assertion in her work, Excitable Speech that we may think of speech acts as possessing a force gained from ones that have come before contra a speech act which can be traced to an originator, a “subject as sovereign”, “presumed in the Austinian account of performativity” (Butler 1997, 49). Tita Mely and the Florida 15 may be positioned with other Filipino trafficked workers they speak with, “magically invoked at the moment in which [their] utterance is spoken” (ibid.). That is, aside from Tita Mely and the Florida 15, other workers before them have already filed cases. Years earlier, Sentosa 27, a group of twenty seven Filipino nurses became the subject of web postings and public calls to action by community groups and labor organizations after they issued the case against their recruiter. In the case of Sentosa 27 alone, we see the invocation of past speakers while simultaneously opening up the field for others. For example, in speeches by community activists, the case of Sentosa 27 is mentioned to be the “continuation” of the fight of the early Filipino farm workers, the WWII veterans, and the Filipino Airport Screeners, thus drawing connections from past to future struggles of Filipino laborers (Sentosa 27 Speech 2007). Also, research on current developments on the case of Sentosa 27 brings to light a slight but significant change. While these articles report that some charges have been dropped, they also mention the fact that other are following suit; instead of writing “Sentosa 27”, we see “Sentosa 27++.” It is in this seemingly simple notation of an accretion, of the addition to the number of plus signs, that we are most

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reminded of the breadth of the field that the initial enunciative act the original Sentosa 27 opened up.

More nurses and health practitioners have decided to come forward with their illegal recruitment perhaps more invigorated to fight their abusive employers and illegal recruiters. Currently, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 speak with three hundred fifty teachers from Louisiana, a group of educators in Baltimore, the Sentosa 27, Arizona 34, and fifty engineers in New York City.

To acknowledge this endowment of force is also to acknowledge the work that their speech acts have done and continuously are doing within “the authoritative set of practices” that have worked to also control, even censor, their speech. However, I aim to show that beyond producing oppositional speech, one that refutes allegations of illegal entry to the U.S. for example, the workers themselves perform.

According to Butler (1997, 140), “the possibility remains to exploit the presuppositions of speech to produce a future of language that is nowhere implied by those presuppositions.” Thus, thinking along with Butler, I not only ask whether there is another way to read the speech acts which ostensibly merely problematizes the legal definition and current understandings of human trafficking. I argue for their place within the field of performance studies because if the “the performative needs to be rethought ... as social ritual”, affecting “bodily doxa, that lived and corporeally registered set of beliefs that constitute social reality”, their performance becomes a space wherein the workers practice and rehearse perhaps what the future language is for these workers. For these workers, speaking and appearing before an audience, is intentional and not without risk. This essay is an attempt to take on that challenge by looking at these performances as, in fact, acts of labor and perhaps, even acts of love. They speak to look out for others. They also ask for others to look out for them.

Tell on Them: the State/s of the Filipino Trafficked Worker As I suggested earlier, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 are only a few of the thousands who have left the Philippines to seek better employment in countries such as the United States as part of a mass labor migration engendered by the Philippine state's institutionalization and facilitation. In the past two decades, the government through state agencies such as the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) monitors and works together with private recruitment agencies, legal and illegal, that match Filipinos with their foreign employers. This recruitment operation makes the Philippines the world's largest exporter of government-sponsored labor (Magalit Rodriguez, 2010). The Philippines' reliance on the migrant's remittances increases every year as the state's strategy for survival, as the labor forces have become pillars of the Philippine economy. In 2005, remittances reached 10 billion USD from Filipinos working in more than 130 nations throughout the world. Ad campaigns position migrant workers as “heroes” of the people as they heavily support the economy of the nation state through monetary remittances. Former President of the Philippines Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, for example, during her term called herself CEO of “global enterprise” that services the globe through “highly skilled, welleducated, English speaking,” “productive” and “efficient workers” (ibid.). As Filipino literary theorist, Epifanio San Juan has described, the Filipino/a “belongs” to the world as “assets”, “human capital” and as “exchangeable commodities” (San Juan in Manalansan, 2007).

I underscore the Philippine government's role in this mass migration because recently it seems that the issue on “labor trafficking” has become something that has been used by Filipino activist groups here to expose actions by both the Philippines and the United States. Indeed these actions join other movements towards defining and/or expanding common perceptions on what labor trafficking is or what it contains. It was only in 2003 that the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime proposed the definition of trafficking as such: The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, or fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a

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minimum, the exploitation or the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs. (Aronowitz 2006) I quote the U.N.'s entire definition of trafficking because it gives us the sense of alienation that legal jargon often produces and highlights these slippage and oft conflated terms, smuggling and trafficking, that undergird the workers' experience of being immediately criminalized as people who have entered the country illegally. This criminalization impacts and inflects the performance of admitting one's status as a “victim” of labor trafficking. Such allegations help explain the overwhelming feelings of fear and even shame that workers need to be overcome just to seek any form of help.

What is most relevant for this project is the degree to which the speech acts of the workers could easily be read as acts that only critique the two nations of the Philippines and the United States. While this may be true, I wish to distinctly attend to the ways Tita Mely and the Florida 15's performances argue that there is a way in which a new type of language could, through and within performance, be rehearsed and practiced as both a neoliberal critique but also as an affective and ethical appeal.

Throughout this paper, it will become more and more apparent that these performances are always to be situated within the growing activist movement of Filipino and Filipino Americans which I find has always been put in tension with the “invisible” community of Filipinos despite its early years of migration. As their stories tell, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 would not have the legal support that they have now if it were not for the series of performances or a series of coming outs they have decided to do.

In fact, I would not have been able to know their stories if it were not for the performances which Tita Mely and Florida 15 have given to the small activist groups, of which I am a part of, here in New York City.

What I have here are my ethnographic accounts to describe what I saw, heard, and felt listening to Tita Mely and the Florida 15. Although I believe I have included much detail, I also know there is always more that could not be encapsulated through words.

That Exploited Feeling I do not consider it a coincidence that it was the day after Filipino boxer Manny Pacquio's long awaited fight that I met Tita Mely. Manny Pacquiao, a boxer turned politician, has beaten many of his opponents invoking pride for many Filipinos across the globe. Rooting for Pacquiao is rooting for the country. The match the night before wasn't a KO (knock out) as many had hoped, and that morning people already feel ambivalent towards Pacquio's win, a win determined by numbers and judges as opposed to the display of brute force in one's “knocking out” of the other. Despite the many viewing parties we were invited to, Tita Mely and I instantly bonded over the fact that we both didn't get to see the match. She can't bear the bloody faces shown on TV, she said. After taking our seats, Tita Mely said, “Hindi ko alam. Nagulat na lang ako.” (I didn't know. I was completely surprised when I found out that they did not file my papers correctly) She almost told me in jest with a light tap on my hand as many Filipinos oft do when they tease. According to her, it was only after nine years that she found out that she was a victim of human trafficking. After working as an accountant in Manila, Tita Mely saved enough money to travel to the U.S. with a tourist visa to visit and explore the possibility of working in the U.S. “Kung wala, wala.

Alam ko namang uuwi ako.” (If there's none, there's none. I knew it meant home for me). But by the “grace of God”, a friend would refer Tita Mely, a devout Christian, to the recruitment placement agency where Tita Mely would work for nine years. With the price of 3000 USD, she got a job and the promise of receiving her work visa and her green card eventually. Thus for nine years, Tita Mely worked not only as a supervisor the job she was originally hired for but also as a janitress (or female janitor), telephone operator, and “comforter” or one who provided comfort to other Filipino workers recruited and placed in different nursing homes and hospitals who complained about their jobs to Tita Mely. She worked long hours without making any demands, afraid that she would be threatened if she didn't comply. While regularly sending money back to her family in the Philippines, she saved money for processing fees of her documents and lawyer fees on top of the 3000 USD she already paid. After nine years, she received a letter notifying her that processing would be halted. Her employers did not file the necessary papers for

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the renewal of her work visa. Tita Mely now faces charges of overstaying in the country because her employers were found to be financially incapable of sponsoring the processing of her green card.

The element of surprise is one that can be found in almost every narrative about trafficking. While legal immigration issues are things that these workers need to navigate, illegal trafficking is something that the workers only learn about when they suddenly find themselves in certain situations. In fact, it is even quite unsure whether the workers fully know the legal conditions. They usually refer to their lawyers for questions. For example, a recent Facebook post from one of the workers involves a question whether one could get married or not.

Tita Mely did not even mention the money she has lost during those nine years. She did, however, lament on how diligently she worked and trustingly she waited and how disappointing and devastating it was to work and wait for something all those years only to find out that she were fooled. Far from being a consolation and more of an act to pacify and placate Tita Mely, she was offered to work again in the office by the same employers after she received the letter. Tita Mely agreed to work again to save money in the event that she gets deported. She tells me, “I couldn't work anymore because I would just cry in front of my computer. Nine years, Van. They were just pushing me out.” It wouldn't take long for Tita Mely to leave the company for the second time. But again, in their last effort to keep her close, afraid of what she might do to them and their business, her employers suggested that she marry a relative of theirs after paying a big sum of money first as fee for the arranged marriage. She vehemently said no.

Tita Mely worked long hours, performed tasks outside her job description, and received pay below what was her due. Yet what clearly caused her more grief was the fact that she had believed in what turned out to be an empty promise. More than the lost time and money, Tita Mely was more upset and hurt about how she was treated after learning about her impending deportation. “They were pushing me out. They were pushing out,” she said repeatedly. Tita Mely needed to pause or back track quite a few times to recount the series of events. Court dates and dates of meetings with lawyers got confused. She would say, “Ay teka lang” (Wait) and she would proceed to tell me what had come before, a detail that should not be forgotten. “Hindi ako makapaniwala na nine years na.” (I can't believe it has been nine years.), she kept on saying. Yet despite Tita Mely's allusions to how time seems to escape her, she also comments on how quickly she is caught up in it and how quick it is for emotions we thought had passed to return and get relived in the moment of its retelling. We held hands as she tells me how she cannot seem to hold back her tears every time she tells the story. “I cry every time. I still remember their faces, the sound of their voices vividly.” She lightly touches my thigh asking for something, Ikuha mo nga ako ng tissue, Van. (Please get me some tissues, Van.) What unfolded in my conversation with Tita Mely suggests that a narration of the events or the giving of details simply could not capture the worker's felt crime of exploitation. Butler writes that the “speech act is a bodily act,” and that the “force of the performative is never fully separable from bodily force.” (Butler 1997, 46) Expanding this further is theorist Shoshana Felman who argues that the body is not always “knowing” about what it says. Tita Mely's speech act bears more than the “truths” of her migration story or illegal recruitment. The OED defines the verb exploit as to “make use of (a situation) in a way considered unfair or underhand” Also it is to “benefit unfairly from the work of (someone), typically by overworking or underpaying them” (OED). 'While the word exploitation often signals that one is overworked or over utilized over a period of time, exploitation in Tita Mely's terms also connotes the feeling of being “used” for more than one's skills or labor. The expression “I was used” in this case needs to be given a different affective weight. In excess of the feelings of loss of the material and the concrete, exploitation for Tita Mely connotes abuse of the heart, when one hopes only to be deceived or when one trusts only to be deceived. Thus, instead of explicating or broadening one's definition of labor trafficking, Tita Mely's performance serve to illuminate the affective relations within the space of labor trafficking.

Indeed a number of scholars have noted that workers like Tita Mely engage in a type of work that fall under the rubric of what Eileen Boris and Rhacel Parrenas (2010, 3) calls “intimate labor”, defined as paid

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or unpaid work that includes “activities [which] promote the physical, intellectual, affective, and other emotional needs of strangers, friends, friends, family, sex partners, children, and elderly, ill or disabled people.” With the aim of investigating the “wide range of intimate labors and complicat[ing] the space and time continuum under which such work occurs”, scholars have added that “[intimate labors] include fleeting encounters and durable ties”. According to Boris and Parrenas (ibid.), intimate labor, regardless of the various temporalities, involves “maintenance of precise social relations between employers and employees or customers and providers.” This is to say that Tita Mely and countless others are intimate laborers not only by virtue of the service they provide, but also precisely because of the work that goes towards caring for the relationship. If good relations are considered only added bonus to a working environment for some occupations, for intimate laborers caring for the relationship, is in fact, part of the work.

Yet it is also this framework of intimate labor that has “catapulted [the Filipina worker] into the view as the global servant and domestic helper par excellance”. Filipino cultural theorist Martin Manalansan (2007) critiques current scholarship for reifying the image of the docile Filipino worker thus perpetuating his/her subordination. Manalansan offers what he terms as disaffection, the workers' response that actually “does not pivot on maternal emotions and in the effusive flow of caring feelings.” Linking disaffection, which may include “emotional distance, alienation, antipathy, and isolation” with Lauren Berlant's work on composure as gestures or other bodily practices that undergird such precarious living, Manalansan suggests disaffection as an “affective orientation that inclines towards a managed if not studied, refusal to unleash or display emotional states publicly” as strategy for coping, survival and “moving on”. I reference Manalansan here not because I'm arguing that the workers engage in disaffection. Rather, what Manalansan's intervention opens up is the possibility of rethinking the migrant worker's different affective orientation. I ask, how are “negative” emotions actually channeled and rerouted, and hence, put to work? Or better yet: how can we describe the affective orientation of Tita Mely and the Florida 15?

You Feel Me?: Circulating Negative Affect The Florida 15, the “latest” trafficked group to come forward with its case, is a group of Filipino hotel housekeepers and managers recruited through H2-B visas to work at the W hotel in Miami Florida from 2008 to 2011. Unlike Tita Mely, the Florida 15 all left the Philippines already expecting a job. After having paid 3,000 dollars to have their papers filed, the Florida 15 were surprised to find out that another 3000 dollars was being demanded of them so that they would receive their papers in order to leave the country. Feeling that they had no other option but to leave, all of them took out loans in the Philippines, and some sold their family owned lands. 6,000 USD after or 300,000 pesos, the Florida 15 left Manila already burdened with having to pay the money they owe on top of the money they expected to earn to send back to their families. Kuya Ronald, the comedian of the group said, “Kahit sobrang ganda mo, pantay pantay lang” (Even if you're the most beautiful person in the world. We were all treated the same). According to them, the Florida 15 lived in a house without the promised furniture forcing them to “salvage furniture[s from the garbage”, and managing with the help of “good hearted people” who provided them with “blankets, kitchen utensils to eat, curtains for privacy”. Upon seeing the house, Trixie, one of the members said to herself, “What did I get myself into?” They all got paid 6 dollars per hour instead of the 8 dollars that was promised and worked positions not stipulated in the “signed” contracts. It was only after one worker was arrested by the Immigration and Custom's Enforcement (ICE) while on vacation that the Florida 15 found out that their worker's visa was never filed by their employers. When things started to escalate and their recruiter began to feel the dissonance from the Florida 15, he made others relocate to Jersey and promised they would again find employment. They waited and waited, but never got employed until they had no money to pay the rent of the house they lived in and were finally evicted. The Florida 15 now all live in New Jersey and some of them are still looking for jobs that will pay them under the table. “We live with the grace of God. We still have jobs and ways and means to survive. We love each other and we support each other,” Kuya Ronald told me.

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Although two or three people usually speak for the whole group, each body of the members of the Florida 15 make their presences known and speak. Watching the Florida 15 pass the baton in storytelling brings to mind the variety of voices actually comprising the collective narrative of the Florida 15. Though bonded together by what feels like one promise made, one act of betrayal, each of the members of the Florida 15 was impacted in a unique way and now, each live this story of betrayal differently in the present. From the few performances I have so far attended, I have yet to know half of the stories. On one hand, this could be to signify the work that needs to be done in order to get to know all stories. These stories, not necessarily hidden nor concealed, are stories that just need to be not only be sought out by the community members, but these stories need to be eventually entrusted by the members of the Florida 15 themselves. Therefore these performances illuminate the work done by the workers to share their stories. In other words, the workers conduct a type of intimate labor especially for the community.

Asked to perform or tell the story to a particular audience, Tita Mely for example came in with a printed script in hand she prepared the night before so she could tell the story in English to accommodate those who do not speak fluent Tagalog in the group of young activist Pinays gathered in a house in Brooklyn. Similar to Tita Mely, the most outspoken representatives of the Florida 15, Cecilia, Trixie, May, Anabel and Ronald, assist each other in writing their statements whether it is tasks like translating or editing. The Florida 15 coordinate amongst themselves to figure out work and rest schedules in order to have at least two or three of them to appear before a group. They also travel to various locations in New York and New Jersey to attend meetings and share their story. However, it is significant to bear in mind that these encounters of the trafficked workers and the people from the community are never without any complication. In most cases, the Filipino human trafficked workers find themselves in what Anna Tsing (2005) calls the “zone of awkward engagement” where friction occurs between the workers and their audience. These zones for Tsing are “where words mean something different across a divide even as people agree to speak.” This is to say that in most cases the workers' stories do not necessarily cause the easy comprehension of their cases. The common audience, mostly composed of Filipino Americans or U.S. citizens, remains perplexed about the Philippine state's labor export policy. Some in their lack of understanding of the legal system leave overwhelmed, even frustrated at the absence of concrete steps on what to do to help.

Nonetheless, Tita Mely and the Florida 15's candor and willingness to share open up a space of affect for Filipino immigrants who normally would gather for a different reason. While karaoke nights, holiday parties, and Pacquio fights may substantiate impressions of the Filipino community's mirth and convivial nature, it sometimes work to conceal the many stories of loss, disappointment, and longing of many of the Filipino workers here in the U.S. The performance of Tita Mely and the Florida 15 works to constitute a space wherein negative affect could circulate. From my conversations with the young women who heard Tita Mely speak that day, I learned that her feelings of loss resonated with most of the women who grew up seeing their parents work two or three jobs to provide for the family in the U.S.. Her sadness over losing a job and challenges to find a new one spoke to those who are struggling to find jobs despite being citizens and now having to work as servers or babysitters. On the other hand, witnessing the Florida 15's anger, humor and determination to continue with their legal case remind a group of tired activists the purpose of their struggle. Thus, their performances of coming out in front of different community groups is believed to embolden and reinvigorate activist work as activists become “more agit” or “more agitated”. These community groups have taken up their cause by either rallying in front of Philippine consulates, connecting them to lawyers and even just helping them settle into their new place.

The Florida 15's narratives have become interwoven with different Filipino organizations across the United States, for example, as they embark on a continuing campaign against labor trafficking.

Practice Sharing As a way to conclude, I would like to speak about the most recent performance of Florida 15. In April 24th of this year, two members of the Florida 15, Trixie and Cecilia, stood alongside their lawyer in front of a small group of community members and supporters in a rented auditorium at a Catholic college in

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Jersey City, New York. From the question and answer portion of the day and from hearing some speak after the forum, we could say that half of the group present that day expressed their surprise, even shock, that labor trafficking is an issue that affects migrant workers here in the U.S. Yet almost half of the group have already seen and heard Trixie and Cecilia share their story. What does one do when we have already heard twice or thrice?

By no means does this paper suggest that Trixie and Cecilia know the legal systems or much less the state systems that affect their lives as now undocumented workers in the U.S. In fact, seeing them turn to the lawyer to either confirm or ask a question when asked about the future steps in the case during the forum attests to workers' continuing education on the legal and immigration system .

Whether in a more casual and relaxed environment or a more formal one similar to community forum, Trixie and Cecilia basically narrate the same story. Although perhaps there is something to be said about new details -- the exact hourly rate for work for example -- and their iteration, something else arose from Trixie and Cecilia's performance that night. Both of them addressed something that perhaps was not apparent to some of the audience members that day. Trixie and Cecilia addressed people who not only not present but more importantly people who have had something to say already about their presence in the U.S. Towards the end of her speech, Trixie addressed the audience: But before [asking for your support] what we need from you guys is your understanding, your understanding as [to] why we did this, why we are doing this, why we are undocumented, why I am standing in front of you... We were weren't expecting to be called liars, scumbags people just after getting a green card, illegal immigrants, TNT, or what we Filipinos call, tago ng tago or always in hiding. We are not in hiding.

We are actually coming out, into the open.... We are definitely not liars and scumbags.

It is important to note here that this act is one that implicates the audience in the narrative of the members of the Florida 15 for the first time. After just seeing how events have played out, the audience is called upon to do something with the workers. But first it is an invocation, an invocation of speakers whom the audience may or may not have been aware of.

As of late, the Florida 15 is made present only by the continuous flow of shared information and talk within the New York based Filipino activist community. On the one hand, this talk has been kind.

The Florida 15 decided to come forward with their case because Cecilia found a flyer in a community center. She then consulted with the rest of the workers and together, they decided to send the email. Yet on the other hand, the Florida 15 has been a subject of critique within the community. Despite being warned by their lawyer of the “public scrutiny” that would come once the media begins, the Florida 15 was not expecting negative feedback from the community. In July of 2011, a Filipino online news website released an article about the case, and several members of the group have expressed their disappointment that harsh critique came from their fellow Filipino immigrants.

I draw our attention to this break in Trixie's narrative as I see it as a productive rupture in the narrative wherein we could examine what the future of language could mean for the workers. In Butler's work, she explicates the insurrectionary potential of taking up a name, originally meant to be injurious. She states: “To take up the name that one is called is no simple submission to prior authority, for the name is already unmoored from prior context, and entered in the labor of self-definition” (Butler 1997, 163). The word, becomes for the theorist, an “instrument of resistance”. However, I argue that Trixie's speech act complicates further what “labor of self-definition” implies. According to her, the self as labor trafficked is highly contingent on the other whom she wishes understands. The question then becomes: will we ever truly understand? What the statement of Trixie performs is the flashing of the sobering unknowability of the whole experience that stands between the labor trafficked worker and her/his audience. However, it also an appeal for a continuous provision of understanding through a reciprocal affective orientation on the part of the listeners towards the workers.

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In this paper, I suggested the sharing of stories of the Filipino trafficked workers I have come to know go beyond the telling of a narrative and demand an affective and ethical orientation of both parties.

From this perspective, I argue, would we then be able to consider what could be the “future of language” for the workers and the community that both has embraced and criticized them. In the space opened up by performance, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 offer themselves to the other with the hope of co-creating or co-defining the self in the present, at the sharing's very moment, especially when the law wishes to even predict and seize the future for them.

I am reminded by what Tita Mely said that day. According to her, in her helplessness when she initially found out about her situation went to Balitang Amerika (News in America), a Filipino run news cable channel here in the U.S, on her own volition. “I wasn't even thinking of asking help. I was ready to go home if needed. I just wanted to share my story to our kababayan (fellow country man/woman).”

Because Tita Mely and the Florida 15 use the rhetoric of “looking out” for fellow workers, their stories make us, the audience they have shared with, ask what it truly means to look out for someone as Filipinos today look to a common yet still unseen future. As the number of Filipinos who leave the country increase, I ask, what is accomplished if we also turn to Tita Mely and the Florida 15's vigilance in sharing their experience? What does it mean to share and be shared with?

References Aronowitz, Alexis A. 2006. The United Nations global program against trafficking in human beings: Results from phase I of coalitions against trafficking in human beings in the Philippines. In Migration, Culture Conflict, Crime and Terrorism, ed. Joshua D. Freilich and Rob T. Guerette, 135-156.

VT: Ashgate.

Boris, Eileen and Rhacel Parrenas. 2010. Intimate labors: Cultures, technologies, and the politics of care.

California: Stanford University Press.

Butler, Judith. 1997. Excitable speech: A politics of the performative. NY: Routledge.

Magalit Rodriguez, Robyn. 2010. Migrants for export: How the Philippine state brokers labor to the world.

Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.

Manalansan, Martin IV. 2007. Global divas: Filipino gay men in the diaspora. NC: Duke University Press.

-----. 2010. Servicing the world: Flexible Filipinos and the unsecured life. In Political emotions: New agendas in communication, ed. Ann Cvetkovich, Ann Reynolds and Janet Staige. Austin: University of Texas-Austin Press.

Precedent-Setting Decision Issued in SPLC Teacher Trafficking Case. Southern Poverty Law Center. 20 December 2011. Internet document, http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/news/precedentsetting-decision-issued-in-splc-teacher-trafficking-case-0, accessed 5 May 2012.

Sentosa 27 Speech @ the SONA RALLY SF! 07.23.07. Youtube.com. 26 July 2007. Online video, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-O7iG8LikrE , accessed 12 December 2011.

Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt. 2005. Friction: An ethnography of global connection. NJ: Princeton University Press.

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Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

The Sexuality of Filipino Women’s Migration Valerie Francisco Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)

The Sexuality of Filipino Women’s Migration Valerie Francisco

Sex-For-Flight Scheme In April of 2013, a migrant workers organization called Migrante International, a grassroots alliance of migrant organizations in over ten countries where Filipino migrants work and live, reported that over 2,000 Filipino migrant workers, including women and children, had set up camp outside the Philippine embassy in the city of Jeddah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). The visas of these stranded Filipino workers had expired for a range of reasons. Many migrant workers escaped exploitative conditions such as work beyond the scope of their contracts. Others were fired for requesting days off while some were dismissed because of ?ad attitudes.· National policies put migrant workers in a bind in KSA. The Nitaqat program or the Saudization policy of KSA is a program that prioritizes the employment of Saudi nationals which pushes out the high number of Filipino migrant workers that populate industries like domestic work. This program is further complicated by restrictive immigration policies, such as the Kafala system—a system used to monitor migrant workers by tying each migrant to an in-country sponsor responsible for their visa.

Migrant workers are vulnerable to exploitation that often drive them to escape their workplaces which then renders them “illegal” as their status is tethered to their past employers.

In this state of legal limbo, thousands of Filipino migrants head to Overseas Foreign Workers shelters in Philippine embassies that are already past capacity due to the number of workers that need reprieve. In tent cities in Jeddah and Riyadh, Filipino migrants wait for long periods for their repatriation because of the high cost of repatriation including flights back to the Philippines, penalties for absconding, and payment to their employers to relieve them from their contracts. This puts undocumented, stranded migrant workers in a precarious situation as they ca no longer work without legal status and therefore cannot earn money to pay the fees to leave KSA. In May 2013, the chapter of Migrante in Jeddah circulated a petition to raise awareness about the situation of Filipino migrants in the KSA1 demanding President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and his administration to take responsibility for the thousands of migrant citizens in KSA by “provid[ing] immediate attention, relief and repatriation.” The crisis escalated as headlines described the “worsening plight” in tent city conditions under which Filipino migrant workers, many of them women, lived. To add insult to injury, in July 2013, an expose by a Philippine official accused Philippine labor overseas officials in KSA of forcing distressed migrant women into prostitution if only to earn money for flights back to Philippines. Migrante in Jeddah and Manila began protest actions and media blitzes to uncover what they referred to as sex-for-flight schemes imposed by Philippine overseas officials.2 Victims of the schemes reported how officials would use the desperation of migrant workers to coerce them into earning anywhere from 100 to 1,000 Rials to pay for their outstanding fees and flights.3 They stated that Philippine officials would proposition them by first asking about how high their fees were and then asking them about their families back home. Officials first reminded them of their desperation so that when they offered money in exchange for sex, many migrant women felt that they had no other option. Others felt that they may even be deterred from returning home if they do not accept the officials’ nefarious advances.

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Philippine attaches denied any allegations that they were eliciting sex by saying that their propositions were not for the exchange of flights or money. Instead they blamed distressed migrant workers accusing them of being involved in prostitution rings and therefore their propositions did not involve taking advantage of migrant women’s desperation for repatriation. After investigation, overseas officials accused of sexual assault were stripped of their administrative titles for negligence but will not serve criminal time. Reforms to keep these sex schemes from recurring include hiring women officials to deal with migrant women workers to diffuse any chance of sexual interaction between overseas officials and migrant Filipinos.

What does this story have to do with global sexual violence?

These types of incidents have continued throughout the history of Filipino women migrating for work. The women caught in the web of the sex-for-flight schemes are exported through a sophisticated system of migration governed by gendered and sexualized logics. This example demonstrates three things about the sexuality of Filipino women’s migration: (1) the global demand for domestic labor already possesses a need for inferior and submissive workers in an occupation often ascribed as women’s work; (2) the Philippine labor export policy recruits and exports Filipino women profits from the delivery of migrant women to these gendered industries and (3) consequently, the mode of incorporation into destination cities are equally gendered and sexualized before migrant women even step foot on foreign land as both migration exporters and overseas employers anticipate the arrival of an easily controlled population. The example highlighted above demonstrates the insidious way that the vulnerability of migrant women is exploited by, not just employers abroad, but by the very migration managers, regulators and supposed advocates for Filipino overseas workers. These dimensions of Filipino women’s migration narrate a circulation of the Filipino woman’s body as a sexualized object through different circuits of labor brokerage, migration and incorporation. Although incidents of sexual violence as exemplified by the sex-by-flight schemes verify its prevalence, I argue that global sexual violence is embedded in the process of migration and migrant incorporation to overseas destinations. I suggest that we move to understand global sexual violence as intrinsic to the organization of the export of women as corporeal objects, as domestic workers and as gendered and sexualized beings-in-formation.

Theoretical Frame: The Sexuality of Filipino Women’s Migration In his study of Queer immigrants, Lionel Cantu argues that sexuality shapes and organizes processes of migration and incorporation and dialectically, migration experiences impacts the way in which gendered and sexualized identities are formed. In the same vein as Cantu, Eithne Lubheid encourages scholars to look at the role of migration in constructing queer sexual identities, communities and politics. In this paper, I take this framework to think about the production of Filipino women’s sexual identities through migration. In Martin Manalansan’s work urging migration scholars to use “queer” as a theoretical and political perspective, he argues that the naturalizing heteronormative ideas about Filipino migrant women as domestic workers who attend to the gendered care work of host families and families from afar provides an incomplete understanding of the sexualized nature of their occupations and migrations. I argue that queering systems of labor export and labor incorporation can trouble the normalized conception of the migrant Filipino woman as the “good” domestic who was “tainted” abroad.

Thereby proving, the migration process constructs them as sexual beings that, then, leaves them vulnerable to sexual violence abroad. Sexuality is key in their export, deployment and critical to their exploitation. I’ll deepen my discussion on sexuality embedded in global labor demand, the labor export policy and incorporation in foreign countries.

First, Filipino women’s global migration, at its most treacherous circuit—sex trafficking--has established sexualized narrative for migrant Filipino women. But more prevalent and with a longer history, the circulation of Filipino migrant women as domestic workers to over 100 countries globally has contributed to a different sexualized and gendered narrative of the migrant Filipino woman. In countries like Canada, Italy and Hong Kong, the word “Filipina” is synonymous to “domestic worker.”

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Because of this economic niche, the continuous and large amount of Filipino women migrating to answer this global call creates a multitude of opportunities for sexual violence, just based on the sheer numbers. These migration streams aimed mainly at the precarious migrant domestic labor industries narrate a story about the migrant Filipino woman, her body, her sexuality and her nature as immaterial and expendable. For example, the anonymity of perpetrators of sex-by-flight schemes alongside thousands of unreported incidents of sexual abuse, assault and violence exonerates those responsible for these violences but it also exonerates the institutions that do not pursue justice for migrant victims of sexual violence.

Second, sexuality shapes the experience of migration for Filipino migrants even before they leave the country. Anna Guevarra has argued that pre-departure orientation seminars is underlined with rhetoric of Catholic womanhood and virtuous sexuality. In this comic, the tip given to migrant women is to be responsible for your tasks and action and to abide by the rules. The onus is put on migrant women to dress conservatively and foresee possibilities of sexual advances or propositions during their time abroad. These speeches are underlined by a logic of being a “good” mother by “enduring difficult situations” in their workplaces, even if employment situation transforms into dangerous ones.

In this way, state institutions acknowledge that there is a prevalence of sexual harassment, abuse and assault inherent to women’s migration. The pre-emptive stance on training women to calculate impending abuse, points to the government’s acquiescence to the volatile situation of migrant women, which will have no effect on the systemic export of Filipino women abroad.

Lastly, I argue that the incorporation of migrant women into their destinations is influenced by stories like sex-for-flight schemes. In foreign cities, Filipino migrant women are delivered as “domestic bodies of the Philippines”—what Neferti Tadiar refers to as corporeal objects commodified through migration. Filipino migrant women’s value is counted by their annual remittances, thereby relegating their lives as mere points to the formula of the Philippine’s national economy. To overseas employers, they are viewed as precarious workers that can be disposed of for any reason. Employers even internalize an idea of Filipino workers as corporeal objects as they feel entitled to compensation if workers escape or quit because of their inadequate performance of gendered duties like cooking and cleaning. Their sexuality identities disciplined over their ability to work. They’re either sexual beings or workers, one rejected over the other as in the case of KSA. The historic and current circulation of the Filipino woman as a corporeal object and the cultural ideal of a gendered and sexualized servant informs the milieu in which Filipino migrant women enter into daily. Geraldine Pratt has argued that narratives about the migrant Filipino woman are ascribed to all and any Filipino woman in the diaspora, whether they are migrant or born in the foreign land they live in.

For the women in KSA, ideas about their sexuality landed in their employers’ mentality way before they even showed up on their first day of work. Stories of sexualized and gendered violence such as the sex-for-flight scheme expose the vulnerability of Filipino migrant women workers through the objectification of their bodies as “corporeal objects” for sexual disciplining. These micro processes are shaped by the macro processes that dole out Filipino migrant women as gendered commodities on the global market. Global sexual violence does not happen only at the incident of violation, it is always happening as institutions engage with state-to-state policy of the import/export of gendered workers, as markets continue to devalue work that are ascribed to immigrant women of color. In this paper, I hope that I conveyed that there is already violence in the process and experience of migration, and more so when one’s migration is narrated in sexual and gendered terms.

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Notes 1

http://www.apmigrants.org/home/item/98-ph-embassy-in-ksa-blocking-aid-to-stranded-ofws http://www.change.org/enGB/petitions/philippine-government-to-the-aquino-government-act-now-to-help-stranded-filipinos-in-ksa

2

http://www.rappler.com/nation/31743-migrante-hunt-embassy-predators http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lnVm9YSWPQ8 http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/video/168563/balitanghali/gabriela-nagprotesta-sa-dfa-para-sa-pagpapauwi-saundocumented-ofws-mula-saudi-arabia http://bulatlat.com/main/2013/07/05/migrants-group-demand-justice-forvictims-of-abusive-embassy-officials/

3

http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/global-filipino/06/21/13/how-sex-flight-scheme-works

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Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

A Critical Look at the Anti-Corruption Discourse Gerry Lanuza Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)

A Critical Look at the Anti-corruption Discourse Gerry Lanuza

Why Corruption Now? When Kofi Annan declared in his speech before the General Assembly of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption on 31 October 2003 that corruption is an “evil phenomenon” that afflicts “countries big and small, rich and poor”, corruption gains the spotlight in the agenda of the United Nations.1 According to Tara Polzer (2001, 1), who dissected the sudden rise of corruption discourse, “[c]orruption is the new star of the development scene.” The widespread consensus among anti-corruption scholars is that, “corrupt practices are more egregious and more obscenely excessive in the world’s newer nations, and that what is truly novel in this century is that corruption is much more a threat to world order than ever in the past.” Against those who think that corruption is a recent phenomenon, Robert I. Rotberg is quick to point out that “[c]orruption is a human condition and an ancient phenomenon. From Mesopotamian times, if not before, public notables have abused their offices for personal gain; both well-born and common citizens have sought advantage by corrupting those holding power or controlling access to perquisites.” Yet it is a common perception that corruption today is unprecedented. U Myint (2000, 33), former Chief, Least Developed Countries Section, Development Research and Policy Analysis Division, ESCAP, suggest that there is now a widespread consensus among scholars that “corruption now plays a more central role in politics than at any other time. Governments have fallen, careers of world renowned public figures ruined, and reputations of well-respected organizations and business firms badly tarnished on account of it.” Myint roots this trend in the mass media’s bloating and feasting on political scandals involving corruption. Other scholars maintain that mainstream politicians have also unscrupulously manipulated popular fixations on corruption. The concept of corruption provides an all-embracing trope that explains the inexplicable poverty and other social ills in the post-Cold War world and channels social resentment against corrupt politicians and ossified bureaucracies (Ivanov 2007). This prompted a critic of “corruption discourse” to argue that “it seems that there is hardly any contemporary political tendency that does not contain some form of anti-corruption agenda” (Bratsis 2003: 9).

But what launched this anti-corruption vogue is the convergence of the efforts of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, various NGOs, and international law. They share a common set of concepts in the fight against corruption and that this commonality allows one to speak of “the” anticorruption campaign (Gephart 2013). Vito Tanzi (1998, 564), writing from the perspective of World Bank observes that corruption is in the center of development agenda not so much because “there is more corruption than in the past” but because the “current interest in corruption probably reflects an increase in the scope of the phenomenon over the years and not just a greater awareness of an age-old problem.”

This new awareness, according to Sara Bracking (2009, 3), “has produced, in a fifteen-year period, an industry of consultants, organizations, and technologies bounded in the discourse of combat and high moral velocity. People have been urged to ‘fight’ corruption, to ‘combat’ its causes and effects, to wage a ‘war’ against the degradation of the social fabric, and to rally around a moral standard of integrity and principal.

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But as this paper will argue later, this anti-corruption campaign must be set within the historical, political, and economic context of the post-Cold War development theory (Roden 2010; Bedirhanoglu 2007; Hindess 2005). As Polzer (2001, 4) has demonstrated in her deconstruction of corruption discourse, and this paper will discuss later, the discourse of “corruption can be placed within the context, and is a continuation, of, the production and control of knowledge about desirable development outcomes.” Put simply, the popularity of anti-corruption discourse is the latest phase in the development of Western-led theory of development (Bedirhanoglu 2007; Ivanov 2007). So there is more to corruption discourse other than the advocacy for good governance, transparency, and moral integrity of rulers. It is the logic of post-Washington consensus. Sarah Bracking (2009, 37) provides the succinct summary of this critical position from political economy: In other words, policy on corruption is deeply embedded within the wider constructions of global neoliberal and free market economic governance, where a clear divide between the political and economic and between the public and private spheres is expected. Political corruption is then understood in its liberal form as the misuse of entrusted power by political leaders, using a range of mechanisms such as vote buying, misuse of resources, sale of public appointments, and so on.

The Cost of Corruption Kofi Annan’s speech in 31 October 2003 before UNCAC 2003 summarizes the adverse effects of corruption on all countries.

Corruption is an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies.

It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights, distorts markets, erodes the quality of life, and allows organized crime, terrorism and other threats to human security to flourish.2 Anti-corruption scholars agree that corruption has negative effects on development, on the rule of law and democracy, and on social expenditures (see Della Porta and Vannuci 1999; Egger and Winner 2006; Kaufmann and Shang-Jin 2000; Mauro 1995). Corruption hurts democracy especially in postsocialist countries transitioning to liberal capitalism (see Oquendo 1999; Seligson 2002). The World Bank estimates that globally $1 trillion is paid each year in bribes. Some scholars even link corruption with human rights violations. The weaker the state in persecuting human rights perpetrators, the greater the corruption.

Sam Vaknin (2009) argues that “[c]orruption runs against the grain of meritocratic capitalism. It skews the level playing-field; it imposes onerous and unpredictable transaction costs; it guarantees extra returns where none should have been had; it encourages the misallocation of economic resources; and it subverts the proper functioning of institutions. It is, in other words, without a single redeeming feature, a scourge.” He further points out: It is widely accepted that corruption retards growth by deterring foreign investment and encouraging brain drain. It leads to the misallocation of economic resources and distorts competition. It depletes the affected country's endowments - both natural and acquired. It demolishes the tenuous trust between citizen and state. It casts civil and government institutions in doubt, tarnishes the entire political class, and, thus, endangers the democratic system and the rule of law, property rights included.

S. Gupta, H. Davoodi and Rosa Alonso-Terme (1998) conducted a cross-country analysis and found that corruption increased inequality by reducing economic growth, minimizing the progressiveness of the tax system, lowering the level and effectiveness of social spending, and by perpetuating an unequal distribution of asset ownership and unequal access to education (Khagram and You 2003, 3).3 In 1983,

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David J. Gould and Jose A. Amaro-Reyes (1983, 28-29) concluded that corruption had a harmful effect on administrative performance and political administrative efficiency and economic development in the developing countries. Rick Stapenhurst, Martin Ulrich, and Severin Strohal (2006), writing for World Bank, define corruption as “the exploitation by public officials of their power in delivering public goods for private payoffs.” Taking off from this definition, they point out that corruption “is the greatest threat to the democratic ideal of self -government, undermining economic development, violating social justice, and destroying trust in state institutions (it threatens and affects the poor in the worst way).”

Corruption, Philippine Style In a September 1998 SWS survey, asked whether corruption happens in the private sector as well, fifty-two percent of the respondents said it did, even without the involvement of government personnel.

Similarly, sixty-six percent of the respondents said that when corruption involves a businessperson and a government official, both parties are guilty.

In a September 1996 national survey by SWS, respondents were asked how much they believed was wasted due to corrupt practices. Fifty-one percent of the respondents said that more than fifty percent of funding for road building was wasted. More than sixty percent of respondents said they thought that in the process of collecting taxes, providing free books to children in public schools, and installing modern equipment like computers in government offices, more than thirty percent of the funding was wasted. In 2007, the United Nations Development Program estimated that nearly two billion dollars, or roughly thirteen percent of the Philippines' annual budget, is lost to corruption each year (Conde 2007).

In 2008, the WB rated the Philippines as the worst country in Asia (Dumlao 2008). As of 2011, the Philippines came in at 129 with a 2.6 CPI in Transparency International's list that ranks 178 countries and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. This is better than the Philippines' 134th ranking in 2010 with a 2.4 CPI. The CPI score indicates the perceived level of public sector corruption on a scale of zero to ten, where zero means that a country is perceived as highly corrupt and ten means that a country is perceived as very clean.4 Defining Corruption There are many conflicting and often ambiguous definitions of corruption based on disciplinary approaches of the authors. This led Williams (1976) to argue that: While it is not necessary at this stage to examine any particular definition, it is important to note that there are nearly as many definitions of corruption as there are species of tropical plants and they vary as much in their appearance, character and resilience. The point is that the search for the true definition of corruption is, like the pursuit of the Holy Grail, endless, exhausting and ultimately futile (quoted in Senior 2006 22).

Of course most scholars do not follow Williams’s advise. John Joseph Wallis (2006), for instance, suggests that the term corruption has its origins in an analogy between the state and the human body. In its first incarnation, corruption referred to the process by which a well-functioning system of government decays into one that fails to deliver and maltreats its citizens. According to the Greek historian Polybius (c. 200–120 BCE), monarchy corrupts into tyranny, aristocracy into oligarchy, and democracy into mob rule.

Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin, writing about the economic history of corruption in the United States define corruption by listing three central elements: (a) payments to public officials

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beyond their salaries; (b) an action associated with these payments that violates either explicit laws or implicit social norms; and (c) losses to the public either from that action or from a system that renders it necessary for actions to arise only from such payment (p. 7).

Wallis (2006, 25) suggests two types of corruption, systematic and venal. Systematic corruption according to Wallis happens when “a group of politicians deliberately create rents by limiting entry into valuable economic activities, through grants of monopoly, restrictive corporate charters, tariffs, quotas, regulations, and the like.”

Another definition is the breach-of-duty conception of corruption which is common in the legal academic and political science literature. According to this theory, public corruption is the breach of a duty owed to the public of an intentional and serious nature, which involves, as the result of that breach, anticipated private gain. While this theory may be useful in describing bribery, it does not discriminate in the magnitude of corruption. Moreover it fails to answer the question of whether the law is always moral. For duties are vague and they are often circumvented by people in order to justify their corrupt practices.

Other problem with this definition is that there may be certain number of illegal acts that may not be considered as corrupt. Inversely, there are also corrupt practices that may be considered legal such as nepotism and pork-barrel. Moreover there is no guarantee that the legal system will necessarily punish corrupt practices especially when the ruling class is involved.

Other scholars add the notion of betrayal of public trust. They argue that it is not enough that the public official makes a breach of her duty but she must also intentionally betray the trust given to her by the public. Others add the notion of secrecy in order to correct betrayal-of-public trust definition. For instance, Brasz de?nes corruption as “the stealthy exercise of derived power” to the detriment of the public, “under the pretense of a legitimate exercise of [that] power.” The trouble with this definition is that it does not address the fact that a transaction may be secret but may not necessarily be corrupt. In some cases, it may even be worse when transactions are in the open. A transaction in the open may not necessarily warrant a less punitive reaction.

Corruption is also defined as the subversion of public interest. As Scott observes, “we can imagine many acts [that] we would commonly call corruption—e.g., placing destitute immigrants illegally on the city payroll—that could be considered in the public interest, just as we can imagine acts against the public interest—e.g., the legislative creation of tax loopholes for the rich—which, however much they smack of favoritism, are not commonly seen as corrupt.” Although violation of the public interest is involved in corruption, once again, it is not enough, alone, to identify corruption’s core.

Other economists consider corruption as the failure of the market. They argue that when the mechanisms of the market are not followed, corruption serves as a kind of black market that allows people to circumvent the legal rules of the market. This approach also connects corruption with efficiency. Corruption is often tied to the costs of maintaining such illegal acts. But inefficient acts may not necessarily be corrupt and corruption is not necessarily inefficient.

Senior gives five conditions for a good definition of corruption: The definition consists of five conditions that must all be satisfied simultaneously. Corruption occurs when a corruptor (1) covertly gives (2) a favour to a corruptee or to a nominee to influence (3) action(s) that (4) benefit the corruptor or a nominee, and for which the corruptee has (5) authority.

Some scholars therefore combine several definitions such as Philps. He states: “We can recognise political corruption when: 1) a public official (‘A’), 2) in violation of the trust placed in him by the public (‘B’),

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3) and in a manner which harms the public interest, 4) knowingly engages in conduct which exploits the office for clear personal and private gain in a way which runs contrary to the accepted rules and standards for the conduct of public office within the political culture, 5) so as to benefit a third party ‘C,’ by providing ‘C’ with access to a good or service ‘C’ would not otherwise obtain.”

Myint (2000) defines corruption “as the use of public office for private gain, or in other words, use of official position, rank or status by an office bearer for his own personal benefit. Following from this definition, examples of corrupt behavior would include: (a) bribery, (b) extortion, (c) fraud, (d) embezzlement, (e) nepotism, (f) cronyism, (g) appropriation of public assets and property for private use, and (h) influence peddling” (p. 34). He proposes a formula for corruption derived from Klitberg: C=R+D–A Where C is corruption, R stands for rent or economic opportunities, D for the discretionary power of the government officials, and A is accountability.

What is common to all these definitions is the neoliberal economic notion that corruption is the result of state bureaucrats allowing their private interests to override the interests of the public. The problems with this definition are numerous as will be shown later. An alternative definition is to define corruption, following Stefan Sullivan (2002, 100), who discusses corruption from a post-Marxist perspective, “as the failure of the liberal democratic state to uphold adequately the ideals it claims to profess”. In this Hegelian definition, “corruption refers more generally to the vulnerability of states to market forces, to the power of capital, to the influence of wealthy voters and interest groups. In short, following Hegel, it refers to ‘a great and general corruption’ in which the democratic polity has lost touch with its higher aim.” This higher aim, according to Sullivan, refers to the public good, i.e., “the equitable distribution of access to social surplus” (ibid., 101). This avoids the reductionist definition of corruption as happening only between an agent and a principal. It veers away from the legalistic definition of defining the wrongdoings of individuals. In this Hegelian approach, corruption is seen as destroying the very fabric of society and the state by negating the purposes and values of these institutions (see Girling, p. 6). In this view, certain legal acts will still be corrupt when they undermine the values that sustain human flourishing.

Corruption as Lubricant: The Social Functions of Corruption Many authors, writing from the functionalist perspective, avoid moralistic definition of corruption by claiming that corruption may be positive for the economy. In the academic circles, especially in the 1980s, some economists have been comparing corruption to a lubricant that makes the ‘’economic wheels’’ turning around. According to this view, if a country has a lot of bureaucratic and complex structures that stifle completion, corruption serves as a deregulating machine that makes the process smooth and fast. Political regimes that tolerate “corruption and bribery can also promote efficiency,” or that “it serves as grease for the bureaucratic machine and elicits administrative action” (Chang and Chu 2006: 260). Others argue that corruption through bribery attracts the best in bureaucracy because they can augment their income. This seemingly amoral and functionalist approach is supported by the “Asian paradox”: while growth rates in East Asian countries were twice those in the OECD East Asian countries were also twice as corrupt. The most likely explanation is that East Asian countries take corruption as something positive.

The view that corruption is the lubricant that oils the political wheel and bureaucratic machinery does not find strong support among scholars of corruption especially those who pursue moralistic turn in the neoliberal paradigm (Roden 2010). Many scholars point out that the functionalist analysis flies in the face of the fact that while greasing the machine, nevertheless it undermines democracy by undermining equality and accountability. It distracts political parties from working for the common good towards self-aggrandizing behaviors (Theobald 1990). Whether functional or not, corruption is

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morally reprehensible. But this is a very Western way of looking at corruption. For corruption per se, in some instances, can become a substitute for the weak rule of law. Moreover petty corruption is the only way for a developing country to transition to democracy (Roden 2010; Houston 2007). As John Roden argues, developed countries and donors cannot demand full transparency and corruption-free transactions in developing countries because social institutions necessary for such condition must first be created. Other scholars from the conservative school are willing to concede to the positive function of corruption by distinguishing between restrictive and expansionary corruption.

From the opposite direction, many scholars advocate that corruption is not an oil but corrosive sand that retards the smooth functioning of a polity. It directly undermines democracy by shortcircuiting the process of collective decision making. By making a mockery of the rules and regulation, citizens perceive the state as corrupt thereby undermining its legitimacy. It may also lead to nonchalant attitude towards corruption (Ledet 2011, 151).

Moralistic View of Corruption The idea that political or public corruption is a deeply moral concept can be found in classical accounts, as well as in contemporary political theory. Both Platonic and Aristotelian notions of democratic governance, its maintenance, and its decline warned of the morally eviscerating nature of political corruption (Girling 1997). Barry Hindess states, “The most general meaning of corruption is that of impurity, infection, or decay. Corruption can happen to anything – a piece of fruit, a sporting event, a religious community, or a university – but the term is now most commonly used to suggest that there is something rotten in the government of the state.”

Laura S. Underkuffler (2009, 41), after analyzing all the existing definitions of corruption and grouping them under different traditions, suggests that the problem of corruption is not just economic and political but moral as well. She points out that “[w]e are not outraged about corrupt politicians because their existence in office proves a lack of efficiency or government transparency; we are outraged because of the evil, the arrogance, the flagrant disregard of deeply entrenched social norms that their tenure exhibits.” In this moralistic view, “[e]xhortations about the need for open government, the limitation of bureaucratic discretion, and improved law enforcement do not convey a sense of immediate crisis and governmental danger in the way that exhortations about corruption, moral decay, and evil do.”

The moralistic approach to corruption shares with the World Bank’s corruption analysts and many anti-corruption advocates, who argue that corruption is largely due to the greed of bureaucrats or politicians who use their discretionary powers to confer personal benefits selectively or cause societal damage (see Sundaram 2009, 461). But as Jomo Kwame Sundaram (2009), speaking in the context of developing countries, argues, The tendency for reformist governments to succumb quickly to corruption suggests that transparency and accountability reforms, on their own, cannot resolve the problem. The larger issues, as well as fiscal constraints, must be addressed. Clientelist politicians win elections, even if their corruption is well-known, because they deliver, even if the delivery is biased. Appropriate governance reforms are context-specific, and unlikely to be aided by ambitious anti-corruption strategies, which are hard to implement and rarely successful.

Moreover the transition from seeing corruption as the decay of public and social fabric towards the principal-agent model is the triumph of liberal individualism. Concomitant with this definition is the idea that corruption has to do with the conflict between private and public interest (see Bratsis 2003; Hindess 2007). The problem is that this split between private and public does not necessarily jibe with the cultural practices of some non-Western countries.

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Ironically, in one study involving twenty-seven countries, in twenty-two countries “the population attending church is predominantly Christian of various denominations: Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox. It is disheartening that high overt religiosity, far from repressing corruption, seems to make it more common” (Senior 2006, 164).

Peter Bratsis sums up the way out of the moralistic approach to corruption: “The task at hand today is to go beyond the moralistic, technocratic, and formalistic positions that the concept of corruption leads us to. The real problem is not that something is out of place; it is that there is no political process through which we can posit what we think the good society is, in order to know if we are moving in the proper direction or are in a state of diaphthora. Illusions of purity and the desire for order have replaced real politics; that is the problem.”

Psychological Approach The psychological approach is suggested by Sam Vaknin (2009) when he contends that corrupt politicians are psychologically deficient. He says, “[p]oliticians with mental health disorders (for instance, narcissistsor psychopaths) react by decompensation. They rob the state and coerce businessmen to grease their palms because it makes them feel better, it helps them to repress their mounting fears and frustrations, and to restore their psychodynamic equilibrium. These politicians and bureaucrats "let off steam" by looting. Kleptomaniacs fail to resist or control the impulse to steal, even if they have no use for the booty.” He further adds, “These politicos were not only crooks but also kleptomaniacs. They could no more stop thieving than Hitler could stop murdering. Venality was an integral part of their psychological makeup” (n. p.). The problem with this approach is that many corrupt politicians are not psychopaths. As the history of Nazism attests, torturers and corrupt state officials need not be extra-ordinarily evil to do corrupt practices. Moreover, Robert Klitgaard (1998, 4) correspondingly asserts, “[c]orruption is a crime of calculation, not of passion. True, there are both saints who resist all temptations and honest officials who resist the most. But when bribes are large, the chances of being caught small and the penalties if caught meager, many officials will succumb.”

Moreover this view tends to support the realist theory of politics that is expressed in classical sociological theory of Vilfredo Pareto, an Italian sociologist and economist: A political system in which the “people” expresses its “will” (supposing it to have one which is arguable) without cliques, intrigues, lobbies and factions, exists only as the pious wish of theorists. It is not observable in the West or anywhere else.

This cynical perspective seems to eternalize corruption and makes it natural part of human nature and of every political organization (Sullivan 2002, 121).

Corruption and the Neoliberal Order Mynint (2000, 42) asks, “But why should advanced countries be concerned about corruption in poor countries? His answer is: “One good reason is that with the ending of the cold war, there is less need for major donors to be distributing aid based on political considerations. Corruption becomes the measure of economic assistance. At the 1996 World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) Annual Meeting, World Bank President James Wolfensohn broke a longstanding taboo on discussing corruption in the development sphere, openly bringing the issue to the top of the international development agenda in his ‘cancer of corruption’ speech. In the foreword to the UNCAC, Kofi Annan describes corruption as an ‘evil phenomenon’, going on to highlight its particular impact on the poor and disenfranchised:

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[I]t is in the developing world that [the] effects [of corruption] are most destructive.

Corruption hurts the poor disproportionately by diverting funds intended for development, undermining a Government’s ability to provide basic services, feeding inequality and injustice and discouraging foreign aid and investment. Corruption is a key element in economic underperformance and a major obstacle to poverty alleviation and development.

Highlights of the Bank’s anti-corruption activities since then include anti-corruption training modules for client government officials, the de facto introduction of corruption conditionality with the suspension of loans to Kenya pending anti-corruption reforms in 1997, and the approval in 1998 of the first World Bank Anti-Corruption Action Plan for FY99 (Polzer 2001). Following initiatives taken by the World Bank and international development agencies, empirical research on corruption has grown enormously since the late 1980s (Hindess 2007, 808). Studies have concentrated on public sector in order to establish the relationship between corruption and economic growth.

While seeing corruption as problem afflicting all societies, these studies have focused on nonWestern societies and post-socialist economies. In 2002 at Monterrey, Mexico, major multilateral development organizations and governments gathered to agree on practical steps for implementing the Millennium Development Goals, mainly reducing poverty 2015 in the world’s poorest countries. The basic bargain agreed on at Monterrey moved corruption measurement to the front and center of the debate: if developing countries performed well on anti-corruption and good governance assessments, they would be rewarded with increased aid from the developed donor countries (Heller 2011, 47). This is of course to blame the host countries for their predicament rather than taking the responsibility for the failure and sufferings caused by the IMF sanctioned structural adjustment program (SAP). The IMF has integrated anti-corruption programs within its policies and has denied and suspended certain loans and assistance due to unmitigated corruption. It has suddenly found a new rationale to legitimize its beleaguered reputation among grassroots organizations and Leftist governments.

Because neoliberal order demands the operation of “open market” free from state intervention, neoliberal analysis of corruption naturally sees corruption as having “corrosive impact on both overseas market opportunities and the broader business climate. It also deters foreign investment, stifles economic growth and sustainable development, distorts prices, and undermines legal and judicial systems. More specifically, corruption is a problem in international business transactions, economic development projects, and government procurement activities (Olsen 2011, 5). Furthermore, studies sponsored by the IMF have regularly linked high levels of corruption to high levels of government intervention in the economy. The more discretion government officials have in private-sector transactions, such studies argued, the more temptations there will be for abuses of power. An IMF study carried out in 1996 and based on interviews with 165 elite public and private sector leaders in 63 developing countries, found that over 80 per cent of the respondents favored deregulation and liberalization of the economy as a means to curb corruption (cited in Sullivan 2002, 123).

This view that puts the “big government” in the bad light is not supported by empirical data. The strongest proponent of this position is Gary Becker, Nobel Laureate in economics who proposed that corruption is the product of large government and taxation. This view “presumes that all discretionary government interventions are undesirable, ostensibly because such interventions generate opportunities for public officials to participate in corruption.” So, “[if] government interventions benefit some more than others, or even benefit some at the expense of others, the inevitable rent-seeking that will occur needs to be managed to maximize these interventions’ socially desirable outcomes” (Sundaram 2009, 463). But the Becker argument seems to collide with the experience of the least corrupt countries in the world, such as Canada, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden, that have some of the largest public sectors, measured as shares of tax revenue or public spending in gross domestic product (Tanzi 1998, 566; also Khagram and You 2003, 4). It is also contradicted by the “East Asian paradox” (see Wedeman 2002; Sundaram 2009).5

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As Sullivan (2002, 123) rightly points out, by wrestling monopoly away from the state, “the majority of people, who would not normally be able to afford the goods that the state subsidizes, would be, and have been, disenfranchised once the management of these goods is delegated to the private sector and its profit-orientated definition of value.” In addition, to argue that by taking the state away from providing basic services to curb down corruption is a false hope: …to deprive the state of its subsidy-granting power and hope somehow that other private parties will assume it, or to argue that access to public goods should be based on individual purchasing power, only opens the door to anarchy and sporadic pockets of comfort in an otherwise under-serviced social sector (ibid., 124).

Surprisingly, countries that have chosen mass privatization faced the most significant growth of corruption. Countries suffering from endemic corruption are those countries least advanced in marketization and institutional reform (Ionescu 2011). But the anti-corruption scholars who champion the free market approach would only resort to moralistic exhortations and “good governance” to overcome the difficulty in transitioning from strongly government-regulated economy to a more market oriented one (see CATO papers). But studies would show that the experience of the Eastern European countries in transition to capitalist economies revealed that massive privatization produced enormous corruption, not because of excessive government intervention but because of the self-interested motivation and opportunities offered to private actors to engage in state capture (Khagram and You 2003, 21). In short, the introduction of the market becomes the omnibus source of corruption.

Sundaram (2009, 457) further clarifies that there is “a weak and moot relationship between the requirements of the good governance agenda and improved economic performance”. Moreover, “[d]ata for all countries for the 1980s show a weak positive relationship between governance quality and economic growth.” Sundaram (ibid., 459) adds, “there is no evidence that the full good governance agenda—all the indicators that are identified as significant for development and those that are promoted by the World Bank or the Millennium Challenge Corporation—can be fully implemented in poor countries or that such reforms are preconditions for growth in poorly performing countries.”

Yet because corruption is blamed for the implementation of the structural adjustment program of IMF-WB, these international financial institutions the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund believe that “corruption is a serious deterrent to economic growth and financial stability and must be addressed in the context of economic and financial evaluations and assistance programs” (Olsen 2011: 14; see also Myint 2000, 33). The World Bank estimates that corruption reduces the growth rate of an affected country by 0.5 to 1 percent annually. In its bid to fight corruption, the World Bank has appointed in 2001 a Director of Institutional Integrity - a new department that combines the Anti-Corruption and Fraud Investigations Unit and the Office of Business Ethics and Integrity. The Bank also helps countries to fight corruption by providing them with technical assistance, educational programs, and lending. The Bank has integrated anti-corruption projects as part of every Country Assistance Strategy (CAS). The Bank also supports international efforts to reduce corruption by sponsoring conferences and the exchange of information. It collaborates closely with Transparency International and other international anticorruption bodies.

Civil society has been crucial in legitimating the global anti-corruption agenda. The Transparency International works at the multilateral level with the World Bank, IMF, Organization of American States (OAS), OECD, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Global Coalition for Africa (GCA), and other public organizations. The annual TI Corruption Perceptions Index, which reflects perceived levels of corruption in foreign countries, continues to generate widespread attention. This was also the time when IMF and WB began to listen and dialogue with NGOs and civil society groups.

Yet the IMF-WB still see corruption as an economic problem requiring liberalization, deregulation,

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and institutional reform. The Bank has successfully co-opted the counter hegemonic discourses of civil society groups in its use of good governance, transparency, and democracy. By tying corruption with economic growth, and depoliticizing it (because it is beyond the mandate of the Bank), the Bank has gained a new prominence in orchestrating development programs for developing countries.

The new discourse on corruption blames poverty on corruption (Bukovansky 2006; Hindess 2005). As Myint (2000, 47) states, “the burden of corruption falls more heavily on the poor as they cannot afford to pay the required bribes to send their children to a decent school, to obtain proper health care, or to have adequate access to government provided services such as domestic water supply, electricity, sanitation and community waste disposal facilities.” While acknowledging poverty, the WB consultants and economic experts blame this poverty on corruption rather than on the policies of the international donor institutions and national inequality. As Sam Vahakin wryly observes, “[t]he moral authority of those who preach against corruption in poor countries -the officials of the IMF, the World Bank, the EU, the OECD - is strained by their ostentatious lifestyle, conspicuous consumption, and "pragmatic" morality.” Moreover the IMF forgets the fact that it is not the big government that corrupts, but the big money from big businesses. Ironically, the ascendancy of anti-corruption campaign harnessed the growing anti-corruption sentiment worldwide to re-legitimize the policies of structural adjustment (Krastev 2004, 15; Montinola and Jackson 2002).

Corruption Discourse as a New Mode of Modernization Theory Missing from many analysis of corruption is the fact that the recent discourse on corruption is a recycled theory of modernization. Especially among neoliberal economists, corruption is a failure of market and the existence of big governments. One is reminded of the idea that corruption is a failure of modernization (Huntington 1968, 63). In the case of corruption, the institutions of modern society especially politics and economics become enmeshed in the wrong way. Institutional autonomy is violated. Michael Goldman (2005, x) puts the issue in the best light: Many commentators on development—scholars as well as Bank officials—argue that projects often fail because of corruption, a social disease endemic to the third world.

These in-evitable aberrations, which the project of development works to eliminate, occur during the transition from tradition to modernity.

Today, this recycled theory of modernization pushes further the frontiers of modernization through fostering of values that would create transparent and accountable government (Bukovansky 2006). “This developmental perspective on corruption,” according to Hindess’s (2007, 808) judicious analysis: is particularly concerned with what it sees as the limitations of nonwestern cultures and ways of life, and especially with cases in which conduct that was once regarded as acceptable ‘‘no longer fits modern conditions’’ (Rose Ackerman 1999: 5). Not surprisingly, perhaps, this perspective also suggests that an important part of the corruption on which it focuses is likely to involve the conduct of western businesses operating in these societies.

Sarah Dix and Emmanuel Pok, for instance, in their study of Papua New Guinea, suggest that corruption is rampant in this poor country because of indigenous values that are tolerant of corruption. What is new in this modernization theory is the need for private-public partnership, the importance of legal rationalization, and the cultural sensitivity which were downplayed in the modernization theory of the sixties. As one of the documents of the World Bank puts it, …the causes of corruption are always contextual, rooted in a country’s policies [italics mine], bureaucratic traditions, political development, and social history. Still,

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corruption tends to flourish when institutions are weak and government policies generate economic rents. Some characteristics of developing and transition settings make corruption particularly difficult to control. (Cited and quoted in Bedirhanoglu 2007, 1242) Olsen, writing about corruption in the private sector, suggests, “[a] global consensus is emerging that governance and anti-corruption capacity building must incorporate a more holistic approach that focuses on comprehensively integrating checks and balances, preventive measures, internal controls, effective law enforcement, education awareness campaigns, and public-private partnerships” (Olse 2011, 18). But even in this culturally-sensitive discussion of corruption, the superiority of Western values of good governance remains implicitly assumed (see Polzer 2001). The website of the World Bank Anti-Corruption Knowledge Centre expresses this clearly: “Corruption is a symptom of institutional dysfunction, thriving where economic policies are poorly designed, education levels are low, civil society is underdeveloped, and the accountability of public institutions is weak.” This development worldview creates a universal dichotomy between the developing and developed countries.

Theobald therefore is right to reject the modernization theorists who argue that “since corruption seems to be a symptom of underdevelopment, the only course open to us is to wait for these societies to develop.” For Theobald (1999, 499), “[s]uch Olympian detachment would be vacuous as well morally reprehensible.” The right direction is to realize that third world “dependence upon a particular conception of a state whose origins lie in the unique historical experience of the West may be clouding the issue of the real problem of underdevelopment and how it might be addressed.”

As Polzer (2001, 12) rightly argues, “[b]ecause of the “othering” character of the discourse, the Bank takes on the position of expert and champion of the “good”, simply by expressing the inferiority of corrupt systems.” Polzer concludes: Nevertheless, my analysis suggests that it is firmly embedded in the Bank's larger project of modernisation and indeed extends its reach further into the lives and minds of its target societies. Far from resulting in mere technical adjustments within a largely functioning system, the discourse of corruption categorises and thereby delegitimises entire societies. “A good society is a modernising one; a corrupt society is one that inhibits ‘development.

The IMF also has contributed to the production of knowledge on the consequences and causes of corruption from an economic perspective through numerous quantitative studies (Mauro 1995; Kaufman 1997; Tanzi 1998; Tanzi and Davoodi 2002). The second explanation refers to a convergence of interests between transnational corporations in the US whose operations are threatened, the democratization movement in Latin American, and the growing insignificance of IMF in the development program of developing countries. Third, the United States played a crucial role in the spread of anti-corruption program following the introduction of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977, American firms complained that the conditions of international economic competition had, from their viewpoint, worsened. This was especially true for China where big infrastructures were being constructed. Anti-corruption policy became the instrument for leveling off the playing field (Moroff 2005, 465). Ivan Krastev (2004) arrives at the same conclusion. He argues that foreign investors could not understand the local culture that defines distribution and power so they sought to eliminate the local bureaucracies.

The crucial role of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank should be seen in the light of their growing insignificance among developing countries (Bukovansky 2006). Schmitz (1995) interprets the adoption of the ‘good governance’ model as a defensive strategy to forestall a perceived crisis of the neo-liberal paradigm through the co-option of a critical discourse. Rather than being a transformative and progressive move, Schmitz argues, the neo-liberal paradigm was ultimately

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protected by shifting attention from international systemic factors, such as “adverse conditions, unfair markets or inappropriate economic reforms,” to the local “lack of proper institutional capacity to manage the necessary processes of adjustment (Polzer 2001, 8).

When the Transparency International talks about corruption, and begins linking corruption to poverty in the developing countries, it embraces the ideology of WB and IMF: Designing an anti-corruption strategy that is pro-poor involves recognising how wealth and poverty are created — and how abuse of power conditions the process.

Corruption on the part of public and private sector actors facilitates market failures, which can generate and perpetuate income equalities. Most countries in Latin America, Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa present highly unequal income distributions along with elevated levels of corruption. In comparing the CPI rankings for the world’s most unequal nations, half the countries fall within the bottom 40 percent of the index. (TI 2008, 4) Such approach seeks to empower the poor to fight corruption bypassing the problem of economic structures that create inequality and the policy impositions of internal financial donors that reinforce these economic structures. It is unable to pinpoint the expansion of the market as the very problem of corruption itself (Bedirhanoglu 2007).

Conclusion If social scientists agreed that “globalization” was the buzzword for the nineties, today corruption is the strongest contender to replace globalization. What this paper suggests is that we must be careful in riding the crest of the popularity of the discourse of corruption. In the aftermath of the collapse of socialism worldwide, Western liberal democracy has two main enemies, namely, Islamic fundamentalism and corruption. These two evils are now considered as the remaining obstacle to the full triumph of western liberal democracy. But the problem of corruption is more onerous and pervasive than religious fundamentalism. For corruption discourse defines corruption ahistorically as endemic to all societies and individuals.

The only way therefore to confront the issue of corruption as a social problem and global phenomenon is to detach it from the vulgate of neoliberalism still being propagated by International Monetary Fund and World Bank as well as international organizations that celebrate free market, liberal democracy and less government6. Following Sarah Bracking, what the concept is is less interesting that what it does. And the discourse of corruption “acts in practice as a strategic resource and signifier within World Bank political discourse, indicating bad governance, illegitimacy and geopolitical position” (2009: 36).

An alternative approach to the reigning anti-corruption discourse is to wrestle it away from the narrow definition of neoliberal discourse that confines it merely to the distortion of the market and selfinterests. As Bukovansky (2006, 197) rightly argues, an alternative discourse of corruption should bring it back to the folds of politics. This involves addressing the problem of democratic determination and struggle over the processes that define the public good and collective identity. It also means deconstructing the moral high ground that donor countries assume in defining corruption as endemic to the culture of developing nations.

One study that looks into the UN resolutions from 1996 to 2002 suggests “a normative embrace of the virtues of capitalism, buffered to commitments to democratic governance an attitude consistent with the ideological tone of the 'Washington Consensus'…but tempered in the UN General Assembly's rhetorical efforts to put the welfare of peoples onto the international governance agenda. The potential conflict between…social stability and…open markets and economic growth is conveniently overlooked (Bukovansky 2006, 187).

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Corruption, in all its forms (albeit functionally some forms of corruption serve as a weapon of the poor) is morally wrong. But moral condemnation is not a good starting point to fight corruption. Moral exhortations can rouse and enthuse good and honest people to fight corruption, albeit the temptation to remain quiet is strong. Nevertheless the perennial problem of neoliberal inspired structural adjustment program cannot be denied. As Michael Goldman (2005) rightly argues, As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between increased poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that such global institutions as the World Bank are composed of mere technocratic experts offering transhistorical truths to those who lack know-how, experience, and skills, we are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.

Paraphrasing Goldman: As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between increased poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that corruption is the main problem of developing countries so that we need transhistorical truths about market operation, transparency, accountability, and good governance that are lacking in developing countries, we are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.

Second, fighting corruption is not only about moral education. It’s about increasing social support, raising wages and salaries (see Zhang, Cao and Vaughn 2009). To argue, like WB and IMF and scholars who unquestioningly support these international institutions, that corruption can be reduced if only donor countries can put pressure on corrupt nations before aid is made available, fails to address the very nature of these financial aids (Senior 2006, 189). The contradiction in the neoliberal paradigm of state “orphanhood” (Sullivan 2002) (complete abandoning of the state of its social duties) is that this creates a stronger need for the state to intervene in order to curb corruption.

Any approach to corruption will have to address the problem of inequality. Much of the literature on anti-corruption revolve around the issue of efficiency. As Khagram and You (2003) argued, in developing societies “the poor are more likely to be deprived of basic rights and have more difficulty gaining access to public services such as education and health care than in low inequality countries.

Hence, they are more likely to rely on petty bribery or be the targets of bureaucratic blackmail in order to secure basic services to which they are legally entitled.”

In fact, Khagram and You found out that “[t]he effects of inequality are greater in democratic regimes compared with authoritarian regimes.” Moreover they have established the fact that inequality may be more powerful determinant of corruption than economic growth and development. But this does not mean that there is a one-way relationship between inequality and corruption. For as Khagram and You (2013, 20) have shown, “corruption and inequality affect each other, giving rise to the possibility of vicious and virtuous cycles.”

Finally, fighting corruption should be seen within the wider context of economic backwardness and the neocolonial character of our nation. So, let me end with this statement from the Concerned Artists of the Philippines: Any anti-corruption campaign by the government will result in merely superficial effects, because it is contradictory to the nature of its existence. With the present system, how political and economic power is gained and maintained is at the root of

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corruption. Pervasive corruption promotes the culture of corruption among the elites and reinforces the disempowerment of the masses. The cycle continues, as the culture of corruption and a disempowered people perpetuate elitist political and economic power.

Corruption benefits the political and economic elites as it facilitates their sell-out and exploitation of our country's human and natural resources. The victims of corruption are the Filipino masses. This is the reason why we should persist in countering corruption.

However, it is of utmost importance to extend our efforts to actively resisting unequal treaties, foreign dictates, the exploitative political and economic system, and the corruption of culture. These actions nurture love of country, honesty, integrity, and other positive values based on pursuing the interest of the people and our nation. This is a concretization of a holistic anti-corruption drive. 7

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Notes This paper was originally published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of the Institute of Formation and Religious Studies (IFRS), Vol. 19, Golden Jubilee Issue.

1

Earlier, the speech of J Wolfensohn ‘Annual Meetings Address’ broke the taboo on corruption as an agenda for IMF-WB. Speech delivered at the World Bank and IMF Annual Meeting 1 October 1996, available online, http://go.worldbank.org/1NQRAFLP50, accessed 12 August 2012.

2 “Statement On The Adoption By The General Assembly Of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption,” http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CAC/background/secretary-general-speech.html, accessed 12 August 12, 2012.

3 http://web.hks.harvard.edu/publications/workingpapers/citation.aspx?PubId=2023n, accessed 21 August 2012.

4 Corruption in the Philippines, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corruption_in_the_Philippines, accessed 12 August 2012.

5 The study of Ji Li, Jane Moy, Kevin Lam, W.L. Chris Chu, comparing Hong Kong and Singapore suggest that without strong government intervention corruption will go uncontrolled. The study concludes that countries with high level of governmental intervention is able to curb corruption, as is the case in Singapore, or a low level of governmental intervention, as is the case in Hong Kong, may still lower corruption as long as the government is dead serious in fighting corruption.

6 Like the CATO Institute that blames corruption on big government and non-existence of free market (Tupy 2006).

7 This is an edited version of the paper presented to the National Study Conference on Corruption. Jan. 14-15, 2005, UPCSWCD. In “ C u ltu re o f C o r r u p t i o n : T h e C o r r u p t i o n o f C u ltu re ,” T h e C o n c e r n e d A r t i s ts o f t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-51/4-51-culture.html, accessed 21 August 2012.

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Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

Literary Folio

May Bagyo, Walang Pasok (first published in The Literary Apprentice, 2013)

Tilde Acuña Signal number ano ba ang sampunlibong estudyante?

Wala akong instrumentong panukat nito, subalit klarong kahit walang sikat ng araw: ang sampunlibong estudyanteng sumuspinde sa klase ay hindi anggi, hindi ambon kundi unos ang mamamayang nag-aral ng lipunan sa lansangan, kung saan bumabagyo ng protesta, kung saan hindi kailangang sabihing walang pasok upang lumiban sa opisina man o ‘skwela, kung sa’n nagbabantang muli— hindi si Sendong kundi—ang mga sinalanta nitong walang masilungan, walang makain, walang anuman dahil sa pagkakait ng naghahari, at kung saan mapatutunayang muli: Walang pasok t’wing may Sigwa.

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A Storm Advisory (DD/MM/YYYY) (first published in Philippines Free Press, 24 October 2011, reprinted with permission)

Tilde Acuña Classes will be suspended, once tempests of outrage flood the streets with protests against laboratory classes that require ivory gowns in exclusive rooms atop marble towers of pearls and gems and promises of knowledge from academic factories. Following class suspension will be more storms waged among 1.) those who want to hold classes despite all the turmoil; and 2.) those who want to suspend classes to further study outside the state-sponsored classrooms; and 3.) those who want to completely abolish classes; and 4.) those who lie in between the aforementioned categories; and even 5.) those who are outside the aforementioned categories— encompassing all categories as all of us are meant to clash. Thus, besides Change, Chaos is constant as classes will be suspended way beyond a couple of times and it may or may not resume anytime soon but something’s quite certain and anyone may disagree with the claim that: every so after, with enough and potent civil disturbances—which are natural catastrophes or staged occurrences, depending on the lenses you choose to use—classes may be suspended from time to time depending on—as it has been said a number of times—the force, which is equal to the mass multiplied by the acceleration—as the second law of motion (or movement) states.

40

Pananalig malayang salin ni Tilde Acu単a ng salin nina Robert Hass, Robert Pinsky, at Renata Gorcznski ng tula ni Czeslaw Milosz Ang salitang Pananalig ay nangangahulugang kapag may nakitang Isang patak ng hamog o isang dahong lumulutang, at nalalamang sila ay gayon, sapagkat dapat silang maging.

At kahit pa ika'y nanaginip, o nagpinid ng mga mata At humiling, mananatili ang daigdig sa kung ano ito noon, At ang dahon ay maaanod pa rin at magpapadala sa ilog.

Nangangahulugan itong kapag nasaktan ang isang paa Ng isang matalas na bato, nalalaman ding ang mga bato Ay naririto upang makapanakit ng ating mga paa.

Pagmasdan, tignan ang mahabang aninong nagmumula sa mga puno; At ang mga bulaklak at mga taong nagtatapon ng anino sa lupa: Anumang walang taglay na anino ay walang lakas manatiling buhay.

41

Subukang Purihin ang Mundong Pinira-piraso malayang salin ni Tilde Acu単a ng salin ni Clare Cavanagh tula ni Adam Zagajewski Subukang purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.

Alalahanin ang mahahabang araw ng Hunyo, at ang mga ligaw na aratilis, ang mga patak ng alak, ang hamog.

Ang mga damong madiskarteng lumalago at sumasapaw sa mga inabandonang bahay ng mga dinistiyero.

Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.

Umantabay ka sa nauusong mga yate at mga bapor; isa sa mga ito ang bumiyahe nang matagal at nauna, habang maalat na pagkalimot ang naghihintay sa iba pa.

Nakita mong walang mapupuntahan ang mga bakwit, narinig mong maligayang umaawit ang mga berdugo.

Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.

Alalahanin ang mga saglit na magkasama tayo sa isang puting silid at humahayuhay ang kurtina.

Ibalik sa isip ang konsiyerto kung saan sumiklab ang musika.

Namitas ka ng mga bunga sa liwasan noong taglagas at umalimpuyo ang mga dahon sa mga pilat ng daigdig.

Purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso at ang abuhing balahibong naiwala ng maya, at ang banayad na ilaw na nawawalay at nagmamaliw at nagbabalik.

42

sa kuna Tilde Acu単a may sanggol na ngawa nang ngawa, aniya, gumawa na lang daw kayong lahat at huwag nang ngumawa; nguya nang nguya, walang modong nagsasalita pa rin habang puno ang bunganga, hindi raw kayo naghanda, kaya't kayo ang gumawa at huwag nang ngumawa; nguso nang nguso, walang pinaliligtas sa paninisi, mali ang lahat ng ulat, salat ang lahat ng pagtulong, kulang ang lahat ng paghahanda ng lahat maliban sa kanyang pagkakawangngawa; ngawit na ngawit sa kakatunganga, kahit awa ay hindi man lang maibahagi, kahit bahagi ng kabang hindi naman kanya ay hindi man lang maibigay sa mga humihibik sa mga rehiyong sa ngayo'y dambuhalang kabaong, sa mga inulila at inalila ng delubyong dulot ng kapwa taong iba ang uri tulad nitong sanggol na nagngangalit; numinipis nang numinipis ang buhok sa bumbunan, kaalinsabay ng pagliit ng puso at isip, dulot ng higit limampung taong karanasan bilang hacienderong ngumangawa sa mga manggagawang-bukid, dulot ng tatlong taon bilang pangulong puro bilang ang pinoproblema, bilang sanggol na wala nang ginawa kundi ngumawa, ngumuya, ngumuso, mangawit, manlansi, at manisi habang nakahilata at namamahala mula sa kuna.

43

Ang Wakas at ang Simula salin ni Tilde Acu単a ng salin ni Joanna Trzeciak ng tula ni Wislawa Szymborska Matapos ang bawat digmaan mayroong dapat magligpit.

Hindi isasaayos ng mga bagay ang kanilang mga sarili, sa kabila ng lahat.

Mayroong dapat magtabi ng kalat sa isang gilid ng kalsada, upang makadaan ang karitong puno ng bangkay.

Mayroong dapat na lumusong sa latak at abo, sa mga pako ng silya, sa mga bubog, at sa mga duguang katya.

Mayroong dapat humila sa tahilan upang isandal sa dingding.

Mayroong dapat magpakintab ng bintana, magkabit muli ng pinto.

Hindi ito maganda sa paningin, at tumatagal nang ilang taon.

Lumisan na ang lahat ng kamera para sa isa pang giyera.

Kakailanganin nating ibalik ang mga tulay, pati ang mga bagong estasyon ng tren.

Magugulanit ang mga manggas mula sa pagkakarolyo nito.

44

Tangan ang walis, mayroong mga makakaalala pa rin ng nakagisnan.

Mayroong isa pang nakikinig at tumatango nang may ulong hindi napugot.

Pero mayroon ding mga nasa di-kalayuang nagsisimulang magbilang ng poste at mapapagtantong nakakabato ito.

Mula sa halamanan paminsa'y mayroong nakakabungkal ng mga katwirang kinalawang na at dadalhin ang mga ito sa tambak ng basura.

Ang mga nakakaalam kung anong nagaganap dito'y marapat na gumawa ng paraan para sa mga kapos ang nalalaman.

At mas kaunti kaysa kapos.

At sa huli, singkaunti ng wala.

Sa damuhang lumabis ang paglago ng mga sanhi at mga bunga, mayroong dapat magpalawig talim ng damo sa kanyang bibig tumutunghay sa langit.

45

Ibinalita sa Telebisyon (12 Disyembre 2013)

Kislap Alitaptap Ibinalita sa telebisyon Ang tungkol sa isang Ama Na namatayan ng Anak Dahil sa pagsusuka’t pagtatae Ama na itinakas ang bangkay Ng Anak mula sa morgue Ama na walang maipambabayad Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan Pagkatapos Ibinalita sa telebisyon Ang kahandaan ni Heart Evangelista, na Makasama sa habambuhay Si Senator Chiz Escudero Pagkatapos Ibinalita sa telebisyon Kung sasagot ba ng “Oo” Si Angelica Panganiban, Oras na hamunin siyang Magpakasal ni John Lloyd Cruz Pagkatapos Isinalang sa telebisyon Ang mga patalastas Patalastas ng deodorant Patalastas ng Skinwhite Patalastas ng Chowking Patalastas ng KFC Patalastas ng MERALCO (upang idepensa ang dagdag singil) Patalastas ng sabong panlaba Patalastas ng susunod na eksena Sa Maria Mercedes at Galema Patalastas ng shampoo (yung para kang nagpa-rebond)

46

Patalastas ng SMART Patalastas ng Nescafe Patalastas ng spaghetti Patalastas ng toyo Patalastas ng korean novela Patalastas ng malakas na bentahan Ng album ni Daniel Padilla At patalastas ng pelikulang “My Little Bossing” bida Si Vic Sotto, at, Kris Aquino, Entry sa MMFF, abangan Sa Pasko, sa mga sinehan Pagkatapos Nalusaw na sa pag-iisip Ng mga manonood ang balita Tungkol sa isang Ama Na namatayan ng Anak Dahil sa pagsusuka’t pagtatae Ama na itinakas ang bangkay Ng Anak mula sa morgue Ama na walang maipambabayad Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan (Mula sa: https://www.facebook.com/notes/kislap-alitaptap/ibinalita-satelebisyon/10153599433620244)

47

Sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan Rogene Gonzales I. Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan o makilala man lang ang munting ngiti na ipapalit sa takot at kubling hikbi.

Magsilbing kanilang pang-araw-araw na hininga sa halik ng hangin sa munting mga mata, sipol sa buhangin ng dalampasigang uukitan ng puso at ngalang saliw ang kapayapaan.

Nais kong kanilang matutunan ang musmos na pag-ibig sa sariling bayan, paano matayog na kumapit sa bawat pangarap sa maagang rikit ng mga bituin sa alapaap.

II. Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan o masilayan man lang sa ganap na pagbangon ng mundong batbat sa panganib ng mga alon.

Maging kanilang bisig na handang manindigan, gaya ng punong papayong sa lupit ng tag-ulan, at tahanang ligtas sa unos ng karimlan o pait ng sikmurang walang maipalaman.

Nais kong magising sila sa araw, hindi sa kalsada ng mga basura at langaw, kundi sa mga kinabukasang tiyak na paparating ang liwanag sa palad ng pagkamit sa ating hiling.

III. Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan, nais kong ipagtanggol ang kanilang dangal nang mapatid ang mga luhang dumaratal.

Kahit ni minsa'y 'di na maaninag ang mukha o makakulitan man lamang sa mga pagtawa; sapat nang maging bahagi ng pag-asa, sa pagtudla at paglikha ng para sa kanila.

48

Sapagkat nais kong kanilang madatnan isang lipunang 'di tulad ng kasalukuyan kundi silangang tuwina ang pagpula, at tinubuang lupa sa tuwa'y sagana.

Nais kong gagap ng kanilang murang diwa ang gintong dunong na pundar ng paggawa at ang dugong daloy sa ugat ng pagsinta mula bata hanggang pagtanda ay ang pinunla't inambag na paglaya ng sambayanang siyang magiting na nakikibaka.

49

kung paano tayo tinuruang manahimik sa klase Rogene Gonzales sinong maingay diyan sa likod ng row four subukan niyo ngang magsalita dito sa harap nang makita niyo kung gaano kahirap ilista yang maingay na yan namimihasa ka na ha bastos ka ba akala mo nakakatawa ginagawa mo papatawag kita bukas sa guidance office ka na dumiretso lumabas ka sa klase ko walang hiya ka walang modo wag ka nang pumasok pumapasok pa ba kayo ang babata niyo pa bakit niyo kailangang mag-ingay pwede naman natin itong mapag-usapan walang mapapala ang pagprotesta niyo kundi gulo mag-aral muna kayo in the future kapag nasa posisyon din kayo maiintindihan niyo rin ang mga patakaran dito kailangang sundin at ipatupad namin gusto natin payapang nakikipag-ayos tayo basta bawal ang ginagawa niyong yan alam niyo bang pwede kayong masuspend o ma-expel sa ginagawa niyo handa naman kaming tugunan ang inyong hinaing pero let's make ends meet remember this di lahat ng gusto pwede di lahat ng kailangan maibibigay mga anak anak ng di ba talaga kayo aalis sinabi ng bawal dito ang ginagawa niyo di ba kayo tinuruan ng mga magulang niyong sumunod sa batas hindi pwede ang ginagawa niyo wala kayong permit sa pagrali umalis na kayo mga bingi ba kayo nakakaabala na kayo sa mga tao umalis na kayo bibigyan namin kayo ng limang minutong palugid kung hindi pa kayo lalayas sabihin niyo sa mga kasamahan niyo hindi namin kasalanan kung magkasakitan dito binalaan na namin kayo

50

anak ng puta hindi ka ba talaga aamin pinipilosopo mo ba ako akala mo ba nagbibiro lang kami kilala mo ba kung sino kami may angas ka pa umamin ka na kasi na ikaw ang pasimuno pinaglololoko mo ba ako hindi ka pa rin magsasalita eh kayo tong laging umiingay sa kalsada kilala ka namin umamin ka na umamin ka na kung ayaw mong masaktan pa alam namin ang totoo mong pangalan ikaw si ka bart alias mo yan nung umakyat ka kasama ka sa nangyaring engkwentro noong nakaraan linggo asan ang tapang mo ngayon hayop ka ha magbibilang ako ng tatlo kung gusto mo pang makita ang pamilya mo at makalabas dito ng buhay tangina ka kumanta ka na kumanta ka na tangina kang hayop ka dahil maingay kang bata ka kumanta ka kumanta ka sa flag ceremony bukas malinaw ba? may reklamo ka?

51

By Squander Mark Angeles Yolanda, you land there in the heartland of my native land.

With wind and water, you jackhammered the living and lifeless; by your hammer’s claw, you ripped up trees; and hammer home to us what death means for us. For us, it is having the means to survive when we lose our means by official squander.

Death by hunger, thirst, and squander puts a price on the squanderers.

52

“Women and children first” Mark Angeles Women and children first departed and ran for shelter.

But Yolanda’s eye was blind like the heart of politicians who have gone to the dogs.

Wind and water’s sleight of hand—Category 5— on par with the muscle that ransacked public funds— ravaged island after island.

And left the people in their most vulnerable: injured inside and out.

The living share stench and flies with the dead, the uprooted coconut trees they waited for a decade to yield, the rubbles.

The dead can’t wait for the government and begins to decay.

Belated, the state carries out its expertise: hoarding and looting; digging more mass graves.

Let the wreckage remind us: Nobody gets spared.

We must carry on weathering the storm of climate change and globalization.

53

Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-Imperialist Education

DOCUMENTS & STATEMENTS Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)

ACADEMIC CALENDAR SHIFT AND INTERNATIONALIZATION: Implementation Guidelines and Monitoring and Evaluation Plan Implementation Areas

Information Dissemination, Coordination, Storage, Monitoring and Feedback 1.1. Develop a multimedia and social network-based public information dissemination plan regarding the academic calendar shift and internationalization (regional/local, national, regional, global).

1.2. Develop a multimedia and social network-based UP information dissemination plan (within units, across units, within CU, across CUs, to and from System).

1.3. Fast-track e-UP connectivity - facilities, operations, manpower training to improve academic and administrative efficiency.

1.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

2. Physical Infrastructure and Facilities 2.1. Install electric fans, cool air blowers, air conditioners, sun screens/blinds/tints, roof/ceiling insulation in classrooms and meeting/assembly places, outdoor/corridor water sprinklers.

2.2. Install solar panels, generators, voltage regulators, water recycling systems.

2.3. Construct covered walks, waiting sheds, and water stations.

2.4. Construct well-ventilated, open air gyms/auditoriums as convocation and social halls.

2.5. Construct, renovate, and expand student dormitories, faculty housing and other facilities (food, sports, health and wellness centers, infirmary) inside campus.

2.6. Arrange to rent housing for students and faculty outside campus in the interim.

2.7. Improve transportation within campus.

2.8. Provide transportation to/from off campus housing.

2.9. Provide bicycles for rent or purchase, and provide bicycle lanes.

2.10.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

2.11.Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

3. Security and Other Administrative Services 1.

CU Actions and 3-Year Timeframe

CU Budget Years 1-3

System Actions and 3-Year Timeframe

System Budget Years 1-3

Monitoring Year 1 Year 2

Evaluation Year 3

3.1. Strengthen security force and institute safety measures inside buildings and outdoors.

3.2. Maintain order and cleanliness in indoor and outdoor facilities and spaces.

3.3. Install lighting and alarm systems in dark, secluded places.

3.4. Ensure running water in all restrooms, food facilities, laboratories.

3.5. Streamline and speed up administrative processes, especially procurement, for all academic and operational matters; reduce bureaucracy and increase efficiency.

3.6. Extend the appointments of non-tenured faculty and staff.

3.7. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

3.8. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

4. Schedules 4.1. Plan the academic calendar - schedules of two semesters and short “summer� classes - to meet required class days, integration, examination/evaluation and grade submission periods, and preregistration, registration, orientation, dropping/leave of absence deadlines, and commencement exercises.

4.2. Consider adjusting class hours to early morning and late afternoon with mid-day free during hot months in the 2nd semester.

4.3. Plan and coordinate schedules of: 4.3.1. UPCAT exam, announcement of UPCAT results, advance placement exams, graduate program application 4.3.2. high school/K-12 summer bridge programs, remedial programs, advance placement programs 4.3.3. student assistance programs - the STS (Student Tuition System), student scholarships, loans and assistantships program 4.3.4. student outdoor class activities, field trips, OJTs/externships, internships, job fairs and job interviews 4.3.5. licensure exams with PRC and bar exam with the SC 4.3.6. faculty and staff training, retooling, and strategic planning workshops 4.3.7. hosting of national and international conferences 4.4. Observe national, regional, international cultural (and religious) traditions, including UP’s traditions, commemorate anniversaries and feasts, plan celebrations on campus; adjust schedules if necessary.

4.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

4.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

5. Finances and Fundraising 5.1. Generate significant income from tuition and other fees from foreign students enrolment.

5.2. Raise additional/counterpart funds through the respective foreign embassies, gov’t funding agencies and industries of the foreign students.

5.3. Apply for funding for outbound undergraduate/graduate (UG/G) UP students from CHED, other local gov’t funding agencies and local industry.

5.4. Increase UP funding to support faculty/REPS and students to attend international workshops and meetings and to enrol in courses for credit in foreign universities, aside from increased support for PhD fellowships, Visiting Professor Program, research conference travel grants.

5.5. Seek foreign and local donors to build student dormitories, faculty housing and other facilities.

5.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

5.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

6. Academics – Degree Programs, Curricula, Course Content, Pedagogy and Quality Assurance 6.1. Strengthen summer bridge programs for incoming freshmen; organize summer training workshops and teambuilding/leadership workshops for incoming freshmen.

6.2. Focus to improve leading undergraduate and graduate degree programs, curricula and courses in the CU’s niche area based on CU’s on-going academic program streamlining.

6.3. Strengthen, update, enrich the content of GE and majors courses and key UG/G degree programs at par with international standards.

6.4. Instil rigor and depth of discussion of fundamental concepts and principles; broaden the scope and underscore the relevance of courses by infusing one’s own research, creative work and extension work into learning and discussion materials.

6.5. Stimulate critical, rational, creative, constructive, expansive, holistic thinking and experiential/blended learning; promote value chain, processive, complex, interdisciplinary approaches to innovation,

creativity and problem solving; expose students to balanced national, regional, global viewpoints.

6.6. Explore new, progressive, pervasive, dynamic, technology-assisted teaching and learning.

6.7. Establish mutually beneficial/symbiotic joint graduate degree programs, graduate sandwich programs with coursework and thesis within and across CUs, and with leading foreign universities, benchmarked with international program standards, in areas of competitive advantage (culture, arts, humanities, English) and need (STEM, science, technology, engineering and mathematics) of UP and the Philippines.

6.8. Structure courses per semester to allow inbound and outbound students to earn course credits based on equivalent courses in ASEAN universities under the ASEAN credit transfer system (ACTS).

6.9. Plan series of UP signature courses such as arts- and cultureenriched GE courses, and advanced courses showcasing Philippine culture, history (including natural history and biodiversity), belief systems, literature, arts, and the humanities, and comparing these with Eastern and Western culture, taught in expert English, and also with exposure to Philippine languages and dialects; focus on the relatedness of cultures and of nationalism and internationalism.

6.10. Subject leading UG degree programs to Quality Assurance (QA) assessment.

6.10.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

6.11.Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

7. Research, Creative Work, Intellectual Property, Global Competitiveness 7.1. Pursue research and creative work with counterparts in leading foreign universities with local and/or foreign funding; activate MOAs/MOUs with leading foreign university partners.

7.2. Submit proposals with foreign counterparts to international funding agencies and participate in international research programs.

7.3. Publish papers co-authored with foreign collaborators.

7.4. Pursue intellectual property, i.e., patents and copyrights, with equitable sharing with foreign collaborators.

7.5. Pursue commercialization of UP R&D to contribute to global competitiveness.

7.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

7.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

8. Extension Work, Public Service, Problem Solving 8.1. Identify local problems and common problems in the ASEAN region and collaborate with foreign counterparts to develop R&D-based interventions and policies to solve problems.

8.2. Participate in government and private sector initiatives on the national and regional level.

8.3. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

8.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

9. Undergraduate Students 9.1. Promote study abroad-horizon broadening semester stints for top UP UG students.

9.2. Promote joint student-faculty foreign stints, e.g., UP faculty is guest lecturer or team teacher in a course in a foreign university where UP students are enrolled.

9.3. Offer courses and credit transfers for foreign students on a semester basis.

9.4. Host international UG student competitions, cultural exchange and leadership meetings in UP. 9.5. Organize cultural immersion activities for foreign students in UP. 9.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

9.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

10. Graduate Students 10.1.Support inbound and outbound graduate student exchange for graduate courses and training under joint degree and sandwich programs, and research programs.

10.2. Support MS thesis and PhD dissertation and postdoctoral stints in foreign universities.

10.3. Host doctoral and postdoctoral workshops and conferences in UP. 10.4. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly 10.5. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

11. Faculty and REPS 11.1. Support inbound and outbound faculty/REPS short 1-2 week visits

to establish linkages, followed by 1 month visits to conduct short training workshops, followed by 1 year fellowships to establish research collaborations and graduate student co-mentoring.

11.2. Promote outbound and inbound guest lecturing visits of UP faculty during the semester study stints of UP UG/G students in foreign universities; promote combined student-faculty exchanges.

11.3. Make use of UP’s Visiting Professor Program, foreign-trained PhD Faculty Recruitment Program, Expanded Modernization Program, Research Dissemination (travel) Grant, EIDR and CWRG research programs, to recruit foreign faculty and establish research collaborations with foreign universities.

11.4. Host international R&D training workshops and conferences in UP. 11.5. Host international conferences, e.g., on Philippine and other ASEAN and foreign cultures, on The role of higher education and R&D in national and regional development, on relating nationalism and internationalism.

11.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

11.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

12. Administrative Staff 12.1.Train staff to address issues and concerns during the pilot phase of implementation of the academic calendar shift.

12.2. Train staff to maintain and operate new facilities.

12.3. Hire staff with international communication skills to move forward UP’s internationalization plan.

12.4. Hire staff with special skills to deal with foreign students and faculty and address the needs of UP students and faculty/REPS abroad.

12.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

12.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

13. International Academic Networks 13.1.Establish linkages between UP and foreign faculty and administrators to plan mutually beneficial joint academic programs, student and faculty exchange and research collaborations.

13.2. Participate in course credit transfer systems and Quality

Assurance (QA) assessments implemented by the networks.

13.3.Send UP students to international student leadership workshops and meetings organized by network member universities.

13.4. Send UP faculty and researchers to research and training conferences organized by the networks.

13.5. Host conferences as part of the network and invite speakers and participants through the network.

13.6. Identify R&D topics and problems and challenges common to the region where the network operates and organize regional research teams.

13.7. Join consortia of universities to apply for support from funding agencies for student and faculty mobility.

13.8. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

13.9. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

14. Local and Foreign Funding Agencies 14.1.Obtain funding from CHED, DOST, AUN, USAID, EU and other programs to support UP student and faculty academic exchange, MS, PhD and postdoctoral programs and research training and collaboration.

14.2. Obtain support from these agencies for foreign faculty and students visiting UP. 14.3.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

14.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

15. Alumni and Industry 15.1. Provide OJTs and externship opportunities to local and foreign students.

15.2. Provide consultancies for local faculty and foreign visiting professors.

15.3. Explore commercialization of UP R&D to contribute to global competitiveness.

15.4. Seek donations and sponsorships from foreign and local industries for support facilities such as housing, transportation for students and faculty.

15.5. Seek support to augment the compensation of UP and foreign faculty.

15.6. Seek support for the study abroad –horizon broadening program of UP students.

15.7. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

15.8. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

16. Alignment with National Government Agenda: Internationalization and ASEAN Economic Cooperation in Response to Globalization 16.1.Seek major funding for physical infrastructure from the national government to support UP’s academic calendar shift as part of UP’s internationalization plan.

16.2. Seek better compensation and incentives for UP faculty and staff to be at par with faculty in ASEAN universities.

16.3. Seek assistance from DFA and DOLE in granting visas to foreign students and work permits to foreign faculty coming to UP. 16.4. Seek assistance from Philippine embassies and consulates for UP students and faculty on study or research stints in foreign universities.

16.5 Seek representation for UP in ASEAN Economic Cooperation (AEC) meetings to address higher education and R&D concerns in relation to ASEAN integration and globalization.

16.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.

16.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and implementers of the above.

Monitoring and Evaluation Plan: 1.

Select any/all of the above actions to pursue and indicate corresponding existing or requested budget.

2.

Gather baseline data in the 1st Quarter of 2014 for actions to pursue.

3.

Submit Monitoring Reports for Year 1 (February 2015) and Year 2 (February 2016) and Evaluation Report at the end of Year 3 (February 2017).

4. For each report, provide an Executive Summary with Annexes (of facts and figures).

Indicators for Success of Internationalization: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Percent increase in attraction of highly qualified incoming students including those from international market Percent increase in graduation rates Percent increase in quality and achievements of graduates Percent increase in efficient and qualified faculty and academic staff including those from international market Percent increase in MOAs with high ranking Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) – actively implemented Percent increase in faculty/researcher/student exchange – inbound and outbound Percent increase in academic joint degree/sandwich programs Percent increase in PhD/MS graduates, publications and other outputs from international collaborations Percent increase in faculty/REPS research and creative collaborations (programs/projects) and research and creative outputs (publications, patents, copyrights) 10. Percent increase in trainings/seminars/conferences 11. Percent increase in degree programs that pass Quality Assurance assessment and other academic international standards 12. Percent increase in successful industry partnership and other extension services/contributions to society OVPAA v.3 20 Feb 2014

Philippine Higher Education Institutions and World Rankings: Thinking Outside the Box I.

The World University Ranking Systems: A Backgrounder

Rankings have been created and done for many types of individuals and institutions and even for countries/economies. With the rise in the usage of ecommunication technologies and networkings, the rankings put on spotlight those who/which are in the list and not in the list, depending on the type of ranking/listing and the credibility/popularity of the originators/authors of the list.

Still, there are a few stakeholders who ignore some rankings for one reason or another.

University ranking systems have been shaping the world of Higher Educational Institutions (HEIs) during the last two decades. Nations have been driven to increase investments on HEIs to raise the quality of education. Academic performance and over-all reputation of high ranked universities/HEIs consequently increase demand for their graduates locally and internationally. Higher rankings of universities are likewise equated with high impact research/creative work outcomes and innovations which invite the interest of relevant investors and better from the government.

Philippine Universities/HEIs, hence, should be aware of the significance of ranking systems and its impacts on the development of higher education, as these present a clear challenge to be globally competitive and significantly contribute to the nation’s intellectual capital towards its socio-economic growth. In this regard, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), the Development Academy of the Philippines (DAP), and the University of the Philippines (UP) held a “Conference on International Rankings and Its Implications for Philippine Higher Education Institutions� on 3-4 July 2013. The conference aimed to serve as venue for dialogue between an international ranking group (i.e. QS World University Rankings) and Philippine universities, and a forum for discussions on how the latter can communicate ideas on what should also matter in ranking universities/HEIs based on their collective ideals and experiences.

The following were the objectives of the conference: 1. provide greater awareness of the implications of international rankings to Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs); 2. review and assess the criteria and guidelines used in the World University Rankings (WUR), particularly that of Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) and Thomson Reuters (TR); 3. asess and make recommendations pertinent to the rankings of Philippine HEIs; and 4. initiate/facilitate dialogue among Philippine universities/HEIs towards the development of a national strategy in relation to international rankings and make recommendations toward the development the aforementioned national strategy.

I.

Workshop Results A. On the Criteria, Relevance, Context of World University Rankings

The workshop participants (who were grouped into 5 with about 20 members each) generally expressed the belief that the University Ranking Systems (QS and TR) are relevant and criteria used are proxies for internationalization. The Ranking Systems have been viewed by the participants as unavoidably significant, an incentive for improvement and a tool for recognition. Hence, Philippine universities should be encouraged/ should participate in these systems. There were however philosophical underpinnings that were voiced out by some ‘participants’ like, the system seem to be a “homogenization” and should consider economic inequalities among universities/HEIs from different countries/regions which are in various stages of development, not to mention cultural diversity amongst these countries. For example, the higher education landscape in the Philippines could be considered different even from the rest Asia considering its socio-culturalk diversity primarily influenced by the variety of influence from its neighbors by virtue of its geographic location and archipelagic nature.

“Academic Reputation” which is based heavily on research outputs/impacts (publication, innovation and citation) could not be hurdled by most Philippines HEIs except those that could “afford” to undertake research. Academic loading in most HEIs in the country are based mainly on teaching with research being undertaken by a few faculty i.e. from 1% to 10% in the faculty. Research funds are limited and facilities not at par with the requirements of the field; hence, outputs are quite few and some are not publishable. From the arts and humanities group, there was the opinion that in the ranking system, creative productivity seemed to be not appropriately and adequately nuanced and could be missed out but this is significant in shaping knowledge generation and dissemination in HEIs. Student-faculty ratio being used as a metric for academic reputation in the world rankings does not capture quality education completely. It is not reflective of the HEIs performance indicators. Faculty/student interactions should produce student competencies that could not be shown by ratios.

Extension programs are not explicitly considered in the metrics of the ranking systems but are being undertaken by most universities/HEIs in the Philippines. These are not income generating but contribute to the development of the country specifically in the rural areas, although it can be argued that this could be considered under “research impact”.

“Graduate employability” seems to be improperly quantified for the Philippines, considering that a good percentage of graduates from Philippines HEI have been employed by leading government and non-government agencies and organization outside of the country and, in fact contributing to the development of the countries wherein they are employed.

The systems world rating/criteria are proxies of internationalization of the universities. In the Philippines, many HEIs find it difficult to reconcile “nationalism” with “internationalism”, and therefore subsequently internalizing and operationalizing “internationalization” and globalization within its system. Finally, it was the opinion of some participants that the US and European universities have been apparently the benchmark for excellence the systems should capture realities worldwide in the internationalization process in this rapidly changing world.

B. SWOT Analysis and Suggested Internationalization/University Ranking

Strategies

for

Strengths and Opportunities Philippine universities/HEIs are considered with creative, resourceful, innovative and resilient human resource (faculty, researchers, staff and students), in almost all the fields. The graduates are employable locally and in some fields globally competitive. The national environment is highly diversified and rich in research topics. The same goes for the culture and heritage. Proficiency in English by all sectors in the academe (and the society) is one very strong asset in this globalization wave where “English” is the medium for communication.

Opportunities are wide and open with ASEAN integration and other networkings regionally and globally; more funding opportunities locally are now being joined.

Weaknesses and Threats Low percentage of faculty with Ph.D. in many universities/HEIs is considered a weakness for this means lack of expertise in both research and teaching. Fast turnover rate of faculty (particularly those with Ph.D.) due to low salary and lack of other incentives, is still a major problem for a number of HEIs especially those that are government-funded/not income generating.

Low productivity in research and creative work is limited by teaching overload in most universities/HEIs, worsened by lack of facilities and funds. In other HEIs perception that research is difficult needs to be tackled by the administration/leadership where motivation and enabling environment are most needed. Replication of specializations between many HEIs and even in sub-units of universities is one weakness because funds could not be optimized or focused.

Salaries and incentive package for academics and staff are considered weaknesses and threats because locals tend to go to greener pastures i.e. abroad to gain more economically.

Enabling laws and policies are still lacking to enhance research/creative activities locally and undertake academic linkages and collaborations globally.

Faculty and student inward and outward mobility lack government legislation and support from relevant agencies. Basically, although the country has gained a hit of popularity for tourism with the “Its More Fun in the Philippines” advertisement, students and faculty from abroad are still wary of the Philippines because of its peace and order image. Further, many universities cannot offer “decent” and sufficient accommodation, housing for incoming faculty/experts and students.

Mismatch of Philippine academic year with the rest of the region/world is one set back because it can cause delays for outbound and even inbound, students and faculty; and many other related efforts. Finally, “too open”, “too hospitable” “too subservient” attitudes/values common to Filipinos could be a weakness in the attempt to become internationalized according to some participants.

C.

Recommendations/Strategies towards Internationalization

The participants agree that a “National Higher Education R&D and Internationalization Strategy/Agenda should be developed and implemented the soonest. The strategy is to have priority inter-university researches through partnerships locally (and internationally) with funds coming from various sources.

Niches for research (and teaching) should be considered in this partnerships including thrusts of the national government and if relevant those of international funding agencies. For enhanced participation of qualified (which is quite few) faculty/researcher, incentives should be packaged for these multi-transdisciplinary research/creative works. Legislation/s specific to research and the implementation of the proposed HEI R&D and Internationalization Strategy/Agenda should be made for its successful implementation. Monitoring of productivity in terms of publications, and Ph.D. graduates etc. should be closely done and be the basis for further reward system. Upgrade of key research centers and their satellites should be implemented wherein focused utilization of funds could become beneficial to a greater number of institutions compared to giving insufficient enhancement to several/many institutes. Key plantilla positions for research/creative works should be supported in HEIs. A well-planned faculty development which includes Ph.D. fellowships and recruitment should have research/creative productivity as a primary indicator.

Foreign faculty should be considered in areas where their expertise are needed; mentors for research and teaching could be availed of through co-programs sandwich programs with high ranking university. Teaching underloading and retooling of faculty could help them engage in productive, research and creative activities.

Curricular programs should be research and creative work based, internationalized and demands locally/globally systematically considered.

Benchmarking of curricular offerings with the best universities result to enhanced academic quality and improved changes of international academic collaboration; International Quality Assurance should be done periodically on these offerings; being research/creative work based-publications/ other universally-cited and “measurable” outputs can be required for graduation. Universities should strive to seek double degrees and sandwich programs with high ranked universities taking into consideration all types of costs and benefits in the process, and CHED could help HEIs to be more strategic in this regard. A Philippine version of quality accreditations could be developed/used as an additional option but not disregarding the international quality assurance standards.

Universities/HEIs should improve admission requirements particularly with the K-12 curricula, students could be screened well as to qualities of successfully completing their degrees are their employability. CHED could help in the development of “Graduate Tracer Strategies” locally and in the region, with achievements documented made available and serve as icons to students/where they have graduated, and the country in general.

Suggestions to the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), Department of Education (DEPED) and Other Rlevant Agencies Consideration of the following was suggested.

1.

School/Academic calendar should be aligned with the rest of the world; 2.

Institutional/fiscal autonomy for State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) to generate income from R&D; 3.

Varying tiers of support for different HEIs to develop research and internationalization; 4.

Harmonize and rationalize HEIs according to World University Rankings vis-a-vis national setting; 5.

Institutionalize systematic relationship between academic and industry/stakeholders for better partnership; 6.

Require graduate programs have research/creative work and publications/outputs as requirements for graduation; 7.

With the ASEAN integration coming closer at 2015, HEIs should be aware of its relative position and “coping mechanisms” put in place; and 8.

Legislative and Executive Agencies have enabling laws, policies and mechanisms for internationalization, and mobility of faculty and students.

I.

Conclusions and Lessons from other Countries

Building global universities/HEIs in the context of developing versus developed world could really pose several difficult challenges and decisions would entail economic and socio-political considerations. Even within a university there could be problems of operationalizing “nationalism” with “internationalism”. A strong leadership, appropriate strategies and indicators and rewards have been the formula for some success stories in Asia.

Vice-President Bajpai, President of the Association of Indian Universities, the world’s largest network of university, reports (2013) that India was at first adverse to opening up to internationalization with the feeling of some sectors that the “interests of India will not be protected”. Eventually it was decided that “with appropriate legislation, ‘floodgates’ can be opened and India can enlist help of foreign universities to increase academic capacity and provide competition that can spur greater quality in local institutions”.

Indonesia, according to Prof. Suharchiyanto of Bogor University, included in its “2010 Master Plan for Economy” new targets for its universities, considering the improvements in education that could spark exponential growth in Indonesia’s economy. The government has set aside 1% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for innovation in research and development up to year 2014.

Singapore, on the other hand, according to Prof. Anderson of Nanyang Technological University aims to deviate 3% of its GDP to R&D and universities, and have pursued a top-down approach for planning and implementation strategy to achieve excellence in teaching and research.

Vietnam took a braver and could be a faster path to a global university. The University of Science and Technology in Hanoi was established, which aims to produce 1,000 Ph.D. graduates and ventured with co-programs (split programs) with international universities. This political will emanated from the paradigm that “unless you change the institutional culture and mindset – it is going to be very difficult to become world class”.

Prof. Hiley of the University of Canterbury in New Zealand believes that “policy makers in the university and government can study trends across the regions and make better, more informed choices about the future of higher education in their countries”.

The Philippines is at the crossroads where leaders of government and civil societies and the entire nation have to make decisions particularly in relation to the ASEAN 2015 integration. Shall the HEIs go regional/global? Are we helping move the country to become more competitive towards a thriving economy for security and prosperity? Have we integrated and are we competitive with the rest of the universities of the Region? The Globe?

The conference participants who are academic heads/top administrators from leading UP and HEIs in the country have generally agreed that there seem to be more short and long-term benefits in seriously considering “internationalization and University Ranking Systems.

12 August 2013

Annex 1 International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) 3 to 4 July 2013 Crowne Plaza Hotel, Ortigas Center, Metro Manila, Philippines Rationale Internationalization is essential for the future development of Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). Leading universities in the Philippines i.e.

University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University and De La Salle University, have long begun to internationalize their academic activities/campuses. The move to internationalize is an imperative, given the changes in our socio-political, economic and cultural landscapes and the desire of universities always to be at the forefront of teaching, research and extension work.

Furthermore, Philippine universities/HEIs are being challenged today to produce graduates who can compete in the global market by producing researches that can contribute to the growth and development of their communities, and enhance the reputation of their respective universities.

Meanwhile, despite recognized apprehensions on world academic rankings, Philippine universities/HEIs cannot ignore the genuine economic and social values attached to their academic reputation, e.g. in the recruitment of international students. Incidentally, a large percentage of the indicators used by the QS World University Rankings (http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings) and Thomson Reuters Higher Education Rankings (http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/worlduniversity-rankings/) to measure the competitiveness of universities, deal with the elements of internationalization.

It is in this context that the “International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs)� is being held on 3 to 4 July 2013. The conference aims to facilitate the building and strengthening of structures and competencies among Philippine universities/HEIs in developing strong and sustainable international programs and activities. The conference also aims to serve as a venue for dialogue between an international ranking group, i.e. QS World University Rankings, and Philippine universities/HEIs and a discussion on how the latter can communicate ideas on what should also matter in ranking universities/HEIs based on their collective ideals and experiences.

Targeted speakers for the conference are Ms. Mandy Mok of QS World University Rankings and Mr. Michael Fung of the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology international office, internationalization experts, who shall discuss the general trends in higher education and institutional structures for internationalization. Mr. Pio Salvador Ramon Omana of Elsevier and Ms. Ng Hui Ling of Elsevier/Scopus will also speak on the requirements of

1

international/internationally indexed journals and the support/advice that can be provided by Elsevier and Scopus.

Conference/Workshop Objectives 1.

Provide greater awareness of the internationalization of leading universities/HEIs 2. Review and assess criteria and guideline for World University Rankings (WUR), i.e. QS and Thomson Reuters 3. Assess and make recommendations pertinent to the WUR/internationalization of Philippine universities/HEIs 4. Review and assess Philippine universities/HEIs Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) in relation to the WUR 5. Transform academic leaders to become internationalization champions of their respective universities/HEIs 6. Initiate/facilitate dialogue among Philippine universities/HEIs towards the development of a national strategy on internationalization and make recommendations toward the development of a national strategy on internationalization of Philippine universities/HEIs

Participating Universities 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

University of the Philippines (UPD, UPM, UPLB, UPV, UPC, UPMin) Ateneo de Manila De La Salle University University of Sto. Tomas Other Universities recommended by the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) CHED Development Academy of the Philippines (DAP) Press

Targeted Participants • • • •

Heads of HEIs (Presidents, Chancellors, Rectors, Vice-Chancellors for Academic Affairs, R&D) CHED and DAP Heads of International Offices Heads of Publication Offices, Editors and Journalists

2

Matrix of Questions to be addressed during the Workshop Objective #1 • Are the context and rationale for World University Rankings i.e., QS and TR relevant and appropriate to Philippine universities/HEIs and those from other developing countries?

• Can Philippine universities/HEIs be appropriately evaluated by the current guidelines/criteria of QS (and other) World Ranking instruments?

Objective #2 • What are the criteria/guidelines in these instruments that do not appropriately/realistically apply to Philippine universities/HEIs? Provide clear and specific reasons?

• What recommendations can be made to WUR agencies revise these criteria in order to capture realities/conditions and experiences in the Philippines and other developing countries?

Objective # 3 • In general, what are the Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) of Philippine universities/HEIs in relation to internationalization and world rankings?

Objective # 4 • What should be done by the government through CHED and Philippine universities/HEIs to bring Philippine universities/HEIs to the top 400 of the world and the top 100 of Asia?

• What important aspects of a national higher education, R&D and internationalization strategy/policy can be initiated/developed beginning 2013?

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“Symbiosis”/“Mutualism” and the University of the Philippines’ Enhanced and Strategic Internationalization Agenda

up.edu.ph

Internationalization is a university’s response to globalization, which is the strong and growing interdependence of countries, economies and cultures (Stromquist 2007). It is the fusion/hybridization of academic culture and pedagogy, including ethos and value systems, of universities across nations. It provides the opportunity for strengthening academic resources, while retaining the university’s distinct identity in the fast changing world. It is therefore essential for the future development of the University of the Philippines (UP) and other Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) to pursue internationalization, given the rapid changes in the socio-political, economic and cultural landscapes, and the desire of universities always to be at the forefront of teaching, research and extension work.

Internationalization is being vigorously and aggressively undertaken by many universities in developed and developing countries, including those which were not as “open” before. In fact now, the most internationalized nations are the most nationalistic ones.

The ASEAN Economic Cooperation 2015/Integration 2020 aims to form an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) which is the transformation of 10 member countries of ASEAN into a single market and production base for the free flow of goods, services, investment, capital and skilled labor. The AEC is further characterized as a highly competitive region of equitable economic development and a region fully integrated into the global economy (http://www.asean.org /communities/asean-economic-community). Philippine universities and others in the ASEAN region are being challenged today to produce graduates who can compete in the global market and undertake researches that can contribute to the growth and development of their communities.

These academic activities could also enhance the reputation of their respective universities. It is then expected from UP and other Philippine HEIs to have greater mobility of faculty and students, to have international quality programs and more collaborative research and curricular activities, and to meet higher employer standards.

The 2008 Charter of the University of the Philippines (UP), mandates the national university to (1) lead in setting academic standards and initiating innovations in teaching, research, and faculty development; (2) serve as a graduate university by providing advanced studies and specialization for scholars, scientists, writers, artists, and professionals; (3) serve as a research university in various fields of expertise and specialization by conducting basic and applied research; (4) lead as a public service university b providing various forms of community, public and volunteer service; and (5) serve as a regional and global university in cooperation with international and scientific unions, network universities, scholarly and professional associations in the Asia Pacific region and around the world.

Internationalization is not new to most units of UP. Research/creative work collaboration with other universities/HEIs abroad has been done since its founding more than 100 years ago. International mobility has been generally undertaken by faculty members/staff some of whom are PhD graduates of foreign universities.

UP (and other Philippine HEIs) should strive to promote Philippine consciousness/culture and products/services, while appreciating/benefiting from those of partner universities. The relationship should be more of “symbiosis” with partners almost of equal “footing”/level or “gaining” something

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vital from each other; or a “mutualism” where each partner has “strength/s” to share with the other.

The relationship should be assessed so that one should not become a “predator nor a “prey” to the other. For this reason, UP is developing its capabilities to be able to enter this internationalization/globalization arena well-prepared, ready for productive and beneficial partnership/engagement.

UP has several activities/organizational structures that are being enhanced by the present administration. All eight Constituent Universities (CUs) of UP have been developing an office and/or staff addressing the needs for internationalization. Communications and data banking/analysis among CUs and other partners are facilitated through the e-UP portal for internationalization. The Office of Institutional Linkages (OIL) of the UP System coordinates all the above-mentioned offices in terms of disseminating available scholarships and shortterm courses, calls for paper presenters, creation of possible collaborations in research and publications, participation in the ASEAN-University Network – ASEAN Credit Transfer System (AUN-ACTS), etc.

Enrichment of the database of foreign university partners, projects and activities for consistent monitoring is ongoing. Strengthening of former partnerships and creation of new ones with top universities and associations, especially those where outstanding UP graduate students have had ongoing researches and programs, are also being undertaken. Active participation in international events/conferences as research paper readers, membership in Steering/Executive Committees, and hosting of international conferences are being carried out. Facilitation of research/training partnerships with universities has been initiated. Other faculty/student and researcher development include support for (a) the acquisition of Master’s, PhD and postdoctoral fellowships, (b) implementation of UP Visiting Professor Program and (c) research dissemination travel grant and (d)international publication awards.

A “Foreign-trained Filipino PhD Recruitment Program” has been started to increase the number of PhD advisor/senior researchers especially in areas needed for development but for which the country lacks the expertise.

Recent efforts that have been spearheaded by UP with the help of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) and the Development Academy of the Philippines (DAP) involved the improvement of understanding by the UP community (and other Philippine HEIs) of the value of internationalization (internalization) through the hosting of the following international conferences and workshop: (a) mini-symposium on marine biodiversity and neurosciences with HKUST (Hongkong University of Science and Technology, which is ranked number one in the QS Asia University Rankings, in June 2013; (b) mini-conference on internationalization with speakers from Quacquarelli Symonds (QS), HKUST and Elsevier/SCOPUS in July 2013; (c) workshop on Building International Collaborations for Philippine HEIs and Graduate Sandwich Programs with experts from ASEA-UNINET (ASEAN-European University Network) Member Universities in November 2013; (d) International Conference on Shakespeare in Asia and (e) International Conference on Women Studies, both in December 2013.

Other endeavors were focused on the internationalization of academic programs such as (a) planning for the shift of the academic calendar to the western calendar to harmonize the sandwich program activities and research collaborations with partner foreign universities; (b) development of advanced General Education (GE) courses to support K-12 education reform and prepare college graduates for international employment and graduate studies; and (c) promotion of joint degree, sandwich and accelerated graduate programs with leading foreign universities. In addition, results

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of research and creative works are also “internationalized” via transformation of UP journals to e-journals. Academic research collaborations with leading foreign universities are being reviewed and strategic activities are being planned for the next three years.

Challenges that may hamper internationalization include (1) lengthy processing time of visas (faculty and student); (2) safety and security of inbound students, and in rare cases also outbound students; (3) implementation of the shift of academic calendar that varies from the world’s academic calendar; (4) UP/the national university has limited slots for foreign students; and (5) courses offered in some undergraduate programs do not meet the needs of the international community.

When a student/faculty or institution desires or plans to consider an academic exchange activity with another, there are those so-called “push” and “pull” factors. Both factors make the “exchange” or “visit”/collaboration possible and eventually this becomes successful. The “push” factors are those that make the potential partner/academic institution become stimulated or assured that the engagement will be successful and these would include (1) academic productivity/tract record of the institution/partner, and (2) facilities of the institution. The “pull” factor is a dragging/drawing factor such as (1) additional benefits e.g. eco-tourism and other educational trips that can be done in the host country; (2) peace and security in the country/area; and (3) the ease in getting travel documents, etc. Hence, not all academic exchanges can be realized because some challenges/hindrances cannot yet be timely met or not met at all. Government (national and local) and private organization support are therefore necessary requirements in a university’s internationalization effort.

Despite the challenges and considering the advances and successes so far made, the University of the Philippines has been on the tract towards productive and beneficial “internationalization”.

The University is appropriately positioning itself in the highly competitive global field, gaining academic strengths, collaborators and friends for the benefit of the country.

———————————————————————————————————– Rhodora V. Azanza, Ph.D is currently an Assistant Vice-President for Academic Affairs of the University of the Philippines and Director of the Office of Institutional Linkages. She is also a Professor of Marine Science and former Dean of the College of Science, University of the Philippines-Diliman.

E-mail Address: rhodaazanza@gmail.com

azanza

———————————————————————————————————— References: “ASEAN Economic Community”. 2012. Accessed in <http://www.asean.org/communities/aseaneconomic-community> on November 2013.

Stromquist N. 2007. Internationalization as a response to globalization: Radical shifts in university environments. Higher Education 53:81-105.

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Does the academic calendar matter?

By Solita Collas-Monsod Philippine Daily Inquirer 11:02 pm | Friday, February 14th, 2014

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/71582/does-the-academic-calendar-matter#ixzz2tNklurlr Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook

Reply of AVPAA Marilou Nicolas to the article of Prof. Ramon Guillermo It is unfortunate that Prof. Ramon Guillermo missed the point of the proposal to change the academic calendar to synchronize the start of classes with our regional and international partners. The first reason he cited â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the blazing Philippine summer - is irrelevant as Philippine seasons are the same as other ASEAN countries found in the same latitude. However, these ASEAN countries still start their academic calendar in August or September notwithstanding the fact that their second term will also fall during their own blazing summers. In addition, the discomfort in classrooms can be remedied by structural changes in infrastructure or facilities such as air-conditioning units. If we have to serve the Filipino students, it is to provide them the competitive advantage when they graduate from our programs by providing them exposure to other cultures and education through student mobility. It is a value-added advantage to our students that will make them stand out among the rest of the world.

Thus, as faculty members, we strive to give them all the tools necessary for them to compete in the labor arena or in post-graduate education should they aim to pursue a career in the academe. In a highly competitive world, â&#x20AC;&#x153;brain circulationâ&#x20AC;? will allow students to have the global perspective, intercultural experience and language skills they can derive from an international or regional experience.

The second argument is in fact a support for the justification to shift the academic calendar. There are many reasons why international students do not enroll in UP. We can only surmise why although some reasons may be the quality of our programs, the bureaucratic maze they have to go through in order to enroll as full-time students in the University and others including our academic calendar.

Inbound students find it difficult to enroll in June, since their classes are yet to end in May. On the other hand, outbound students cannot enroll for just one semester even in universities in the ASEAN since classes end in December, which is already mid-second semester in the Philippines. It is by not providing an enabling mechanism that prevents our students from internationalizing.

Below is a table that shows a comparison of enrolled tertiary students across Asia which shows the Philippines lagging behind in student mobility compared with other countries in the region.

TOMRs (% of enrolled tertiary students abroad) & student numbers vary greatly across Asia 500,000

14

450,000

12

400,000 350,000

10

300,000

8

250,000 200,000

6

150,000

4

100,000 2

50,000 0

0

Number abroad

% of enrolled tertiary students abroad

Kritz, MM. (2012). “Globalization of Higher Education and International Student Mobility (a presentation to the United Nations Expert Group Meeting on New Trends in Migration: Demographic Aspects Population Division)

Between 2000 and 2011, the number of international students has more than doubled with 53% coming from Asia (Education Indicators in Focus – 2013/05 (July) © OECD 2013). “Current trends are also showing that more Asian students prefer to pursue their studies outside their home country, yet within Asia – the so-called “glocal” education path. Asians would like to be educated by the world’s leading universities to give them better opportunities upon graduation and expose them to new trends and new cultures. Currently, a growing number of Asian universities, particularly in Singapore, Hongkong, China, Japan, Thailand and Malaysia are acquiring reputations as world leaders. Thus Asian students could stay within Asia, spend less but still receive a world-class education.” http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings-articles/asian-universityrankings/universities-asia-major-competitors-international-students. “Transnational education, defined as education for students based in a different country to the degree-awarding institution, is also becoming increasingly popular” as this even costs less with students staying in a different country only for a short period of time. With the ASEAN integration, it is expected that education will play a crucial role in such community. Student mobility, credit transfers, quality assurance and research clusters were identified as the four main priorities to harmonize the ASEAN higher education system (http://www.topuniversities.com/where-to-study/region/asia/rise-glocaleducation-asean-countries).

While the UP Diliman UC voted to disapprove the proposal, the majority of the UP constituents consisting of 8 CUs voted to approve the proposal to shift the academic calendar. Seven (7) CUs constituting 55% of the population of the University approved the shift to August as the start of the academic year. It should also be clear that academic calendars are approved by the BOR, but not by the University Council. Both the old (Section 9, RA 1870) and new (Section 17 RA 9500) UP Charter

specify the power of the UC which includes admission, prescription of academic programs, other curricular matters and approval of the conferment of degrees or graduation.

Marilou G. Nicolas, PhD Assistant Vice President for Academic Affairs Director, Center for Integrative Development Studies University of the Philippines System Professor and former Dean, College of Arts and Sciences University of the Philippines Manila

UP’s impractical proposal http://opinion.inquirer.net/67851/ups-impractical-proposal December 22, 2013 This is a reaction to the news report titled “UP board mulls moving class opening to August” (Metro, 12/20/13).

First of all, imagine a public elementary or high school scenario where at least 70 students are seated in a packed classroom with no (working) electric fans while their teacher is struggling hard to teach at the height of the blazing Philippine summer. One can easily imagine how impractical changing the academic calendar would be for Philippine basic education. It must be emphasized, however, that these same students are the ones which UP must strive to serve first of all. These are the students UP must at all costs not leave behind. With its proposal to desynchronize the UP academic calendar with the whole of Philippine basic education and all other state universities and colleges, the UP administration seems to be deluding itself that UP is not a public university pledged to serve the Filipino people above all.

The UP administration has not offered any study which proves that the proposed calendar change will not impact negatively on the university’s accessibility to Filipino undergraduate and graduate students. The administration’s flimsy five-page proposal offers no evidence that there is any substance to what they claim as their main objective: international student mobility. What percentage of UP students will actually enroll abroad, in the Asean countries or in Europe in between their regular semesters at UP? Would it be even 2 percent? The administration cannot even say if any “market” exists for UP education in the Asean. The last we heard is that Thais would much prefer to study in Europe or North America than elsewhere. These glaring weaknesses of the proposal of the administration are some of the reasons the proposal was resoundingly voted down in the UP Diliman University Council (UC) meeting on Dec. 2, 2013. (The UC is UP’s highest academic policy making body.)

UP vice president for public affairs Dr. Prospero de Vera was quoted as saying that “most Diliman colleges seem to be ready for the shift.” This claim is baseless and was already completely refuted during that Dec. 2 UC meeting. Moreover, his statement that the UP Board of Regents also has the final say on the matter, regardless of any UC decision, smacks of authoritarianism and bullying and rides roughshod over all of UP’s cherished democratic traditions and processes. All this for the cheap edification of some of its overly ambitious and supremely vain officials addicted to their false and vapid concept of “internationalization,” and who seem to have forgotten that UP is a public institution meant to serve the Filipino people first, most of all the poorest and most marginalized of our intelligent youth.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;RAMON GUILLERMO, National president, All UP Academic Employees Union

Change in Academic Calendar: Weather as a Backdrop and More Rhodora V. Azanza, Ph.D. University of the Philippines

The paper of Solita Monsod published at the Philippine Daily Inquirer on 14 February 2014, made mention of the presentation of Dr. Laura T. David during the Forum on Academic Calendar at the University of the Philippines-Diliman (UP Diliman). Since the column did not clearly present the issue, for the benefit of the public and to illustrate that the change in academic calendar was well studied by the University (i.e., all the 8 constituent units and the system administration) with weather as one of the more important considerations. The university’s current first semester is from June to October; there is a brief semestral break in November and classes resume in the second semester from middle of November to middle of December, then there is a Christmas break that runs up to almost the first week of January. The second semester resumes in January and is completed in the middle of April with graduation usually scheduled during the last week of this month.

What has been the general weather condition during the first semester, i.e., June, July, August, September and October, for example in UP Diliman and its environs? According to weather data during the last 50 years as presented by Dr. David, the wettest months are June, July and August and consequently, these are the months with highest probability of suspension of classes. With the first semester moved towards the month of August, September, October and November, would the change matter? It would because June, July (but even August) have been projected to be wetter in 2020 and beyond (Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration, PAGASA projections). Moving the class opening by two and a half months would mean lesser suspension of classes considering that September, October and November in the past and the weather projections have lesser probability of rainfall.

The new calendar will have the second semester run from January to May; the semestral break therefore coincides with the Christmas break and also with fine cool weather. Incidentally, this schedule would mean less cost for parents and students who need not go back and forth to the campus twice in the present/old schedule. The months of January and February are the coolest months and therefore would not be problematic. The months of March, April and May are drier with the highest average temperature being 29.3°C. It should be noted that this is only 0.6°C higher compared to the highest average of 28.7°C during the months of June, July and August for the last 50 years. PAGASA does however project higher temperatures for March, April, May by 2050. The new second semester therefore means adjustments to periods very similar to the current summer classes, as well as implementation of temperature-adaptive green infrastructures, many of which had already been set up especially for the so-called “summer” classes of the old/current calendar.

Certainly, weather was not the only factor considered in the decision making. Positive impacts which outweigh heavily the minor challenges, include: 1) enhanced student/faculty/researcher mobility; 2) better implementation of on-going and new international and regional research/creative collaborations; 3) development and implementation of dual degrees and sandwich degree programs for PhD and MS degrees; and 4) increase in the number of international publications and other research/creative outputs from international collaboration.

Change in the academic calendar will give a boost to internationalization. As I have stated in my earlier paper (published in The Philippine Star on 30 January 2014), “Internationalization is being vigorously and aggressively undertaken by many universities in developed and developing countries, including those which were not as ‘open’ before. In fact today, the most nationalistic nations are also the most internationalized ones.” The goal to “Internationalize” is not being

questioned anymore in universities especially the progressive ones. It is one of the major endeavors for development/growth of the institution.

Weather as Backdrop LDavid (UPMSI), FHilario (PAGASA)

Storms and extreme rainfall can disrupt class schedules while lack of rain and extremely warm days can make for uncomfortable class atmosphere. All these need to be taken into consideration as part of decision making and strategic planning .

Specifically, there are 3 salient points regarding weather and its significance to the academic calendar: (1) With respect to historical storm and rainfall data, there is no significant difference for the 1st semester in terms of weather. This is because either option (JUNE start or AUGUST start) will still cover August, September and part of October which are the months with the highest historical storm events and rainfall anomaly.

The 2nd semester fares better for the AUGUST start option since January-May have historically had lesser anomalies that November – March.

The “summer offering” fares better for the JUNE start option since it will avoid the “summer offering” in June-July – the months when rainfall are abundant.

DATA used : historical data for storms, rainfall, extreme rainfall events, and extreme low precipitation events (figures 1, 2a&b, and 3) (2) Using future projections of rainfall (2020 and 2050) UPD will be facing a wetter June, July, August and a substantial reduction of rainfall (i.e. drought) during March, April, May. The question therefore is which scenario can UPD better handle. Wetter June, July , August translates to higher probability of suspension of classes for the JUNE start option unless most students and faculty are housed within campus. Drier March April, May does not necessarily translate to suspension of classes for the AUGUST start option, but UPD has to make structural measures that will assure adequate supply of water for all its needs – office, labs, food service, dorms, etc…

DATA used: A1B (HadCM3Q0) and A2 (ECHAM4) rainfall scenario projections of PAGASA (figure 4 and 5) (3) Using historical air temperature, no significant difference is seen for the 1st semester between the 2 options. The difference lies in the tail end of the 2nd semester, since the highest average temp of Jan, Feb, March (JFM) is 27.0C (tail-end of the JUNE option) while the highest average temp of March, Apr, May (MAM) is 29.3C (tail-end of AUGUST option). It is interesting to note however, that the highest average temp of June, July, Aug (JJA) is 28.7C, only a historical 0.6C difference to the MAM (1950-1999).

A shorter but more recent time-series covering 1981-2010 shows the highest average temp of MAM to be 29.0C with an average peak high temperature at 34.4C. The average peak high temperature for JFM for 1981-2010 is 31.9C and for JJA is 32.1C Overall, future projections show a relatively uniform increase of air temperature by 0.5-1.3C for the entire Philippines in 2020. So again, neither option has the advantage. One of the two 2050 projection of PAGASA (A1B (HadCM3Q0) however, shows a significantly warmer MAM. If this scenario becomes reality, UPD has to make structural measures (aircon, ceiling fans, green roofs, more trees near building windows, better ventilation, better insulation etcâ&#x20AC;Ś) that will assure tolerable temperature for all its constituents if UPD will opt for an AUGUST opening â&#x20AC;&#x201C; most especially for the classroom environment.

Alternatively, class hours can be adjusted to avoid the hottest hours of the day (11a.m. to 3 p.m.) and the use of the top floors can be avoided since these are the hottest rooms during the day.

DATA used: A1B (HadCM3Q0) temperature scenario projections of PAGASA (figure 6 and 7)

FIGURES: (1)_ Storm events 1951-2013 within 100 km of Diliman

(2)_(a) based on satellite data & (b) based on actual measurements from PAGASA

(3)_EXTREME HIGH (BLUE) AND LOW (RED) PRECIPITATION

(4)_ Rainfall 2020

(5)_Rainfall 2050

(6)_Monthly temperature (a) highest mean for 1950-1999; and b)mean and min/max for 1981-2010

(7)_Temperature Change 2050

Proposal to pilot the shift in UP’s academic calendar in academic year 2014-15 The proposal is to pilot a shift in UP’s academic calendar starting in academic year 2014-15 in the following constituent units (CUs): UP Los Baños, UP Manila, UP Visayas, UP Open University, UP Mindanao, UP Baguio, and UP Cebu.

These seven CUs have already obtained the agreement of their constituents for the calendar change and have prepared their respective 2014-15 academic calendars that all start in August 2014. They are now seeking approval by the Board of Regents of their proposed new calendars.

UP Diliman, which accounts for about 45% of the University’s students and faculty, is still going through the process assessing the pros and cons of the calendar shift and ascertaining the general preference of its constituents.

Rationale for the calendar shift:

A key strategic initiative of UP is to intensify its internationalization. This initiative is aimed at fulfilling UP’s mandate to serve as a regional and global university as well as to realize its vision of taking a leadership role in developing a globally competitive Philippines. A change that will synchronize UP’s academic calendar with the major universities in ASEAN and in the rest of the world will provide a clear signal that UP is now internationalizing and is getting ready to fully engage universities in the country’s trading partners. An internationalized UP will be in a better position to produce Filipino graduates who are internationally oriented and have the competence to assume leadership roles not only in the Philippines, as the country competes globally, but also in the region which will become an integrated ASEAN Economic Community by 2015.

To be sure, calendar synchronization is not a sufficient condition for internationalizing UP. The University is pursuing, as it must, other initiatives (e.g., faculty development, quality assurance, programs streamlining, credit transfer arrangements, infrastructure modernization, etc.) to strengthen its program offerings and make it internationally competitive.

But a synchronized academic calendar is necessary to facilitate internationalization. By minimizing the gap in the start and end of its semesters relative to its partners, UP will have the opportunity to increase student and faculty mobility (inbound and outbound), facilitate academic exchanges, and ease research collaborations and inter-cultural projects with ASEAN and other foreign universities. The interactions of UP students and faculty with their foreign counterparts will broaden their knowledge and perspectives, and deepen their understanding of important socio-cultural, political, economic, technological and developmental issues in the region and the world.

Rationale for the pilot implementation:

The pilot implementation in the 7 CUs starting in AY 2014-15 will enable the University to make the necessary adjustments and resolve operational issues and concerns prior to full implementation possibly in AY 2015-16, the start of ASEAN integration. The experience of UP with the pilot shift will also inform other universities in the country which are also planning to shift their academic calendar. To reiterate, the said CUs have already obtained the agreement of their constituents for the calendar change and have prepared their respective 2014-15 academic calendars that all start in August 2014.

04Feb2014

Page 1 of 5

Implementation plan: The academic calendar will be shifted by two months as follows: FIRST SEMESTER: FROM Jun - Oct SECOND SEMESTER: FROM Nov - Apr SHORT TERM: FROM May - Jun

TO Aug - Dec TO Jan - May TO Jun - Jul

Specific benefits to the University of the calendar shift:

1. Academic calendar synchronized with most ASEAN, European and American academic partners will result in: • • • •

•

less problems with semestral gaps relative to partner universities increased participation in student and academic staff exchanges; more joint programs and partnerships with other universities; students can easily get credit transfers, particularly under ASEAN and ASEAN +3 Credit Transfer System (ACTS), on a semestral basis; and greater participation of academic staff in training programs, conferences and workshops for knowledge update and sharing, usually held in JuneJuly which are the summer breaks in these countries.

2. Combined Christmas and semestral breaks will result in continuous classes in the 1st semester and 2nd semester. This will mean: •

• •

no disruptive Christmas break in the 2nd semester; no time wasted in the review of lessons when classes resume after a break; savings on transportation cost for vacation of students; and longer bridging program during the longer summer break; good for incoming freshmen from disadvantaged high schools who urgently need bridging, particularly during the initial implementation of the K-12 basic education reform program.

3. Shifted academic calendar—1st semester (August-December) and 2nd semester (January-May)—will mean less suspension and disruption of classes due to typhoons, rains, and floods. The current and predicted weather patterns (http://www.weather-and-climate.com): •

•

•

04Feb2014

for the northern and western parts of the country, rainy season starts in June (monsoon) and peaks in August; an August opening for the 1st semester will mean skipping part of the rainy season for the northern and western parts of the country for the eastern and southern parts of the country, peak of the rainy season is December-January; a January opening for the 2nd semester will mean avoiding the peak of the monsoon rains in the eastern and southern parts of the country Data from UP Diliman showed that during the past 5 years (2009-2013) the most number of days of class suspension occurred in August (7 days), followed by July (5 days)—two months which are fully within the 1st semester of the existing academic calendar. The data indicate that the avoided disruption of classes—average of about 2 days a year—may not be significant.

Page 2 of 5

Major concerns: Certain concerns and issues were brought up and discussed during consultations with the various UP constituents.

Major concerns 1. Operational concerns: UPCAT and registration of freshmen

2. Schedule of licensure examinations

3. Field activities, clinics and internship 4. Non-tenured faculty appointments

5. Second semester will extend to April-May which are the hottest months of the year

6. Students from provinces will not be able to help during the harvest season which are April-May 7. UPâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s traditions

04Feb2014

Suggested solutions UPCAT exams and release of results will be as scheduled; this will even be more advantageous for incoming students as the 4-month break (if DepEd does not change their academic calendar since internationalization will impact more on higher education than basic education) will allow them to look for scholarships as well as have a longer bridging period.

UP will make representations with PRC regarding the rescheduling of the licensure examinations, if necessary. In some professions, there is no need because there are two licensure exams per year.

Also, PRC should be preparing for such rescheduling in view of the provision for mutual recognition agreements of professional degrees in relation to ASEAN 2015.

CUs will need to reschedule field activities, clinics and internship programs; such changes can be incorporated when degree programs are revised in response to the K-12 basic education reforms.

Extension of appointments of non-tenured faculty who will be renewed for AY 2014-2015 can be addressed by a simple administrative order.

Need for structural changes (construction of waiting sheds and covered walks, installation of ACUs, electric fans, outdoor sprinklers, etc.) to combat summer heat; other ASEAN countries with classes that also start in August are able to cope with their summer heat even if temperatures are much higher than ours. [Note: Summer classes are not new in the Philippines and students and teachers are able to cope.]

Many farmers have already adapted to climate change by moving their planting time from JuneAugust to October-December.

UP should be flexible and find creative ways to still celebrate the Christmas season, UP Foundation Day, etc. and to hold commencement exercises.

Page 3 of 5

Actions at UP’s various constituent units and expected advantages they reported: CU

Action as reported

UP Baguio

Unanimous approval

UP Cebu

Discussed and approved by the University Council

UP Diliman

Disapproved by the UC

UP Los Baños

Discussed at UC; no objection to the shift

UP Manila

Discussed and approved by UC

UP Mindanao

Discussed and approved by UC

04Feb2014

Expected advantages to the CU The shift will facilitate student and faculty exchange with partner universities outside the Philippines; student no longer needs to take a Leave of Absence (LOA) because of the difference in academic calendar.

Faculty can attend international summer schools usually scheduled in June and July; more inbound and outbound students facilitating exchanges; new calendar has fewer but more compact semestral breaks.

A referendum conducted in the various Colleges showed that except for two, most Colleges or their CEBs agree with the shift; the UC action however does not reflect this position.

Synchronization of academic calendar will open new opportunities for greater partnerships particularly with ASEAN, in teaching and research and curricular development, providing not only expertise but physical resources of the more advance universities as well; more student, faculty and researcher exchanges since no semester will be lost due to the (dis)synchronized calendar enhancing global competitiveness of UPLB’s graduates.

Student exchanges will enrich the learning experiences of students as it will allow them to interact with multi-cultures; facilitate inbound and outbound exchanges; increased participation in and offering of training courses that will coincide with the breaks; result in less disruption of classes due to inclement weather.

More student and faculty exchanges; January and July are scheduled for meetings and planning with ACIAR which will coincide with the break in the new calendar, hence class meetings will not be disrupted; no problem with licensure exam and internship programs for BS Architecture; early implementation (2014) will give time to make necessary adjustments.

Page 4 of 5

CU UP Open U

UP Visayas

04Feb2014

Action as reported

Expected advantages to the CU

Approved during the UC Majority of students support the shift; teachermeeting; full support of students can do academic requirements the shift without resulting in disruption of their own classes in their schools; more student and faculty international exchanges and increased participation in international training courses usually offered in June-July; greater collaboration and participation will allow staff and students to gain a wider perspective from exposure to best practices in the region; benchmarking of programs against regional and global standards.

Unanimous approval by the UC; endorsement by student leaders

Facilitate UP/UPVâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s integration with the ASEAN academic community; less suspension of classes; longer holiday break will allow more bonding time with the family.

Page 5 of 5

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MEMORANDUM NO. CCAS

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lnstitute Directors, Department Chairpersons and

All

Faculty Members

Subject:

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special Committee decided (in referendum of all UP DilimanAcademic

Referendum on the UP Diliman Academic Calendar

on 17 February 2014, the UP Diliman

Executive

16, against 5, abstention: 1) to conduct an ad hoc Associate Professors and Assistant Professors on the .

The Vice-Chancellors did not participate in the voting.

I respectfully ask all exercise. UP Diliman em 226, Associate Professors: January 2014.

;emed factrlty members to participate in this important a totaf of 1,525 regular faculty members (Professors: , Assistant Professors: 598, lnstructors: 424'1 as of 30

The.referendum will following questions will be a

on 24 (Mon) - 26 Wed) February 2014 and the

Calendar schedule do you favor?

Which UP Diliman 1.1 [ Curent Schedule 100 class days per semester) (June - October) First semester Semester Break Second Semester - December, Christmas Break, 1s week of SummerTerm

year) (April - May,25-26 class days)

- [t-4arch of following

1.2

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lf you favor an semester is implemented? n AY 2O1+2O15

Calendar that starts in August (and where the second by a Christmas break) then when do you like it first

lnstructors will be separate survey.

asked to respond to the same questions in a parallel but

Fr.oposed First semester Semester Break Second Semester Short Term :

o'

(100 class days per semester) (August - December) December - January of following year) (3'd week of January - May) ne - July, 25-20 class days)

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Our Deans, lnstitute all their resper:tive faculty colleges (e.9. College of and Philosophy, College of offices of their respective Thank you for your

and Heads of Academic Units shall ensure that are able to participate. Faculty members of large College of Engineering, College of Socia! Science and Letters) will cast their votes at the administrative or departments. needed cooperation.

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Highlights of the FORUM ON THE PHILIPPINE ACADEMIC CALENDAR

The country's hottest months of April and May are expected to increase by a maximum of 1.3ºC in 2020.

10 February 2014 SYNCHRONIZE? But with which academic partners? UP has partnership agreements with 6 Australian universities (February start) 38 Japanese universities (April start) 37 Korean universities (March start) These 81 universities make up 43% of our global partners.

They do not start classes in August or September.

- sourced from presentation given by Dr. Evangeline C. Amor, University Registrar, on the "UP Diliman Academic Calendar" and actual partnerships of the University



-- from "Weather as Backdrop"

by Dr. Laura David, MSI, UP-Diliman and F. Hilario, DOST-PAGASA

 And as a final guide...

"By itself, the change is unlikely (or at least uncertain) to lead to immediate improvement in the University's international character; more important binding constraints must be addressed. More significant is the allocation of more faculty time to research and post-graduate education aside from the professions."

- from "Internationalization and the University's Global Standing: does calendar change matter?"

by Dr. Emmanuel De Dios, School of Economics

 (Historically) it was more important to identify when schools would be closed for vacation than when classes should open.

Consideration for vacation months: economic activities, cultural practices and comfort of the students in school.

Note that synchronized calendars are never mentioned.

-- from "The Academic Calendar in the Philippines: A Historical Review"

by Dr. Maria Bernadette L. Abrera, Dept. of History, CSSP

OUR ACADEMIC CALENDAR IS ATTUNED TO OUR CLIMATE AND CULTURE. We need better government support to improve our research output and our academic programs. THIS will increase our stature internationally and attract more foreign students and faculty.



Vote NO to Academic Calendar Change

ALL U.P. ACADEMIC EMPLOYEES UNION University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City

Uphold the Decision on Calendar Change of the UP Diliman Academic Community and the University Council! “... based on a college by college assessment, most Diliman colleges seem to be ready for the shift,” he added. The final decision, however, would rest with the BOR. UP vice president for public affairs Dr. Prospero de Vera There is a patent falsehood in the proposal which was approved by the Board of Regents last Feb. 6, 2014 (“Proposal to pilot the shift in UP’s academic calendar in academic year 2014-15”). It says that, “A referendum conducted in the various Colleges showed that except for two, most Colleges of their CEBs agree with the shift; the UC action however does not reflect this position.” .

This supposed “referendum” is constantly quoted and cited ad nauseam in the UP Administration press releases curently flooding the media. The results of that so-called “referendum” which supposedly shows that only two small academic units in Diliman were against the calendar shift was vigorously questioned in the University Council meeting where it was presented. (The minutes to that meeting will clearly attest to this.) We reiterate, that that “referendum”patently cannot be used to classify colleges and units as pro or anti calendar change. Faculty members from various colleges expressed puzzlement about the results and requested clarification regarding the basis of the report. The UC committee which was assigned to present the results admitted that it could not explain adequately how colleges and academic units were indeed determined to be for or against calendar change. It turned out that the supposed referendum was merely a collation of more or less scattered opinions weighing the issue. Obviously, President Pascual was not in attendance at the Dec. 2, 2013 UC Meeting. Maybe even VP De Vera was absent.

Based on reports from union chapters, there is also reason to doubt whether there was adequate consultation and opportunity for reasoned deliberation regarding the calendar shift in the other UP campuses. The “Proposal...”states that in UP Los Baños, it was “Discussed at UC; no objection to the shift.” There was no voting done in the UPLB UC because, it was asserted, the academic calendar was supposedly an administrative and not an academic matter. The approved proposal states that in UP Manila, the proposal was “Discussed and approved by the UC.” There were questions and reservations raised by UP Manila faculty during the consultation and at their UC but a votation took place despite objections, and their questions were never answered. Similar scenarios were reported for the other UP campuses.

Since the approval by the BOR of the proposed calendar shift for other UP campuses, there has been a virtual barrage of UP Administration press releases extolling the change and preaching its inevitability. In spite of all these, the UP Diliman academic community will continue to assert its critical spirit and remain vigilant in upholding the ideals of democratic governance in the University.

All UP Academic Employees Union Feb. 11, 2014

Open Letter to the Board of Regents: Comments on the Policy Proposal entitled “Change in the academic calendar to synchronize with the University’s major global academic partners”

Concerned UP Diliman Faculty Against Calendar Change Dec. 13, 2013

The “Calendar Change Policy Proposal” refers to Republic Act 9500 (An Act to Strengthen the University of the Philippines as the National University) or the UP Charter in asserting that “one of the University’s purposes is to serve ‘as a regional and global university in cooperation with international and scientific unions, networks of universities… in the Asia‐Pacific Region and around the world.’” Indeed, this is one of the possible purposes of the University. But what is its main purpose? Some relevant sections of the UP Charter must here be quoted in full: SEC. 2. Declaration of Policy. ‐ The University of the Philippines is hereby declared as the national university.

The State shall promote, foster, nurture and protect the right of all citizens to accessible quality education. Toward this end, it is the policy of the State to strengthen the University of the Philippines as the national university.

SEC. 8. Social Responsibility. ‐ The national university is committed to serve the Filipino nation and humanity. While it carries out the obligation to pursue universal principles, it must relate its activities to the needs of the Filipino people and their aspirations for social progress and transformation…

(emphasis ours)

The main objective of UP as a public university is to serve Filipino citizens. Why should it therefore put a greater temporal distance/gap between its calendar and the whole Philippine basic education and other State Universities and Colleges? Why should it desynchronize with Philippine educational institutions in the interest of synchronizing with Thai, Malaysian and Indonesian academic calendars? The UP Charter cannot be used as justification for calendar change.

Moreover, this proposal is not well thought out. It lacks the backbone of basic research.

1) No study has been done on the impact on accessibility of UP education for students graduating from the Philippine basic education system with the gap from graduation to entry increasing to almost five months. It is not enough to say flippantly, as the policy proposal does without argument or proof that, “Whether DepEd follows or not, the University’s intake of students from high school will not be delayed nor altered.”

(Policy Proposal 4.4.1) Whose word is this that it should be believed? There has likewise been no study regarding the impact that differences in schedules with other State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) and the majority of tertiary level institutions will have upon the UP’s graduate student enrollment . This is ironic given UP’s objective of becoming a graduate research university.

2) The calendar change is ostensibly meant to provide “the opportunity for greater student mobility” but no study has been done on potential enrollment (i.e., “market”) of

students from nearby Southeast Asian nations like Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and beyond, since this is presumably the main reason for calendar change.

No study has likewise been done to prove that there is a significant segment of UP students who wish to take up semesters in universities in neighbouring countries. Will this even be five percent? Who can even say at this point?

3) Transferring the second semester to the hottest months of the year will necessitate massive airconditioning installation costs and higher rates of energy consumption which will drive up the cost of education per student and imply higher tuition fees. This policy will also go against the global appeal to recognize and respect the forces of nature by “going green” and reducing carbon footprints institutionally. Predictably, there has likewise been no study done on the undesirable impact of increased energy costs and what this will entail for a huge campus such as Diliman.

4) We repeat, differences between the academic calendar in UP and those abroad have never posed insuperable obstacles in the past for UP students to participate in exchange programs. It has likewise scarcely prevented UP faculty from studying abroad, taking up visiting professorships, attending conferences and the like. On the contrary, the fact that the regular semester in UP coincides with the teaching break in other universities abroad has made it easier in many cases for foreign students and faculty to take up short‐term research and teaching fellowships in the Philippines.

The report entitled “Results of the Discussions on the Proposed Shift in the Academic Calendar” which collated and compiled various opinions for and against calendar change in UP Diliman was only just that, a compilation and collation. When this document was presented to the University Council Meeting (Dec. 2, 2013), only two colleges/units were listed as being “against” the proposal, the Archaeological Studies Program (ASP) and the School for Library and Information Science (SLIS). Members from the various colleges and units stood up and objected that what was undertaken in the colleges was a mere consultation and no collective positions had been actually reached. The resulting vote in the University Council rejected calendar change by a significant majority (for calendar change: 51, against calendar change: 79, abstained: 25). The question now is whether the decision of the highest policy making body in UP Diliman will be upheld.

According to the UP Diliman Faculty Manual, the academic calendar, although subject to the approval of the President, must first be approved by the UP Diliman Executive Committee. The Faculty Manual also states that, “The first semester begins in June, the second semester in November, and the summer session in April.” (UP Diliman Faculty Manual Section 11.1). This has not been amended or revised as of this writing.

Everyone knows that haste makes waste. The rush to change the academic calendar without any studies, particularly on ecological impact and the effects of desynchronization with Philippine basic education and all other SUCs, makes the arguments of the “Calendar Change Policy Proposal” unconvincing. We hope that the honourable Regents will consider our position.

FACULTY REFERENDUM AND SURVEY ON THE UP DILIMAN ACADEMIC CALENDAR GUIDELINES

Faculty who can vote All regular faculty (assistant professor, associate professor, professor) are qualified to participate in the faculty referendum.

Instructors are enjoined to respond to the parallel but separate survey. This would allow the administration to assess the sentiment of Instructors regarding the academic calendar.

Procedure for voting Pre-­‐voting The University Council Secretariat will distribute the ballots on 21 February 2014 through the Office of the College Secretary c/o the College Secretary.

For the large colleges (e.g., CS, CoE, CSSP, and CAL), the ballots will be distributed through the Department/Institute Chairs.

The College Secretary and the Department/Institute Chairs shall act as the Chair of each voting center. The Chairs shall assign a staff to be the poll clerk.

Each voting center will receive the following materials: • ballots for regular faculty (white paper) • survey forms for instructors (blue paper) • 6 sealed ballot envelopes • voters’ list for regular faculty • registration form for Instructors • sample ballots, survey forms, and tally sheet • 3 incident report forms • official tally sheet • daily tally of voters turnout form

The poll clerk shall sign the delivery receipt to attest to the completeness and usability of the materials given to the unit.

There is only one voters’ list on which voter registration may be done. The number of ballots released to the units corresponds to the number of faculty eligible to participate in the referendum (regular faculty) and survey (instructors). An additional five (5) ballots shall be included in the materials given to the voting centers, which may be used by faculty who are not included in the voters’ lists.

Page 1 of 3 As of 19 February 2014

Mechanics of casting votes Faculty will register on the voters’ lists by signing across his/her name.

If the faculty is a regular faculty, then s/he will claim a ballot (white paper) after registering. If the faculty is an instructor, then s/he will claim a survey form (blue paper) after registering.

After filling out the ballot or survey form, the faculty will insert the ballot/survey form into the appropriate ballot envelope (brown envelope for regular faculty, blue envelope for instructor).

Ballots/survey forms may not be retrieved after they have been inserted into the ballot envelope.

Voting shall be from 24 (Monday) to 26 (Wednesday) February 2014, from 8:30 am to 4:30 pm.

Post-­‐voting At the end of each day, the poll clerk shall photocopy the voters’ lists then tally the number of voters for the day and indicate this on the space across the appropriate date. The Chair and poll clerk shall sign and attest to veracity and accuracy of information on the voters’ lists. A copy of the voters’ tally for the day shall be submitted to the UC Secretariat.

For the big colleges, the Chairs of the voting centers shall attach the tally of the number of voters to the sealed ballot envelopes, seal the opening of the ballot envelopes with paper tape, and sign across the tape. Then they must submit these to the Office of the College Secretary. A copy of the voters’ tally for the day shall be submitted to the UC Secretariat as well.

In addition, all Chairs shall transmit to the UC Secretariat an electronic report of the daily tally of the number of voters. This will be done via an online Google Form, the link of which shall be emailed to the Chairs. The Chairs will only need to indicate their voting center, and the total number of regular faculty and the total number of Instructors that vote for each day.

The UC Secretariat shall summarize each daily reports and transmit the summary to the Office of the Chancellor.

Canvassing of Voting/Survey Results Canvassing of votes shall be done on 27 February 2014 using the official tally sheets. Canvassing shall be done at the Office of the College Secretary.

The College Secretary and the poll clerk shall be designated as the official canvassers.

The College Secretary shall also assign a staff to be a poll watcher who should be present when the canvassing begins.

Only members of the UP Diliman Executive Committee shall be allowed to enter the room where the canvassing will be held.

Page 2 of 3 As of 19 February 2014

Mechanics of canvassing Canvassers shall open the sealed ballot envelopes in the presence of the poll watcher.

Manual tallying of votes and survey results shall proceed afterwards.

Canvassers shall affix their signature on the tally sheet to attest to the veracity and accuracy of the results of voting.

Results of voting The canvassers must reseal the ballot envelopes and sign the seals. All materials, including the used and unused ballots/survey forms, shall be turned over in a sealed and signed envelope by the Office of the College Secretary to the University Council Secretariat at the 3/f Office of the University Registrar building. The materials must be turned over to the UC Secretariat no later than 12:00 noon on 27 February 2014 (Thursday).

The University Council Secretariat will verify the results and transmit a signed summary of results to the Office of the Chancellor.

Contact For questions and clarifications, please contact UC Secretariat at 9818500 loc. 4554/4558 or via uc.secretariat.upd@gmail.com.

Page 3 of 3 As of 19 February 2014

Academic Calendar Change: Another Step Towards Neoliberal “Internationalization” The Pascual Administration’s academic calendar change proposal is merely the latest move in its thrust towards neoliberal “Internationalization.” Some of these measures include the following: 1) Unrelenting pressure on the faculty to publish in predominantly Anglo-American ThomsonReuters (ISI) listed Journals. In this way, scholarship becomes increasingly detached from and irrelevant to Philippine concerns.

2) UP participation in the anomalous P8B Philippine California Advanced Research Institutes (PCARI). The Philippines will be funding singlehandedly research projects which will be undertaken by researchers from the University of California-Berkeley and Philippine Universities.

3) The eUP Project: Purchase of P700M off-the-shelf Oracle Software. Costs are probably mounting due to continuing delays in implementation.

4) Changes in the naming policies of the University of buildings and academic programs are being implemented in order to use these policies as means for income generation.

The public and service-oriented character of UP as the National University is being sacrificed wholesale for the sake of market-driven global competitiveness. UP education is being thoroughly denationalized to make it a more attractive commodity in the global educational marketplace. Instead of addressing social equity, democratization and improved accessibility, the UP Administration is prioritizing international student mobility. It is putting international market competitiveness above national relevance and the broader social mission of the University.

We say NO to Academic Calendar Change!

Vote NO in the Calendar Change Referendum!

Oppose Neoliberal “Internationalization”!

Make your voices heard!

Join the Multisectoral Mobilization at the February 27 Board of Regents Meeting (time: 8 am, venue: Executive House) UP Kilos Na!

POLICY PROPOSAL Change in the academic calendar to synchronize with the University’s major global academic partners ___________________________________________________________________

Policy statement This is a policy proposal to change the academic calendar of the University from June-March to August-May schedule. The proposal is consistent with the provision of UP’s Charter to be a regional and global university, and addresses current developments in the region and the world. ___________________________________________________________________________ 1. Background and rationale: Most Philippine schools’ academic year starts in June with the first semester ending in October and the second semester commencing in November and ending in March the following year. Such a schedule allows for a two-month summer vacation when the weather is too hot and fiestas are held in different parts of the country.

World education, although marked by bilateral and even multilateral cooperation, had largely been implemented by individual universities with policies unique to the needs of the partner universities or countries. However, by the 21st century, the world’s educational systems have globalized with universities embarking on greater collaboration through university networks and joint offerings of curricular programs and research. Moreover, in 2015, ASEAN countries are expected to implement fully the action plan of the vision of the ASEAN Economic Cooperation (http://www.asean.org/archive/5187-10.pdf) as an initial mechanism for the ASEAN Integration 2020. Although it is envisioned that in 2015, ASEAN will become one single market and production base and thus the focus is on economic cooperation, it is inevitable that it will involve human resources and capacity and their movements in the region.

For the University of the Philippines, the developments in the last 5 years signaled a greater role in the international arena. In 2008, RA 9500 was passed into law. The act, entitled, “An Act to Strengthen the University of the Philippines as the National University” or the University of the Philippines Charter of 2008, was aimed at “strengthening UP’s unique and distinctive leadership role in higher education and development” and tasked UP to respond to this globalized education. Thus, one of the University’s purposes is to serve “as a regional and global university in cooperation with international and scientific unions, networks of universities… in the Asia-Pacific Region and around the world”.

In facilitating the flow of services by 2015, ASEAN is working on harmonization and standardization and the ASEAN Universities Network (AUN) is laying the groundwork for increased mobility of both students and staff within the region. However, one of the challenges of AUN in facilitating student and staff mobility is harmonizing the academic calendar of the different AUN member

2 universities. Most AUN member universities as well as China, Korea, Japan (see attached calendar), EU and the USA start their classes in August, September or October. Among countries with universities as part of AUN, only the Philippines starts the academic calendar in June. Thailand has two (2) academic calendars but their international calendar to which foreign students are allowed to enroll in, also starts in August or September. Thus, under our present academic calendar, students that we send to AUN member universities under the ASEAN Credit Transfer System (AUN-ACTS) must ensure they get courses for a full 10 months or two semesters. This is because most ASEAN Universities starts their first term in August or September, as mentioned, while their second term starts in January or February.

If UP students cross-enroll for the first term in an ASEAN University for credit transfer, their classes will end in December, which is already a third of the way into our second semester. On the other hand, if they choose to cross-enroll during the second term, they will have to wait until January for classes to begin.

Providing the opportunity for greater student mobility will enhance UPâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s internationalization program. In the ASEAN, student exchanges will enrich the learning and experiences of our students as it allows them to interact with multicultures. Studies have shown that students whoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve had the opportunity to interact with other cultures or study abroad even for short periods of time are more intellectually mature, and well-rounded in terms of skills, experience and personal development (http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_105267_en.pdf) and are more employable. Worldwide there is a strong emphasis on internationalization because 1) it helps to improve student preparedness particularly in dealing with multi-cultures and in addressing global demands of society, employment and the economy; 2) it internationalizes the curriculum; 3) it enhances the international profile of the institution, particularly important for university rankings; 4) it strengthens research and knowledge production and 5) it diversifies its faculty and staff thereby avoiding inbreeding (http://chronicle.com/blogs/worldwise/internationalization-of-highereducation-the-good-the-bad-and-the-unexpected/27512).

2. Objective: This proposal therefore aims to fully implement the provision of UPâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Charter to be a regional and global university, maximize student and staff mobility as well, and foster greater cooperation in relation to implementing the action plan of the ASEAN Economic Cooperation 2015.

3. Scope and implementation plan To synchronize academic calendar with ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China and Korea; Japan starts classes in October), American and European Universities which are our usual academic partners, it is proposed that the academic calendar be shifted from a June-March schedule to August-May academic year starting upon approval of the Board of Regents but not later than 2015.

The shift will apply to all academic programs, undergraduate and graduate.

The academic calendar will thus be as follows:

3 GENERIC ACADEMIC CALENDAR First Semester Registration Start of Classes

2nd week of August 3rd of August

1st week of December No. of class weeks 16 Final exam 2nd week of December Last day for 3rd week of submitting grades December Christmas/semestral 4th week of break December End of Classes

Second Semester 2nd week of January 3rd week of January 2nd week of May

Summer

16 3rd week of May

5 4th week of July

4th week of May

5th week of July

5th week of May

1st week of August

2nd week of June 3rd week of June 3rd week of July

4. Impact to the University, its operations and traditions 4.1. Advantages: 4.1.1. Moving the start of classes to August will allow greater synchronization of our academic calendar with that of ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China and Korea; Japan starts classes in October), and the American and European Universities as well, which are our usual academic partners.

As shown by the attached calendar, most ASEAN universities start classes either August or September except for Cambodia, which starts in October, and Myanmar that starts in July. In addition, most American Universities starts their fall term in the middle or end of August ending in the middle of December while the spring term starts in the middle of January and ends at the beginning of May (http://www.fulbright.org.uk/pre-departure/academics/academiccalendar). European universities start their classes between September â&#x20AC;&#x201C; October with the first semester ending in the second week of December; second semester starts in the first week of February and ends in the 3rd week of May. (http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/facts_and_figu res/academic_calendar_EN.pdf). With greater student mobility and partnerships/joint programs being envisioned with Universities in these countries, there will be less problem with semestral overlaps and students can easily get credit transfer on a per semester basis.

4.1.2. Synchronizing the academic calendar with most of our international academic partners will allow our faculty to participate in many training programs and summer institutes offered by these institutions during the months of June-July. In addition, since currently classes in high school will end in March, there will be a longer bridging program for entering freshmen that will need remedial classes before they enter the University.

4 4.1.3. Currently, the second semester starts in November then a 2-week break coinciding with the Christmas break interrupts the momentum of class activities. The shift will allow for continuous classes to be conducted and a longer semestral break that will coincide with the Christmas break.

4.1.4. June-July is the start of the country’s rainy season. The shift in the academic calendar will extend classes to April-May where there is less disruption of classes compared with classes being held in June–July when there are more typhoons and inclement weather. The table below gives the average number of typhoons that visited the country over a 6year period from 2005-2010 during the months of March-July (whether it made landfall or not but nonetheless entered the Philippines Area of Responsibility (PAR) and enhanced the southwest monsoon).

Average number of typhoons over a period of 6 years (2005-2010) Month Ave. March 0.17 April 0.33 May 1.33 June 0.67 July 2.50 The table shows that the probability of typhoons disrupting classes in April and May is lower than the period June-July hence there will be less loss of class hours. In addition, although officially the rainy season starts in June, the annual precipitation profile varies with region (http://www.weather-and-climate.com/). For a 3-year period (2010-2013), precipitation profiles showed that regions in the northern, central and northwestern part of Luzon including Manila and Batangas, as well as the islands in the western side of the country such as Palawan and Iloilo have similar patterns with the rainy season peaking in August. On the other hand, the southeastern part of Luzon (Bicol region) and eastern Visayas (Leyte) and Mindanao (Surigao) shows similar precipitation profiles where June-July show the lowest average precipitation while the months of November-January give the highest average precipitation.

Areas somewhat in the middle show less variability in the average precipitation with rainfall spread almost evenly throughout the year.

4.2. Operational concerns 4.2.1. Registration will have to be re-scheduled for sophomore onwards.

4.2.2. UPCAT examinations – since currently there is no change in the schedule of graduation from high school of entering freshmen, UPCAT exam can simply be administered in middle or late July when the University is on its “summer” break and college registration and classes have not yet started. Exam results may be released as scheduled to inform applicants early on of their acceptance to the University; freshmen registration can also proceed in May (when advisers are also around) as

5 previously scheduled so that only sophomores onwards will have their regular registration during the new registration period in August. This will also give time for the University and the freshmen students to look for scholarships before formal classes starts.

4.3. UP’s traditions 4.3.1. The University must readjust schedule or think of creative means to preserve the traditional Lantern parade and other Christmas activities.

4.3.2. UP’s foundation day in June should encourage more participation from the alumni who have the historical and institutional memories of their UP days. Moreover, every new alumnus should be made more aware that it is also the graduates who should build upon the foundations of the University. Every foundation should also hold activities that should showcase what UP had accomplished and what it contributed to nation building.

4.4. UP’s relationships with national institutions 4.4.1. CHED and DepEd In re-affirming its leadership role, UP must lead in enhancing internationalization and student and staff mobility by initially synchronizing its academic calendar with most of its university partners abroad. Whether DepEd follows or not, the University’s intake of students from high school will not be delayed nor altered. Students will in fact have a longer bridging program before the start of classes in the University. On the other hand, shifting to UP by students from other higher education institutions regulated by CHED will also not be affected; students who want to shift to UP will in fact be able to enroll in summer classes in other higher education institutions to improve their grades and increase their chances of being accepted by programs in the University.

4.4.2. PRC The University will have to make representations to PRC to change also the schedule of professional licensure examinations to accommodate our graduates who will obtain their diplomas in May.

UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN Proposal No. 2_ACADEMIC CALENDAR 2014-­‐2015@

FIRST SEMESTER Physical Examination for incoming freshmen Application period for transfer students from other schools to file application for transfer (for 1st Sem )b

ADVANCE REGISTRATION FOR FRESHMEN Removal examination period* Validation for advance credit Deadline for Appeals for Readmission**/Extension of MRR GENERAL REGISTRATION: Freshmen, Graduating, Varsity & Graduate students All UPD Undergraduate & Graduate students All students including Cross registrants/Non-­‐Degree/Special students

05 May, Mon -­‐ 31 Jul, Thu 02 Jun, Mon -­‐ 30 Jun, Mon 07 Jul, Mon -­‐ 11 Jul, Fri 23 Jul, Wed -­‐ 02 Aug, Sat 07 Jan, Wed – 17 Jan, Sat 18 Jul, Fri -­‐ 14 Aug, Thu 02 Jan, Fri – 29 Jan, Thu

04 Aug, Mon 05 Aug, Tue -­‐ 06 Aug, Wed 06 Aug, Wed 07 Aug, Thu 11 Aug, Mon

START OF CLASSES FRESHMAN WELCOME ASSEMBLY UP Foundation Day

SECOND SEMESTER

19 Jan, Mon 20 Jan, Tue -­‐ 21 Jan, Wed 21 Jan, Wed 22 Jan, Thu

a

SUMMER 2015

02 Jun, Tue -­‐ 13 Jun, Sat

15 Jun, Mon -­‐ 16 Jun, Tue (For all students) 17 Jun, Wed 18 Jun, Thu

Deadline for filing application for UPCAT (For 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 & 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 admission):

(c/o Office of Admissions)

For Metro Manila schools For Non-­‐Metro Manila schools

Deadline for students to file application for graduation at their college for those graduating as of the end of: 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 Summer 2015

22 Aug, Fri 06 Feb, Fri 02 Jul, Thu (c/o Office of Admissions)

UP COLLEGE ADMISSION TEST (UPCAT) For 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 admission For 1st Sem AY 2015-­‐2016 admission

07 Oct, Tue Mid-­‐Semester 06 Nov, Thu DEADLINE FOR DROPPING SUBJECTS DEADLINE FOR FILING LEAVE OF ABSENCE (LOA) – applies to both enrolled and not currently enrolled

21 Mar, Sat 24 Apr, Fri

02 Jul, Thu 10 Jul, Fri

19 Nov, Wed

08 May, Fri

Last day for graduating students to clear their deficiencies END OF CLASSES Integration Period FINAL EXAMINATIONS Lantern Parade CHRISTMAS VACATION DATES TO REMEMBER FOR COLLEGES & COMMITTEES

30 Oct, Thu 05 Dec, Fri 06 Dec, Sat 08 Dec, Mon -­‐ 13 Dec, Sat 15 Dec, Mon 16 Dec, Tue -­‐ 16 Jan, Fri

17 Apr, Fri 25 May, Mon 26 May, Tue 27 May, Wed – 02 Jun, Tue

26 Jun, Fri 20 Jul, Mon 21 Jul, Tue 22 Jul, Wed -­‐ 23 Jul, Thu

DEADLINE FOR GRADE SUBMISSION

22 Dec, Mon 14 Jul, Mon 11 Aug, Mon 21 Jul, Mon 18 Aug, Mon 28 July, Mon

10 Jun, Wed 15 Dec, Mon 02 Feb, Mon 05 Jan, Mon 09 Feb, Mon 12 Jan, Mon

31 Jul, Fri 22 May, Fri 10 Jun, Wed 29 May, Fri 17 Jun, Wed 25 May, Mon

students who wish to go on leave

Deadline for colleges to submit appeals/cases for CSAPG consideration COMMITTEE ON STUDENT ADMISSIONS, PROGRESS & GRADUATION (CSAPG) Meetings CURRICULUM COMMITTEE MEETING

Deadline for colleges to submit to the OUR the approved List of Candidates for Graduation for those graduating as of the end of: Summer 2014 22 Aug, Fri 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 Deadline for colleges to submit to the OUR the tentative list of candidates for graduation as of the end of: 29 Aug, Fri 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 Summer 2015

06 Feb, Fri 02 Jul, Thu

13 Feb, Fri 09 Jul, Thu

UNIVERSITY COUNCIL MEETING TO RECOMMEND FOR BOR APPROVAL THE LIST OF CANDIDATES FOR GRADUATION for those graduating as of the end of: Summer 2014 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015

01 Sep, Mon 16 Feb, Mon 25 Sep, Thu ***

BOARD OF REGENTS (BOR) MEETING TO APPROVE GRADUATION*** COMMENCEMENT EXERCISES

26 Feb, Thu ***

24 Jun, Wed 25 Jun, Thu *** 28 Jun, Sun

@ Approved by UP President Alfredo E. Pascual ________. Applies to all units except the MBA and MS Finance programs of the College of Business Administration, the MM Program of UPEPP and UPEPO, and the Spring-ASIA program of the School of Urban and Regional Planning. a For the Summer session, 3-unit lecture classes meet two (2) hours daily, Monday to Friday, for 24 class days. b For transferees from schools outside the UP system only; students from other CU should check earlier deadlines set by the college where they intend to transfer. * A special removal schedule outside this period may be implemented by the Unit subject to removal fees.

** Appeals submitted beyond the deadline will be processed for the following term. *** Per OSU, BOR Meetings are usually held every last Thursday of the month. However, the BOR Chair or UP President may ask for a re-scheduling of the said meeting. For December, the BOR Meeting is usually held on the same day as the Lantern Parade.

Alternative Classroom Learning Experience (ACLE) is an activity of the UPD Student Council and is held once every semester, every 3rd week of August and 3rd week of January.

NOTE: Registration period is when a student becomes “Officially registered,” which means that the student has already gone through all the processes involved in registration up to payment of fees. (p. 11 of the UPD General Catalogue 2004-­‐2010) HOLIDAYS IN 2014 01 May, Thu 12 June, Thu 30 July, Wed 19 August, Tue 21 August, Thu 25 August, Mon 01 November, Sat 30 November, Sun 25 December, Thu 30 December, Tue 31 December, Wed

Labor Day Independence Day Eidul-­‐Fitar Quezon Day (QC only) Ninoy Aquino Day National Heroes Day All Saints Day Bonifacio Day Christmas Day Rizal Day Last Day of the Year

(Source: www.timeanddate.com)

HOLIDAYS IN 2015 01 May, Fri 12 June, Fri 19 July, Sun 19 August, Wed 21 August, Fri 31 August, Mon 01 November, Sun 30 November, Mon 25 December, Fri 30 December, Wed 31 December, Thu (Source: www.timeanddate.com)

Labor Day Independence Day Eidul-­‐Fitar Quezon Day (QC only) Ninoy Aquino Day National Heroes Day All Saints Day Bonifacio Day Christmas Day Rizal Day Last Day of the Year

UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN Proposal No. 1_ACADEMIC CALENDAR 2014-­‐2015@

FIRST SEMESTER

SECOND SEMESTER

SUMMERa 2015

03 Mar, Mon -­‐ 30 May, Fri Physical Examination for incoming freshmen Application period for transfer students from other schools to file application for transfer (for 1st Sem )b 01 Apr, Tue -­‐ 30 Apr, Wed 05 May, Mon -­‐ 09 May, Fri ADVANCE REGISTRATION FOR FRESHMEN 23 May, Wed -­‐ 03 Jun, Tue 22 Oct, Wed -­‐ 03 Nov, Mon 25 Mar, Wed -­‐ 10 Apr, Fri Removal examination period* 19 May, Mon -­‐ 16 Jun, Mon 17 Oct, Fri -­‐ 14 Nov, Fri Validation for advance credit 30 May, Fri 31 Oct, Fri 13 Apr, Mon Deadline for Appeals for Readmission**/Extension of MRR

GENERAL REGISTRATION: Freshmen, Graduating, Varsity & Graduate students All UPD Undergraduate & Graduate students All students including Cross registrants/Non-­‐Degree/Special students

04 Jun, Wed 05 Jun, Thu -­‐ 06 Jun, Fri 06 Jun, Fri 09 Jun, Mon 09 Jun, Mon 18 Jun, Wed

START OF CLASSES FRESHMAN WELCOME ASSEMBLY UP Foundation Day

04 Nov, Tue 05 Nov, Wed -­‐ 06 Nov, Thu 06 Nov, Thu 07 Nov, Fri

13 Apr, Mon -­‐ 14 Apr, Tue (For all students) 15 Apr, Wed

Deadline for filing application for UPCAT (For 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 & 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 (c/o Office of Admissions) admission): For Metro Manila schools For Non-­‐Metro Manila schools

Deadline for students to file application for graduation at their college for those graduating as of the end of: 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 Summer 2015

24 Jun, Tue 24 Nov, Mon 30 Apr, Wed

UP COLLEGE ADMISSION TEST (UPCAT)

(Tentative) 03 Aug, Sun

For 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 admission For 1st Sem AY 2015-­‐2016 admission

02 Aug, Sat & 03 Aug, Sun

Lantern Parade CHRISTMAS VACATION Resumption of Classes Mid-­‐Semester DEADLINE FOR DROPPING SUBJECTS DEADLINE FOR FILING LEAVE OF ABSENCE (LOA) – applies to both enrolled and not currently

07 Aug, Thu 09 Sep, Tue

18 Dec, Thu 19 Dec, Fri -­‐ 04 Jan, Sun 05 Jan, Mon 20 Jan, Tue 18 Feb, Wed

22 Sep, Mon

04 Mar, Wed

Last day for graduating students to clear their deficiencies END OF CLASSES Integration Period FINAL EXAMINATIONS DATES TO REMEMBER FOR COLLEGES & COMMITTEES

02 Sep, Tue 08 Oct, Wed 09 Oct, Thu 10 Oct, Fri – 16 Oct, Thu

13 Feb, Fri 20 Mar, Fri 21 Mar, Sat 23 Mar, Mon -­‐ 28 Mar, Sat

27 Apr, Mon 19 May, Tue 20 May, Wed 21 May, Thu -­‐ 22 May, Fri

DEADLINE FOR GRADE SUBMISSION

24 Oct, Fri 12 May, Mon 23 Jun, Mon 19 May, Mon 30 Jun, Mon 16 Jun, Mon

10 Apr, Fri 13 Oct, Mon 03 Nov, Mon 20 Oct, Mon 10 Nov, Mon 13 Oct, Mon

30 May, Sat 23 Mar, Mon 08 Apr, Wed 30 Mar, Mon 15 Apr, Wed 16 Mar, Mon

enrolled students who wish to go on leave

Deadline for colleges to submit appeals/cases for CSAPG consideration COMMITTEE ON STUDENT ADMISSIONS, PROGRESS & GRADUATION (CSAPG) Meetings CURRICULUM COMMITTEE MEETING Deadline for colleges to submit to the OUR the approved List of Candidates for Graduation for those graduating as of the end of: Summer 2014 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015

30 Apr, Thu 11 May, Mon

24 Jun, Tue 10 Nov, Mon 17 Apr, Fri

Deadline for colleges to submit to the OUR the tentative list of candidates for graduation as of the end of: 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 Summer 2015

01 Jul, Tue 01 Dec, Mon 29 Apr, Wed

UNIVERSITY COUNCIL MEETING TO RECOMMEND FOR BOR APPROVAL THE LIST OF CANDIDATES FOR GRADUATION for those graduating as of the end of: Summer 2014 1st Sem AY 2014-­‐2015 2nd Sem AY 2014-­‐2015

07 Jul, Mon 17 Nov, Mon

BOARD OF REGENTS (BOR) MEETING TO APPROVE GRADUATION*** COMMENCEMENT EXERCISES

24 Jul, Thu ***

18 Dec, Thu*** 26 Apr, Sun

22 Apr, Wed 23 Apr, Thu ***

@ Approved by UP President Alfredo E. Pascual ________. Applies to all units except the MBA and MS Finance programs of the College of Business Administration, the MM Program of UPEPP and UPEPO, and the Spring-ASIA program of the School of Urban and Regional Planning. a For the Summer session, 3-unit lecture classes meet two (2) hours daily, Monday to Friday, for 24 class days. b For transferees from schools outside the UP system only; students from other CU should check earlier deadlines set by the college where they intend to transfer. * A special removal schedule outside this period may be implemented by the Unit subject to removal fees.

** Appeals submitted beyond the deadline will be processed for the following term. *** Per OSU, BOR Meetings are usually held every last Thursday of the month. However, the BOR Chair or UP President may ask for a re-scheduling of the said meeting. For December, the BOR Meeting is usually held on the same day as the Lantern Parade.

Alternative Classroom Learning Experience (ACLE) is an activity of the UPD Student Council and is held once every semester, every 3rd week of August and 3rd week of January.

NOTE: Registration period is when a student becomes “Officially registered,” which means that the student has already gone through all the processes involved in registration up to payment of fees. (p. 11 of the UPD General Catalogue 2004-­‐2010) HOLIDAYS IN 2014 01 May, Thu 12 June, Thu 30 July, Wed 19 August, Tue 21 August, Thu 25 August, Mon 01 November, Sat 30 November, Sun 25 December, Thu 30 December, Tue 31 December, Wed

Labor Day Independence Day Eidul-­‐Fitar Quezon Day (QC only) Ninoy Aquino Day National Heroes Day All Saints Day Bonifacio Day Christmas Day Rizal Day Last Day of the Year

(Source: www.timeanddate.com)

HOLIDAYS IN 2015 01 May, Fri 12 June, Fri 19 July, Sun 19 August, Wed 21 August, Fri 31 August, Mon 01 November, Sun 30 November, Mon 25 December, Fri 30 December, Wed 31 December, Thu

Labor Day Independence Day Eidul-­‐Fitar Quezon Day (QC only) Ninoy Aquino Day National Heroes Day All Saints Day Bonifacio Day Christmas Day Rizal Day Last Day of the Year

(Source: www.timeanddate.com)

NEVER FORGET THE MARTYRS OF MENDIOLA, HONOR THEIR SUBVERSIVE MEMORIES BY FIGHTING RELENTLESSLY FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and DemocracyUP (CONTEND UP) in commemorating the 27th year of the Mendiola Massacre “If the land could speak, it would speak for us. It would say, like us, the years have forged the bond of life that ties us together. It was our labor that made the land she is.” Macli’ing Dulag, tribal leader, killed by military, April 24, 1980 On January 22, 1987, exactly 27 years today, on the so-called Black Thursday, state security forces brutally dispersed a farmers’ march to Malacañan Palace. Thirteen of the farmers were killed and many were wounded when government anti-riot forces opened fire on them. The farmers were demanding fulfilment of the promises made regarding land reform during the Presidential campaign of Cory Aquino, the mother of the Impunity King, Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III. Twenty-seven years later, the murder of the farmers are still haunting the fascist state of US-Aquino Regime. In 1988, the Manila Regional Trial Court issued a decision to dismiss a P6.5-million class suit filed by relatives of the victims. This decision was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1993. This travesty of human rights merely demonstrates that “[t]hroughout history, as Lenin says, the state has been “an instrument for the exploitation of the oppressed class.” Usually the state is controlled by “the most powerful, economically dominant class, which, through the medium of the state, becomes also the politically dominant class, and thus acquires new means of holding down and exploiting the oppressed class.”

Twenty-seven years after the infamous Mendiola Massacre, our state is still controlled by the big landlord compradors. The sixty-six percent of lands distributed under the US-Aquino Regime are government lands and not those controlled by powerful landlords. The Aquinos, Roxases, Aranetas, Cojuangcos and other big landlord families wallow in excessive luxury. Big transnational corporations exploit the vast agricultural lands such as Dole, Del Monte, Nestle, Inc. and San Miguel Corp. Mining industries, through the neoliberal policies of the USAquino Regime, are also having bonanza in exploiting and destroying prime agricultural lands. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform with Extended Reforms (CARPer) retained CARP’s provision allowing multinational corporations to control and operate the country’s agricultural lands through lease, management, grower or service contracts for a period of 25 years and renewable for another 25 years.

Meanwhile, the Filipino peasantry, who comprise more than 70% of the country’s population, wallow in indescribable misery, unmitigated poverty, and subjected to massive militarization by the AFP, PNP and armed paramilitary units in the rural communities.

The First 100 Days Report of Pres. Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino’s administration made no mention of its program for land reform. Ibon Foundation, said that among postMarcos presidents, Aquino performed the worst in terms of land distribution. And Pres. Aquino’s, a haciendero himself, support for the CARPer betrays his true class interests. The CARPer just like its predecessor land reform programs merely perpetuates the bondage of farmers to the land by mandating compensation for landlords and owners rather than redistributing the land for free. Under the CARPer, the required down payment for such compensation has even been raised from 25% to 50%. Under the CARPer, the conversion of hundreds to thousands of agricultural lands to non-agricultural use persists, which puts the livelihood of thousands of farmers’ families and the country’s food security at risk.

The oppressive and exploitative character of the CARP, its extended version in CARPer and the neoliberal policies of the US-Aquino Regime is demonstrated by the continuing violence at Hacienda Luisita. The agrarian reform dispute-cases of Hacienda Luisita, Hacienda Looc in Batangas, Roxas-Araneta lands in Bulacan, among others, are concrete cases where landlords made use of the CARPer to evade land distribution. The Cojuanco-Aquino clan continues to enjoy the benefits of what approximates a slave economy from which regular farmworkers are supposed to “receive only P 199.50 a day while seasonal or casual farmworkers, only 194.50. To this day, repressive acts such as harassment, imprisonment, bulldozing of farmlands and destruction of plants and crafts are committed against the farmworkers with impunity. Illegal arrest, detentions, and militarization of HLI is a regular activity.

In the face of these continuing exploitation of the Filipino peasants, the intensifying assault of the US-Aquino Regime’s fascist forces on peasants’ organization, the unmitigated influx of foreign mining companies and transnational corporation that exploit our prime lands and natural resources, we, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman, join the Filipino peasants’ clamour for genuine land reform. We support the peasants struggle to junk the CARP and CARPer for free land distribution. We are firmly convinced that there can never be genuine and lasting peace in our nation as long as the peasants remain landless and the big landlords and their families monopolize the ownership of vast tracts of lands.

Today, as we remember the heroism and martyrdom of the thirteen peasants who were killed in the Mendiola Massacre, we urge all patriotic and progressive teachers and educational workers to join the peasants’ centuries-old protracted struggle to dismantle the pernicious tentacles of semi-feudalism engulfing the Filipino peasants. As teachers and educators we cannot remain aloof amidst these struggles for they define the food security of our nation, and the coming generations. Our daily sustenance is made possible from the sweat and hard labor of thousands of landless and exploited peasants. As teachers, it is our duty to educate our students that landlessness is the fundamental root cause of insurgency, poverty, and the economic backwardness of our nation.

Junk CARP! Junk CARPer! Down with feudalism!

Down with capitalism!

Down with imperialism!

For a genuine land reform!

Enact House Bill 252 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB) now!

For free land distribution!

Justice to all peasants who were victims of Mendiola Massacre and Hacienda Luisita Massacre!

DENOUNCE THE DETERIORATING HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION UNDER THE LORDSHIP OF THE IMPUNITY KING BENIGNO AQUINO Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines Diliman on the 63rd of International Human Rights Day, December 10, 2013 “Months into the end of Oplan Bayanihan’s Phase 1, human rights violations continue to belie the conjured picture of “peace and development” of the threeyear US-Noynoy Aquino regime,” according to latest Karapatan Monitor report on the state of human rights in the Philippines. Under the presidency of President Aquino, there are already 142 extrajudicial killings and 164 frustrated extrajudicial killings, 76 cases of torture, and 293 illegal arrests and detentions. Most of the victims of extrajudicial killings are indigenous people (27) and peasants (80).

The failure of the Aquino Administration to bring to justice the personalities responsible for the infamous Ampatuan massacre had prompted many journalists and human rights advocates to hail President Aquino as “Impunity King”! However Communications Secretary Sonny Coloma promptly replied: “Suriin po natin ang ibig sabihin ng salitang ‘impunity.’ Ang ibig sabihin mo ng ‘impunity’ ay walang habas na nagaganap ito, hindi tinututulan ng awtoridad, hindi gumagawa ng karampatang aksyon upang pigilin ang krimen.” Ironically, Coloma’s definition perfectly fits his Boss.

Impunity persists because it has been four years since 58 individuals, including 32 journalists and media workers, were brutally killed in Ampatuan town, Maguindanao. To date, no one has been convicted of murder charges since the hearing began on January 5, 2010. And Sec. Coloma could only say pathetically that not all 58 victims were journalists!

Aquino has also refused to punish – and instead rewarded – the most rabid perpetrators of human rights violations. Gen. Eduardo Ano (implicated in the abduction of peasant activist Jonas Burgos) and Gen. Aurelio Baladad (charged with criminal and civil cases in relation to the arrest and detention of the 43 health workers or the Morong 43). To date, the US-Aquino Regime has not brought Gen. Jovito Palparan, the “berdugo” of activists, and his henchmen to justice.

Hence, we the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman strongly denounce the worsening state of impunity under the Aquino Regime. We denounce not only the direct violations of human rights of political activists and human rights workers and advocates, but also the ineptitude of the Aquino administration in securing the welfare and rights of the most vulnerable members of our society before and the aftermath of Yolanda typhoon. It is horrifying how the government in Tacloban had disposed dead bodies and how it failed to secure the safety of women and children.

We also denounce the deplorable act of the military who refused to heed the call of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippine, who declared unilateral ceasefire since November 8, 2013, and instead are now taking advantage of the ceasefire to carry tactical offensive against the New People’s Army. Such cowardly atrocities simply demonstrate how the US-Aquino regime takes advantage of people’s miseries to carry out its US-backed Oplan Bayanihan counter-insurgency program.

As teachers and educators we are also terrified by the impunity shown by the fascist force of the state in arresting people’s scientist, Prof. Kim Ajeas Gargar last October 1, 2013 in Sitio Spur Dos, Barangay Aliwagwag in Cateel, Davao Oriental.

The barbarism shown by 67th Infantry Battalion of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in arresting and fabricating false charges against our fellow teacher merely strengthened further the attribution of Impunity King to President Aquino!

We also condemn the continuing neglect of political prisoners especially our fellow teacher Charity Dino a public school teacher (arrested and tortured by the military, & detained for three years now at the Batangas Provincial Jail).

But the reign of terror perpetrated by the US-Aquino Regime should be seen in the light of the continuing meddling of US imperialism in Philippines. The unprecedented swarming of US military and para-military troops with their warships, planes, boats and drones in typhoon-devastated areas after Yolanda is an ominous warning that the imperialist forces are here to stay! We therefore strongly condemn the mendicant posturing of Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario who insinuated that the damage caused by super typhoon Yolanda to the country proves the need for greater presence of the US troops in our country. Such pro-US deportment of our DFA simply illustrates the continuing stranglehold of US imperialism on our country. Using disaster as leverage to gain foothold in our country is a gross violation of our right to self-determination. The continuing presence of US troops would merely translate to more human rights violations as our military will be assisted copiously by US intelligence to suppress people’s resistance and perpetuate semi-colonialism.

In celebration of the International Rights Day, we, the members of CONTEND UP Diliman raise our fists in defiance against the reign of terror under the Impunity King President Aquino! We join the chorus of voices of the people and express our profoundest solidarity for all the victims of human rights violations and join hands with all political prisoners who are now languishing in jails, in demanding the end to the impunity of the Aquino regime in violating the human rights of activists, our fellow teachers, journalists, human rights advocates and workers, indigenous people, church people, peasants and workers!

We demand justice for all those who have been tortured, brutally assaulted, politically harassed by the US-Aquino regime. We demand full accountability from this barbaric state and its fascist military forces.

Uphold Human rights!

No to Oplan Bayanihan!

Free All Political Prisoners!

Free Prof. Kim Gargar and Teacher Charity Dino!

Make the US-Aquino Regime Accountable for all its human rights atrocities!

Justice to all victims of human rights violations!

No to rotational presence of US troops in the Philippines!

Down with imperialism!

Junk VFA!

PCARI: THE WHITE ELEPHANT THAT WEIGHS DOWN THE RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT NEEDS OF THE COUNTRY Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and DemocracyUP (CONTEND-UP) and Alliance of Concerned Teachers Philippines What is the state of research and development in the Philippines?

The Philippines is lagging behind almost every other country in Southeast Asia in terms of research and development (R&D) in science and technology. Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand are taking the lead with the most scientific output in the region while Indonesia and Vietnam have already taken significant leads over the Philippines. Local scientific research is considered the lowest in quality compared with Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam (World Economic Forum 2012-2013).

One need not look too far to find an explanation for its miserable performance. The Philippines spent only a measly 0.12% of its GDP on R&D in 2005. In contrast, Malaysia allotted 0.63% of its GDP in 2006 and Thailand 0.23% in the same year.

Public expenditure per tertiary level pupil as a percentage of GDP per capita puts the Philippines at 9.6% (2008), Indonesia at 21% (2009), Thailand at 22.7% (2009), Malaysia at 60% (2009) and Vietnam at 60.6% (2008). It is no wonder that the Philippines has only 81 researchers in R&D per million people as opposed to Malaysia’s 365 and Thailand’s 307 (All data from the World Bank).

What is PCARI? The Philippines-California Advanced Research Institutes (PCARI), is a brainchild of the Filipino-American Silicon Valley entrepreneur, Mr. Diosdado Banatao which will receive an initial outlay of P1.76B (or $205 million over four years) per year over a five-year period, as provided for under the Special Provision No. 6 “Allocation for the Research and Scholarship Project” of the General Appropriations Act (GAA/RA 10352). The initial budget is more than sixty percent of CHED’s 2013 budget. All in all, eight to ten billion pesos of the budget of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) will be spent on PCARI over a span of five years.

Two research institutes in Information Technology and in Health will be established with the participation of five Philippine higher education institutions, the University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle University, Mapua Institute of Technology, and Mindanao State University (and other selected HEIs) in partnership with the University of California San Francisco (UCSF) and the University of California Berkley (UCB). It will be focused on developing Philippine research and development capacity in information

technology and medicine. PCARI is expected to give a strong boost to the Philippines internationally in terms of the number of scientific publications in international journals and the increase in the number of local PhD holders and researchers. The Philippines will be the sole funder of all its projects.

Why is it disadvantageous and even harmful to genuine development goals of the Philippines?

The solution to the mediocre performance of the Philippines in R&D and in higher education as a whole is simple and straightforward. More priority should be given in terms of budget allocation to science and technology development, the strengthening of science program in basic education, and the improvement of tertiary education. All of these should then be linked to a comprehensive national industrialization program. However, leaders and technocrats in government always seem to fail to see the straightest path to solving the problems of the nation.

They are addicted to quick fix schemes and pyramid scams, most especially when the potential personal and political gains in the short-term promises are quite substantial. The Philippines-California Advanced Research Institutes (PCARI) is quickly turning out to be one such neoliberal scam. Why? Because of the following reasons: 1) The Philippines will in effect be funding US researches to be done in UCSF and UCB singlehandedly since there will be no counterpart coming from the US partner institutions; 2) It is to be expected in such an arrangement that proprietary claims to the results of the researches which it singlehandedly funded will not redound solely upon the Philippines; 3) The Philippines will most likely end up funding US researchers and the use of facilities at dollar rates while Philippine researchers will be paid unequally at Philippine rates, an arrangement which harks back to the colonial era; 4) The use and disposition of the funds will be tied to just a few institutions in the US, the selection of which was questioned legally and morally, when greater flexibility in the use and disposition of its limited R&D budget would better serve the Philippines; 5) Private universities involved in the partnership, such as Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle University and Mapua Institute of Technology, will greatly benefit from the scheme even as State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) like the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) continue to be starved of the funding they need for survival;

6) There is also reason to be uneasy about the composition of the PCARI steering committee. Mr. Diosdado Banatao, is concurrently serving as the Chairman of the University of California Berkeley, College of Engineering Advisory Board and as a member of the UC Berkeley Chancellor’s Executive Advisory Council, while his wife, Maria Cariaga Banatao, who is also part of the PCARI steering committee, is a member of the Board of Trustees of the University of California Berkeley Foundation. Whose personal interests are being served in this kind of arrangement when the main proponents of the project are personally connected with UC Berkeley?

What is its relationship with the current neo-liberal thrust of internationalization of higher education?

The PCARI is symptomatic of the neoliberal definition of internationalization of higher learning institutions which ties it to the effort to enhance international reputation of universities and embellish “outer appearance” with short-term and superficial schemes. Rather than addressing the root of the problems of educational and scientific backwardness in the Philippines through adequate state intervention, the neoliberal definition of internationalization is obsessed with selling its delusions as truths.

Firstly, the PCARI demonstrates a fetish for building up the “international” reputations of a few “elite” universities like the University of the Philippines (UP) while basic education and tertiary education as a whole languishes in utter state neglect. It ignores that efforts on improving the Filipino students’ competence in science and mathematics, which are at the backbone of research and innovation, need to be accelerated if the country wants to be competitive. Our performance in Trends in International Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMSS) should give CHED and the government a big pause in considering where to put the P10 billion budget. Thus, it can be argued that the real quality of an educational system can be measured by its overall average quality rather than by its few showcases.

Second, it reveals a fetish for increasing international publications as a surrogate for the actual development of sustainable national basic industries as the foundation for genuine development. It can be argued that “first tier” countries in publication performance such as Thailand and Malaysia owe their advances in R&D primarily to their increasingly broad and stable industrial bases which the Philippines lacks. Indeed, a one-sided obsession with publication for “international” journals may not actually contribute to addressing local needs and more pressing national research agendas.

Third, it is driven by a fetish for credentialism that relies on accumulating advanced degrees and multiplying the number of PhDs as a seeming end in itself, when, lacking sustainable industrial growth, it is certain that the advanced graduates we produce, will continue to find themselves underpaid, underemployed or unemployed and will continue to stream outwards like Mr. Banatao himself, the

pinnacle of a Filipino who “made it.” Why is it that the Brazilian government can send and finance 100,000 of their citizens to gain advanced degrees abroad? How is it possible that Vietnam can spend $50M of its yearly budget to send 1,000 Vietnamese abroad per year for their PhDs? The answer is because the majority of Brazilians and Vietnamese come home and contribute to building their own nations. Filipinos, coming from a country mired in government corruption, perennial poverty, and bleak employment opportunities, are driventomigrate and practice their professions abroad. This is made dramatic by the current exodus of our weather forecasters abroad. PCARI is another window for continuing “brain drain”.

And finally, the PCARI demonstrates a fetish for lauding individual entrepreneurship dislocated from the realities of collapsing local industries, stagnating agriculture and stupendous corruption. Our individual entrepreneurs will be simple compradors for the most part, agents of foreign businesses in the Philippines.

What are our calls?

Indeed, one has to start somewhere. But unless Philippine R&D and tertiary education initiatives are based on long-term plans for national industrial and agricultural development, such initiatives are destined to serve some other nation’s development and not that of the Philippines. And as in the past, we become a willing host for the advancement of the economically advanced nations.

Without more fundamental reforms in education, especially strengthening science and technology programs in basic education, reversing the perverse outcomes of neoliberal reforms in higher education, and building industrial infrastructure based on sound agricultural policies, the PCARI will just end up as mere windowdressing, like so many “innovative” neoliberal scams of the past, to the chronic failure and miserable state of Philippine higher education. It is to be expected that there will be little to show when the last peso has been spent in financing this “white elephant” to the tune of10 billion pesos in five years for the country to attain academic respectability in the heartless global supermarket.

Oppose the Commission on Higher Education’s (CHED) extravagant PCARI scheme!

Oppose the privatization of social services and increase the budget of basic education and public tertiary education institutions!

Support research and development towards national industrialization and genuine land reform!

Propagate a Nationalist, Scientific, Mass Oriented Education!

RESISTING THE DICTATORSHIP OF NEOLIBERAL DEFINITION OF INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER LEARNING INSTITUTIONS Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy(CONTEND-UP), University of the Philippines, Diliman on the Proposed Academic Calendar Change to Synchronize with ASEAN Universities DECEMBER 2, 2013 The ASEAN was created in the wake of the so-called ‘Nixon doctrine’ in 1969 that permitted the ASEAN members to create their own defence against communism.

With the collapse of communism, ASEAN is now vigorously pushing for integration to rival its imperialist competitors. In the "ASEAN Business Outlook Survey" released August 2013 and prepared by the US Chamber of Commerce and AmCham Singapore revealed that US companies are optimistic about investing in ASEAN countries (http://www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/39481-apbsurvey-asean-economic-integration). Inward flow of Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) to ASEAN has recorded an increase of more than fourfold - from US$ 21.81billion in 2000 to US$ 114.08 billion in 2011 - with Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia leading the Member States. Intra-ASEAN FDI inflow has increased from 3.9% to 23% during the same period. ASEAN trade in goods among its Member States more than doubled from US$ 260.9 billion in 2004, to US$ 598.2 billion in 2011. For the same period, extra-ASEAN trade grew from US$ 428.1 billion to US$ 914.8 billion (http://www.asean.org/news/asean-secretariatnews/item/latest-asean-statistics-show-progress-towards-2015-integration). That makes the ASEAN countries the hotbed for capitalist expansion. This drive to create an integrated economic hub to increase ASEAN’s competitiveness through trade and investment liberalization, and closer economic cooperation as well as the valorization of Asian values and culture, define the trajectories of the internationalization of higher education in the Philippines.

ASEAN University Network (AUN) Executive Director, Prof. Piniti Ratananukul defines internationalization of higher education as “the process of integrating an international/intercultural dimension into the teaching, research and service functions of the institution." CHED issued its Memorandum Order No. 1 entitled “Policies and Guidelines in the Implementation of International Linkages and Twinning Programs” that sets the aim of internationalization “to strengthen educational, cultural, social, economic and political bonds between Philippine and foreign institutions of higher learning thereby fostering a vibrant exchange of cultures integral to a peaceful living within a global community.”

Internationalisation is often discussed in relation to physical mobility, academic cooperation and academic knowledge transfer as well as international education.

The claim that higher education is internationalising or ought to internationalise is somewhat surprising because universities have long been considered one of society’s most international institutions.

The current mulling of the University of the Philippines to synchronize academic calendar with ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China and Korea; Japan starts classes in

October),American and European Universities, its academic partners, by shifting the academic calendar from a June-March schedule to August-May, should be framed within this global process of commodification of higher education.

International education is most commonly associated with the recruitment and enrolment of international students. UNESCO in their 2009 World Conference on Higher Education report, over 2.5 million students were studying outside their home country. UNESCO also predicted that the number of international students might rise approximately to 7 million by the year 2020 (OECD International Migration Outlook 2010). The main destinations preferred by international students are the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France and Australia.

What is significant about these flows is that the producers of higher education are mainly from the industrialized, Western nations of the world, the North, whereas students are overwhelmingly from the South and East of developing countries. The overriding drive to accelerate internationalization must be shown for what it truly is: frantic desire to attract foreign students to ASEAN universities to rival the dominant role of the US and UK as the largest importers of overseas students.

The avowed reasons for the controversial calendar synchronization are just confirmation of the growing marketization of UP education and Philippine HEIs. The argument is that, if universities are to survive and remain competitive in this rapidly changing global market place, they must become flatter, leaner, decentralized, and make use of the efficiencies afforded by electronic media and computer-mediated communication. They need to become flexible and reflexive accumulators, in part through drawing on the information or â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;knowledgeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; to be gathered through the work process.

We, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy strongly believe that internationalization, whether global or regional should be anchored in principles of fairness and equality where no culture should unfairly dominate. But as the proposed ASEAN integration shows, it is an Asianized version of the imperialist Western paradigm of internationalization. We become part of ASEAN economic hub only for the richer partners to exploit their advantages in resources and infrastructure. Malaysia, Singapore and China are the emerging destinations for international students. These three countries have combined share of approximately 12% of the global student market with somewhere between 250,000 and 300,000 students having decided to pursue higher education studies in these countries in 2005-6 (World Educations News and Reviews, October 2007). Such integration merely homogenizes the marketization of HEIs while paying lip service to cultural pluralism. It is a scramble among ASEAN universities for the piece of market among ASEAN members following the comparative advantage of offering Asian courses for foreign and Asian students.

What is missed in this turbo-capitalist proposal to synchronize our academic calendar with Asian countries, American Universities, and European partners is that we have a very inadequate academic infrastructure and the resources to carry out a fully competitive HEIs. Our University suffers from the syndromes of developing economies: problematic tenure for faculty, contractualization of academic personnel, ageing faculty, dwindling state subsidies, the inability to

attract younger faculty and foreign scholars and researchers. Added to these problems are the insufficient facilities to accommodate foreign students and inadequate support for faculty research and extensions programs. Many of our faculty are already saddled with administrative works, lack of personnel support, bureaucratic hurdles for research grant, and the steady large class size assignments. These obstacles dissuade our University faculty and researchers from publishing and engaging in field research and other creative works. And all of these predicaments are rooted in the continuing assault of neoliberal reforms against our educational institutions. The demand to upgrade educational institutions with the imperative to decrease public spending on education is the nemesis of internationalization. Our definition of internationalization is whitewashed by the neoliberal principles that underpin ASEAN integration as well as Philippine economic policies on higher education.

We therefore refuse to be coaxed into the frivolous debate about changing academic calendar as a way to internationalize our University. While this issue is relevant, we believe that changing the calendar should not be reduced to mere question of efficiency and the imperative to accelerate cross-border mobility of students and faculty. Internationalization has to address the wider economic and political context, both regional and global, that define the general contours and orientation of the culture of inquiry we want to create and nurture as well as the learning environment of the students and faculty. We can always change the calendar. But the entire philosophy that underpins such change must be debated and carefully weighed. Jumping too quickly into the bandwagon of internationalization is not necessarily helpful for our nation. We have to pause and decelerate to think hard about these questions: Whose internationalization?

Internationalization for what? Only when these major questions are put into the table for discussion that we can rethink the mission and vision of the University as both national and international in scope, and not just follow the policy recommendations of bureaucrats who are often detached from real intellectual life of the university.

No to dictatorship of neoliberal definition of internationalization of higher education!

No to market-driven integration of ASEAN universities!

No to commercialization and privatization of education!

Education is a right!

Fight for greater state subsidy for state universities and colleges!

Fight for emancipatory internationalism!

DECEMBER 2, 2013

NINE YEARS AFTER THE INFAMOUS HACIENDA LUISITA MASSACRE, ADVANCE AND INTENSIFY THE PEOPLE’S STRUGGLE AGAINST FEUDALISM Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND-UP Diliman) on the 9th Anniversary of Hacienda Luisita Massacre November 16, 2013 On November 16, 2004, police and army units carried out a brutal massacre of striking sugar plantation workers at Hacienda Luisita. At least seven protesting farmers were killed in a clash with police and military personnel. It is the second recent massacre involving the Cojuangco family. The first one was the Mendiola Massacre on January 22, 1987, during the presidency of Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Today, nine years have passed since the infamous Hacienda Luisita massacre, justice has remained elusive. Worse, the problems of peasants’ repression that had led to this massacre have remained, even worsened. Last October 31, Dennis dela Cruz, an official of the Alyansa ng mga Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA), was found bludgeoned inside a hut he was fixing in Barangay Balete. His murder could have only been perpetrated by the Cojuangco-Aquinos’ hooligans who harassed peasant organizations for exposing the bogus land reform scheme of the Department of Agrarian Reform in collusion with Cojuangco’s Luisita Realty Corp. and the Tarlac Development Corp. No land distribution is actually taking place. Instead, peasant organizations have exposed that what is being distributed are certificates of land amortizations which are to be paid for by supposed beneficiaries for the next 25 years. They have also exposed how the scheme has displaced a number of long-standing claimants to the land who have been excluded from the list of beneficiaries prepared by the DAR in collaboration with the Cojuangco-Aquinos.

In hysterical attempt to stem the tide of genuine land being pushed by peasants’ organizations the Cojuangco-Aquinos are now forced to resort to fascist attacks as the farm workers’ sentiment for a free distribution of lands is ballooning. On Sept.

17, eleven members of the fact finding mission, which was organized to investigate the land claims of Tadeco in Hacienda Luisita and the intensified militarization in the area, were arrested at around 11:40 A.M. in the village of Balete. The factfinding mission that gathered data to verify the initial reports that farm worker beneficiaries (FWB) were coerced into signing an application to purchase and farmers undertaking with the DAR. This accumulation by dispossession directed by DAR clearly obliges FWBs to pay amortization, consequently compensating the Cojuangco-Aquinos. In its bid to extract superprofits from the landless peasants, the Cojuanco-Aquinos are tricking the farm worker beneficiaries by distributing certificates of land amortizations which are to be paid for by supposed beneficiaries for the next 25 years. By requiring them to pay amortization, the FWBs are being robbed again of what rightfully belongs to them.

The Alyansa ng mga Mangggawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA) had exposed how the scheme has displaced a number of long-standing claimants to the land who have been excluded from the list of beneficiaries prepared by the DAR in collaboration with the Cojuangcos. Furthermore, Ambala also asserted that the “tambiolo” method of distribution is outright illegal and violation of their rights as FWBs. The 200-300 hectares of land under the Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO), which is owned by Aquino’s family, should be covered by land reform and thus distributed to farmworker-beneficiaries. These are in barangays Cutcut, Balete, and Mapalacsiao.

In the light of this iniquitous accumulation by disposession being perpetrated by the Cojuanco-Aquinos against the toiling landless farmers, we, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, express our profoundest solidarity for all the farmworkers of Hacienda Luisita. We support the peasants’ demand to carry out genuine land reform by dispossessing the CojuancoAquinos of their land. We support the free distribution of lands to the farm workers. Land redistribution however is not sufficient with genuine agrarian reform. Farm workers should not only be given lands to till but must be given the appropriate infrastructure and much-needed subsidies so they can be the base of national industrialization program.

Hence we also call for the abolition of pork barrel system so that these gargantuan funds can be channelled to spur and support genuine agrarian reform. However staggering the amount of funds involved in stealing from the public coffers, they are insignificant compared to the hundreds of billions of pesos plundered by various predatory governments in implementing one of the grandest and most deceptive projects in the country’s history—bogus land reform. From the Marcos dictatorship’s PD 27 to the CARP of the Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos and Joseph Estrada regimes to the CARPER under Gloria Arroyo and Benigno Aquino III, the reactionary state has spent P259.5 billion for land reform. But the face of feudal and semifeudal exploitation has hardly changed even on the eve of CARPER’s conclusion in 2014.

We call on our fellow educators, educational workers and students to mobilize and support the struggle of the Hacienda Luisita farm workers, and all the landless peasants of our nation, to intensify the struggle against feudalism. Pork barrel system is one of the offshoots of exploitative feudal relations. The struggle against feudalism is the struggle to bring down patronage and electoral clientelism.

Down with feudalism!

Punish all parties and individuals responsible for the Hacienda Luisita Massacre!

Fight for genuine agrarian reform!

Fight for free redistribution of land to all landless farmers!

Support the Hacienda Luisita Farm Workers’ Struggle for justice and right to land!

LET’S MOBILIZE ALL-OUT SUPPORT FOR THE VICTIMS OF THE TYPHOON, WHILE WE CONTINUE OUR STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman on the Aftermath of Super typhoon Yolanda 11November 2013 Karl Marx once amended Hegel who said that “all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice,” by adding: “the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.” The same goes for natural disasters. But natural disasters, especially typhoons, that regularly hit our country, are always catastrophic.

Seemingly, we never learn our lessons from the countless repetitions of these historic disasters.

The latest of these disasters is super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda in the Philippines) that affected 9.5million people, according to a report from the United Nations.

Super typhoon Haiyan destroyed about 70 to 80percent of structures in its path as it hit Leyte. As a result, over 630,000 were forced from their homes, many to seek refuge in evacuation centers. The estimated death toll continues to rise with at least 10,000 estimated deaths in the province of Leyte alone, 300 dead and 2,000 missing in Samar. Broad swaths of land were engulfed by the surging seas resulting in massive destruction of public infrastructure, homes, property and agricultural land. Majority of the victims of the storm are small peasants, farm workers, fisherfolk, mountain people, workers and other poor people who are the most vulnerable to the storm. Schools were devastated. The United Nations Children's Fund estimated that 1.7million children lived in the areas that were pummeled by Haiyan.

In the face of this massive destruction and heart-breaking catastrophe, we the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, express our profoundest commiseration with the entire Filipino people, especially those who have suffered the loss of loved ones, family members and friends, and are now feeling despondent and psychologically helpless.

We express our deepest solidarity with all the generous local and international organizations and individuals who are ceaselessly giving their assistance and support to our unfortunate kababayans. Like them, we pledge our continuing support for relief operations, not only in these trying times, but also in the succeeding work of rebuilding the shattered lives of the people and reconstructing their communities.

We are exasperated by the slow and inadequate response of the Aquino government towards the disaster. Isolated and feeling abandoned by the government, more and more people have become engulfed by hopelessness. In remote barangays, people have resorted to "looting" in a desperate attempt to survive and save their families. The social anarchy created by the disaster could

have been minimized if only the government had taken seriously the early preparation for the coming of the super typhoon. The bureaucratic ineptitude of the Aquino government has only served to aggravate our peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s miseries.

Natural calamities hit the poor and the rich alike. The poor, however, lacking in resources, have always been the most ravaged, with very little hope of coping with and recovering from the aftermath of disasters. We therefore believe that the clamour of the Filipino people to abolish the pork barrel fund is made all the more urgent by this tragedy. We should not wait for another super typhoon or â&#x20AC;&#x153;killerâ&#x20AC;? earthquake before we demand that the government allocate its budget to infrastructure and to better prepare local communities for natural disasters. In this hour of need, it has become glaringly apparent that pork barrel funds should be channelled to local government units and appropriate agencies to create risk prevention and disaster management programs without having to go through the pockets of lawmakers.

We call on all educators, educational workers, and students to help in whatever way they can to mitigate the suffering and trauma of our fellow Filipinos. United in our common suffering, we shall stand again! And we should never allow such meaningless but avoidable misfortune to waste the lives of our people in the future. We call on all Filipinos to struggle for a just and democratic society. For only a just and democratic society that puts the welfare of the people above and beyond profit and patronage can enable us to endure any disaster, whether natural or man-made.

Serve the people!

Abolish pork barrel funds and rechannel them to social services to help typhoon victims now!

Make the government accountable for any failure in securing the safety of our people!

DEFEND AND UPHOLD ACADEMIC FREEDOM AGAINST STATE REPRESSION FREE PROF. KIM GARGAR AND ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND, UP Diliman) on the Arrest of Prof. Kim Gargar We, the members of the Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND, UP Diliman) strongly denounce the arrest of people’s scientist, Prof. Kim Ajeas Gargar last October 1, 2013 in Sitio Spur Dos, Barangay Aliwagwag in Cateel, Davao Oriental.

Prof. Gargar, who hails from Iligan City, finished BS in Physics, magna cum laude, at the Mindanao State University-Iligan Institute of Technology in 2000; and his MS in Physics at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City. Prof. Gargar has taught Physics in four universities: University of the Philippines as Teaching Associate from June 2000 to May 2003; Mindanao Polytechnic State College in Cagayan de Oro City from 2003 to 2004 and head of the Department of Physics from 2004 to 2005; Polytechnic University of the Philippines from 2005 to 2006 and the Mapua Institute of Technology from 2007 to 2008, where he also served as Research Director for Computational Sciences. He started his PhD in 2009 and did research on “Analyzing a mathematical model of the mammalian circadian pacemaker.”

Such academic track record did not deter the military to fabricate charges against Prof. Gargar: violation of RA 9615 or illegal possession of explosives, firearms and ammunitions; two counts of multiple frustrated/attempted murder; and violation of the election gun ban. These are unfounded charges that merely reveal the fascist and repressive character of our nation’s armed forces. According to AGHAMAdvocates of Science and Technology for the People, “Kim decided to devote his time to volunteer work in AGHAM. As a scientist for the people, he unselfishly shared his technical expertise and energy in explaining scientific concepts to local communities to help sharpen their analysis in confronting issues that affect them.”

We should acclaim Prof. Gargar for volunteering to be among the 69 members of a fact-finding team in mid-April 2013 that documented the March 4 killing of a Baganga village councilor and the state of the environment in the typhoon-hit areas in Davao Oriental and Compostela Valley. Prof. Gargar returned to Compostela Valley in late June for a six-month resource mapping for the rehabilitation of the devastated areas, “mainly for rainforestation program,” in coordination with Balsa Mindanao and the environmental group, Panalipdan. While doing his volunteer work for the people, he was arrested! Rather than commending his works, the military branded Prof. Gargar as the enemy of the state!

We are therefore alarmed by the way the 67th Infantry Battalion of the Armed Forces of the Philippines arrested Prof. Gargar and came up with trumped up

charges to implicate him with the New Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Army (NPA). This repressive tactic of the military, as part of the US-Aquino Oplan Bayanihan counter-insurgency program, sends a shockwave of terror among scholars and the community of scientists who are doing their legitimate field research in far-flung areas, and deters other scientists from doing their field work in conflict-ridden areas of our country.

We call on all concerned members of the scientific community to demand the immediate release of Prof. Gargar. His release is the last hope that can show the world that our country is civilized enough to respect the rights of scholars and teachers. We cannot just stand as innocent bystanders while our colleagues are being arrested, illegally detained like Charity Dino, a public school teacher (arrested and tortured by the military, & detained for three years now at the Batangas Provincial Jail). Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s part of our academic freedom as scholars, scientists, and teachers to work in the field with the people without being subjected to undue military harassment and surveillance. The arrest of Prof. Gargar sends a wrong signal to our nationalist scholars, scientists, and teachers that their research and works are no longer safe. Our armed forces, rather than guaranteeing our safety in the conducting our studies, have become the very threat to the integrity of our academic work!

We therefore call on all teachers and students to join us in our urgent call to expose and denounce the dirty tactics of the military to harass and repress peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s scientists. We call on all patriotic and progressive members of our society to demand the immediate release of Prof. Gargar and all other political prisoners who are now languishing in jails and prisons.

Free Prof. Kim Gargar!

Free all political prisoners!

Uphold academic freedom against state repression!

Abolish US-Aquino Oplan Bayanihan!

Down with fascism!

TEACHERS AS ACTIVIST INTELLECTUALS: TEACH TO EMANCIPATE, ORGANIZE TO RESIST BUREAUCRCAT CAPITALISM Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman on 19th World Teachers’ Day, 5 October 2013 On the 19th celebration of the World Teachers Day, we the members of the Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman, join the raucous chorus of all teachers in the Philippines, and around the world, in fighting for better condition and social welfare and benefits for all teachers, while joining other progressive and advanced sectors of our society to denounce the continuing neoliberal capitalist practices, structures, and policies that aggravate the already impoverished conditions of our teachers and educational system.

We decry the immoral and unjustifiable misappropriation of our national budget to debt service totalling toP1.06 trillion and stingily giving to Department of EducationP336.9 billion or 15% of the total proposed budget, while the total budget to education comprises 14.3% of the projected GDP for 2014, a far cry from the 4.3% GDP share of education (total P323.3 billion fund for DepEd, SUCs, TESDA and CHED). This is far from the UNESCO’s recommendation of allocating 6% of GNP to education. Also, we do not laud the realignment of P1.02 billion to the Department of Education for education and scholarships from the defunct PDAF. For it gives lawmakers the privilege to still tap the fund by submitting proposals for projects to the Department of Education and CHED. Patronage and clientelism are dubiously killed only to be resurrected through line-item budgeting, or patronage with transparency.

We deplore the shameful proposed P2.268-trillion national budget which is laden with big-ticket infrastructure projects, in which bulk of these infrastructure funds will undergo the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) scheme, wherein the government allows the private sector to invest and partly finance public projects (P1.6 billion for the amortization of the construction of 9,301 classrooms under “PPP Batch 1”).While the government boasts of an 18% increase in the budget for basic education, from P330.2 billion to P389.5 billion, the amount is still insufficient considering that DepEd will be shouldering the additional costs brought about by the full implementation of the K-12 program. This budget translates to only P6.22 funding per student per day, considering that there are 17.2 million learners at the basic level that DepEd needs to fund. This means teachers will bear the agonizing brunt of educating young people with meagre resources and insufficient funds.

We strongly repudiate the Roadmap for Public Higher Education Reform (RPHER) that seeks to further commercialize and privatize higher education through bogus rationalization and internationalization. The DBM-approved budget for state

universities and colleges (SUCs) increased nominally by P1.9 billion, from the current P32.8 billion to P34.7 billion in 2014 (amounts net of RLIP). Despite the nominal increase, there will be 79 SUCs that will be suffering from budget cuts in FY 2014, some due to lower PS components, others due to lower MOOE, and many due to zero capital outlay. Rationalizing SUCs would mean merging SUCs and abolishing programs rather than strengthening and reforming the existing ones.

This is a move to prepare our college students as infinite resources for capitalist exploitation and expansion.

We demand that higher state subsidies for education should be given to improve the current starting pay of teachers of P18,594 per month. Our public school teachers are at the borderline of poverty threshold considering that In the National Capital Region, IBON estimates that the family living wage (or the minimum amount needed for a family of six members to meet their daily food and non-food needs plus 10% allocation for savings) is Php1,034 for a family of six as of December 2012.Accoridng to National Statistics Coordinating Board, in terms of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), Filipino teachers earn US$5,000 to $6,000 annually, while teachers in the US earn $35,000 to $45,000. Because of the large disparity in the salary, many Filipino teachers have gone to the US to teach. The NSCB said there have been a total of 2,768 teachers deployed to the US between 2005 and 2010. This pimping of our teachers for global markets is unashamedly celebrated by the Aquino Administration as internationalization of education.

In our critical historical period when the assault of neoliberal policies on our educational system is escalating, which reduces our teachers to bureaucratic clerks of the state and proletarianizes educational workers through labor contractualization and harassing of unions, we urge all teachers to embrace their historic duty as activist intellectuals and organize through national democratic unions, creating alliances with progressive peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s movements of our society, to register our urgent demands for better educational services, better benefits for teachers, and greater subsidy for educational infrastructure.

We demand that the budget allocated to the controversial Priority Development Fund (PDAF) and the presidential pork barrel be abolished completely. The refusal of the Aquino Administration and its backers to let go of their pork barrel is unacceptable for teachers when education is in a budget squeeze of great magnitude. We join the Filipino masses in denouncing the pork barrel scam, and its newest expression in the notorious Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP), prosecuting all guilty individuals and parties, and the rechanneling of congressional and presidential pork barrel to basic social services and to subsidize free land distribution for landless peasants.

We demand that debt servicing, the budget for modernization of the armed forces and militarization which are being used to finance the notorious US-backed Oplan Bayanihan counter-insurgency program, whose primary victims are civilians,

human rights defenders and advocates including teachers like Charity Dino(a public school teacher arrested and tortured by the military, & detained for three years now at the Batangas Provincial Jail), be rechanneled to subsidize peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s welfare and other social services such as health, free housing for urban poor, free distribution of lands to landless peasants, and agrarian reform.

We, teachers, do not only teach! We are not simple submissive bureaucratworshippers of state policies. We refuse to be reduced to mere technicians perfecting our teaching methods. We teach to emancipate the silenced minds!

Teaching is the most political and revolutionary praxis. For it is premised on the possibility of changing the consciousness of the oppressed so that they will rebel and emancipate themselves from the shackles of our semi-feudal, semi-colonial, bureaucrat capitalist society! We teach while we engage in political practice.

Therefore, on the 19thcelebration of World Teachers Day, we seize this opportunity to fight and shout: Education is a right!

Free education for all!

Rechannel pork barrel funds to education and other social services!

No to privatization and commercialization of education!

Down with colonial, commercialized, and elitist education!

Stop the repression and harassment of activist teachers and their unions!

Letâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fight for a nationalist, scientific, and mass based education!

FREE THE LAND REFORM ADVOCATES NOW! FIGHT FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM! Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP Diliman On the Arrest of Land Reform Advocates at Hacienda Luisita September 18, 2013 As the Aquino Administration and its allies harass and push Janet Napoles and the non-administration lawmakers as escape-goats for its PDAF corruption, they are also busy defending their power and privileges by ordering its repressive military and police personnel to arrest people who want to expose and oppose their corrupt practices.

Police Officer 3 Norbelita Ingaw of the Tarlac City police confirmed to INQUIRER.net that around nine people were arrested at the sugar estate on charges of illegal assembly, direct assault, trespass to dwelling and malicious mischief last September 17, 2013. The group arrested include Anakpawis Representative Fernando Hicap, Danilo Ramos of Anakpawis party-list, Florida Sibayan, acting chairperson of Alyansa ng Magbubukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA), Sister Patricia Fox of the Zion Sisters, former political prisoners Ericson Acosta, Kerima Tariman, Rene Blazan, Karl Mae San Juan of Anakpawis, Ronald Matthew Gustillo, Luz Versola, Pong Sibayan of Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA).

According to Ericson Acosta, the arresting police force consisted of seven armed men in plain clothing and armed supervisors of Cojuanco-owned Tarlac Development Corporation. Antonio Flores, KMP secretary general, said the arrests took place on the last day of a fact-finding mission to look into allegations that a Supreme Court order to distribute the 5,000-hectare estate to around 6,000 farmers had been tainted by wrong land allocations, land-grabbing and militarization. Hacienda Luisita is a vast plantation owned and controlled by President Benigno Aquino III and his family for more than 50 years. The land reform advocates were confirming accusations of fraud and harassment in the area reported by land distribution beneficiaries.

We the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of the Philippines Diliman, strongly condemn the arrest of these land reform advocates. As teachers and educators we are alarmed by the intensifying fascist and repressive tactics being employed by the military and police to protect the private interests of the big landlords who are related to the President. We decry this incident as a flagrant demonstration of how the current administration is politically and morally bankrupt to its very core! While it talks about â&#x20AC;&#x153;daang matuwidâ&#x20AC;? and the abolition of corruption in the government, it continues to preserve the oppression and exploitation of landless farmers by promising bogus land reforms. It brings to mind the repression, corruption and the

anti-farmersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and anti peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s policies during the martial law period whose 41st declaration will be on September 21.

As teachers and educators we express our profoundest solidarity with the arrested land reform advocates and with the thousands of landless farmers, not only in Hacienda Luisita but in the entire Philippines, who are still struggling to have a genuine land reform in our society. We cannot remain aloof and unaffected by these on-going fascist tactics of the government against our people. As teachers and educators we uphold the right of the farmers to have free access to the land they till. We therefore call on all patriotic and progressive Filipino teachers, educational workers and students to express their solidarity with the arrested land reform advocates and landless farmers.

We call for the immediate release of the arrested land reform advocates. We demand that the police and all those private individuals who were involved in this brazen human rights violation be held accountable. We demand for the end of state repression and all forms of militarization perpetrated against the farmers of Hacienda Luisita!

Free the arrested land reform advocates now!

Stop militarization and repression of Hacienda famers and agricultural workers!

Make accountable all police personnel and private individuals who made the arrest!

Distribute for free Hacienda Luisita to genuine farmers and farm workers not to the stooges of the Cojuangco and Aquino family.

Implement genuine land reform now!

Down with fascism!

Down with feudalism!

Never again to martial law!!

OPPOSE THE IMPENDING US WAR OF AGGRESSION IN SYRIA, CALL ON THE AQUINO GOVERNMENT TO REJECT THE US-PH FRAMEWORK FOR INCREASED ROTATIONAL PRESENCE AND DEFENSE COOPERATION Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP Diliman on the Impending Military Intervention in Syria September 12, 2013 The Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) UP Diliman opposes the impending US war of aggression against the Syrian people. Evidently, the US government’s warmongering schemes are rejected by the peoples of the world who recognize and respect the right of sovereign nations to self-determination and territorial integrity. The US government continues to be alienated in its scheme and lies.

In spite of the existence of international laws and international bodies like the United Nations (UN), US President Barack Obama’s regime is most desperate to unilaterally take military action that it considers to be the most solemn decision at the moment.

In 2003, the US claimed that Iraq has weapons of mass destruction to justify its invasion. Now, even with the absence of a UN report on the alleged chemical weapons attack in Syria and reports that reveal how the footage of the said attack was fabricated, the US is hell-bent in insisting that it wants to protect the international community against the proliferation of chemical weapons.

After more than a decade of US war of aggression in Iraq, the culprits remain unpunished for committing international crimes against humanity that killed more than a million innocent Iraqi people under the pretext of US war against terror.

Now, it finds another ploy to justify its military intervention in Syria.

According to the International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS), the US has most to gain in economic, political and military terms from the destruction of Syria.

Consequently, the fall of the Syrian government will weaken Iran whose oil resources are targeted by the US government.

Pope Francis even characterized this tactic a “commercial war to sell arms” as he called for a stop to violence and devastation and for people to “work with a renewed commitment for a just solution to the internecine conflict”.

More than ever, this is the time to call the Aquino government to reject the US-PH Framework for Increased Rotational Presence and Defense Cooperation. This framework of allowing more US troops in the country and letting them use Philippine bases sends a message to the international community that the Filipino

people are fully supportive of the US agenda and its wars of aggression. It is high time to abandon this strategy and abrogate all lopsided agreements.

The Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) UP Diliman strongly supports the moves of various sectors in calling for peace. Teachers and educators must be in the forefront in promoting peace and showing solidarity for the people of the world who fight for justice.

Today, we wear white ribbons to symbolize our call for peace in Syria. In the next days, CONTEND will be conducting discussions among the UP community to intensify our calls and unite the whole community in rejecting the US war of aggression.

OPPOSE THE US WAR OF AGGRESSSION IN SYRIA! DOWN WITH US IMPERIALISM! UPHOLD AND RESPECT THE SOVEREIGNTY OF SYRIA JUNK THE VISITING FORCES AGREEMENT (VFA) REJECT THE US-PH FRAMEWORK FOR INCREASED ROTATIONAL PRESENCE AND DEFENSE COOPERATION

EXPOSE AND OPPOSE BUREAUCRAT CAPITALISM PROSECUTE AND PUNISH THE PARASITES THAT FEED ON PEOPLE’S MONEY Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-UP Diliman on the Intensifying People’s Protest for the Abolition of Pork Barrel The current financial haemorrhage from the pork barrel scam finally revealed in broad day light the horrendous and massive siphoning of people’s taxes into the pockets of corrupt politicians, senators, and congressmen, and the rent-seeking capitalist leeches in the persons of Janet Napoles and her kind. As the criminal syndicate behind the pork barrel scam is daily unveiled through the media, the pot of booty that started with P10 billion is increasing in astronomically, while the number of people and organizations who are involved increase arithmetically. Its scope is getting infinitesimal. It is resulting in an irreparable moral delegitimation of our current political system that prompted the Catholic Bishops to call it an act of terror against the poor.

But the tail of the scam does not end with the corrupt bureaucrats and their rentseeking partners. The hydra-like character of contemporary bureaucrat capitalism finds its focal point in the President of the Republic who responds to the issue with reformist rhetoric to conceal his ultimate aim to keep the pork barrel for his own political ambitions. Such deceptive reformist rhetoric however did not pacify people’s rage as thousands joined the million march to Luneta last August 26, 2013. Neither did it convince the thousands of netizens that reforms– by calling the pork barrel by another name– is the panacea to save the pork barrel from decapitation. In desperation, President Aquino’s claim that the Luneta protesters are his allies to clean politics of patronage, which was seconded enthusiastically by his minions including his official partylist, only further fuelled the uproar of people in protest.

The massive outpouring of people’s indignation against the reformist rhetoric of the Aquino Administration, the President’s stubborn refusal to let go of the Presidential pork barrel, the seemingly slow prosecution of all guilty personalities and organization, and mysterious surrender of Porkbarrel Queen Janet Napoles to the President, has qualitatively transformed the massive protests of the Filipino people towards a critical point when a total clean-up of the system is becoming possible. The Filipino nation has reached a critical juncture in history when a serious and profound transformation, which could even translate to regime change, is in the horizon. The Filipino people are demanding an end to the connivance of politicians and bureaucrat capitalists who want to stay in power, perpetuate their family rule, secure offices in all branches of the government, and siphon money from the national coffers to their swollen pockets.

At this critical juncture of our history, the alliance among various classes, political groups, and the politically unaffiliated in Philippine society has developed to such a

point where the Aquino regime is in a defensive position. The Filipino people is seeing clearly that in spite of the anti-corruption rhetoric of Aquino, his so-called matuwid na daan, his administration is not different from previous ones.

Bureaucrat capitalism remains and has expanded during Aquino’s regime. The people demand accountability, an end to impunity and patronage politics.

Therefore, we, the members of Congress of Teachers for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND) UP Diliman, call on all patriotic teachers, scholars, students, and educational workers to close ranks with the millions of outraged Filipino people throughout the archipelago, to demand and work for the immediate dismantling of the century-old patronage politics handed down to us by American colonizers. It is time we put a stop to bureaucrat capitalists’ use of public offices to squeeze profits from people’s money so that they can perpetuate their iron-grip on political power. The pork barrel scam is not just a creation of few wicked individuals. The financial haemorrhage cannot be stopped by simply prosecuting Janet Napoles and her cronies. The true test of people’s victory is when the people through collective struggle have finally abolished the presidential pork barrel, and imprisoned the untouchable politicians who made a travesty of people’s will and the common good.

It is the historic duty of teachers and educators to raise the political consciousness of our people about the social evils of bureaucrat capitalism through teach-ins, educational discussions, and social media. But as teachers and educators, we do not simply demand the abolition of pork barrel system in whatever form it might manifest itself. We also demand that the people’s money should be used to finance basic social services such as education, health, housing, and infrastructure for national industrialization. We believe that at this critical juncture in our nation’s history, we can seize this unique opportunity to create a truly democratic politics, dismantle family dynasties, implement a pro-people budgeting, and once and for all end political patronage and destroy oligarchy. United, we shout with the Filipino people: Abolish the presidential and congressional pork barrel system now!

Prosecute immediately all guilty parties in the pork barrel scam!

Down with feudalism!

Down with bureaucrat capitalism!

Down with imperialism!

Rechannel pork barrel to basic social services!

PUBLIC UNIVERSITY’S NEMESIS: CORPORATIZATION OF COLLEGES BY RE-NAMING AND RE-BRANDING Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and DemocracyUP (CONTEND-UP) on the Renaming of UP College of Business Administration to Cesar Virata School of Business “Universities are brands whether they like it or not,” declared Ian Pearman, CEO of Abbott Mead Vickers BBDO, the UK’s largest advertising agency. But that’s only true when one views the universities as part of the market. Today with the growing corporatization of education, universities are no exception. With the corporatization of universities and higher learning, universities are scrambling to re-name and re-brand their existing names and logos, courses and academic programs. Naming is about branding. And in a highly competitive market of scarce academic goods, re-naming or re-branding a school is either priceless or expensive, for sale or not for sale. For instance, DePaul University’s College of Commerce received a $30 million gift from philanthropist Richard Driehaus to “enhance the academic programs” of the 100-year-old Business School. In recognition of the donation, DePaul renamed its business school the Richard H. Driehaus College of Business. So how much does it cost to rename a business school? Stephen M. Ross’s donation in 2004 to rename the University of Michigan business school the Ross School of Business: $100 million. David G. Booth’s donation in 2008 to rename the University of Chicago business school the Booth School of Business: $300 million.

The latest headline-grabbing name change among elite schools occurred last year, when the University of Pennsylvania’s medical school became the Perelman School of Medicine after Raymond and Ruth Perelman donated $225 million to it. But some universities manage not to wear price tags. Harvard, Stanford, and Columbia are going with “priceless”; they say their business schools’ naming rights aren’t for sale.

Is the UP College of Business Administration any different? The Board of Regents during its 1287th Meeting held on 12 April 2013 approved the proposal of the Business faculty to honor its former Dean by renaming the College of Business Administration as Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business. For how much? Zero! But even if the Viratas can raise as high as $100 million, does it morally justify the renaming of the college? What’s in a name? Is the name Cesar Virata on par with the integrity shown by people to whom UP buildings and colleges were named after? Take Alejandro Melchor (1900-1947), a civil engineer, mathematician, educator, and member of the Cabinet of the Philippines, as an example. He was known for designing the pontoon bridges used by the U.S. Army during the Second World War. Melchor’s work contributed significantly in winning the war for the Allied Forces. In recognition, the building that houses the College of Engineering was named after him. Wenceslao Quinito Vinzons (1910 – 1942) was a Filipino politician and a leader of the armed resistance against the Japanese occupying forces during World War II. He was the youngest member of the 1935 Constitutional Convention. Among the first Filipinos to organize the guerrilla

resistance after the Japanese invasion of the Philippines in 1941. He was executed by the Japanese army. The famous Vinzons Hall now houses student activities and organizations. And who will forget Palma Hall that was named after Rafael Palma (1874-1939), who served as the fourth president of the university from 1923 to 1933. He was a politician, journalist, and lawyer. Palma was dubbed as the “builder president” because during his term, many new buildings and laboratories were constructed. Palma believed in freedom of expression (being a journalist) so he supported liberalism and academic freedom. The list can go on.

Naming is a serious matter. Proper names, in one philosophical interpretation, are rigid designators: A proper name refers to the named object in every possible world in which the object exists. Names designate the essence of the thing or object being named. Naming is not just about description. It reveals the essence of the thing or object being named. In the case of a college or school, re-naming brings into existence the very idea of what the college stands for.

Branding is selling. And the UP Business School should have known how to brand properly. It is not just a question of the academic freedom and autonomy of the unit to re-name its unit simply because it fits their vision. The autonomy of the unit must also be framed within the wider context of the vision of the University as a community of scholars.

The re-naming of the UP College of Business Administration seemed so pressing and invaluable that it even violated the BOR Naming Policy approved by the said board on August 29, 2009. Former Sen. Rene Saguisag, in a statement, questioned the renaming on ethical and legal grounds, citing Republic Act No. 1059 prohibiting the naming of public places, crafts, vessels and institutions after persons still alive.

Furthermore “the person so honored,” under the BOR rules, “must have exceptional or exemplary achievement in his/her field/profession, or significant contribution to the University or the Filipino people.” The person honored must have a “sterling reputation” or could be looked upon as a role model for the youth.

It is obvious that Virata’s reputation as a loyal technocrat of the Marcos authoritarian rule is far from sterling and he cannot be foisted as a role model of the youth.

Yet in the website of Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business, on a hyperlink one can read: “Cesar E.A. Virata is a graduate, professor and dean of the College, and an honorable public servant who served as Secretary of Finance and Prime Minister of the Philippines. Dean Virata is respected as a professional manager by the business community in the Philippines and in the ASEAN region. His career can be an inspiration to and it is fitting that the business school of the University of the Philippines should carry his name.”

No mention of the political career of Cesar Virata other than being an “honorable public servant”. What is missed here but underlies the entire citation is: for

“aspiring managers” doing business has nothing to do with political integrity. It’s like arguing that Martin Heidegger’s –a very famous German philosopher at the height of Nazism– philosophy has nothing to do with his Nazi past because he served honorably as the Rector of Freiburg University during the Third Reich.

Virata was appointed finance secretary in 1970 and held the post until 1986 when Marcoses were ousted through people power.

As a University, are we operating on the premise that engaging in business activities and teaching our students the craft of the trade, is bereft of any political values and moral scruples? Isn’t this the reduction of business as mere instrument to accumulate wealth and amass profit without accountability to the community? Is this the message we want to impart on our students? And what does it mean to honorably serve as a “public servant”? Isn’t the highest honor to serve as public servant is to maintain one’s integrity by refusing to be part of corruption and authoritarian rule like Jose Abada Santos who turned down the Japanese offer for collaboration? Before he was executed, he said to his son: “”Do not cry, Pepito, show to these people that you are brave. It is an honor to die for one’s country. Not everybody has that chance.” That would have merited a re-naming of a college! The same message of Jose Abad Santos was embraced by many Martial Law activists during the darkest hour of the US-supported Marcos dictatorship. And that honor earned by many men and women of UP will be for nothing if Virata’s reputation will be upheld.

The name Virata therefore is the negation of what it means to serve one’s country with honor and integrity. It’s not only a question of Virata serving under the dictatorship but it is also a question of his economic policies that plunged this country into debt and financial crisis. Yet even if we follow F Sionel Jose’s charitable interpretation of Virata (in his article “The man who holds a candle: Cesar Virata in the Marcos regime” in Philippine Star), which boldly asserts, “thus, there is always a special niche for an upright bureaucrat, a man of good will even in the most corrupt of systems; in the darkness, he who holds a candle is always needed,” we may concede that Virata may have possessed Jose’s integrity. But his integrity was muffled by the horrendous sufferings created by the Marcos dictatorship! Virata as the major economic technocrat of President Marcos plunged our country to what the political economist Ed Villegas calls as “debt peonage”. F Sionel Jose forgot that a candle is worthless compared to an eternal flame created by the heroic act of refusing to serve under a system that merely used the economic technocrats as leverage for getting good credit standing from IMF and WB. Virata willingly allowed himself to be the Trojan Horse for creating what Paul Hutchcroft termed as “booty capitalism” that left the Philippines with $28.3 billion debt in 1986! By the end of the Marcos years, the Philippines was the ninth most indebted nation in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in absolute terms.

In view of this scandalous and anomalous move to re-name the UP College of Business Administration to Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business, we the members of UP Diliman Concerned Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (UP

Diliman CONTEND), vigorously support the petition of the UP Kilos Na and the UP Staff Regent Rara Ramirezâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s motion â&#x20AC;&#x153;to rescind the renaming of the UP College of Business Administration into the Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business.â&#x20AC;? We support such valid petition on the grounds of upholding to the highest degree the moral integrity of the University, the questionable legal basis of such act, collegiality and democratic consultation, and most importantly, on the vision that the college purports to uphold and what our University stands for, and what our people fought for during the Martial Law! We therefore call on the members of the BOR who will meet on July 29, 2013 to thoroughly and critically examine this anomalous re-naming. We urge them to use their natural reasoning to understand the simple fact that such move is blatantly scandalous and improper.

And we urge all the faculty of Business to heed the voice of the majority of the members of the community of the University and even those voices outside the University now deploring such scandalous act!

Revoke the renaming of the UP College of Business Administration into the Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business!

No to corporatization of higher learning!

No to re-branding and re-naming in the name of corporatization!

Respect and preserve the heroism of all UP martyrs and activists who resisted the dictatorship under Marcos Rule!

Names of universities/colleges/schools are priceless!

For a market-independent, non-corporate University of the people!

RESIST AND DEFEAT THE INTENSIFYING BRUTAL TERRORISM OF THE STATE AGAINST THE PEOPLE SOLIDARITY STATEMENT OF CONGRESS OF TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS FOR NATIONALISM AND DEMOCRACY-UP (CONTEND-UP) FOR “FREE RENANTE GAMARA” MOVEMENT “When our rights are trampled upon, we have to stand and fight…”

Nikki Gamara, daughter of Renante Gamara Samahan ng mga Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (SELDA) defines “political prisoners” as “those who were arrested, detained and imprisoned for acts that further their political beliefs. They are arbitrarily denied their liberty and due process of law. They are charged with political offenses such as rebellion and sedition. More often, they are charged with criminal offenses like murder, arson, kidnapping, robbery-in-band and illegal possession of firearms to deny the political nature of their alleged offenses and to reduce them into plain criminals.” There are a total of 354 political prisoners (PPs) reported as of end June 2011. But La Via Campesina, that gathered together on June 10 to 12, 2013 in Jakarta, Indonesia, in its VI International Assembly, declared there are 398 political prisoners in the Philippines, at least 123 of whom were arrested under the Aquino administration.

And this number is steadily rising every week as the fascist arm of the state cracks down on alleged “enemies” of the state.

Yet the state does not recognize the existence of political prisoners. As Presidential Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda declared, like Marcos: “We have no political prisoners.” The same state’s denial repeated 40 years after the declaration of martial Law. The height of irony is that such statement comes naturally from Aquino Administration, and President Aquino’s father was subjected to the same fascist repression.

The denial of course is a modus operandi of a repressive state in order to criminalize political offenses under Aquino’s watch. While The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) uphold the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) despite the unilateral termination by the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) of peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), the Armed Forces of the Philippines, now that it is unbound by the CAHRIHL and desperate to achieve its goal of decimating the people’s armed resistance within the year, brutalizes and terrorizes the Filipino people through its notorious Oplan Bayanihan war of suppression even at the cost of committing massive human rights violations.

The fascist troops of the AFP have been committing grave violations of human rights such as the occupation of people’s homes, converting civilian infrastructures such as day care centers and barangay halls into soldiers’ barracks, imposing food

blockades, restricting commerce and other economic activities, illegal arrests and detentions, abductions, tortures and extrajudicial killings. Not content with decimating people’s protracted war, the military through Oplan Bayanihan, is desperately targeting legitimate people’s political organizations. The most recent case is the arrest of Renante Gamara on April 3, 2012, at around 1:00 in the afternoon in Las Pinas City. The ISAFP and CIDG use an amended warrant of arrest putting the name of Renante Gamara to a kidnapping with murder case which was filed against a certain “Ka Mike” and 37 other aliases on May 2007 in Mauban, Quezon Province. Such blatant fabricated criminal charges should have no merit and value in a society that believes in the rule of law.

We, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, therefore, express our profoundest solidarity with the family members of Renante Gamara, especially to her daughter Nikki Gamara, an iskolar ng bayan from UP Manila, who has to endure the physical and psychological turmoil’s –just like the rest of the children of other political prisoners– resulting from such political repression. As teachers and parents to our students, we cannot tolerate such gross human rights violations perpetrated against the family of our iskolar ng bayan. Our profession and our University uphold that the use of violence and the manipulation of the legal system to harass and falsely convict innocent civilians are barbaric ways that do not in any way fit with the democracy we fought for against the Marcos dictatorship. Hence we condemn in the strongest possible way the arrest and illegal detention of Renante Gamara. And we also express our gravest concern for all the other political prisoners who are now languishing in various jails nationwide. The zeal of the Aquino Administration to end the armed conflict has only resulted, not in addressing the genuine social and political problems that generate such contradictions, but in brutal extra-judicial killings, warrantless arrests, political harassment and repression of legitimate people’s political organizations.

We call on all progressive teachers, students, and educational workers to support the call of progressive sectors of our society for the Aquino Administration to immediately declare a general, unconditional and omnibus amnesty for all political prisoners. Such act is one of the most important ways to achieve lasting peace in our nation. We urge all progressive teachers to intensify our campaigns within and outside our schools and class rooms to educate our students and our people of the dark forces of fascism encroaching our democracy and threatening the very moral fabric of our civilized society. We should forge a strong solidarity with all the other progressive and patriotic sectors of our society to advance people’s resistance against militarization, state repression, and human rights violations.

Free Renante Gamara and all political prisoners!

Resist and defeat state fascism and militarization!

End state impunity!

Justice for all the victims of human rights violations!

“A LIE TOLD OFTEN ENOUGH BECOMES THE TRUTH.” VIGOROUSLY DEMYSTIFY THE ANTI-PEOPLE LIES OF PRESIDENT BENIGNO AQUINO III ON HIS 4th STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS (SONA) Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND-UP) on the 4th SONA of President Benigno Aquino III, 22 July 2013 Lenin once said “A lie told often enough becomes the truth.” And this truism will again be confirmed on July 22, 2013 during the 4th State of the Nation Address (SONA) of President Benigno Aquino III. The President, as expected from a habitual liar, will paint in glowing colors his accomplishments to conceal the worsening condition of our nation.

Through the paid rhetorical skills of his speech makers and the skillful statisticsmanipulators, President Aquino will boast that the Philippines enjoyed the fastest growth in Asia, even better than China. He will preach to his flock in Congress that the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) grew an impressive 7.8% in the first three months of 2013, after an equally strong growth rate of 6.8% in the whole of 2012. But even the applauding economists are in quandary how to translate this growth into “a tide that left all boats.” For this much peddled growth has made little impact on unemployment, which hovers at around 7 percent.

Underemployment is nearly 20%, and more than 40% of the employed are estimated to be working in the informal sector. Hence the President cannot lie anymore in the face of hard facts when he claimed in his last SONA, “our unemployment rate is declining steadily.” No, Mr. President, you’re lying!

Even Arsenio Balisacan, Director-General of the Philippine National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) and incumbent Secretary of Socioeconomic Planning of the Philippines, admitted at a recent forum by the Philippine Council for Industry, Energy, and Emerging Technology Research and Development (PCIEERD) that “[p]overty incidence remains high, and so does income inequality.”

To pacify the restive poor, the government has quadrupled the budget for conditional cash transfers (CCT), aimed at the poorest fifth in the population of 95 million. The cash, which range from 500 pesos to 1,400 pesos per household, are given on the condition that parents send their children to school and have their health checked regularly. In his last SONA, the President boasted: “We want that figure to hit 5.6 million by the end of the presidential term.” Yet according to the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) poverty incidence among population was estimated at 27.9% during the first semester of 2012. Comparing this with the 2006 and 2009 first semester figures estimated at 28.8% and 28.6%, respectively, poverty figures remain unchanged. Unable to face up to this selfevident fact, Noynoy and his neo-Malthusian minions now blame overpopulation!

We remain poor because of overpopulation, they say!

But the 2012 World Fact book of the CIA provides data showing the Philippines a little bit slower in poverty reduction than neighboring countries that have softened the neoliberal measures they had selectively adopted. Yet the Aquino government, unlike other Asian countries, continues to push in full throttle Philippine development towards neoliberal “reforms”.

While President Aquino can boast of strong peso, robust stock market, and newly acquired investment grade credit rating, he cannot deny that these trends fail to translate into more jobs and poverty reduction. The Philippines has one of the highest gaps between the richest and poorest citizens of any country in Asia. Our nation is still in 40th place in income inequality worldwide (and President Aquino’s imperialist ally, the bankrupt America is 41st!).

Boasting of making our economy friendly to investors means allowing the rampant abuse not only of our natural resources but of our human capital. According to the International Solidarity Mission on Mining (ISMM), large-scale mining companies are earning as much as P36 million for the two-day work of skilled Filipino miners who receive as low as P233 daily wage. The President therefore is a liar just like his predecessor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He only tells us the half-truth about foreign investments, not mentioning the exploitative price to purchase such “economic growth”.

The minimum daily wage in the Philippines ranges from P419-456, way below the P1,034 family living wage per day. It is not surprising that many Filipinos risk going abroad; an average of 4,000 daily in 2012. Many of them end up being maltreated and executed in their host countries. As Migrante International said: “5 Pinoys executed abroad in Noynoy’s midterm — all victims of desperation, poverty and gov’t neglect.” Desperate for help, our migrant workers are forced to take “sexfor-ticket” because of the Aquino government’s failure to address immediate repatriation of distressed OFWs. Finally, the most important achievement that President Aquino will manipulate is educational reforms. The cohort survival rate at 73.46% in the past year was down from 75.26% five years before, in spite of the vaunted P20-billion conditional cash transfer (CCT) program to keep children in schools. The CCT fund this year is around P40 billion! Completion rate—the percentage of pupils who are able to finish their studies—was down at 70.96% from 73.06% over the five-year period.

Yet according to the World Bank, the Philippines spends $138 (P6,650) per student per year compared to $853 (P41,110) in Thailand, $1,800 (P86,751) in Singapore and $5,000 (P240,975) in Japan.

A lot of our high school graduates—70 percent—do not go to college according to K+12 DepEd consultant Alice Pañares. But she, like her Boss, draws the wrong conclusion: “Under the new K to 12 program, they would at least be assured of a vocational certificate that would enable them to land jobs. Now they have a

chance… They will not be a burden.” This reflects the misleading reform of our educational system under Aquino Administration. This Administration does not want to provide better education! It does not want to have a solid human capital base upon which to industrialize our nation. They just want to create an army of reserved laborers, thanks to K+12, in order to supply the BPOs and transnational corporations with cheap but skilled labor!

President Aquino will brag that our education budget rose 22.6%, from P238.8 billion in 2012 to P292.7 billion in 2013. As he said in the last SONA, “I said the increase is meant to eliminate all resource gaps—classrooms, teachers, textbooks, and other facilities by 2013. Next year will mark the second year of implementation of the K-12 basic education program in all Philippine schools, which added two more years in high school for all students.” Defending the Department of Education’s proposed P292.7 billion budget for 2013, he would boast of hiring 61,000 new teachers and finish constructing some 66,000 classrooms and 90,000 toilets for public schools to end the backlog once and for all.

Yet amidst these statistical ruse and grand-standing, the Philippine government’s “social debt to education” has reached P3.763 trillion, with the Aquino administration allocating less funds and giving a greater priority to debt payments than educational spending. The budget for debt (principal and interest) payments amounting to P739 billion is three times more than the P224.9 billion set aside for education. The budget for education amount only to 15.03% of the national budget and only 2.2% of the gross domestic product, well below the international benchmark of 6.0% of gross national product. The budget for 2013 at 14.97 percent was even lower than the post-Edsa average of 15%. Based on the data from UNESCO and the World Bank, the Philippines has the lowest education spending in proportion to the total budget (except Singapore), as percent of gross domestic product, and per student.

With budget cut, one out of eight Filipinos, or around 6.24 million Filipinos, between the ages of 6 and 24, was an out-of-school youth based on the National Statistics Office. Six percent of the estimated 29 million children 5 to 17 years old are working children. And the two main reasons these youths are not in school are the high cost of education and the need to earn a living.

Meanwhile data culled from the Commission on Higher Education showed that only 2 out of 10 high school graduates went to college in 2011. Based on the 2007 Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, the proportion of dropouts was worst at the tertiary level (16-24 years old). Out of every 100 college enrollees, only 19 will receive their college degrees.

Insufficient budget for education is aggravated by state abandonment of basic social services. Families do not only have to deal with high cost of education, but more importantly, they have to shoulder the growing inflation rate, rising cost of

living, and staggering increase in water and electricity rates. And this incredible rate of increase in basic utilities has been due to neoliberal policies of privatization and deregulation dictated by the World Bank/IMF. So far, the Manila Water had the biggest figure passed on to consumers at a total of P132.8 million while Maynilad has passed on P7.2 million according to the Water for the People Network. The Manila Water and Maynilad had already earned profits of P16.9 billion and P17.1 billion or a total of P34 billion, as a result of these pass-on charges from 2007 to 2011, and they stand to earn much more, according to the business plans they submitted to the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System. And the President Aquino stands impotent but happy amidst these glaring institutionalized forms of robbery!

Therefore, Prof. Boehringer’s, a former Dean of Macquarie University Law School in Sydney, Australia, remarks about the current human rights situation in our country is very appropriate: “progress limited, some backsliding; needs to do better, but systemic barriers suggest will not improve.”

But let’s add: will not improve but will deteriorate further. This is specially true in the case of human rights violations. From July 2010 to April 30, 2013, Karapatan has documented 142 cases of extrajudicial killings, 164 cases of frustrated killing, 16 cases of enforced disappearance, 293 cases of persons arrested and detained and 16 cases of children killed, with ages ranging from 4 to 15.

But lies built upon lies, no matter how systematically disseminated by propaganda machine of the government cannot whitewash the intolerable sufferings inflicted on the majority of our people. Hence, the desperate Aquino Administration is relying heavily on the military and US intervention to show it is capable of containing dissent and massive protests against the interests of capitalists and their imperialist supporters. Aquino Administration’s announcement last week that it would virtually reopen the former US military bases in the country was signaled by more than 600 U.S. Sailors and Marines who participated in a six-day military exercise called CARAT (Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training). They held it in Subic Bay, Philippines, former site of one of the largest US naval bases outside of US mainland. This is a warning to all movements seeking drastic social change, that the Aquino Administration, will not only employ the local military force to contain dissent, but will also summon the forces of imperialism to quell and quash all forms of local resistance. Such blatant subservience to US imperialism is part and parcel of Aquino’s total war against legitimate people’s war being waged all over the country and is a preparation for the possible direct intervention of US military forces in the ongoing civil war. Hence the Aquino Administration is putting the blame on the NDF Panel for the breakdown of peace negotiation. And while the Aquino Administration keeps on shouting peace, it also restlessly keeps arresting suspected rebels, massacring innocent civilians, and rampantly violating international conventions on the conduct of just war.

But the Filipino people are not frightened by these muscle-flexing of the fascists and their imperialist allies. The Filipino people are not ready to give up their resistance against the encroachment of their territory and sovereignty by imperialist forces, the exploitation of our natural patrimony, and the repression of anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist movements. We, therefore, the members of Concerned Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP Diliman (CONTEND), join in solidarity the massive protest to be launched on July 22, 2013, to oppose and repudiate the lies and deceptive rhetoric of President Aquino’s 4th SONA. We are calling all progressive and patriotic elements of our nation, to express their united stand against the repressive, anti-people policies of the Aquino Administration. We stand strongly united with other progressive sectors and militant movements of our society in denouncing the American puppetry of the Aquino Administration. Critical and revolutionary educators cannot remain innocent bystanders as our nation’s children are brainwashed by imperialist rhetoric, raised in fascist values, educated under semi-feudal and neoliberal environment , and shipped directly to the capitalist machines. President Aquino and his administration has to face the wrath of the suffering poor, evicted communities, families of the disappeared, landless peasants, abused migrant workers, and exploited working class women and mothers. We join the chorus of these “powerless”: EXPOSE AND OPPOSE THE ANTI-PEOPLE AND PRO-IMPERIALIST POLICIES OF THE AQUINO ADMINISTRATION! UPHOLD THE PEOPLE’S RIGHTS TO LAND, JOBS, ADEQUATE SOCIAL SERVICES PERSEVERE IN ADVANCING PEOPLE’S STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM, BUREAUCRAT CAPITALISM, AND IMPERIALISM! ONWARD WITH THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND DEMOCRACY!

REPUDIATE THE PERVERSE ROAD TO INTERNATIONALIZATION OF PHILIPPINE HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS BY THE COMMISION ON HIGHER EDUCATION (CHED) STATEMENT OF CONTEND UP-DILIMAN and Alliance of Concerned TeachersPhilippines (ACT Philippines)on the International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Learning Institutions, CHED, July 3 -4 Internationalization requires engagement with interdisciplinarity in the teaching and research mission of universities. It requires universities to develop in their graduates the capacity to “solve problems in a variety of locations with cultural and environmental sensitivity.” Today however internalization, like globalization, has been hijacked by the neoliberal framework of marketization. Beginning in the late eighties, the term became part of the lexicon of Higher Education (HE) and especially became formalized following the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) conference in 2003. The process of globalization of HE is accompanied by a process of marketization, because universities have to adopt market-like ideologies and diversity policies. Marketization means attracting more students, raising the reputation of the University so it can attract more students, draw corporate players into partnership with the universities, and create better employable graduates. Despite the scepticism of scholars and administrators about national governments’ desire to foster “world class” research-intensive universities as a source of comparative economic and status advantage (King 2009), universities are scrambling to get a piece of the cake in the market.

What these prophets of internationalization miss is that the mobility and exchange of students have been primarily “education for the empire.” The internationalization of education is simply a reflection of the division of world economies into those who monopolize knowledge production and those universities that merely consume Western products. Poor countries become beneficiaries of western education, while supplying the imperialist countries with cheap migrant labourers! Undeniably, the measures and standards by which nonwestern universities are basing their concept of internationalization is based on Western models.

Internationalization is a move to integrate the local universities from isolation towards a common market culture called ranking. As higher education becomes increasingly subject to marketization, reputation becomes critical because it is regarded by universities, employers, government, and the best qualified and most mobile students as ultimately more important than quality. In the era of managed universities, universities must compete in the market to attract diverse students while maintaining a global standard. Education is thereby commoditized to serve the students who have been transformed from learners to customers. The rise of managerialist ideology and increased power of university managers has created an

alienated and demoralized academic work force and a climate of resentment and resistance, even among academics who have become academic managers (Bellamy et al. 2003). Managerialism has centralized decision-making, increased workloads, fragmented work tasks and diminished academic autonomy by alienating academics from the decision making structures within universities (Coaldrake & Stedman 1999).

Now, the Commission on Higher Education whose mission is the “development of a Filipino Nation as a responsible member of the international community,” is vigorously pushing for internationalization that is based on managerialist orientation. Consistent with CHED’s neoliberal inspired Roadmap Public Higher Education Reform agenda that pushes for gradual state abandonment of higher education by forcing public higher learning institutions to generate their own resources, what we can expect is the catastrophic creation of an “enterprise university”, whose main objective is “to advance the prestige and competitiveness of the university as an end in itself. At the same time, academic identities, in their variations, are subordinated to the mission, marketing and strategic development of the institution and its leaders” (Marginson and Considine, 2000). Academics will be squeezed by the competing demands of entrepreneurial marketing and quality educational outcomes and academic standards (Bellamy et al. 2003, Chandler et al.

2002, Welch 1998, Winter et al. 2000). University entrepreneurial activities encourage a shift away from basic research to more lucrative commercial consulting activities and links with industry to increase revenue flows and institutional prestige (Marginson & Considine 2000, Pratt & Poole 1999/2000).

The corrupting influence of giving incentives to faculty and staff to publish in international journals merely drive faculty to seek ever greater opportunities to augment income rather than building a community of scholars and researchers.

Such internationalization will only result in further deterioration of the academic freedom of higher learning institutions, notwithstanding the deteriorating quality of education largely due to dwindling state subsidies to public higher education.

Such a roadmap that rationalizes Philippine HEIs and drives them into the global market of commoditized knowledge would lead to ‘over-concentration’ of high quality resources in certain places that may lead to only small gains through concentration and to serious losses everywhere else.

After three decades of promises and realities, it is becoming more and more evident that neoliberal economic globalization is not an engine for universal prosperity. Giroux and Searls Giroux (2004, p. 265) pointed out, “Neoliberalism, fuelled by its unwavering belief in market values and the unyielding logic of corporate profit-making, has little patience with noncommodified knowledge or with the more lofty ideals that have defined higher education as a public service.”

Internationalization of Philippine HEIs, rather than leading to mutual exchange of culture, risks sacrificing the diversity of their national and cultural vitality to standardization, comparability and cost effectiveness. And this is very true especially when HEIs adopt university rankings defined along commoditized

educational knowledge. University ranking that is vital to market-driven internationalization creates a hegemonic global- standard research university, but at the price of global standardization, subordination of most universities and countries, and the washing away of cultural and educational diversity.

In this light, we the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-University of the Philippines, Diliman, call on all progressive educators and educational workers to vehemently oppose the move of CHED to internationalize Philippine HEIs through marketization. Such a strategy will only push Philippine HEIs to deeper into the quagmire of crisis and will simply align them to the international division of knowledge production. We call on the delegates and participants of the CHED-sponsored International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Learning Institutions, to critically examine the ideological pitfalls of the programâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s vision.

We should never be seduced by the false promises of such marketization that simply aims further commodifying education further. As educators, we should never allow the conglomerates and conduits of imperialist pedagogical machine define our national agenda according to their profit-driven whims. Education is a weapon for social transformation, not a tool in the hands of neoliberal corporate managers to advance the interests of their imperialist masters and their local supporters.

No to corporate internationalization of HEIs! No to market-driven internationalization of HEIs! Down with educational imperialism!

No to university ranking based on corporate dogma!

Full state subsidy to all SUCs now!

Fight for a scientific, nationalist, mass based education!

ANG ELEKSYON SA PANAHON NG NEOLIBERALISMO Pahayag ng Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-UP (CONTEND-UP) hinggil sa Halalan ng 2013 11 Mayo 2013 Nakaantabay ang buong bayan sa Mayo 13, 2013 bilang araw ng pagboto ng mamamayan sa mga susunod na pinuno na uupo sa mga lokal at pambansang posisyon sa bansa. Pinutakti ang telebisyon, radyo, dyaryo, mga social networking sites at ibaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t iba pang moda ng midya at popularisasyon ng patalastas ng mga kandidato at party list na naglatag ng kani-kaniyang agenda at plataporma. Sa halos tatlong buwan na pangangampanya, inaasahang sapat na itong panahon upang tangkilikin ang mga pangako at alok na serbisyo ng mga kandidato sa ikauunlad ng bansa. Subalit ang tanong, ilang ulit na bang nagkaroon ng eleksyon sa Pilipinas? Katunayan, na-perpekto na ang sistemang ito ng dating may posisyon sa pamahalaan, mga panginoong maylupa, malalaking burgesya- komprador, at mga angkang alta-sosyedad na deka-dekada na ring humahawak ng kapangyarihan sa bansa.

Ang mismong kultura ng eleksyon na nakikita natin sa kasalukuyan ay sintomas lamang ng krisis panlipunan. Humahawak sa sistemang ito ang pamamahalan na patuloy na yumuyukod sa mga regulasyon at polisiyang epekto ng neoliberalismo; ang deregularisasyon, pribatisasyon at liberalisasyon. Sa pamamagitan nito, matitiyak ang pananatili ng kaayusang panlipunan kung saan interes ng iilan at makapangyarihan ang inaalagaan. Itinuturing na araw ito ng paghusga ng taumbayan sa mga kandidato dahil maitatakda ang kagyat na hinaharap ng bansa.

Handa na ba tayo sa paghahatol sa pinakahihintay na araw na ito?

Marami sa kabataan ang unang pagkakataon na boboto. Mararanasan nila kung papaanong kumilatis ng mga pulitiko at magdesisyon gamit ang balota. Gagamitin nila ang karapatan at responsibilidad sa pagpili ng mga lider, at makibahagi sa pagluklok ng mga mamumuno sa bansa.

Masasabing naging pamilyar na ang mga mukha at pangalan dahil sa mga politikal na patalastas ng mga tumatakbo sa Halalan 2013 dahil sa paulit-ulit nilang pangaakit sa mga botante. Alok ang edukasyon, pagkain, trabaho, kaunlaran at marami pang ibang matatamis na pangako sa madla. Lalong kapana-panabik para sa mga unang boboto ang automated election system (AES) na pagkatapos maipasok sa makina ang balotang naglalaman ng piniling mga kandidato, aasa na lang ang botante na tama ang pagkakabilang sa pinagkakaingatan niyang karapatang bumoto nang tama. Ngunit para sa mga nakaranas na ng maraming halalan, malamang ay kaiba na ang pakiramdam na ito. Sa maraming ulit nang nakatikim ng mga pangakong napako at mga pulitikong nakapang-abuso sa kapangyarihan, ang mga nakakatanda ay maraming maipapayo sa kabataang boboto sa unang pagkakataon. Hindi lamang sa pagpili ng kandidato, kundi bakit nga ba may sistema ng eleksyon sa bansa.

Hawak ng mga naghaharing-uri ang sistema ng eleksyon; ang mga panginoong maylupa, malalaking negosyante at ahente ng imperyalismong Estados Unidos. Hindi na kataka-taka kung ang nangingibabaw sa alaala o mayroong instant name-recall para sa madla yung mga kandidatong may pinakamaraming campaign ad o paraphernalia, yung mga may pinakamalalaking panggastos sa pangangampanya, yung mga magulang o anak o asawa o kapatid o kamag-anak, mga politikal na dinastiya. Nakaukit na ang gawing ito sa kasaysayan, na sa napakatagal na panahon ay kilala sa katawagang tradisyunal na pulitika,traditional politics/politicians, tradpols, trapo, o pulitikang ginagamitan ng guns, goons and gold. Sa esensya ay hindi nagbago ang tradisyunal na pulitika sa bansa, haluan man ang kampanyahan ng mistulang abanteng pagpapakete, umunlad man ang kagamitan at teknolohiya, computerized man o manual ang bilangan.

Mismong ang pangulo ng bansa ang nangunguna sa pangangampanya para sa mga kapartido. Sinu-sino rin nga ba ang lagi na lang nangunguna sa surveys na ibinabandera sa midya na pagmamay-ari naman ng mga negosyanteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t korporasyon? Idagdag pa ang pag-eendorso ng mga relihiyosong organisasyon na umanoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;y naghahatid ng solidong bilang ng boto sa pamamagitan ng blockvoting. Sinu-sino ba silang pinagpala na kani-kanilang mga kauri din ang kinakatawan kapag nakaluklok na sa kapangyarihan? Sila-sila rin na nagmumula at kumakatawan sa naghaharing uri ang nananatiling nasa puder. Kaya sa antas nasyunal, tila napili na ng naghaharing-uri ang mga susunod na uupo at ikinokondisyon ang madla sa pagkapanalo ng sinasabing Magic 12 sa senado.

Kayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t masasabing isang anyo ng pagkondisyon sa kamalayan ng mamamayan ang eleksyon.

Sa antas lokal, marami pa ring anyo ng pandaraya ang dapat bantayan. Mula sa bilihan ng boto, pananakot, panlilinlang, pananabotahe, pinangangambahang manipulasyon ng AES, ng memory cards at PCOS machines, maging ang karahasan, ang lahat ng mamamayan ay kinakailangang maging mapagbantay at alisto para sa wastong pagtugon. Marapat ding kilatisin ang mga kandidato ang partidong nagmimistulang progresibo, makamasa at umaastang nagsusulong ng kapakanan ng nakararami. Marapat ilantad ang kanilang pakikiisa sa naghaharing-uri para lamang makaupo sa posisyon ng kapangyarihan.

Inililihis tayo ng sistema ng eleksyon sa kontradiksyon at tunggalian ng uri sa lipunan. Ipinamumukha nito na sa araw ng eleksyon, pantay-pantay ang lahat dahil sa karapatang bumoto ng indibidwal. Subalit, mismong ang eleksyon ay aparato ng lipunan upang mapanatili ang malaking agwat ng mga mahihirap at mayaman.

Inihihiwalay din ng eleksyon ang usapin ng moda ng produksyon na tila natitigil ito o kayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;y pansamantalang nawawalan ng bisa sapagkat hinihikayat ang mga lumilikha ng yaman ng bansa na basbasan ng kanilang boto ang mga kandidato at partidong siyang dahilan ng pananatili sa lugmok na kalagayan ng masang magsasaka, manggagawa at mga maralitang tagalunsod. Panahon lamang ang nababago sa araw ng eleksyon. Makinarya ito ng estado upang sagipin ang lumalalang krisis panlipunan ng bansa, upang panatilihin ang kapitalismo sa mga huling yugto nito ng pag-iral. Mapanganib ang magtiwala sa naghaharing-uri; ang

uring may hawak at pakana ng sistemang laging nag-aalok ng lunsaran ng pagbabago. Subalit, sa halip na isulong ang tunay na pagkakapantay-pantay at soberanya ng bayan, mas prayoridad nito ang maluwag na pagpapatupad ng neoliberalismo sa bansa. Sa halip na maging tagapagtaguyod ng pagbabago ang eleksyon, ito mismo ang sistemang nagpapanatili ng urong at lugmok na kalagayan ng bayan.

Gayunman, mahalagang makisangkot pa rin sa ganitong mga makinarya ng estado.

Bukod sa pagiging kritikal at mapanuri upang matukoy na tanging ang naghaharing-uri ang nakikinabang sa sistemang ito, maaari pa ring magsilbing lunsaran ang eleksyon sa pagluklok ng mga kadidato at partylist na hindi binitawan ang hangaring baguhin ang lipunan; sa pamamagitan man ng pagsasagawa ng mga kilos-protesta o pagpapatuloy ng mga programang nagtataguyod sa kapakanan ng mga isasantabi, subalit siyang may pinakamalaking bilang ng populasyon ng bansa; ang masang sambayanan.

Sa darating na araw ng halalan, harapin natin nang buong tapang ang paghahatol para sa bayan. Piliin natin ang mga kandidatong may malinaw at komprehensibong plataporma at paninindigan para sa ating sambayanan. Ipanalo natin ang mga kandidato at partylist na tunay na nakatutugon sa mga suliranin ng bayan, lalo na yung mga epektibong kumakatawan sa interes ng mga mamamayan. Manindigan tayo upang mapalitan yung mga matagal na sa posisyon ngunit korap o inutil sa katungkulan, maihalal ang mga karapat-dapat na lider, at maisulong ang mga karapatan at kagalingan ng taumbayan.

Bagaman bahagya lang ang inaalok na pagbabago sa sistema ng eleksyon, maaari pa rin itong panghawakan hanggang sa tuluyang mamulat ang uring api at pinagsasamantalahan na tanging sa pagbabago ng sistema ng pamamahala mangyayari ang tunay na pagbabagong matagal ng asam. Sa hanay ng mga senador, natatangi si Teddy Casi単o (#6 sa balota) dahil sa kanyang prinsipyo at paninindigan. Hindi matatawaran ang kanyang dedikasyon at mga isinagawang pagkilos kasama ang mga uring manggagawa at magsasaka upang ipaglaban ang kanilang karapatan sa buhay at lupa. Siya lamang ang naging kritikal sa epekto ng neoliberalismo sa bansa. Gayundin,tanging ang ACT Teachers Partylist (#49 sa balota) ang tunay na kinatawan nating mga nasa sektor pang-edukasyon.

Napatunayan ng ACT Teachers Partylist na marapat maging bahagi ang sektor ng edukasyon sa mas malawak na kilusang masa upang makamit ang tunay na pagbabago sa lipunan. Sa pamamagitan ng organisado at militanteng pakikibakang parlamentaryo, higit nating maisusulong ang interes ng sambayanan.

IPAGBUNYI ANG KILUSANG PAGGAWA, BIGUIN ANG REHIMENG US-AQUINO Pahayag ng Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND UPDiliman) para sa Internasyunal na Araw ng Paggawa 1 Mayo2013 MANGGAGAWA ni Jose Corazon de Jesus Bawat palo ng martilyo sa bakal mong pinapanday alipatong nagtilamsik, alitaptap sa karimlan; mga apoy ng pawis mong sa bakal ay kumikinang tandang ikaw ang may gawa nitong buong santinakpan.

Nang tipakin mo ang bato ay natayo ang katedral nang pukpukin mo ang tanso ay umugong ang batingaw, nang lutuin mo ang pilak ang salapi a lumitaw, si puhunan ay gawa mo, kaya ngayon’y nagyayabang.

Kung may ilaw na kumisap ay ilaw ng iyong tadyang, kung may gusaling naangat, tandang ikaw ang pumasan mula sa duyan ng bata ay kamay mo ang gumalaw hanggang hukay ay gawa mo ang krus na nakalagay.

Kaya ikaw ay marapat dakilain at itanghal pagkat ikaw ang yumari nitong buong kabihasnan Bawat patak ng pawis mo’y yumayari ka ng dangal, dinadala mo ang lahi sa luklukan ng tagumpay.

Mabuhay ka ng buhay na walang wakas, walang hanggan, at hihinto ang pag-ikot nitong mundo pag namatay.

—————MaiklingKasaysayan ng Progresibo, Makabayan at Militanteng Uring Manggagawa Ang taunang paggunita sa Internasyunal na Araw ng Paggawa ay ang pagsasabuhay ng progresibo, makabayan at militanteng tradisyon ng paglaban ng uring manggagawa at anakpawis sa sistemang kapitalismo. Paggunita ito sa lakas at tapang ng mahigit dalawang daang mga manggagawa na lumaban, nagwelga at pinaslang sa Hay Square Market, Chicago noong 1886 dahil sa kanilang pagtutol sa mapanupil at mabangis na mga palisiya at patakaran ng estado ng Amerika.

Sa kasaysayan naman ng paggawa sa Pilipinas,hindi matatawaran ang dakilang kontribusyon ng mga uring manggagawa na lumaban sa mga kolonisador na Kastila at Amerikano. Isinakatuparan ang sapilitang-paggawa sa mga Filipino sa kalakalang galyon noong panahon ng pananakop ng Kastila. Naging malupit ang mga kolonisador sa mga manggagawa sa pamamagitan ng paglatigo at pananakit samga katutubong tumatanggi sa sapilitang-paggawa. Dahil sa kolonyal na sistemang encomienda, iniluwal ang mga uring manggagawa at magsasaka upang lumikha ng mga produktong pinakikinabangan naman ng mga kolonisador at mga lokal na naghaharing uring panginoong maylupa at malalaking burgesya komprador.

Batid ng mga magigiting na lider manggagawa at magsasaka ang malupit na kalagayang ito ng mga Filipino sa kolonyal na sistema. Kaya binuo ang lihim na kilusang Katipunan ng dakilang lider-rebolusyonaryo at simbolo ng uring manggagawa na si Andres Bonifacio upang wakasan ang dayuhang panaanakop sa Pilipinas. Lalong umigting ang pagsasamantala sa mga uring magsasaka at manggagawa sa pagpalit ng Amerika bilang imperyalistang bansa na sumakop sa Pilipinas. Nagtakda ng mga dayuhang patakaran upang proteksyunan ang interes ng Amerika at dayuhang mangangalakal sa pag-abuso sa likas-yaman ng bansa at murang lakas-paggawa ng mga Filipino. Dahil sa pang-aabuso ng imperyalistang Amerika, itinayo saPilipinas ang kauna-unahang unyon ng mga manggagawa ng mga Filipino, ang Union Obrera Demokratika (UOD), sa pamumuno ni Isabelo de los Reyes, isang lider-unyonista at dakilang manunulat. Hindi natigil ang pagoorganisa sa mga manggagawa lalo na sa panahon ng Commonwealth sapagkat mas umigting ang hirap na hatid ng pakikipag-ugnayan ng Pilipinas sa mga makapangyarihang bansa na patuloy na nagnanakaw sa ating likas-yaman at pangaabuso sa lakas-paggawa ng mga Filipino. Sa mga sumunod na yugtong neokolonyal na pamumuno sa bansa, sa seryeng pagtatalaga ng mga sunodsunuran na mga pangulo at lokal na naghaharing-uri sa dikta ng imperyalistang Amerika, hindi kailanman umunlad ang uring manggagawa. Sa halip, mas lalong nasadlak sa hirap ang mga pangunahing pwersa sa paglikha ng yaman ng bansa.

Hirap nakalagayan ng mga manggagawa sa ilalim ng rehimeng US-Aquino Sa panahon ng neoliberalismo at globalisasyon, malupit at marahas ang laging tugon ng kapitalismo sa mga lehitimong panawagan ng mga manggagawa. Pinipipi ang panawagan sa nakabubuhay na sahod, sapat na benepisyo, seguridad sa trabaho, at makataong kondisyon sa loob at labas ng pagawaan. Sa ngayon ay lalo pang pinasahol ng kontra-mamamayan at kontra-manggagawang rehimen ng USAquino ang kalagayan ng mga anakpawis dahil sa garapalang pagpapatupad ng mga neo-liberal na mga palisiya ng globalisasyon. Walang maaasahang pagbabago sa mga naghaharing-uri kayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t hindi sila marapat pagkatiwalaan. Pinapakita lamang ng kasalukuyang kondisyon ng mga manggagawa na sa tanging lakas at kolektibong pagkilos maisasakatuparan ang mga pagbabagong panlipunan.

Sa loob ng tatlong taon ni Benigno “PNOY” Aquinosa Malacanang, wala itong kongkretong ginawang solusyon sa usapin ng makabuluhang umento sa sahod habang pinahintulutan nito ang pagtaas ng presyong mga bilihin at serbisyo. Sa pagpapatupad ng mga makadayuhan at maka-kapitalistang polisiya sa usapin ng paggawa, tanging ang interes ng mga lokal at dayuhang naghaharing-uri ang pinoproteksyunan nito. Kaya’t sa halip na maglatag ng solusyon, mas pinahahaba ang paghihirap ng karaniwang mamamayan na binubuo ng malaking porsyento ng ating populasyon; ang mga manggagawa at magsasaka.

Tinututulan din ni PNOY ang pagpasa ng mga panukala ng mga makabayang kinatawan ng partylist sa Kamara gaya ng House Bill375 o dagdag na P125 acrossthe-board para sahod ng mga pribadong manggagawa at panukalang dagdagan ng P3000 ang sahod ng mga guro sa pampublikong paaralan at mga kawani ng gobyerno.

Sa pananaliksik ng Ibon Foundation, napatunayan na nasa P363 lamang ang tunay na halaga ng daily minimum wage saNational Capital Region (NCR) at lubhang napakalaking agwat nito sa Family Living Wage na P1,022, o ang minimum na halaga na kailangan ng pamilya na may anim na miyembro para makabili ng pagkain at iba pang mga pangangailangan. Ito ay batay sa pagtataya sa datos mismo ng National Wages and Productivity Commission ng DOLE. Sa tala naman ng Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research (EILER), ipinatupad ni Aquino ang Two-Tiered wage system o ang iskema parapababain ang napakababa nang sahod ng mga manggagawa sa pamamagitan ng pagtakdang floor wage na higit na mas mababa sa minimum wage at nakabatay sa poverty threshold at ang higit na pleksibilisasyon ng sahod alinsunod sa kapritso ng kapitalista gamit ang pakulo na productivity-based pay.

Pilit nitong tinatakpan ang tunay na sitwasyon ng kahirapan sa bansa sa pamamamagitan ng pagpapababa sa poverty threshold batay sa baluktot nitong pamantayan. Para sa rehimengAquino, hindi ka mahirap kung mayroong kang P46 kada araw o kaya mong pagkasyahin ang P15 sa bawat almusal, tanghalian at hapunan. Ngunit sa kabilang pamantayang ito, lumabas pa rin sa pinakabagong sarbey ng National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) na walang pinagbago ang sitwasyon ng kahirapan sa bansa, bagkus ay lumala pa sa nakalipas na anim na taon. Nagsilbi ring tagapagsalita at tagapagtanggol ng mga kapitalista si Aquino na maya’t maya ay nagbabanta ng tanggalan sa trabaho at pagsasara ng mga pagawaan sa tuwing iginigiit ng mga manggagawa na itaas ang sahod at dagdagan ang kanilang mga benepisyo.

Ipinatupad din ng rehimeng Aquino ang kontraktwalisasyon sa bisa ng Department Order 18 series of 2011 ng Department of Labor and Employment(DOLE).

Ipinagpatuloy nito ang kapangyarihan ng kalihim ng DOLE na pangunahan ang

pamamahala sa mga strike at labor dispute na siyang naging lisensya ng gobyerno sa Hacienda Luisita masaker noong ika-16 ng Nobyembre 2004. Pinatutunayan lamang nito na ang pagpapasok sa lehitimong paraan ng pagresolba sa mga suliranin ng mga manggagawaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;y nagreresulta lamang sa mas matinding pagsasamantala at lalong paghihirap ng mga lumilikha ng yaman ng bansa. Sa pagpasok ng kasalukuyang administrasyon sa pakikipagkasunduan sa mga pribadong kompanya, lalong lumala ang mga patakaran sa batayang serbisyo ng bansa, partikular sa sektor ng edukasyon at kalusugan. Mas interes sa kita at ganansiya ang pinapapaboran ng mga bagong polisiya sa pamamahala sa mga serbisyong ito sa halip na tunay na maglingkod sa mga lubos na nangangailangan.

Isinabatas rin ng adminstrasyong Aquino ang National Tripartite Industrial Peace Council na siyang pormal na mekanismo para sa kuntsabahan ng gobyerno, malalaking kapitalista at mga dilawang grupo ng mga manggagawa. Pinirmahan rin nito ang isang batas na nagtatakda ng compulsory arbitration sa mga labor dispute na nagiging balakid para sa pagsusulong ng mga manggagawa sa kanilang mga karapatan. Lalo ring lumala at tumaas ang bilang ng disempleyo (7.1%) at underemployement(20.9%) ayon sa pinakahuling resulta ng Labor Force Survey nitong Enero 2013 gamit ang baluktot nilang depinisyon. Samantala,patuloy rin sa paghahasik ng karahasan ang rehimeng US-Aquino sa pagpapatupad ng Oplan Bayanihan na umaatake sa buhay at karapatan ng ibaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t ibang sektor na inilalantad ang bangkarote at bulok na sistema. Lalo itong nagmamaniobra upang biguin ang mga makabayang kinatawan ng mamamayan at partylist sa nalalapit na halalan sa ika-13 ng Mayo.

Uring manggagawa, hukbong mapagpalaya Ang lahat ng ito ay patunay lamang na walang makabuluhang pagbabago sa ilalim ng rehimeng US-Aquino. Lalo nitong pinapatingkad ang kawastuhan ng kilusan ng mamamayan na matagal nang isinuka ang neo-liberal na mga polisiya ng globalisasyon at kapitalismo tulad ng diregularisasyon, liberalisasyon at pribatisasyon. Gaya ng paglaban ng mga manggagawa mahigit isang siglo na ang nakalipas, walang ibang daan kundi ang militanteng pagkilos ng masang anakpawis upang baguhin ang sistemang mapang-api at mapanupil.

Nararapat lamang na manindigan ang mga manggagawa kasama ng malawak na sektor ng mga magsasaka, kabataan, kababaihan, makabayang guro, katutubo, sektor-pangkalusugan, ang buong sambayanan upang isulong ang kanilang mga demokratikong karapatan at kagalingan. Kasaysayan na rin ang nagpatunay na hindi kailanman magtatagumpay ang mga abusadong opisyal at gahaman ng mga panginoong maylupa at burgesya komprador sa kanilang planong paglusaw sa kilusang paggawa sa Pilipinas. Sa patuloy na pag-aaral ng kasaysayan at tunggalian ng mga uri, dumarami at patuloy na namumulat ang mga manggagawa sa kanilang aping kalagayan. Gayundin naman, higit nilang nauunawaan ang halaga ng

kolektibong pagkilos para sa mithing pagbabago, ang isang lipunang tunay na malaya.

MABUHAY ANG MGA MANGGAGAWA! LABANAN AT BIGUIN ANG KONTRA-MANGGAGAWANG POLISIYA NG REHIMENG US-AQUINO! ISULONG ANG PANAWAGANG P125 UMENTO SA SAHOD! ISULONG ANG PANLIPUNANG PAGBABAGO! MANGGAGAWA, MAGKAISA! IMPERYALISMO, IBAGSAK!

LEARN THE LESSON OF EDSA, OUSTING A DICTATOR IS NOT ENOUGH, SYSTEM CHANGE IS NECESSARY th Statement of Contend on the 28 Anniversary of Edsa People Power I February 24, 2014 Twenty eight years after the broad masses of Filipino people overthrew the US-Marcos dictatorship, the basic character of our country remains—a semi-colonial, semi feudal one under comprador and landlord rule. The much touted economic growth of 7.2 percent being peddled by the US-Aquino Regime is unsustainable growth made possible by unstable foreign investment, the high remittances of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), the wanton government borrowing and spending on non-productive purposes. It is growth that does not benefit the majority of the people. Behind this artificial growth is the staggering unemployment rate that averaged 7.3 percent in 2013, up from 7 percent of the previous year despite the economy’s expansion. The National Statistics Office (NSO) reported that, of the country’s 40.96 millionstrong labor force, 2.99 million were unemployed in 2013. Moreover poverty incidence in the Philippines has remained unchanged despite the 6.8 percent economic growth rate that the country posted in 2012.

Edsa People Power I that installed Pres. Corazon Aquino missed the opportunity to create equitable and just economic conditions to eradicate poverty. Pres. Corazon Aquino and her successors simply implemented the structural adjustment program imposed by the IMF-WB that further plunged our nation to foreign debt, and created stronger ties with US business and political system. Today, the structural adjustment program has expanded under the banner of neoliberal reforms such as privatization of public assets and services including education and health services through public-private partnership, the deregulation of public utilities and higher education, and the liberalization of trade that allows foreign companies and their dummies to dominate our economy.

Edsa People Power I missed the opportunity to break the clout of the big landlord compradors and multinational corporate holdings on our prime lands. The landless farmers that joined and supported Edsa People Power I uprising were wantonly neglected by the Cory Administration. Tragically, thirteen farmers were massacred in Mendiola only less than a year after the Edsa “Revolution”. Today, after 28 years of relentless struggle for genuine land reform, our landless farmers continue to wallow in utter destitution. Today, the colossal failure of the Pres. Benigno Aquino, an haciendero, to implement free distribution of the land among the Hacienda Luisita beneficiaries negates the very spirit of Edsa I. The 1987 Mendiola Massacre was repeated in the 2006 Hacienda Luisita Massacre that killed seven farmers. And until now, the farm workers and farmers of Hda. Luisita remain landless.

Edsa People Power I did not put an end to bureaucrat capitalism. The succeeding regimes after the overthrow of Marcos did not put an end to cronyism and corruption. The recent pork barrel controversy involving billions of pesos and supported by the intricate political network that sustained such mammoth robbery of our national coffers, is a testament that Edsa People Power I did not touch the nerve centre of our national corruption.

Edsa People Power I did not bring about a strong and independent foreign policy that could have ended unequal and servile relationship with US imperialism. Today, US-Aquino Regime continues to provoke China while bragging its ties with US imperialist military hooligans. Our economy and politics remain subservient to the policies of US economy and its political interests. The US-Aquino regime terminated its talks with CPP-NDF while continuing its negotiation for rotational presence of US forces in the Philippines. It is ironic that after Edsa People Power I, which exposed the covert hands American interests in maintaining Marcos dictatorship, our government is now begging for stronger presence of US military in Southeast Asian region.

Edsa People Power I displayed the heroic courage of countless activists who fought bravely the fascist dictatorship of the US-Marcos regime. In the barbaric moments of Philippine history, countless men and women rise up to the challenge and sacrificed their lives to restore democracy. Now the US-Aquino Regime is dead set to throw our nation back into the “darkest moment” of our history by enacting the Cyber Crime Prevention Act of 2012 or Republic Act No. 10175. The USAquino regime is waging war against our people not only in cyberspace, but against people’s organization and movements opposing the regime’s repressive policies. Pres. Benigno Aquino indeed deserves the notorious title “Impunity King” by unleashing repressive counter-offensive against people’s organizations, activists, and human rights defenders. He holds a

record of 142 extra-judicial killings and 164 frustrated extrajudicial killings. The US-Aquino Regime even appointed exmilitary personnel to human rights board and promoted generals who were known to be notorious human rights violators.

But the most savage violence unleashed by the US-Aquino Regime against the people is to abandon the millions of victims of typhoon disasters (Pablo and Yolanda), the thousands of civilians displaced by Zamboanga siege, and the Bohol earthquake victims. By abandoning the victims of war and disasters, the US-Aquino Regime has shown its true interest: to promote of big businesses by parcelling out the rehabilitation of Tacloban to top ten corporations. To defend the interests of the big businesses, Pres. Aquino appointed Sen. Ping Lacson, a henchman of military fascism as rehabilitation czar. And Sen. Lacson has shown his tenacity to supress the intensifying “people surge” against the ineptitude of the US-Aquino Regime during post-Yolanda recovery by labelling the movement as “communist”.

Confronted with this outrageous fiasco of the US-Aquino Regime we the members of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy vow to continue to fight for what the martyrs and heroes who fought the US-Marcos dictatorship. We urge our fellow educators, educational workers and students to seize the missed opportunities of Edsa People Power I and advance the people’s struggle to address the root causes of our economic and social miseries. We urge all educators to explain to our students the historical significance and limitations of Edsa I and the historic lessons we have to learn from the people’s movement that led to it. We call on our colleagues in the teaching profession to stop romanticizing Edsa I as the final liberation of our people from dictatorship. Edsa People Power I must be seen as just a part in the series of people’s actions to arouse, organize and mobilize to overthrow the semi-colonial, semifeudal , and bureaucrat capitalist system that exploits our people.

Today, 28 years after euphoria of EPP1 we join the millions of Filipino people and organized movements in wrestling away the meaning of Edsa I from the US-Aquino Regime that glorifies and intensifies the state violence against the workers, urban poor, poor women and children, landless peasants, and indigenous people. We join all progressive sectors of our society and all patriotic movements who are persistently fighting not merely for a change in regime but for a system change!

We salute and pay the highest tribute to the countless activists, including students and teachers, who valiantly fought the US-Marcos dictatorship. We honor their memories by vowing to never let their sacrifice be wasted in vain!

Honor the martyrs and heroes who fought the US-Marcos dictatorship!

Oppose the intensifying state violence of the US-Aquino Regime!

Down with bureaucrat capitalism!

Down with feudalism!

Down with fascism!

Down with imperialism!

Advance the people’s struggle for national independence and genuine democracy!