The Fund for Peace
Briefing: Ensuring Compliance in Syria Jacob Grunberger methods for their destruction.
state’s declared intentions to disarm, a full declaration of its arsenal is not always
A
situation
entailing
non-compliance
forthcoming. In Syria, President Assad’s
following a disarmament agreement is not
chemical arsenal and infrastructure are
farfetched.
publicly
more extensive than Qaddafi’s and the state
announced that in order to contribute to
is in the midst of a civil war, making
normalizing relations with the West, it would
weapons easier to conceal. Additionally,
abandon its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) production programs.1 In early 2004,
insofar as there have not been serious actions taken to punish countries for
it
In
began
breaking international law, there is not an extremely convincing argument for states
facilities with the assistance of the United
that deem chemical weapons’ use to be
States and inspected and verified by the
integral to their survival to eliminate their
OPCW. Initially, OPCW inspections revealed
WMDs. In the case of Syria, there is a further
a chemical weapons arsenal that was
political incentive to hide some weapons for
he details of the destruction of the
smaller than reported by the US. While the
future use in order to accuse the opposition
Syrian government’s one thousand
process
forces
tons of chemical agents are still being
anticipated, it nonetheless proceeded and
longevity due to lack of support for a
finalized by the United States, Russia,
Libya
fractured opposition containing extremist
and
the
December 2011.2 The disarmament effort
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW),
came to a halt in 2007 when disputes arose
the
Organisation
implementing
was
given
to an
be
and
slower
extension
than until
of
theft,
securing
the
regime’s
elements.
between the Qaddafi government and the
Punishment
U.S over the distribution of payments for weapons disposal and management
international arms prohibitions can either be multilateral or unilateral, both having
another question looms large pertaining to
responsibilities.3 Just as progress was about
their
the chemical disarmament in Syria. Namely,
to be made after a cooperative agreement
disadvantages. Multilateral actions tend to
how should the international community
between Libya and Italy was arranged, the
be better at showing that there is broad
react if Syria or any other States Party to the
uprising in Libya began in February 2011.
international commitment to a developing
CWC does not comply with the agreed upon
After the fall of the Qaddafi regime in
norm. These actions are less controversial
framework?
October
National
and set an accepted precedent for future
Transition Council reported the existence of
decisions regarding other forms of WMDs.
To answer these questions, this brief will
two sites containing previously undeclared
However, many multilateral approaches
serve as an introduction to a series of
chemical weapons. The OPCW subsequently
may be tepid as a result of states wishing to
papers designed to explore some of the
visited Libya in January 2012 and verified
either protect their interests or decrease
different
international
the declared weapons as sulfur mustard
another state’s perceived effort for power
community may employ if such a dilemma
gas, not loaded into munitions.4 Further,
projection. For example, one could argue
were to arise. For more information on
artillery
that the Russian government has prioritized
chemical weapons, please refer to our previous briefa which focuses on the history
chemical weapons was discovered.5
insulating the Assad regime, undermining the norm against chemical weapons use,
of
The case of Libya highlighted that despite a
due to its unwillingness to lose its access to
use,
their
the
the
proved
CWC
1997
methods
of
the
Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). In addition to the negotiations, however,
their
body
for
to
Libya
destruction of its weapons and production
the
acceded
2003,
composition,
and
2011,
for the
the
Libyan
purpose
of launching
own
for
transgressions
respective
advantages
of
and