furnace Journal Issue 3 (2016) by furnace Journal

ISSUE 3 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; CONTENTS The Editors. Raine, J and Patrick Li, C. Editorial: World Industrial Heritage. Kapp, P H. Keynote Paper: How Intangible Heritage is regenerating the Post-Industrial environment: A U.K-U.S Comparison. Tusch, T. Industrial World Heritage Under Construction. Wu, X. The Disappearance of Regional Industrial Heritage in Shaanxi and the Current Protective Measures. Soukef Junior, A and Busnardo Filho, A. The Sao Paulo Railway Company: Threatened Railway Heritage in Brazil. Fisher, T. Donovan, N and Botticello, J. Using 3D animation to capture and preserve intangible heritage: industrial textile crafts. McGinnis, J and Taradash, S. Moby-Dick Unabridged: American Cultural Heritage in the United Kingdom. Acheson, C. Book Review: From Hill to Sea: Dispatches from the Fife Psychogeographical Collective 2010-2014. Ironbridge Institute 2017 Conference #Our UNESCO. Call for Papers: World Heritage Education Call for Book Reviewers.

To download individual articles visit: https://furnacejournal.wordpress.com/

ISSN 2057-519X (Online)

The Editors @furnacejournal Coralie Acheson – CRA534@student.bham.ac.uk I am an AHRC CDA PhD candidate at the Ironbridge Institute at the University of Birmingham. My research is exploring the ways in which tourists engage with the values of a World Heritage Site. I’ve worked in commercial archaeology in the UK for a number of years, in both urban and rural contexts, and both as a field archaeologist and in planning consultancy. I have an undergraduate degree in archaeology and an MA in Managing Archaeological Sites. In addition to those encompassed within the PhD my research interests include the ways in which we can creatively expand access to the historic environment, landscape and the ways in which it is negotiated, and the archaeologies of displacement. Jamie Davies – jgd475@bham.ac.uk My AHRC CDA PhD research at the Ironbridge Institute is on Education at World Heritage Sites- How are World Heritage Values communicated within the formal learning process. I hold a Archaeology BA and International Cultural Heritage Management MA from Durham University. Outside of my PhD research my interests are Digital Heritage, Maritime Heritage and Community Heritage. I am Vice Chairman of MOROL- Institute of Welsh Maritime Historical Studies, Founder of Cymdeithas Archaeoloeg a Hanes Llŷn/ Llŷn Archaeology and History Society and Trustee and Committee Member for the Llŷn Maritime Museum. Joe Raine – jxr436@bham.ac.uk I am an AHRC CDA PhD candidate based at the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage within the University of Birmingham and my research is on the communication of Industrial Heritage, particularly within a World Heritage context. I previously graduated with a BA in Archaeology and Ancient Civilisations and MA in Museums and Artefact Studies from Durham University and have a particular interest in industrial, sporting and conflict heritage along with museums and interpretation. Małgorzata Trelka – mxt472@bham.ac.uk I am an AHRC CDA PhD researcher in Cultural Heritage based at the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage. My research aims to explore the relationship between ‘community’ and World Heritage. I am an archaeologist holding an MA in both, Medieval Archaeology and Public Archaeology. My professional interest is in field archaeology as well as in heritage policy. I have experience working as a field archaeologist in commercial urban archaeology in the UK. I also worked as an intern in the Culture Department of UNESCO Bangkok, where I coordinated the Museum Capacity Building Programme for Asia and the Pacific undertaken by UNESCO and the Asian Academy for Heritage Management. In 2009, I was a rapporteur for the Intangible Cultural Heritage Field School in Lamphun, Thailand. In 2010, I took up a post with the National Heritage Board of Poland, where I eventually became Head of the Heritage Policy Department tasked with the implementation of the UNESCO 1972 and 2003 conventions.

EDITORIAL: WORLD INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE Authors: Joe Raine and Chao-Shiang Patrick Li Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage University of Birmingham, UK Of the twenty-four new inscriptions on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2015 there was a strong industrial heritage component. This included sites ranging from the Fray Bentos meat processing works in Uruguay to the Champagne regions of France; and featured another success for the UK, as the Forth Bridge was inscribed as a work of creative genius. This cohort of new Industrial World Heritage sites from Europe, South America and Asia join an existing range of successful and iconic sites such as the Ironbridge Gorge and the Zollverien Industrial Complex. Reflecting industrial heritage’s increased visibility on the global stage this issue of furnace explores key contemporary issues facing industrial heritage globally including sites on the World Heritage list, heritage underthreat and the cultural legacy of the industrial past. We have been fortunate to receive high quality submissions from contributors who work in a wide range of roles across the world. It is particularly exciting to have papers that explore both the material heritage of industry and the intangible heritage of skills, crafts and knowledge that are becoming an increasingly significant part of the industrial heritage discourse. Exploring this connection between the physical and the intangible is Associate Professor Paul Kapp in his keynote paper. The regeneration of post-industrial areas in both the UK and the US has long been an issue uppermost in the mind of both local and national governments. Drawing on his work in Birmingham’s Jewellery Quarter and from back in the US, Kapp argues that it is the intangible heritage of former industrial areas, not simply the structures that should play a key part in any effort of urban regeneration. Also looking beyond the physical remains of the industrial past are Tom Fisher, Nicola Donovan and Julie Botticello who have been collaborating since 2013 on projects exploring the heritage of the Nottingham lace industry. In their update on their current projects to engage young people with industrial textile heritage they argue that the loss of crafts, skills and knowledge are just as significant as the loss of material remains. The threat to material heritage remains significant, however, particularly in areas where policy to protect industrial heritage is less developed. As part of the Shaanxi Institute for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage Xin Wu has spent many years visiting and recording the disappearing industrial heritage of Shaanxi Province, North-western China and argues for a comprehensive overhaul of heritage policy as well as proposing a way forward for protecting and interpreting the heritage currently under threat. Also under threat is Brazil’s spectacular Sao Paulo railway which helped turn the Sao Paulo region into an economic powerhouse and remains in operation. Antonio Soukef Junior and Antonio Busnardo Filho explore the political and economic context of Brazil in the 19th century, take us through the controversial establishment of the Sao Paulo Railway Company and explain the remarkable engineering feats achieved in driving a railway through mountains and swamps to allow

the coffee economy to flourish. The lack of a comprehensive inventory and conservation plan of the railway buildings, rolling stock and equipment, however, has put its legacy at risk. In contrast to the Sao Paulo Railway, Austria’s Semmering Railway has undergone an extensive programme of intervention in recent years as Ronald Tusch explains. Symbolic as the first railway to be inscribed of the UNESCO World Heritage List, the plan to build the New Semmering Base Tunnel prompted an examination of the potential effects of construction on the sites World Heritage status. This paper explores both the meanings of the site’s World Heritage Status and how to maintain the authenticity of a site that remains a working landscape. In his paper Antonio Junior quotes 19th century Brazilian author Júlio Ribeiro describing the towering Grota Funda viaduct in his novel A Carne, marvelling at the victory of engineering genius and will over nature. Our final paper explores the enduring cultural legacy of industry on people’s imaginations in another 19th century novel, the quintessential Great American Novel, Moby Dick. Jarred McGinniss and Sam Taradash founded and run the Moby Dick Unabridged project where actors, authors and members of the public from both the UK and the US read the full text of the novel to an audience at London’s South Bank Centre. Part epic novel and part forensic documentation of the 19 th century whaling industry, that the novel remains so iconic is testament to the influence industry had on both the writers of our past and our contemporary imagination. It has been a pleasure to work with all our contributors to produce this issue and we hope that it can spark debate on the present state of our industrial heritage and where were go next.

Joe Raine and Chao-Shiang Patrick Li furnace General Editors Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage, University of Birmingham Contact: jxr436@bham.ac.uk & cxl221@bham.ac.uk June 2016 Joe Raine - I am an AHRC CDA PhD candidate based at the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage within the University of Birmingham and my research is on the communication of Industrial Heritage, particularly within a World Heritage context. I previously graduated with a BA in Archaeology and Ancient Civilisations and MA in Museums and Artefact Studies from Durham University and have a particular interest in industrial, sporting and conflict heritage along with museums and interpretation. Chao-Shiang Li - I am a PhD Candidate based at the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage within the University of Birmingham. Before joining the institute, I was a lecturer at the National Taipei University of Education and conducted a series of creative industries, museum and tourism research projects including Ministry of Culture, Mainland Affair Council, National Culture and Arts Foundation, National History Museum, Taipei and New Taipei City Government. My interests lie in how people produce, interpret and consume heritage within a changing and crosscultural world. As the shifting values in heritage are complicated and continuing, I aim to explore the relationship between the interpretation and (re)use of industrial heritage by visiting the colonial past in Taiwan.

KEYNOTE PAPER: HOW INTANGIBLE HERITAGE IS REGENERATING THE POSTINDUSTRIAL ENVIRONMENT: A U.K.-U.S. COMPARISON

P H KAPP

Abstract:

KEYWORDS: Industrial Heritage, Intangible Heritage, Tangible Heritage, PostIndustrial, U.K, U.S, Jewellery Quarter

Introduction

The tangible heritage of the Industrial Revolution still exists and continues to impact our lives. In order to understand the remnants of our boarded up industrial past, conserve it, and better utilize it, we must understand the role of the “intangible” in regenerating this historic environment. Without understanding it, or at the very least, acknowledging it, we run the risk of losing the physical place’s inherent meaning and, with it, the artifact itself. UNESCO (2003) defines intangible heritage as “the practices, representations, expressions, and skills transmitted from generation to generation, which provides people with a sense of identity and continuity.” Intangible Industrial Heritage is the traditional craftsmanship, knowledge, practices and skills relevant to the understanding of industrial processes and the material legacies of industrial production (Ironbridge Institute 2014). As more post-industrial historic districts and quarters are regenerated, we are beginning to see the need to retain the linkage between the tangible aspects of the patrimony and the intangible heritage that created it. In both the U.S. and the U.K., the awareness of the intangible originates not from policy-makers and urban planners but from the new occupants of the postindustrial district: the entrepreneur, artisan, artist, and maker. Whether it is a PreFordist environment (predominant in the U.K.) or a Fordist environment (predominant in the U.S.), entrepreneurs and developers are maximizing opportunities to not only regenerate abandoned post-industrial heritage but also to transform it by utilizing twenty-first century digital technology. Essentially, they see what is obvious within these urban quarters: These are places that were originally

created to produce products. Tourists also appreciate how the historic architecture relates to the intangible heritage. Sheffield’s beer making industry, which derived from the city’s steel industry, is now a cultural tourist industry and tourists also appreciate the city’s historic pubs, located near the River Sheff. Jewellery retail businesses now have a presence on Vyse Street in Birmingham’s Jewellery Quarter (Figure 1). These developments are the result of a merging of the manufacturing economy and the cultural tourism economy.

Figure 1: Sketch from the Jewellery Quarter, Birmingham

In this paper, I will discuss the state of tangible and intangible heritage in the postindustrial urban quarter in both the U.K. and the U.S. I argue that, due to the rapid changes in technology and globalization, the physical change in the post-industrial district is quite fluid and that development, both within and outside the district, will continue to impact its heritage. In my conclusion, I propose that utilizing the intangible heritage of the place is the primary way to regenerate the post-industrial built patrimony.

The Disconnect between Policy and Regeneration in the Post-industrial District

Throughout the U.K., Europe, and North America, the mass production of products, known as industrial production, has been in decline since the 1970s. Cheaper manufacturing economies, emerging from developing countries, brought about through a globalized economy that is based on free trade, and also technical advancement, specifically automation, brought about this over forty year trend. Daniel Bell in his landmark book, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (Bell 1973) predicted this paradigm shift in which the U.S. (and also the U.K.) economy would rely more on service-based economies (professional services, retail, and construction) and less so on the manufacturing-based economy. Mike Robinson, Director of the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage at the University of Birmingham sums up the situation in saying that â&#x20AC;&#x153;within the context of this new era,

the manufacture of things, as opposed to the delivering of services, is rare.â&#x20AC;? The 2009 Great Recession began a paradigm shift in economic practices that, even after seven years, we are still trying to comprehend. Because of globalization, and then the recent economic crisis, declining industries finally shuttered, and with them the loss of industrial jobs. This condition has exacerbated long-term unemployment among loweducated and skilled adult workers (Smeeding, Thompson, Levanon, and Burak 2011:82-126). Wages have also stagnated in both the manufacturing and service sectors. Young workers (commonly referred to as â&#x20AC;&#x153;millennialsâ&#x20AC;? in the U.S.) found it difficult to secure employment, even after attending a university (Roggero 2011). Professionals, in fields such as, law, medicine, and finance, have also faced declining employment, caused by the same kind of outsourcing and automation encountered in manufacturing. In the U.K., younger workers are experiencing the same situation. Moreover, taxable revenue for municipalities, in both the U.S. and U.K., drastically declined, which prevented post-industrial cities to provide basic municipal services and to rebuild infrastructure.

The current economic situation has impacted the regeneration of cities, especially in post-industrial ones, differently than past economic calamities. Instead of governmental-led urban rebuilding programs, as what occurred during the Great Depression and then the post-World War II era, rebuilding schemes led by governments have been virtually non-existent in both the U.S. and the U.K. However, cities have experienced a period of re-invention within the past five years in their industrial quarters but in a more localized manner. Occupants of these industrial

quarters and interested private developers redeveloped post-industrial districts in often less conventional ways. Furthermore, these entrepreneurs have rebuilt these environments with minimal capital investment and have conformed it to the new technological industrial advances developed in the last thirty years.

Figure 2: Post-industrial redevelopment and the creation of industrial quarters

The schism between grassroots regeneration and the urban planning profession was already happening prior to the Great Recession but it became more prevalent afterward. In his book, Cultural Planning: An Urban Renaissance? (2001), Graeme Evans pointed out that there are different types of planning within a city. Along with town or city planning, a profession, which is typically focused on physical planning and specific activities within the city (use zoning), should also consider other aspects for planning the future of a city. There is strategic planning, the public sectoreconomic resource and long-range planning for a city; and, arts planning, the allocation of resources and distribution of public subsidy for designated prescribed

arts activities (theatres, galleries, museums, concert halls, etc.). But more importantly, there is cultural planningâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the â&#x20AC;&#x153;wider integration of arts and cultural expression in urban societyâ&#x20AC;? (Evans 2001:9-12). Evans states that urban planning should embody more cultural planning, especially in light of the need to use urban identity as a means of generating revenue through tourism. However, he also notes that urban planning, by its very nature, responds best to managing industrialization and not cultural identity. But what happens in a post-industrial district when the industrial use collapses? Does the municipality try to convert the district or quarter into servicebased industry environment? Or what happens when a residential use merges into work use in the post-industrial district? Finally, what happens when culture is industry, both in industrial activity and through tourism? All of this is happening in the most successfully regenerated post-industrial districts, both in the U.S. and the U.K. Are urban planners best suited to manage such a dynamic and innovative built environment? After all, as Evans notes, bureaucrats rarely create; they regulate (Evans 2001:35-41). And the post-industrial quarter is once again becoming a place for creators.

Figure 3: Regeneration of Post-industrial quarters for creators

The Recession and accompanying austerity measures, implemented by central governments for funding regeneration, inhibited central urban planning to proactively plan for post-industrial regeneration. More often than not, these districts were being used for industrial and cultural uses without planning agencies even knowing anything about it. Cutlery businesses work next to rock music recording studios and “one-off” bicycle production shops in Sheffield’s Portland Works, which is hardly in a pristine state; production is occurring there as it had in the nineteenth century. More importantly, the building complex is best suited for Post-Fordist production, due to the fact that it was built before Fordism was developed. Localism, a scheme introduced by the UK central government to promote localized determination of land planning, meant that city councils would have to work with local occupants and developers in helping develop a plan more conducive to the district or quarter. In theory, this could work if there is a political balance between local occupants and regional developers. In the case of Birmingham’s Jewellery Quarter (Figure 4), there is

an imbalance between investors and local occupants with developers taking the upper hand over the jewellers and the artisans in shaping planning policy in the district (Birmingham City Council Planning & Building Office 2014).

Figure 4: Birmingham, Jewellery Quarter

In the U.S., funding reductions in municipal planning offices and state historic preservation offices has resulted in a near abdication of planning services for postindustrial districts. More often than not, older industrial buildings are abandoned and with them a planning initiative to regenerate the older industrial district by the government. Either these buildings continue to decay, become prone to vandalism or arson, or are regenerated by city occupants. The Pearl District in Portland (Figure 5), Oregon is a typical example of how post-industrial heritage is regenerated in the U.S. Forty years ago, this section of Portland was not named the “Pearl District;” in fact, it was nothing more than an abandoned and contaminated railroad yard with shuttered warehouses scattered throughout it. But then an art gallery, named “the Pearl,”

opened in one of the warehouses. Soon after, artists were attracted to the district because of the gallery and cheap rentable space, both for living and working. Other businesses followed; then the city government implemented environmental remediation programs in the district, and finally a master plan to rebuild this former railroad and industrial zone into the Pearl District (Gillem 2012).

Figure 5: The Pearl District, Portland

As was the case in the Pearl District, planning for regeneration was reactive not proactive; and with it, there was a lack of a designed regeneration plan, which took cultural planning into account, and with it, intangible heritage. U.S. planners continue to either not recognize or ignore a common trend noted by scholars for the past fifteen years in post-industrial regeneration: 1. The redevelopment occurs in an adhoc

manner.

The

development

was

done

and

for

young

artisans/artists/entrepreneurs, who are seeking more affordable places to live and

work. 3. Places for social interaction are either transformed or invented within the post-industrial district (Evans 2001, Lloyd 2006, Zukin 2009).

The last point, “places for social interaction,” proves the importance of the primary aspect of cultural planning in the post-industrial district—intangible heritage.

The Artisan and the Twenty-first Century City

Unemployment during the last recession and current recovery, especially with younger workers, has caused many to question conventional career paths in the service sector. In the U.K., the Royal Society of Artisans have taken a leading role in cultivating young entrepreneurial talent and supporting them with venture capital in order to establish innovative-based, one-off, manufacturing enterprises. These millennials have gravitated toward historic, post-industrial districts, such as the Jewellery Quarter (JQ), where small batch manufacturing still exists. There, they are embracing and utilizing the urban and architectural form of the JQ. They frequent the pubs and coffee houses; enjoy the green spaces, such as the church grounds at Saint Paul’s Church and the historic canals that run through the district. The buildings, streets, and public spaces remain the same as they have been since the nineteenth century and the way they are engaged by the younger workforce is no different than previous generation. What has changed in the JQ is that instead of bangles, rings, or other jewellery being fabricated; automobile components, popular music, or

computer software is now produced. What binds the past, present and the future together is the intangible heritage of the JQ.

What the Jewellery Quarter offers young entrepreneurs is its urban character of small buildings (Figure 6), some of which were originally built as terrace villas that were built in the late eighteenth century, and some purpose-built jewellery factories; it also has narrow streets, and small pubs.

Figure 6: Internal sketch of buildings in Birmingham’s Jewellery Quarter

This condition was built to promote efficient manufacturing and social interaction and it is a uniquely British way of conurbation. Cultural geographer Rodney Tolley referred to it as “local industrial linkage”—the development of support networks that encourage idea exchange, sub-contracting, and specialized processing where spatial concentrations of small or medium-sized firms in the same industry exist (Tolley 1972,

351). And although jewellery making may now have been outsourced out of Birmingham to far away, cheaper markets, the social and urban way of making things in West Midlands remains and it is being rediscovered by a new generation of inventors and entrepreneurs. With its intangible and traditional way of making— “small batch” and “one-off” making (see Shils 1981 for the definition of “tradition”)— and the social aspect of industry, the U.K. can grasp an opportunity to be a leader in the current post-industrial revolution, also known as the innovation economy. But in order to seize the initiative in a competitive globalized economy, the British must first take note and evolve their manufacturing tradition, which is the intangible heritage of their post-industrial landscape.

In the U.S., the challenges of post-industrial regeneration and economic renaissance in the American rustbelt are different. In America, the later eras of the Industrial Revolution were defined by Fordism, the economic and social systems of industrialized, standardized mass production and mass consumption. Architecturally and urbanistically, the North American post-industrial landscape is defined by the mammoth sized purposed-built assembly or fabrication factory. By the early twentieth century, the large factory defined the American city; railroads directly served them (instead of city occupants), waterways and harbors conformed to them; and central business district were subservient to them. When the factories closed, beginning in the 1970s, so did the cities. American cities such as, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Portland, Oregon, faced tremendous challenges and severe declines in their population and in their economic production.

Millions of square feet of industrial heritage went fallow. Some cities, both large and small, never recovered. In regenerating these cities, American planners and heritage managers must ask themselves this simple question: What do we do with these huge buildings?

Unlike the UK, the scale and size of buildings is the primary challenge for postindustrial regeneration in the U.S. After globalization and automation, industry is not easily replaceable, especially if the Fordist production model is to be used. There are simply not enough manufacturing enterprises to fill the large empty factory buildings. Moreover, American planners face other challenges; environmental remediation, and the propensity for Americans to develop green fields along interstate highways, which results in sprawl, instead of regenerating historic city centers (See Bruegman 2006 for definition of “Sprawl.”). But similar to what is happening in the U.K., post-industrial regeneration is occurring at the grassroots level and the tradition of making is respected; however, it is not embraced and transformed in a way that is currently happening in the U.K. “Creative industries,” such as software developers, advertising firms, brewers and vinters, furniture makers, and artists to but a few, have emerged in post-industrial cites and they are utilizing sections of historic factory complexes (Kuschner 2013).

Post-industrial regeneration began long before Bell invented the term, “Postindustrial.” Soon after the end of the Second World War, “fringe” groups—artists, artisans, and first generation immigrants—began populating abandoned factories and warehouses, beginning in the Lower East Side of Manhattan, New York City, where

they established shops, studios, and small factories. Why they chose these discarded quarters of the city was obvious: the abandoned factory space in New York was either very cheap or completely free. Noted urbanist Jane Jacobs took note of this trend and discussed it in her landmark book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. She argued that there was a need to reuse and reinvent “unassuming existing buildings” in the city (Jacobs 1961). By the 1980s, Sharon Zukin, in Loft Living, chronicled how once the artists and the small business entrepreneurs regenerated the Lower East Side, they were soon displaced by wealthier New Yorkers. After this quarter of the city was “gentrified,” the artists moved to another abandoned quarter in New York, Tribeca. In other cities, throughout the U.S., artists and artisans and then wealthier urban inhabitants continued the trend (Zukin 1989).By 2009, grassroots postindustrial regeneration was well underway but American millennials were not interested in regenerating the intangible heritage of American post-industrial patrimony; instead, they were more interested in experiencing the character these buildings possessed that was produced by the intangible heritage. Social scientist Richard Lloyd chronicled a typical case study in the River North and Wicker Park districts of Chicago (Figure 7).

Figure 7: Redevelopment in River North and Wicker Park, Chicago

Both areas of Chicago were abandoned and considered dangerous places to inhabit as recently as the 1980’s but by 2005, millennial entrepreneurs were regenerating the abandoned factories and warehouses into “live-work” units (Lloyd 2006). Today, one can experience artists’ studios, internet-based and social media advertisement firms, and small batch manufacturing (micro-breweries, custom skateboard fabrication shops); along with studio apartments, coffeehouses, and nightclubs. By inhabiting abandoned factory buildings, today’s young entrepreneurs are rejecting the suburban apartment living and automobile driven industrial parks and research campuses that proliferated the suburbs of cities such as Boston, MA, Atlanta, GA, and Raleigh, NC. They are attracted to the walkable and social nature of the historic post-industrial district but they are necessarily inspired by the traditional practices that shaped it.

Conclusion

Post-industrial regeneration is happening throughout the UK, North America, and Europe. What is replacing the factory operations of the Industrial Revolution is a new industry, which values ideas over mass manufactured goods and is usually producing a “one-off” products and utilizing digital technology. The British industrial tradition, which produced cutlery in Sheffield, pottery in Stoke-on-Trent, and guns, jewellery, and precision equipment in Birmingham throughout the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth century, is well suited to be re-invented for the new twenty-first century. As manufacturing shifts from the Fordist era to the current Post-Fordist one, the British way of making things— “one-off”—will be more in demand. Automotive components, cutlery, computers, and appliances will become more unique and manufacturing sites will resemble the small converted terrace villas in the Jewellery Quarter than the mammoth sized Hercules Rubber plant in Canton, Ohio. But in order to maximize all the aspects that the British manufacturing traditions embody, the UK must understand the architectural and urban structures of its industrial landscape and how it was produced by and influenced its intangible heritage. Ultimately, industrial intangible heritage produced conurbation in the UK and when it is re-understood it can allow the traditional manufacturing practices to be retooled for the twenty-first century. In the dense industrial quarters in cities such as, Birmingham or Wolverhampton, or Sheffield, small manufacturing firms can work together and benefit from “local industrial linkage,” which Tolley noted in the post-war period in the U.K.

In the U.S., the challenges and opportunities to utilize intangible industrial heritage are different than in the U.K. Enormous factories, built to accommodate assembly line Fordist ideas for manufacturing, are often too large to provide the intimate working environments typically found in the U.K. Moreover, entrepreneurs no longer employ Fordist production techniques in the historic industrial landscape; instead, they are combining working with living and creating cities within the cities that includes areas for socializationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;parks, plazas, coffeehouses, and nightclubs. In these districts, what is appreciated is the craft and construction of the historic industrial buildings, which were often built for durability with exceptional materials and craftsmanship. The character of permanent buildings, placed in a walkable planned complex that is near the city center is the product of industrial intangible heritage and that aspect of the industrial patrimony should be identified and preserved in the U.S.

The intangible characteristics of a historically industrial place cannot be separated from the industrial artifact. More importantly, the primary premise for the creation of the industrial district should not be ignored. After all, these places were created to create something, industrially manufactured goods. As manufacturing practices, the intangible heritage can be re-introduced, either more directly, as can be the case in the U.K., or more tangentially, as a character defining element to the historic industrial environment, as is the case in the renovated post-industrial landscapes in the U.S. The intangible industrial heritage is an asset for urban regeneration. It should not be discarded. Planners, heritage managers, occupants, and users in urban regeneration should understand it and utilize it.

Paul Kapp is Associate Professor of the School of Architecture at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA

phkapp@illinois.edu

All images copyright of the author

References

Bell, Daniel. 1973. The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting. New York: Basic Books.

Birmingham City Council Planning & Building Office. 2014. Interviews by author with Victoria Williams.

Bruegmann, Robert. 2006. Sprawl: A Compact History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Evans, Graeme. 2012. Cultural Planning: An Urban Renaissance? London: Routledge.

Gillem, Mark L. 2012. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Making Postindustrial Cities Livable.â&#x20AC;? Chap. 7 in SynergiCity: Reinventing the Postindustrial City, edited by Paul Hardin Kapp and Paul J. Armstrong, 79-92. Urbana, Chicago, and Springfield, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Ironbridge Institute for International Cultural Heritage. 2014. Multiple discussions with the author with Mike Robinson, Roger White, and Anna Woodham.

Jacobs, Jane. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House.

Kushner, Ronald J. 2013. Creative Communities: Art Works in Economic Development. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.

Lloyd, Richard. 2006. Neo-Bohemia: Art and Commerce in the Post-Industrial City. New York: Routledge Press.

Roggero, Gigi. 2011. The Production of Living Knowledge: The Crisis of the University and the Transformation of Labor in Europe and North America. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

Shills, Edward. 1981. Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Smeeding, Timothy M., Jeffrey P. Thompson, Asaf Levanon, and Esra Burak. 2011. The Great Recession. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Tolley, Rodney S. 1972. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Telford New Town: Construction and Reality in the West Midlands Industrial Overspill.â&#x20AC;? The Town Planning Review, 43, No. 4: 343-360. doi: http:www.jstor.org/stable/40102899

UNESCO. 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Available from: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images//0013/001325/132540e.pdf

Zukin, Sharon. 1989. Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Zukin, Sharon. 2009. Naked City: The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

INDUSTRIAL WORLD HERITAGE UNDER CONSTRUCTION Roland Tusch

Abstract The means of transportation in the age of industrialization was the railway; as such, railways are part of the wordâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial heritage. Since the mid-1990s certain railways have been inscribed by UNESCO as World Heritage Sites. The usual UNESCO criteria were adapted to make them applicable to the special case of railways. The first railway to be inscribed was the Semmering Railway in Austria, which is now being supplemented by the construction of a base tunnel. The aim of this paper is to show the measures that have been applied to ensure the quality of structural interventions in the landscape, necessitated by the building of the New Semmering Base Tunnel. Keywords: Semmering Railway, Austria, Industrial Heritage, World Heritage

Although the UNESCO World Heritage Convention came into force in 1975, it was some years before industrial heritage was also taken into consideration as part of this programme. In 1986 Ironbridge Gorge in the United Kingdom was the first industrial monument to be inscribed by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site. In 1995 the discussion about railways as UNESCO World Heritage Sites took a step forward with the Semmering Railway in Austria. The Historic Semmering Railway In the mid-nineteenth century, railway tracks were built around Vienna, leading out of the city and heading in all directions. The first major goal was to create a strong infrastructure connecting Vienna with Trieste and, on a European level, connecting the Baltic Sea with the Adriatic Sea. In 1842, the railway line from Vienna to the south reached Gloggnitz, a small town at the foot of the Semmering, which is one of the last offshoots of the Austrian Alps. Two years later, in 1844, the railway line from MĂźrzzuschlag at the other side of the Semmering was continued further south to the city of Graz. (Dinhobl 2003:20) The Semmering Railway was built between 1848 and 1854.

Figure. 1: Railway line from Vienna heading south between 1844 and 1854; the Semmering Railway had not yet been built

The landscape, marked by an extreme topography, was not the ideal place for this new means of transportation, as it seemed to be insuperable. (Ghega [1854] 1989:15) The main railway principle, which is to connect two destinations over the shortest possible route, was not suitable for this mountainous topography. In order to climb over the range and achieve an elevation of 459 metres, the line was lengthened on the basis of two main parameters: a minimum curve radius of 190 meters and a maximum gradient of 2.5 per cent. With sixteen major viaducts and fifteen tunnels, the Semmering railway line crosses the Alps on a double track. As a pioneer work of its time, it was the first railway crossing the Alps, and Semmering station was the highest railway station in the world. The line was accompanied by fifty-five lengthmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cottages, forty-seven of which still exist today (cf. Tusch 2014). Today, the Semmering Railway is known for the harmonious embedding of the line within the landscape as well as many other masterpieces of engineering like tunnels and viaducts.

Figure 2: Topographic map of the Semmering Railway with lengthmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cottages and stations

What was the situation in the mid-nineteenth century when the historic railway was built? What role did design play in the station buildings and lengthmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cottages, the engineering structures, and the landscape? While the architecture of the station buildings and the lengthmanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cottages is comparatively plain in accordance with the style of carriage houses, depots, and subordinate buildings, there was a debate about the style of the engineering buildings. For the viaducts, which are constructed with round arches, there are also alternative sketches with pointed arches. The tunnel portals were built in quarry stone masonry in a simple style. The alternative drafts show antique (for example, Egyptian) styles. The modelling of the terrain is causally related to technical requirements.

Figure 3: Viaduct “Kalte Rinne”

Figure 4: Typical lengthman’s cottage next to “Pettenbach Tunnel”

The excavation material from the tunnel was deposited on site and over time the heaps of earth and gravel were covered with trees. The line in the landscape is a result of the main parameters used in the construction – minimum radius and maximum gradient – which led to its harmonious integration in the topography. Design concerns were of major importance in planning the engineering structures for the historic Semmering Railway. Railways as World Heritage In the early 1990s a process of discussion started which led to the official submission of the nomination dossier for the Semmering Railway as a World Heritage Site in 1995. A non-governmental organization drove the process to generate awareness for the application. “Railways as World Heritage” was a new topic for UNESCO. To gain insight into this, Anthony Coulls was appointed, under the guidance of ICOMOS (the International Council on Monuments and Sites), to conduct a study on this topic. He compared eight cases around the world to demonstrate the applicability of the usual criteria for World Heritage Sites to the particular case of railways. (Coulls 1997:24) Four criteria were proposed (ibid:8 ff.) to identify and to value potential World Heritage railways: i.

A creative work indicative of genius

ii.

The influence of, and on, innovative technology

iii.

Outstanding or typical example

iv.

Illustrative of economic or social developments

In 1998 – one year after it had become a listed monument under Austrian federal law – Semmering Railway was the first railway in the world to be inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The inscription on the World Heritage List was based on two criteria. 

Criterion (ii): The Semmering Railway represents an outstanding technological solution to a major physical problem in the construction of early railways.



Criterion (iv): With the construction of the Semmering Railway, areas of great natural beauty became more easily accessible and as a result these were developed for residential and recreational use, creating a new form of cultural landscape.i

Railways are dynamic systems that are in a constant process of development (Häfliger 2010:8). Adaptations to technical and security needs are crucial for the operation of railways. Today, celebrated railways not only represent a historical monument but also bear witness to the process of modification and development over time. ‘No operating railway can be wholly authentic from a strictly historical point of view’ (Coulls 1999:7). A railway without trains can hardly be preserved as a monument. It is now the challenge to find the right balance between the conservation of the historic structure and the ongoing development of the railway system. Special conditions pertain to railways as World Heritage Sites. To meet the requirements of today’s transportation needs (e.g. security legislation, customer demand), railways have to be modernized frequently. Change is inherent to a railway system. Railway heritage lies in an area of conflict between technical innovation, economic consideration, and the care of historical structures. A significant aspect in railway construction is the sequence of structures along the line, the chain of buildings – often from different periods – that make up a railway. Sometimes

historical monuments have to be adapted or even torn down. If it is necessary to build new structures, one should aim to achieve high architectural quality, which has always been the tradition in the construction of railways (Häfliger 2010:8–9). The New Semmering Base Tunnel Over time, the Semmering Railway has constantly been adapted to meet technical needs. For more than 160 years, it has served as one of the main lines in Austria. Modifications have for the most part been done with respect to the historical monument. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the Trans-European Networks (TEN) were planned as a high-performance railway network for Europe. One route – the Baltic-Adriatic Corridor – crosses the Semmering Pass. As the historic Semmering Railway does not meet the needs of the new high-performance railway, a base tunnel has been planned. The new track branches off the historic line, crosses the valley, and enters the tunnel. The construction of a high-performance track is now producing massive changes to the landscape, especially at both ends of the tunnel. As part of the preparatory work for building the tunnel, a line of single-family houses and a lengthman’s cottage had to be torn down. (cf. Tusch 2014) These buildings had to be removed in order to create space for the embedding of the new infrastructure in the landscape.

Figure. 5: Construction site of the New Semmering Base Tunnel with the historic railway in the background

Is the New Semmering Base Tunnel compatible with the World Heritage Site? What is the impact on the outstanding universal value of the UNESCO World Heritage Semmering Railway? The Federal Ministry of Education, the Arts and Culture of the Republic of Austria (BMUKK) asked the World Heritage Centre of UNESCO to study the impact on the basis of the preliminary design project. Toni Häfliger, former head of the Office for Conservation Issues of the Swiss Federal Railways (SBB), was appointed by ICOMOS to carry out this task and to examine the impact of the project. The measures will mainly affect the buffer zone of the World Heritage, while the core zone will be only marginally affected. The report focused on the design impact of the new measures on the World Heritage Site. (Häfliger 2010:4) The preliminary design project of the Austrian Federal Railway (ÖBB) was of high quality and sensibly planned. In some parts, it lacked clarity and could be designed more simply and more modestly. The assessment pointed out areas where the design could be improved in order to minimize the impact on the World Heritage Site. The report came to the conclusion that the New Semmering Base Tunnel does not call the site’s World Heritage status into question (Häfliger 2010: 4). A design advisory board was

implemented to supervise the further detailed planning stages and to discuss them in meetings every three to six months. The board included international experts from all fields of design, architecture, engineering, technology, landscape architecture, regional planning, and the conservation of historical (technical) monuments. Conclusions Infrastructure changes landscape on a large scale. The historic Semmering Railway is the result not only of technical conditions but also of a strong design intention. Although the Semmering Railway was finished in 1854, the design of the line and its surroundings was not considered as a main focus until 2010. However, with the New Semmering Base Tunnel scheduled to be built in the buffer zone bordering the World Heritage Site, design became an issue of major importance. To achieve the high design standards that are expected for buildings in the areas surrounding World Heritage Sites, several measures have now already been taken.



Preliminary design project by the Austrian Federal Railway



Design assessment with concrete suggestions for improvement



Interdisciplinary and international design advisory board with meetings every three to six months



Supervision of all further detailed planning stages by the advisory board

As a World Heritage Site, Semmering Railway is of public and cultural significance and should thus be preserved as an industrial monument. It was the subtle aim of the non-governmental organization that drove the process for the application of the Semmering Railway as a World Heritage to prevent the projected base tunnel, which was expected to replace the “old” line. (Dinhobl 2009:42) But things turned out differently. After a long process of discussion, construction work began on-site in 2012 (Figure 5). The Industrial World Heritage Semmering Railway is under construction. While in the future the base tunnel will be used for high-performance transit, the historic railway will be used for regional transport and as an alternative

route during the weekly tunnel service. Today the base tunnel and the historic line are seen as two complementary contributions to one railway system coming from different generations. The base tunnel will relieve the historic line and, by doing so, contribute to the maintenance of the heritage site. (Gobiet 2013:686) The ongoing operation is significant for railways as industrial monuments. As such, they are subject to constant change, which is a major challenge for World Heritage Sites. Most of the contemporary infrastructure systems suffer from the increasing standardization that creates very similar infrastructure landscapes all over the world. (Mossop, 2006: 171) Specific solutions need to be found to suit the site and the surrounding landscape. Regardless of whether one is dealing with a historic monument or a contemporary project, all interventions in the landscape should be understood as an act of cultural responsibility. The process implemented at the New Semmering Base Tunnel shows one way of dealing with massive changes in the immediate surroundings of a World Heritage Site. Dr. Roland Tusch Senior Scientist, University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, Vienna Institute of Landscape Architecture

Contact: roland.tusch@boku.ac.at

References Coulls,

A.1999.

Railways

World

Heritage

Sites.

Available

from:

www.icomos.org/studies/railways.pdf (Accessed on 17.03.2016) Dinhobl, G. 2003. Die Semmeringerbahn: Der Bau der ersten Hochgebirgsbahn der Welt. Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik. Dinhobl, G. 2009. Railways as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Journal of the International Association of Transport and Communications Museums. 28, 41–50. Ghega, C. ([1854] .1989. Die Bahn über den Semmering: Kurze historische Übersicht des Baues. In C. Ghega (ed.). Malerischer Atlas der Eisenbahn über den Semmering. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt. Reprint of the first edition from 1854. 10–22. Gobiet, G. 2013. The New Semmering Base Tunnel: project overview. Geomechanics and Tunnelling. 6, 680–687. DOI: 10.1002/geot.201310022 Häfliger, T. 2010. Report on the Semmering Railway (Austria) Mission 20–23 April, 2010. ICOMOS International Council on Monuments and Sites. Available from: whc.unesco.org/en/documents/127353 (Accessed on 17.03.2016) Mossop, E. 2006. Landscapes of infrastructure. In C. Waldheim (ed.). The Landscape Urbanism Reader. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Architectural Press. 163–177. Tusch, R. 2014. Wächterhäuser an der Semmeringbahn: Haus Infrastruktur Landschaft. Innsbruck: Studienverlag.

THE DISAPPEARANCE OF REGIONAL INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SHAANXI AND THE CURRENT PROTECTIVE MEASURES Xin Wu

Abstract From the 1950s through to the early 1970s, the Chinese government set up a large number of new enterprises and moved others from the coastal areas into the central and western regions in the interests of balancing strategic security and regional development considerations. Shaanxi province, in north-western China, was one of the areas particularly affected by these changes playing host to a significant number of new enterprises. During the "First five-year plan" period (1953-1957), there were 156 industrial projects designed and constructed by the former Soviet Union, 25 of which were in Shaanxi. These enterprises made a significant contribution to the development of China's economy and society. With the passage of time and the introduction of market economy, some enterprises are running into economic difficulties, or even stopping production, leading to industrial remains constantly disappearing. From 2009 to the present, the government of Shaanxi Province have led 2 surveys of industrial remains. Through the surveys and interviews with local communities, the project found that the rapid development of newer enterprises and the city itself had led, not only to the rapid disappearance of regional industrial remains, but that there were no relevant laws or regulations to prevent this from happening. To this end, making reference to these surveys, this paper analysed the changes and causes of the loss of regional industrial heritage, proposes to strengthening the supervision and management of industrial heritage, calls for the establishment of a dynamic management system, and to encourage the public to actively participate in the protection and other content according to the regional situation, in addition to the proposed giving the same status industrial heritage and ancient cultural heritage, making the regional protection standards, the directory, the regional museums and introducing diversification protection in the former paper to Hanzhoung area. It is hoped that the analysis of the results and protection methods proposed will provide the basis and reference for helping the regional government in creating effective measures to protect the regions precious industrial heritage for future generations.

Keywords: Industrial heritage, Heritage Management, Heritage Protection, China

The national government of China has pursued a policy of building a significant number of large and medium-sized state-owned enterprises in various parts of the country since 1949. As an example, there were 156 national key enterprises constructed with assistance from the former Soviet Union during the 1950s, a period referred to as the "first five-year plan" period (Yimin & Mingchang, 2007). Of the 156 enterprises, 25 of them are located in Shaanxi Province. Though this period was significant, Shaanxi also saw significant industrial development throughout its history. In making a great contribution, the enterprises left large valuable industrial remains, and recorded of the history of the Republic's industrial development truly and objectively. They are the precious material and cultural heritage, and its value cannot be estimated. Due to various reasons, the industrial heritage is disappearing at an alarming rate every year. It is the responsibility and obligation to protect precious industrial heritage for all levels of local governments.

1. The change in typical industrial remains in the region

From 2009 to 2015, a project involving the revisiting of sites found that the status of industrial heritage had changing rapidly within a very short timeframe. Some of the remains had partially or completely disappeared, and the prospects for the remaining sites were not optimistic. The table below collates the current status of a range of typical industrial heritage sites in Shaanxi province:

Table 1 The change of typical industrial heritage in Shaanxi province Name of Enterprise

The Change of industrial remains Status of remains in 2009

Status of remains in 2010

Yulin blanket factory

All workshops and part of the equipment still exist, preservation of remains is average

The majority of the plant and all equipment were removed, left 2 workshops with poor preservation

Yulin leather factory

5 buildings existing, remains preservation poor

All removed in 2010

Hanzhong pharmaceu tical factory

Hanzhong Changkong Factory

Remains trend

Industrial remains disappeared

1 building and some cottage existing, remains preservation poor

All removed in 2011

Status of remains in 2009

Status of remains in 2011

Abandoned state, all workshops and a few of old equipment exist, remains preservation ordinarily

Keeping remains in the abandoned state, few of the buildings become dangerous

Industrial remains disappeared

Buildings getting worse and worse with time

Hanzhoung Dongfang Factory

Abandoned state, all workshops existing, remains preservation ordinarily

Five large enterprises located in Weidong town

Others in the abandoned state in addition to a factory, most of workshops existing, remains preservation poor

Baoji Changling Factory

Baoji Baicheng

Keeping remains in the abandoned state, a few of workshops for farmers

Keeping the most remains in the abandoned state, only the part of an enterprise is leased, some buildings getting dangerous

Status of remains in 2009

Status of remains in 2015

5 sets of old equipment and 7 old buildings existing, remains preservation in good condition

2 sets of old equipment and

3 sets of old equipment and

Buildings getting worse and worse with time, some remains cannot be used

60% old equipment disappear, old Building basic reservation

6 old buildings existing, remains preservation ordinarily

7 old buildings existing, remains preservation in good condition

2 sets of old equipment and 5 old buildings existing, remains preservation in good condition

Xi'an

Status of remains in 2010

Status of remains in 2015

electric

8 sets of old equipment and 6 old

5 sets of old equipment and 5 old

Factory

Buildings getting worse and worse with time

33% old equipment disappeared, and nearly 30% old buildings disappeared

porcelain factory

buildings existing, remains preservation in good condition

Nearly 38% old equipment disappeared And old Building basic reservation

Figure 1: The demolished Yulin blanket factory

Figure 2: The original workshop of the abandoned Changkong factory

In stopping production and most of the assets being sold out, the enterprise industrial remains disappeared completely, such as Yulin blanket factory (Table 1 and Figure 1) and Hanzhong pharmaceutical factory. The original plants have been abandoned for the long time due to the relocation or transfer of enterprises. Some of buildin gs are becoming dangerous, such as Dongfang factory and Changkong factory (Figure 2). The most typical change, namely the enterprise's old machinery and buildings have gradually been eliminated and removed. It means that the industrial remains are disappea ring gradually. Such as the Changling factory, there were 5 (sets) old equipment in 2009, and only 2 (sets) equipment left in 2015. That is to say, 60% of the old equipment disappeared within 6 years. The Xi'an electric porcelain factory had disappeared nearly 38% old equipment from 2009 to 2015. It is a common phenomenon

for the rapid disappearing of industrial remains through the whole region. If no measure to be taken, the regional precious remains would fade away finally. There are several reasons for the disappearance of industrial remains in the region. On the one hand, the enterprises need development and expansion to phase out some old machinery and equipment, and rebuild or dismantle old buildings. On the other hand, it forces some enterprises to transfer to the city periphery gradually, and instead of a variety of modern Commercial buildings for the constant expansion of cities. There is also an important factor, namely the existing industrial heritage has not been valued, and not as a cultural he ritage treatment. The prospects of industrial remains are worrying due to removing and dismantling them at random. If such situation cannot be contained, it would appear â&#x20AC;&#x153;part blankâ&#x20AC;? in the history of local industrial development. Some representative industrial relics would not exist in important historical period.

2. The problems of industrial remains protection need to be solved 2.1 Different views and attitudes towards industrial heritage Awareness of the need to protect industrial heritage must be improved. Compared to the remains of agricultural society, industrial remains are mostly a product of modern times, and therefore are often represented by outdated technology and material evidence. Therefore, people tend to find it difficult to link industrial remains with cultural heritage. The investigation and revisiting of sites found that some of the personnel within both local enterprises and local government even dislike cooperating with the investigation on the lack of knowledge and regulations about industrial remains. This situation has led to both the disappearance of industrial remains and neglect of the remaining sites. Industrial heritage is an intuitive reflection of the important process of human societal development. It has historical, social, technological, economic and aesthetic value, and it is an indispensable material evidence of social development. Therefore, the protection of industrial heritage is vital to the maintenance of the heritage of human culture. They are witnesses to the profound impact of industrial activities on history and the present day. It is recognized that industrial heritage should be regarded as an integral part of the cultural heritage in the common sense (Jixiang 2006). Conservation policies could be implemented effectively provided that government and the relevant enterprises awareness of the importance of industrial heritage is improved.

The fact that industrial heritage is rapidly disappearing means that there is a real urgency for the need for protection to be recognized. The retention of the material form of industrial remains, not only can promote the industrial cultural spirit, but also leave the true record of engineering, scientific and technological achievements for future generations, and improve the image of the city. It has become an important source of economic development. It can be regarded as the symbol, a very important value and a very special status of the modern China industry (Jinyi & Ruping 2011).

Figure 3: 1950s Soviet equipment in a Changling factory

Figure 4: 1950s machines in a Xi'an electric porcelain factory

So far, although the region has 415 provincial cultural heritage protection units, some of the existing representative buildings are still not treated as cultural heritage, and some of them have even been "transformed" away. Their status will be more prominent with the development of China's social and economic development. A contrasting example to the lack of awareness in Shaanxi province is Taiwan which promulgated of the law on the protection of cultural assets in 1982. The relevant departments of Taiwan began to promote the Taiwan World Heritage Site Assessment in 2000, and selected 18 potential world heritage sites, of which 4 are industrial remains, including Ali Mountain Forest Railway line, etc. (Limei 2013). In order to coordinate the promotion of international cultural heritage, Taiwan has organized a series of activities with the theme of re-using of industrial remains since 2000 (Limei 2013). In contrast to attitudes in Shaanxi ideas around the protection and reuse of industrial heritage have been rapidly developed in Taiwan.

2.2 To make clear the responsibility for local government towards protection There is a clear need for the local government to form a department with the responsibility of protection industrial heritage. Through organization and coordinating the protection of the remains, ideally the department would be able to effectively exercise the power of protection, and to assume responsibility for the guarding the heritage. Meanwhile, it should also consider the rights of ownership, the user, management and supervision. The aim should be, conducive to enterprise development, as well as the protection and utilization of the industrial remains.

2.3 The standard of regional industrial heritage should be established There is no unified definition standard of industrial heritage. In the process of urban renewal, the protection of industrial heritage is faced with the embarrassing situation of having "no rules and regulations to follow" (Qizhi et. Al 2010). How to identify the category and value of key industrial remains in the region, has become a core issue those seeking to protect of industrial heritage. When the scope of protection and the value of industrial heritage has been identified, it would be far easier to carry out the operation, and protect the industrial heritage more effectively. Based on the findings of the investigation of regional industrial heritage, a working group should be set up, and the team members should come from different fields. This team would create the directory of industrial remains and set the standards of protection and management measures for the region.

3. Specific measures for the protection of industrial heritage 3.1 Coordination of industrial heritage protection and utilization with urban development planning In addition to the identification of standards, scope and value, the protection and utilization of industrial heritage must also be coordinated with urban construction, transportation planning, and urban functions. To explore the synergy between urban renewal system and urban economic development

system, the protection planning could provide an important theoretical basis for the optimization of urban construction and industrial structure (Ruogu & Suhong 2011). The Shanghai municipal government issued the "Shanghai outstanding modern architecture protection management approach" (Shanghai Municipal People's Government, 1991 & 1997), which proposed clear protective measures for important buildings constructed from 1840 to 1949. On the protection of industrial heritage, their approach also put forward the protection and rational utilization model of economic development, urban function and ecological environment. It ensures that industrial heritage is properly protected and allows reasonable use, so that urban culture can be continued. An example of this kind of approach is the South Gate Park of the national Taiwan Museum which was originally built camphor production factory in 1914. The main buildings were protected as cultural relics by Taipei in 2001. The government set up the fund to repair and transform the original factory as a part of the national Taiwan Museum in 2010. After the renovation of the area, the original structure and style of building was retained (Figure 5), and it maintains the coordination between industrial heritage protection and urban overall planning.

Figure 5: The South Gate Park of the national Taiwan Museum

At present, especially in the process of urbanization, the contradiction between protection and construction often appears due to the lack of a systematic overall regional planning which includes industrial heritage. Therefore, it leads to some valuable industrial remains dismantled during urban road widening and urban transformation. Even promulgating the regulations and the laws related to the protection, the conservation is passive, and is not sustainable if the protection is not a good combination of urban planning and development.

3.2 The establishment of a museum of regional industrial remains Although it depends on the situation it is desirable for local governments to look to establish regional industrial heritage museums. The local government could use some plants that have been abandoned or

face demolition as the site of the regional museum. It is better to select representative, typical buildings and factories. The museum could collect machines and equipment scattered across local factories which suit the characteristics of the time, and devices facing destruction. This is a more comprehensive protection measure in which many of the mobile industrial remains can be collected, protected and displayed in museum context. The establishment of the museum could solve the protection of the mobile industrial remains and increase employment in the region as well as making a contribution to regional culture and economic development. Shanghai has integrated the Jiangnan manufacturing Bureau, built in the period of the Westernization Movement (1860s), into the Jiangnan Shipbuilding museum. It is the only large-scale museum in Shanghai which displays the history of science, technology and industrial history spanning three centuries. The museum has a large number of precious objects, pictures and models of China's recent history of science and technology, industrial history, shipbuilding, with a high potential for research value and a key role to play in scientific education (Yan, 2013). Shanghai provides a positive example for many regional governments in China. The local industrial heritage museum can be set up in abandoned or closed factories in order to reduce costs and retain local character. Identified through the survey Ningqiang match factory is one potentially suitable site for the museum due to the buildings and equipment remain intact, and the plant being large enough and very accessible for the whole of the region (Figure 6). After museumification, it, as a museum, would need to communicate characteristics of local themes as a regional museum, such as the paper-cut, straw painting. Through showing the local traditional production process and the intangible cultural heritage, the museum could highlight the unique regional characteristics.

Figure 6: The machinery of the Ningqiang match factory

3.3 A diversified policy towards the protection and utilization of Industrial Relics From a practical perspective, it is not realistic for all protection functions and funds to be run by the local government in the long run. The local government should actively explore ways to diversify industrial heritage protection funds and their reuse. In addition to the regulatory system that needs to be established, the regional government might explore the use of private power and invite societies to participate in the protection of industrial remains. Promoting the participation of all sectors of society in the protection and utilization of industrial remains, eventually forms a pattern that allows the government to lead, social participation, and interactivity with the protection of remains protection. The experience of Taiwan is worth heeding in the context of industrial heritage protection and reuse. Songshan Cultural and Creative Park was constructed within the Japanese Colonial tobacco factory in Taipei, founded in 1937. The factory ceased production in 1998. The main building of the plant was designated as cultural relics by the Taipei city government in 2001, and this began the process of planning protection and reuse. Songshan Cultural and Creative Park officially opened in 2011 (Figure 7). The Parkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s aim is to transform an icon of industrial heritage into a creative hub. The Park is managed by the cultural and creative Park authority and the Park will assess the enterprises within the area every year. Enterprises do not meet the requirements of the Park will not renew.

Figure 7: SongShan cultural and creative park in Taipei

There is much that regional authorities can learn from the example of the Songshan Cultural and Creative Park. Firstly, the relevant department of the government takes on unified planning, which adapts to the demands of regional economic development and the urban planning. Secondly, the government organizes and repairs of the basic facilities of the site, and then authorizes private agencies or organizations to operate the site. Finally, government supervises the operations within the remains and assesses the status of the remains on a regular basis in accordance with relevant laws and regulations. Should problems be identified it would be up to the government to take measures to solve them.

4. Supervision and management of industrial heritage 4.1 Establish a system of supervision and management The system of supervision and management is a key factor in the protection of industrial heritage. At the same time, it is difficult to be implemented for any regulations and measures to leave effective supervision. After defining the responsibilities of the regional government to protect the heritage and creating the standards of protection and the protection directory, it is key to establish the supervision and management system in order to ensure efficient execution of heritage protection. Effective supervision and management can help avoid unauthorized removal and other damage from occurring at sites. The supervision and management system is an institutional arrangement for the conservation of regional industrial heritage. The system is not the only requirement of building legal protection, but also needs to reflect the urgency of the need to protect regional industrial heritage. The establishment of the system, on the one hand, can promote the protection of industrial heritage to related enterprises, as well as curbing the random removal and elimination of abandoned industrial remains. On the other hand, the system would also define the responsibility of different levels of government for the protection of industrial heritage.

4.2 A dynamic supervision and management system for industrial heritage The dynamic of industrial heritage monitoring. Normally, the government takes on the responsibility of conducting the supervision and evaluation of sites within a specific period of time. The supervision and evaluation can play a role in improving the management of industrial heritage, but the supervision and evaluation reflect only the remains protection and management over a certain period of time, rather than the status of the remains throughout the year. To solve the problem, the regional government should establish a dynamic monitoring system based on the status and characteristics of the remains, and input specific protection projects, their status and other indicators into the directory. This directory would be monitored by the protection team and should help any problems that arise be addressed in a timely manner. It would be necessary, however, to improve and revise the regulations and methods to address new situations and problems (Figure 8). The dynamic monitoring system can reduce the potential harm of various artificial and natural factors to the industrial heritage. To advance the work of prevention and protection, it can reduce the cost of protection and improve the level of supervision and management.

Figure 8: The dynamic monitoring system for the protection of regional remains

The so-called dynamic regulation under goes a process of continuous improvement, and constant optimization of the process. In the process of supervision, it needs to find and solve problems, and also to continuously improve the level of management and service.

4.3 Encourage public participation Any protection measures and methods would be distinctly lacking should the active participation and response from the public not be considered. As mentioned earlier, the original building corridor in South Gate Park, as a part of the national Taiwan Museum, has been changed into a cafe and sales area of cultural and creative products. An open square within the park has been transformed into an open ecological vegetable and fruit market. The change provides convenience for the tourists and the public, as well as expanding the potential for employment. Such protection and reuse is both dynamic, and sustainable. The heritage sites should not only open to the public, but also actively try to attract young audiences to participate with accessible events, such as outdoor concerts, skating, and cycling particularly during the holidays. While industrial remains lie sleeping, they are not only a kind of memory, but also a part of life, it is sustainable for the protection of industrial heritage. It is also one of the best destinations for the protection and utilization of industrial relics due to the public participation and a kind of public supervision and protection.

Through a few years of investigations and visits, we understand that the current prospects for regional industrial heritage are not optimistic. At the same time, we have also been pleased to see that different levels of government are beginning to attach importance to the protection of industrial remains. We know that the protection and utilization of regional industrial heritage still has a long way to go and a lot of things to do. Through raising awareness of industrial heritage alongside creating appropriate standards and a directory of protection, making much clearer the responsibilities of the government, and strengthening the supervision and administration of these sites, the future of regional industrial heritage will be well protected and inherited by future generations.

Xin Wu works for the Shaanxi Institute for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage Contact: cnwuxin@sohu.com or 957350057@qq.com No.35 Keji road 1st Xi'an, Shaanxi province P. R. China, 710075

References Fan,Limei. 2013. Research on conservation and reuse of industrial heritage in Taiwan, Master Thesis of Harbin Institute of Technology (Dissertation for the Master Degree in Engineering).

He, Yimin., and Zhou, Mingchang. 2007. ’The 156 Projects and the Development of Industrial Cities in New Time (1949-1957)’, Journal of Contemporary China History Studies, 6(2), pp.70-77.

Ke, Yan. 2013. ’China's grace different industrial heritage’, Journal of Think Tank of Science & Technology, 12(5), pp.48-67.

Liu, Qizhi, He, Mei, Wang, Yun, and Zhu, Zhibing. 2010. ‘Urban Regeneration Planning Practice for old Industrial City of WuHan’, Journal of City Planning Review, 12(7), pp.39-43.

Shan, Jixiang.2006. ’On Protection of Industrial Heritage, a New Form of Cultural Heritage’, Journal of China Cultural Heritage, 6(4), pp.10-45.

Shanghai Municipal People's government. 1991, modified and reissued 1997. Shanghai outstanding modern architectural protection management approach.

Yan, Ruogu, and Zhou, Suhong. 2011. ’Studies of Urban Regeneration’, Journal of Progress in Geography, 12(8), pp.947-955.

Yang, Jinyi, and Yang Ruping. 2011. ’Research on the protection of industrial architecture heritage of 156 projects in the "First five-year" period’, Journal of Beijing Planning Review, 6(1), pp.13-17.

THE SĂ&#x192;O PAULO RAILWAY COMPANY: THREATENED RAILWAY HERITAGE IN BRAZIL ANTONIO SOUKEF JĂ&#x161;NIOR ANTONIO BUSNARDO FILHO

Abstract: In the 19th century British influence in the life of Brazilians reached a peak, imported goods were in huge demand while simultaneously the British took a strong interest in Brazilian products, notably coffee, sugar and cotton. Though Brazil had gone through intense social and economic changes throughout the 19th century its internal infrastructure lagged far behind what was required for these newly booming businesses. With significant incentives being offered by the Brazilian Government British investment in Brazilian railway ventures was inevitable. One such venture resulted in the founding of The Sao Paulo Railway Company whose spectacular railway opened up the Sao Paulo region into an economic powerhouse and has left a legacy that has survived to the present day. This paper explores the history of the Sao Paulo Railway Company and the threat now posed to the remarkable industrial heritage it left behind. Keywords: Railway heritage, Industrial Heritage, Sao Paulo, Brazilian Heritage, heritage under threat

British Railway Ventures in Brazil Throughout the 19th century, British presence in Brazilian life was felt with increased intensity, with the introduction of new habits and customs as well as the increased consumption of goods supplied by the import houses, including butter, lard, soap, candles, salted meats, biscuits, fabric and furniture. In turn, British interest in products produced in the country, such as sugar, cotton, and coffee led to the creation of a service system in order to facilitate their export to Europe. During this period, thanks to the diversification of investments, Brazil underwent profound social and economic changes. The interruption of the slave trade in 1850, led rural property owners to accumulate extra capital, which was to be invested in the agricultural export market, following new capitalistic practice. The country, however, still had important deficiencies in its product transportation system as a result of the lack of river transport to carry its agricultural produce due to isolation and a lack of a communication systems capable of connecting different regions and linking several capitals to the interior of the country and the Court. To overcome this deficiency and to attend the economic demands of the agrarian elite, the imperial government established strategies to integrate and consolidate Brazilian territory by improving the service and transportation sectors. It is within this picture that the implantation of railways and the increment in infrastructure can be understood. Great Britain led the companies, who implemented the greatest part of these activities. For Martins (2008:6)

…a dense subterranean web of economic relations, presided by Great Britain is spreading across the country, especially in the 19th century – not by chance known globally as ‘The English Century’, when the international division of work occurred, bestowing upon that country the role of world banker, insurer and carrier.

In reality, at this time, British investments were very expressive and reflect directly upon urban growth. Cities were expanding, together with the first industries, which already used hydraulic motors to produce several artefacts. Besides the factories, the British invested in banks, insurance companies, mining companies, urban transportation, gas companies and railways. This infrastructure, while shortening distance and transporting products destined for the external market more quickly, were built simultaneously to the spreading of agriculture to areas increasingly distant from the coast. The definitive impulse for the construction of railways in the country appears with Imperial Decree number 641, on June 26, 1852, which, while establishing a series of benefits, such as tax exemption, guaranteeing interest at five percent, the right to disappropriate private land, appropriation of public lands and exploration of lands located within the privileged zone, attracted domestic investment, and especially foreign capital, predominantly of British origin. Since the first Brazilian railway began operating in 1854 the British were involved with the sector through financing, supplying technology and labour and by incorporating companies, especially when transportation between the production zone and the product loading area appears profitable. With government support, several railway companies were formed both in the southern and northern

provinces. Thus, we find the most important lines near sugar, mining, coal and coffee producing areas. During the last years of the Empire, the number of railways controlled by British groups reached its zenith, twenty-five against only eleven in Brazilian hands in 1880. One of the most important was The São Paulo Railway Company. Green Gold Introduced into the State of Belém do Pará in 1727 by the Portuguese official Francisco de Mello Palheta, coffee soon reached Rio de Janeiro. Grown initially in the surrounding hills, it subsequently spread in 1850 to the whole valley of the Paraíba River. Criss-crossed by trails and paths dating back to the gold mining era, the region became dotted with large holdings producing coffee for overseas markets, stimulated by growing demand, especially from the United States. Proximity to the port of Rio de Janeiro greatly facilitated transhipment of the product. Owing to the fact that it is an itinerant crop which in a short time exhausts the soil, the coffee crop gradually moved from the Paraíba Valley towards the west of the State of São Paulo to the locations of the present day cities of Campinas, Rio Claro, São Carlos and Araraquara e Ribeirão Preto, among others. Due to the quality of the famous dark red soil, and its location on plains less exposed to frost, the plants rapidly adapted to the new environment with production reaching ever-greater heights. As the plantations spread throughout the interior transport started to become a serious problem due to the widening distance between the producing areas and the port of Rio de Janeiro. In order to reach the coast of the State of São Paulo it was necessary to cross the Serra do Mar. Transport using mule-trains was not economically viable given the difficulty of the terrain and the high cost of freight. The construction of a railway line linking the production area with the port seemed like a more suitable option, and one upon which was to depend the success or failure of coffee production. However, the construction of a railway linking the high plain with the coastline was no easy task. A sheer drop of eight hundred meters in the midst of dense undergrowth presented unprecedented technical difficulties at the time. The whole venture was based on high financial stakes involving an astronomical investment and thus attracting little interest. The Imperial Government consequently decided to create an incentive program for potential investors in railway construction. The scheme was created in 1852 and it assured that all capital investment in railway construction would not only be guaranteed, but also receive interest, thereby eliminating even the slightest element of risk for the entrepreneur. Several lines consequently sprung up throughout the country. On the 26th of April 1856 by royal decree, the rail link joining Jundiaí in São Paulo’s heartland with Santos was officially opened. The concession for developing the link went to the entrepreneur Irineu Evangelista de Souza, recently honoured with the title Baron of Mauá. The São Paulo Railway Company On April 26, 1856, when he was granted the concession for thirty three years to explore a railway line between Santos and Jundiaí, Irineu Evangelista de Souza owned field surveys that proved the viability of building this line, even considering that a good part of the tracks would be located on the mountain range of the Serra do Mar.

Maua’s interest in exploring this line was a result of his belief that, with it, he could enjoy a good part of the coffee production that was beginning to advance towards the centre of the province of São Paulo, and would control transportation in an area that was showing increased importance. When he inaugurated the company in London, the businessman managed to interest investors and raised the capital needed to carry out the construction. The technical feasibility study and, later, the preliminary project was developed by the engineer Robert Milligan, an old colleague, and was transferred to James Brunless, one of the most renowned British railway engineers of the Victorian era. He, in turn, sent his collaborator Daniel Makinson Fox to Brazil, who, in spited of his youth, possessed vast experience in building railway lines in mountainous areas, having worked in Wales and the Spanish Pyrenees. Fox studied the conditions in the area, prepares the proposal, which is later discussed and approved in London, and supervises the construction of the railway, named The São Paulo Railway Company. Work began in 1860 under the supervision of the Robert Sharp & Sons Company. The work was divided into three different parts: the plains of Santos; the mountains; and continuing to the village of Jundiaí. The first section, though it was made up of a large swamp, did not offer great technical problems, only a few bridges that needed to be built over the Casqueiro, Capivari, Cubatão, Piaçaguera and Mogi rivers. The final section was also relatively simple, with the exception of a tunnel, approximately five hundred and ninety metres long, next to Botojuru mountain. As foreseen, the greatest difficulties were concentrated on the mountain stretch, where it would be necessary to overcome a difference in level of almost eight hundred metres in only eight kilometres under adverse conditions as the region possesses an extremely high level of rainfall. To avoid the frequent landslides several cuttings were made and embankments, retaining walls, bridges and viaducts were built. The most impressive was the Grota Funda viaduct (Figure 1) which, with a two hundred and fourteen metres curve and at almost forty-nine metres high, was considered the greatest work of engineering carried out in the country. Writer Julio Ribeiro, in his naturalist novel A Carne, described the viaduct in an epic tone: At the end of the fourth inclined plane, the first counting from the top, the Grota Funda viaduct can be seen, a victory of daring over enormity, of iron over emptiness, of the brain cell over brute nature. The Grota Funda viaduct is simply a marvel. It is seven hundred and fifteen English feet long, more or less two hundred and fifteen metres. With ten spans of sixty-six feet and one of forty-five between two stone cut bolsters; seated upon a wrought iron colonnade and upon an abutment on the top. The highest colonnade, including the base, is one hundred and eighty-five feet, fifty-six to fifty-seven metres. The inclination is the usual inclination, ten percent or slightly less. This amazing work began on July 2, 1863; In March 1865, the first iron pieces were set; on November 2 of the same year the first train passed, on November 2, All Souls Day, the English are not superstitious. (Ribeiro, 2002: 169)

Figure 1. Grota Funda viaduct. C. 1865. Photograph: MilitĂŁo Augusto de Azevedo. Museu Paulista collection.

To overcome the steep mountain slope a funicular system, known as a tail end, was employed, where cables with two ends were hauled in stages by a fixed machine (Figure 2) located on the top of four platforms. A special waggon known as a loco-brake was attached to the ends of the cable, and to it were coupled cars and waggons, which formed convoys, and went up and down the mountain as counterweights. Crossings were carried out midway up the route on a small stretch with a double rail where the carriages were loosened and hooked up again at the top of the mountain in Paranapiacaba and at the foot of the mountain in PiaĂ§aguera. During this operation the passengers waited at their respective stations until the moment when the trains were, once again, attached in order to continue their trip. The time needed to climb or descend each of the platforms was, on average, about ten minutes, or in total, fifty minutes, including stops, manoeuvres and changing the loco-brake workers on the small ramps or platforms that separated the planes.

Figure 2. Fixed machine of the old funicular system. C. 1880. RFFSA Collection.

At one hundred and thirty-nine kilometres long the line began operation in 1897, achieving great commercial success from the start. Although he had taken on all the construction costs, MauĂĄ was removed from the venture by his British partners through a series of manoeuvres. This way they were able to single-handedly run the company. Monopolizing the access to the port the Ingleza, as they were known, controlled the entire railway network in SĂŁo Paulo. The increase in coffee production in the last decade of the 19th century, however, exhausted the transport capacity of the SĂŁo Paulo Railway. Pressure exercised by the coffee growers and some newspapers obliged the railway to carry out improvements on the entire line, especially on the mountain stretch, the most problematic of the whole route. Thus, the new line had a series of improvements, among which several tunnels and viaducts, as well as five inclined platforms operating with an endless rope system, which was more efficient and safer than the earlier version (Fig. 4).

Figure 3. Aerial view: Sรฃo Paulo Railway new and old line. C. 1939. Instituto Geogrรกfico e Cartogrรกfico Collection.

Figure 4. Fixed machine of the new funicular system. C. 1900. Photograph: Perman. RFFSA Collection

The stations were also refurbished or rebuilt according to designs developed in Great Britain. The most important endeavour is the third version of the station in SĂŁo Paulo, the sophisticated Luz Station (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Luz Station in 1902. Photograph: Guilherme Gaensly. RFFSA Collection.

Along the line, new warehouses, workshops and houses for the rail workers were built. At the top of the mountain, an urban nucleus for the employees in charge of maintenance of the funicular system was installed. First called the Vila Martin Smith, and later Paranapiacaba, this was a complete service town hierarchically divided with an octagonal design and prefabricated wooden houses. In 1938, with the inauguration of the Mayrink-Santos line, the Estrada de Ferro Sorocabana ends the monopoly of the English railway’s access to the port. Eight years later, with the end of the concession granted in 1856, the São Paulo Railway was taken over by the Federal Government. During its ninety-year existence the São Paulo Railway defined the panorama of the railway network in São Paulo, strengthening the connection from the hinterland to the port of Santos. Its success, in expanding the viability of economic activity throughout the state, allowed an urban system to be established that guaranteed the survival of São Paulo once the coffee cycle ended. It was the most profitable private railway in the country, and possibly in all Latin America, generating exceptional profits to its shareholders thanks to its exclusive control of access to the coast of Santos which it maintained for eighty-two years. It was also exceptional in the canon of other Brazilian railways which usually met with technical and operational difficulties as well as dubious administrations which, among other factors, made them commercially untenable. (Soukef Jr 2010:194)

At the beginning of the 20th century the first Republican governments, in an effort to build a railway network, took over several railways throughout the country, which, after being organized, were sold, to private groups or to the respective state administrations. After the Second World War, a new intervention in the administration of several railway companies. Domestic and foreign companies in bad financial situations were rescued, reorganized and incorporated to the recently formed Inspetoria Federal de Estradas (The Federal Highway Inspection) an organisation belonging to the Ministério da Viação e Obras Públicas (Ministry of Transport and Public Works) who were in charge of railways and highway administration. This Inspetoria would later become the DNER – Departamento Nacional de Estradas de Rodagem (National Highway Department) and the DNEF- Departamento Nacional de Estradas de Ferro (National Railway Department) forming the embryo of the Rede Ferroviária Federal S.A. (Federal Railway Network) a company established in 1957, in connection with the Transport Ministry. In the decade of 1990 the complete Brazilian railway system was again privatised. The railway heritage Rail transportation began its decline in Sao Paulo (and the rest of the country) in the 1940s due to several factors, including that of having been built primarily to serve as a vehicle for the flow of coffee and by the fact that the companies were unable to adapt to the diversification of the economic framework of the post-war period. The federal government`s incentives for road transport also contributed significantly to the decline of the sector. Having participated in the socio-economic life of so many cities for several decades, however, the railways have left an important cultural legacy through their structures, witnesses of a building art which used new techniques that introduced hitherto unknown aesthetic standards. This legacy in many cases is in serious danger of disappearing due to the lack of a public policy effectively guaranteeing its preservation. This is the case with the São Paulo Railway Company legacy, an authentic representative of the industrial heritage prior to the industrialization of the Brazilian economy and which still retains much of its original architecture as well as some of its equipment. The preservation of this important railway whose value was recognized by preservation agencies of the State and the Union depends on the completion of a rigorous study of its spaces, its material evidence and the use and operation of its equipment over time. Only this systematization will ensure the full maintenance worthy of this heritage. With the delay in promoting a comprehensive inventory of the buildings and establishing a coherent conservation policy however, the risk is being run of losing not only the buildings themselves but also the equipment, permanent track and its rolling stock.

Antonio Soukef Júnior is Master in Design, Production and Management of Urban Space at FIAM-FAAM University Center Contact: asoukef@gmail.com

References Hobsbawn. E. 1977. A era das revoluções: Europa, 1789-1848. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra. Martins, A. L. 2008. História do Café. São Paulo: Contexto. Ribeiro, J. 2002. A Carne. São Paulo: Ateliê Editorial. Soukef Jr. A. 2000. Cem Anos Luz. São Paulo: Dialeto. Soukef Jr. A. 2010. A preservação dos edifícios da São Paulo Railway em Santos e Jundiaí. São Paulo: Annablume. Talbot. F.A. 1911. The Railway Conquest of the World. London: William Heinemann.

USING 3D ANIMATION TO CAPTURE AND PRESERVE INTANGIBLE HERITAGE: INDUSTRIAL TEXTILE CRAFTS

Tom Fisher, Nicola Donovan and Julie Botticello

Keywords: Industrial Heritage, 3D Heritage, Intangible Heritage, Textile Industry

A commitment to Industrial heritage means valuing, understanding and preserving the material remains of industrial activity, from individual artefacts, to buildings, to landscapes. Such a commitment is reflected in UNESCO’s inclusion of industrial locations as World Heritage Sites. The cultural significance of such sites, and the buildings and artefacts that they contain is clear, given their role in structuring the everyday lives of individuals, building communities and regional identities. The loss of industry or its transformation involves more than the loss of the symbolic fabric of communities that such material remains comprise. It also means the loss of the material, embodied, productive engagement of people with the processes that make up the industry. Coming from the perspective of creative arts and design which are themselves founded on materially engaged practices, a team of researchers at Nottingham Trent University are finding new ways to engage with industrial heritage that focus on the relatively ‘immaterial’ components of industrial processes. These are the embodied skills that exist only in the relationship between people and things (tools, machines, materials), sites and environments and that make them productive workers.

Figure 1: An end view of a lace machine and a 3D model of a lace machine mechanism

The approach the team is taking starts from the premise that this relationship is a part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that the UNESCO identifies in its 2003 ‘Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage’1. The convention sets out a list of guidelines, or rules that define Intangible Cultural Heritage, reinforcing its relevance to Indigenous heritage practices, such as those of Asia, Africa and South America. Laurajane Smith argues that heritage, whether tangible or intangible is ‘the performance and negotiation of identity, values, and a sense of place’ which means that in principle it is relevant to all people, whoever they are and wherever they might be (Smith 2008:292). Smith is challenging the ‘othering’ of Indigenous heritage practice, and in principal this allows any cultural heritage practice to be claimed as Intangible Cultural Heritage, including those that appear within the sphere of industry.

http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/convention

In developing the argument for industrial crafts to be taken as intangible cultural heritage, the team at Nottingham Trent University has embarked on a research programme that both contributes case studies to underpin the argument and promises some practical consequences for both heritage institutions and audiences. In 2013 a piece of research supported by the AHRC/ EPSRC Science and Heritage programme2 focused on a Nottingham lace making factory (Fisher and Botticello 2016). A further piece of research based on a framework-knitting museum is currently in preparation. The focus in both is on knowledge as intangible heritage. In the AHRC funded study, interdisciplinary set of researchers combined oral histories, ethnographic research and 3D digital animation to register knowledge embodied in the workers and embedded in the machines and the factory’s organisation and made manifest in their relationship. The relationships were uncovered through an ethnography and oral history interviews, accompanied by photography and video that demonstrated both the embodied skills involved and the knowledge embedded in the lace machines and the workers’ relationship to them. It further uncovered differing practices among the workers, based on their original training, suggesting that intangible heritage and the knowledge of the workers, even within one small factory, is plural and is itself based on workers’ own histories. Some of the intangible knowledges exposed throughout the project has, for the purposes of knowledge transfer and preservation, been made concrete, or accessible to others outside the factory, by being ‘captured’, at least in part (Haraway 1998), in these ways. As well as being an opportunity to engage deeply with the workers, the project made it possible for the team to go beyond static representations of the material artefacts in the factory by constructing a virtual model of the machine, which gives access to the physical process of machine lace-making in a new and powerful way. Thus, a process that appears obscure is made more understandable through these multiple forms of representation.

A short film summarising this work can be found here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2mYtIPKmrwo

Although the research team concluded their work at the site in 2013, the everyday cultural practices of the social actors in the lace factory continue, as do performances of intangible industrial cultural heritage. Following on from this work is a project currently in preparation that aims to secure skills that pre-date those of machine lace making, and which are their origin. These are the skills of operating a knitting frame, which are central to the operation and the sustainability of a working museum near Nottingham. Ruddington Framework Knitter’s Museum (RFKM)3 occupies the site of a former cottage industry complex of frame-shops, manager’s and worker’s cottages, outbuildings and a courtyard garden. Saved from destruction by the local community the site became Ruddington Framework Knitter’s Museum in 1971 and since then it has aimed to preserve the material, or tangible aspects of framework knitting heritage as well as the intangible heritage inherent in the skills and knowledge required to operate the frame.

2 3

Nottingham Lace: Capturing and Representing Knowledge in People, Machines and Documents http://www.frameworkknittersmuseum.org.uk

Figure 2: 3D model of the workings of a lace machine

The knitting frame is the origin of all the knitwear we now consume, including the ubiquitous jersey used in leisurewear and underwear and the lace that trims women’s lingerie. Invented in 1589 by William Lee in Calverton near Nottingham (Felkin 1863 p.23ff), the knitting frame produced knitted cloth many times faster than hand knitting and made possible what is now a multi-billion dollar global industry. However, the dwindling number of people who know the framework knitting process means significant aspects of this intangible industrial heritage are at risk of complete loss. In partnership with Ruddington Framework Knitter’s Museum, the researchers at Nottingham Trent University aim to protect and sustain this knowledge through the production and deployment of 3D digital animation that will be used both as a training tool for novice framework knitters, and as an interpretive vehicle to enhance visitor experience. Framework knitting depends on an orchestration between cognitive and embodied knowledge, similar to that which is required for driving a car, and according to experienced operators interviewed by the team, many would-be knitters just ‘don’t get it’, so there is an element of aptitude involved too. Among the problems novice operators face is their limited ability to constantly scan the machine’s head, while making the correct sequence of physical actions required to power the machine and form the fabric. This difficulty in sequencing actions and monitoring results leads to dropped stitches and damaged needles. It is linked to their inadequate knowledge of the mechanism – the material artefact and its components – and the way to use it. The craft skill unfolds through repeated sequences of actions that must occur in the right order and with the right relationship to each other, with the right ‘flow’. The

novice’s difficulties include comprehending this process intellectually as well as physically – they need to be able to ‘feel’ the machine and respond fluidly to it.

Figure 3: Bobbin threading at Cluny lace in 2013

The research team therefore propose to use 3D animation to clearly show the relationship between the knitting frame’s mechanism and the experienced operator’s physical actions. We aim to do this by combining the animation with visualisation of how the knitter uses their eyesight to attend to the process, based on information generated through eye tracking technology. Although a 3D animation is a depiction, a representation of the human/machine relationship in the framework knitting process rather than an immersive experience, the team anticipates that enhanced learning and capability will arise from the addition of 3D animation to the existing, traditional training practices. Far from being a series

of static, illustrative diagrams the 3D animation can depict the rhythmic ‘dance’ of the operator and machine in harmony, which through haptic perception (Freedberg & Gallese 2007, Fauconnier & Turner 2003) helps novice operators, and other audiences, to form a ‘sympathetic corporeality’, to feel the actions that they see, and consequently more deeply understand the process. Because building a pool of new framework knitting operators is vital to the viability of RFKM as a working ‘live’ museum and consequently to the continuation of this intangible industrial heritage, the research team will work with Nottingham Trent University undergraduates as trainees and research participants. Their involvement will make it possible to validate the enhanced learning material, testing its effectiveness before it is used to augment the training of volunteers at RFKM. In anticipation of enthusiasm for framework knitting, its heritage and the creative potential and entrepreneurial possibilities that it offers, four of the research participants will receive training as trainers. This will mean that the enhanced training materials will ensure a multiplier, or ripple effect that helps pass on framework knitting skills, thereby sustaining this important aspect of industrial textile heritage for future generations.

Figure 4: Bobbin winding at Cluny lace in 2013

Recruiting undergraduate trainees, who are young adults, will also help to address the gap in visitor audiences created by the reluctance of 16-24 year olds to engage with museums (Jensen 2001). Through involvement with a heritage environment that is creative and genuinely interactive, the trainees have an

opportunity to experience heritage as a concept and entity that is relevant to them. In addition to courting the interest of young adults via innovative training methods, the museum will also make use of the 3D animation of the frame in the context of display, interpretation and visitor engagement. RFKM has awards for its innovative and creative approach to interpretive display and its engagement of younger, school age audiences. The research team are confident that 3D animation, which explains the framework knitting process in graphic, three dimensional, narrated detail will engage adult audiences. To display the 3D animation effectively, RFKM and the research team are exploring using ‘Magic Mirrors’. These devices, which appear as a wall mounted reflective glass surface, become active when passing visitors activate a sensor. Once activated the surface can incorporate the reflected image of the viewer into a moving image, a 3D animation in this case, thus creating a somewhat a participatory experience. Located within the displays at RFKM, where the original cottages are presented using theatrical set-dressing techniques as versions of what they might well have been in the 19c, Magic Mirrors, with their incorporation of the visitor’s reflection may provide a powerful way to present the 3D animation to young, and also not so young adults. Smith (2008) argues that heritage is constantly created through discourse and that hegemonic approaches to heritage heavily influence what is valued and how it is valued. For example, recent urban regeneration of cities in the UK and USA has used industrial heritage in highly selective and affective ways to market romantic versions of the broken and discarded past for contemporary consumption (Collins 2016). In contrast, the work of the team at Nottingham Trent University seeks to recognise what is intangible yet vital to negotiating identity, valuing the relatively small-scale narratives that accrue round industrial crafts. The introduction of relatively new technologies into this enterprise gives it an inflection that can open up what were once referred to as ‘mysteries’, and which will remain mysterious as long as they remain closed from view.

Professor Tom Fisher is Research Coordinator for the School of Art and Design at Nottingham Trent University. Contact: tom.fisher@ntu.ac.uk

Nicola Donovan is an artist and PhD student at Nottingham Trent University. Contact: nicola.donovan@ntu.ac.uk

Julie Botticello is a lecturer at the University of East London. Contact: J.A.Botticello@uel.ac.uk

All images copyright of the authors

References Collins, T. 2016. Urban civic pride and the new localism. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. 41:175-186.doi: 10.1111/trans.12113

Fauconnier G. and Turner M. 2003. The Way We Think: Conceptual Blending and the Mind’s Hidden Complexities. Basic: New York

Felkin, W. 1867. A history of the machine-wrought hosiery and lace manufactures. London: Longmans Green.

Fisher, T., and Botticello, J., 2016. ‘Machine-made lace, the co-production of knowledge and the spaces of skilled practice’. Cultural Geographies. Special Issue on skill, forthcoming.

Freedberg D. and Gallese V.2007. Trends in Cognitive. Sciences Vol 11. Issue 5. May 2007. Pp 197 – 203.

Haraway, D.1998. ‘The persistence of vision’ in N Mirzoeff (ed.) Visual Culture Reader, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 191-198.

Jensen N. 2001. “Children, Teenagers and Adults in Museums: A Developmental Perspective” in HooperGreenhill, E. (Ed) The Educational Role of the Museum, London: Routledge, 110-118.

Smith L. 2009. Intangible Heritage, London & New York: Routledge.

MOBY-DICK UNABRIDGED: AMERICAN CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

Jarred McGinnis and Sam Taradash

Abstract Herman Melville's Moby-Dick (Melville 2009) is a classic of American Literature and often appears on the lists of greatest books of all time. The importance of this book to the cultural heritage of the United States can be seen each year, across the United States, when individuals, museums and literary festivals independently organise marathon readings of Melville's 165-year-old tome. In October 2015, the Special Relationship, a non-profit arts organisation specialising in the production of live literary events, organised a 4-day unabridged reading of Moby-Dick as part of the London Literature Festival. In support of the reading, nearly a hundred artists, illustrators, animators, sculptors, dancers, actors and musicians were commissioned to further celebrate the text. Half of the 142 readers were members of the public who had volunteered to read. The enthusiasm of the participants, the large audience and press interest coverage proved that this book has resonance to contemporary British audiences. This paper uses the 'Moby-Dick Unabridged' event described above to illustrate how contemporary British audiences access, adopt and adapt this piece of American cultural heritage. Keywords: American literature, Industry, U.S, U.K

Introduction The increasing popularity of literary festivals, sometimes called book or writers festivals, is demonstrated by the rapid expansion of both the number and size of events (Robertson and Yeoman 2014). Literary festivals are keen to satisfy the audience demand for experiences and events that celebrate the cultural heritage of literature. It is for this reason that the Special Relationship was invited to bring ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ to the Southbank Centre’s London Literature Festival. The Special Relationship is a London-based non-profit arts organisation with the mission statement to promote, encourage, support and celebrate the literary arts and its practitioners in the United Kingdom by developing unique literary events that include the participation of under-represented individuals and groups, local communities and other charitable organisations. Their experience over the last four years producing live literature echoes findings in the literature (McIntosh and C. Prentice 1999). Namely, that audiences interested in cultural heritage are attracted to events that offer authenticity – or at least the perception of authenticity. Additionally, audiences want to personalise the experience. For ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’, they not only want to be associated with the broader cultural heritage of Melville’s masterpiece, they desired to make that association personal. They were eager to demonstrate how they too are part of this cultural heritage and how this piece of cultural heritage is a part of their definition of self. An impulse identified by Johanson and Freeman (2012). This paper will look at the ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ event and how the audience and participants found the authenticity and personalisation of this cultural heritage event. Moby-Dick Unabridged There is a strong argument for Moby-Dick to be considered part of the general cultural heritage of humanity. Just as works such as Hamlet (Shakespeare 1992), One Thousand and One Nights (Burton 2004) or The Pillow Book (Sei Shōnagon and McKinney 2006) have long been adopted and appreciated as literature, regardless of the cultural heritage in which the work was first produced. Instead we’ll focus on the direct cultural heritage connections between the book and Britain. Firstly, the book itself is steeped in the cultural heritage of the United Kingdom. The most obvious reason the UK can claim a part of the cultural heritage of the book is that it is written in English, that bastardisation of a dead Germanic dialect that holds the awkward grafting of Norse grammar and vulgarisation of the Latin tongue (Crystal 2003) via the Normans. Add to that the smattering of vocabulary filched from other cultures during the centuries of empire and you have a language unique to this island that many of its prior colonial holding use as their national language, including America. The book was written in 1851 and the War of American Independence still lingered in living memory. At the time of writing Moby-Dick, the cultural heritage of Melville’s own country was still nascent and very much dominated by its former metropole. Melville’s use of the English language bears the obvious influence of Shakespeare in characters such as the transposition of King Lear and his Fool to Captain Ahab and Pip, as well as in its structuring, cadence and rhythm. The cultural influence of Britain appears in the text as well. At the time of publication, American whaling was nearing its peak but it was still a young industry compared to European counterparts. In chapters 32, 41, 53, 100 and 101, Melville references practices and traditions of whalers

from England. Moby-Dick is unquestionably part of the canon of English-language literature and the shared cultural history of the United Kingdom and America.

Figure 1: 'Moby-Dick Unabridged'. Tom Basden Pictured. Photo credit: 2 on the Run Photography.

For the ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ event, the visibility and profile of this book ensured that this was a classic that people would have heard of. It is a large book. A marathon reading needs a sense of endurance. The book takes around 25 hours to be read aloud. The multi-textural nature of the book lent itself to a live reading. Throughout the novel, the novel flips between a straight-forward adventure story, an introspective meditation on existence and God, a thorough and exhaustive description of the 19th century whaling industry processes that turned hundreds of thousands of living whales into heating oil, a tongue-in-cheek taxonomy of marine mammal biology, a Shakespearean play and a sermon. This variety helps change the rhythm and tone of the reading, and that helps people to keep paying attention. This multitextuality of Moby-Dick was also well suited to our goals of creating ‘flare events’. Over the course of the four days, the event had choirs, dancers, theatre groups, performance poets, a food van selling chowder, a funeral procession, projected illustrations and a theatre set including life size whale ribs and painted backdrop (Figure 1). In practical terms this served to lighten the attention load for the audience. It allowed their attention to wander from the text being read but still remain within the context of the event and the book. However, throughout the production, a key principle was established: none of the flares should interrupt the text and the text will be read exactly as it appears in the book. This included the character headings and parenthetical stage directions that appear in the chapters that are a play script. This was to respect the first principle of staging a cultural heritage event, authenticity.

What people Want from Cultural Heritage Events Authenticity The importance of the perception of authenticity to cultural heritage consumers is a common theme in the literature (Hargrove 2003; McIntosh and C. Prentice 1999). For the ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ event, the perception of authenticity was achieved in a number of ways. Firstly, the event was titled ‘MobyDick Unabridged’. The emphasis on being unabridged was important. It implied that a 4 day live reading of an entire book would be diminished if it was an abridged, reduced or diminished version. There is a perceived value for those interested in literary cultural heritage that the author’s original intentions are presented, especially a venerated author such as Herman Melville. The connection with the author (and presumably with an understanding of the author’s intent) despite being deceased for more than one hundred years was important in terms of perceived authenticity. One of the readers of the event was the novelist Liza Klaussman, who is a descendent of Herman Melville. This point of trivia was emphasized in all of the press coverage, including an interview with Ms Klaussman on BBC Radio 4’s World at One news programme. Once again, there seems to be a desire to claim authenticity of the author, with the implication that his progeny can somehow confer legitimacy to the event by her participation. It was also sufficient to have participants who happened to share Melville’s nationality. The Special Relationship is an arts organisation that has two American members. To have Americans presenting, discussing and organising an event centred around this American novel was considered a positive feature by the Southbank Centre and the audience in general. This seems to suggest that shared national identity has primacy as well, despite both members being from parts of the States almost as distant from Melville’s New England as London. Personalisation Another aspect discussed in (Johanson and Freeman 2012) is the desire by consumers of cultural heritage to personalise the experience. They access the experience by placing the work within context of themselves. In the simplest terms, people personalised the experience by way of relating holidays spent in locations mentioned in the book, such as New York, New Bedford and Nantucket. The association of geography as a means of grounding cultural heritage and personal experience was also seen when audience members and press coverage localised Moby-Dick and its author to places in the United Kingdom. It is not surprising when people are accessing a piece of cultural heritage of a foreign culture that they identify with. We saw this occurring in a number of ways in the participants, audience and press coverage. Throughout the book there are references to locations in England. In Chapter 102 of Moby-Dick, Melville names specifically a sperm whale skeleton that still exists today at a country estate in Yorkshire. “…in Yorkshire, England, Burton Constable by name, a certain Sir Clifford Constable has in his possession the skeleton of a Sperm Whale…”

The author himself lived briefly in London on Craven Street behind Charing Cross station, which was used as a justification for the event appearing across the river at the Southbank Centre. There is also the intangible, stylistic localisation that made this attractive to audiences. An accident of 19th copyright law meant that Moby-Dick was first published in England as ‘The Whale’ a month before it was published in the United States under the title it is more well known for. This gave the UK audience yet another point of access to claim this book as part of their own local cultural heritage. A more fundamental personalisation of the ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ was seen in our experiences with the volunteer readers. Half of our readers were volunteers from the general public. We organised a number of rehearsals for the practical purpose of ensuring that volunteers gained experience with being on stage and reading out loud in front of a large audience. During the rehearsal sessions, readers volunteered unprompted what the book meant to them personally. They often talked about when they had read it or even failed to read it. The book itself has a reputation for being challenging and participants often talked about failing to finish it on their first attempt, but trying again when circumstances changed and were able to complete and appreciate the novel. The book signified an accomplishment for them. We discovered that the rehearsals themselves became a valuable experience for the volunteers. We saw participants networking both at the rehearsals and social media. Additionally, we took a number of step to foster this sense of personal relevance for participants. Volunteers from the public got the same amount of time to read as the invited authors and celebrities, which was 10 minutes each. Readers were encouraged to read in their own voice. It was important to the project that the book was heard in the myriad of accents here in the UK. We generally favoured women readers to counterpoint the male cast of characters. All of this helped foster a sense of ownership of the volunteers and increased the personal value of the experience. This need is most typified by an email received by one of the participants, Caroline Hack. I was one of the members of the public selected to read part of Moby Dick at the Moby Dick Unabridged event at the Southbank Centre. It was a fantastic opportunity to share my passion for the book and meet a wide range of people from diverse backgrounds who shared and started sharing that passion. I am a visual artist partway through an Arts Council England funded artist in residency at Burton Constable Hall in South Yorkshire (where they have a whale skeleton mentioned in Moby Dick). Moby Dick Unabridged could not have come at a better time as I was not only able to talk to people at the event and rehearsals about my project, but also talk to visitors to Burton Constable Hall about the Moby Dick reading in London. I have been using social media to promote my project and gained new followers and a wider audience for that from connecting with people at the rehearsals, the event and after. I have gained useful contacts for the future and because of my social media activity I know of one and possibly two groups who are now thinking of doing marathon Moby Dick readings in other parts of the country. The rehearsals and the event itself increased my skills and confidence in performing in such an event. I was particularly impressed with the structure of the rehearsal where we were gently guided into reading aloud, using and adjusting the mic and the transitions between speakers, given good advice and lots of encouragement. But

more than this we were in a small group of readers around our own time slot so we got to know the people who would be around when we would be performing two weeks later. On the day there this meant there were friendly faces, and a reassuring sense of camaraderie when in the audience, green room and whilst waiting at the side for our turn. It was a fantastic event and although I had to travel over 100 miles to participate I wouldn’t have missed it for the world. Caroline’s correspondence makes explicit the connection with cultural heritage organisations such as Arts Council England, Heritage locations in the United Kingdom such as Burton Constable Hall and her own artistic practice with the book. She mentions the rehearsals as well as the event itself as being important, which reinforced our belief that involving participants in the process as well as the event itself was important for fostering the shared ownership. Her mentioning other groups who are interested in organising similar events is a clear indication of the success of ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ was at adapting this piece of American cultural heritage to the United Kingdom. Summary As mentioned previously, it was unsurprising that Melville’s Moby-Dick would resonate with British audiences as a part of their cultural heritage. From being first published in the United Kingdom over hundred years ago, it has always been a part of this country’s cultural heritage - regardless of Melville’s American nationality. Added to this were the clear influences of the literary heritage of Britain on the book written when the United States was a new country and had not yet developed a cultural heritage of its own. It was for reasons such as these that Moby-Dick was chosen as the book for the unabridged live reading in London. However, the Special Relationship organisation purposely designed their event to emphasise aspects of authenticity and encouraged participants and audience to personalise the experience of the event. The experience of participants as typified by Caroline Hack’s letter demonstrated how the event was able to achieve this.

Acknowledgements The ‘Moby-Dick Unabridged’ project was made possible by support from Arts Council England, The Cockayne Fund for the Arts and the Southbank Centre. Jarred McGinnis is an American living in London, and the co-founder of the literary variety night, The Special Relationship. His fiction has been commissioned for BBC Radio 4, and appeared in journals in the UK, USA and Ireland. In addition to writing fiction, he holds a PhD in Artificial Intelligence. Sam Taradash is co-founder of the literary variety night The Special Relationship and the Moby Dick Unabridged project Contact: info@thespecialrelationship.net

Bibliography Burton, R.F. 2004. The Arabian nights: tales from a Thousand and one nights. Modern Library, New York. Crystal, D. 2003. The Cambridge encyclopaedia of the English language. 2nd ed. ed. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, U.K. ; New York. Hargrove, C. 2003. Authenticity in Cultural Heritage Tourism. Forum J. Natl. Trust Hist. Preserv. 18. Johanson, K., Freeman, R. 2012. The reader as audience: The appeal of the writers’ festival to the contemporary audience. Continuum 26, 303–314. doi:10.1080/10304312.2011.590575 McIntosh, A.J., C. Prentice, R. 1999. Affirming authenticity. Ann. Tour. Res. 26, 589–612. doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(99)00010-9 Melville, H., 2009. Moby-Dick, or, The whale. Penguin, London. Robertson, M., Yeoman, I. 2014. Signals and Signposts of the Future: Literary Festival Consumption in 2050. Tour. Recreat. Res. 39, 321–342. doi:10.1080/02508281.2014.11087004 Sei Shōnagon, McKinney, M. 2006. The pillow book. Penguin classics. Penguin books, London. Shakespeare, W. 1992. Hamlet. Wordsworth Editions, Ware.

Book Review: From Hill to Sea: Dispatches from the Fife Psychogeographical Collective 20102014. Published in 2015 by Fife Psychogeographical Collective [FPC]. Bread and Circuses Publishing. Reviewed by Coralie Acheson

Sometime in the dark, chill, midwinter months my twitter feed began to stir with news of an exciting new book. Photos were posted of an attractively brown wrapped parcel, stamped starkly with the words ‘Fife Psychogeographical Collective’ alongside exclamations proclaiming its arrival. The book in question was ‘From Hill to Sea: Dispatches from the Fife Psychogeographical Collective 2010-2014’. Intrigued I ordered my own copy and waited, somewhat impatiently, for it to drop through the letterbox. On arrival existing commitments meant it could not be properly considered, and I took to carrying it around with me, snatching stolen glimpses into its pages, out of order and with a vague sense of confusion. When, finally, I was able to give it a proper reading, it unfolded and unfurled, expanding my imagination as it disorientated and challenged my perceptions. This is not a conventional book but rather a series of collaboratively written ‘dispatches’ originally published online by the Fife Psychogeographical Collective between 2010-2014, described as : “Field trips, general wanderings and rag-pickings from hill to sea Mapping the interstices of past, present and possible From the Kingdom of Fife and beyond” (FPC 2015: 2) The book charts travels through Fife and beyond, mostly on foot, but also including other forms of transport and also those journeys into the layers of time through archival materials and imagination. The book uses photography and poetry as much as prose, and illustrates and accompanies these with the use of non-traditional typography and playlists for the music listened to while writing. From Hill to Sea is available as a printed book, but also as an ebook with embedded links to streamed music (FPC 2016). Given the scope of this work it would not be possible to consider every aspect of it in this short review. Instead, the themes of place, perception and story have been identified for discussion here. These themes thread in and out of the text and have particular resonance for those working in the fields of heritage and archaeology. As a book of psychogeographical observations this is, effectively, a book designed to challenge ordinary and normative perceptions of place. The first dispatch, ‘Into the Void’, begins with the instruction from the FPC Field Guide to ‘never keep to the path’ (FPC 2015:10). By following this advice the book charts various wanderings into forbidden and forgotten places, from abandoned quarries and subaltern gathering places in the ‘edgelands’ of urban areas, to housing estates, woodlands, and the second storeys of our shopping streets which are only seen if looking up. Psychogeography is a way of looking at the world around us differently, attempting to see what lies beneath the surface (Coverley 2010:13). It is an embedded practice that requires one to be present where they are, to be present in places which are not necessarily comfortable and familiar, and to allow oneself to become disorientated in those places which are familiar. This is expressed particularly clearly in a poem included in From Hill to Sea entitled ‘What Can Happen on a Walk’ which juxtaposes the mind and body with being in the world:

“m b i o n d d y b w e o i r n l g d” (FPC, 2015: 277) Once one’s perception of place is altered, the experience of these places can also be transformed. The way we perceive place may initially be influenced by its mapped representation. From Hill to Sea includes accounts of places where the reality may be very different to the map. One landscape appeared featureless on google maps, but when explored was revealed as an ancient landscape crossed by a coffin road and dotted with wildwood (FPC 2015:30). Another place appeared as a fox shaped woodland on historic maps, but today only a small area survives amidst the modern streets (FPC 2015:208-219). This theme, of places not being how they may initially appear, is found throughout the book. The collective examine standing stones on a golf course and investigate the communist history of one of Britain’s most deprived urban areas (FPC 2015:56-68). What is today a Greggs the Bakers can become a place of national significance when identified as the building in which Adam Smith wrote his seminal ‘Wealth of Nations’ (FPC 2015:7). Linking altered perception, and the places perceived through it, are the stories which are held within those places, and the stories imagined in them. One particularly interesting concept used in From Hill to Sea is that of haunting. Old buildings and structures are referred to as ghosts, places have ‘hauntologies’, and the former noise of industry is imagined as echoing as lost sounds in abandoned spaces (FPC 2015:7, 17, 28, 87). Avery Gordon describes haunting as ‘a very particular way of knowing what has happened or is happening’ (2008:8). Perhaps another way of looking at this would be to identify ‘ghosts’ as those things which are at the edge of perception but whose stories are felt rather than fully known. A rusting monolith of industrial equipment sighing in the wind has a story to tell, but it is not one that is often heard. Even more ephemerally, the stories we carry within ourselves also influence our perception of places. In one dispatch, ‘Moby Dick, Laurie Anderson and The King’s Cellar, Limekilns’, the story of the great whale, its author and its later interpretation are interwoven with Limekilns in Fife, which may have influenced its writing, and the collective’s own past and future relationship with that place (FPC 2015:54). From Hill to Sea is not a ‘textbook’ of psychogeography, if such a thing could actually be written. While it does include a number of short but insightful essays examining the thoughts of some of the founding fathers of the discipline, its strength comes from the way it invites the reader to participate. The book is itself a revised version of dispatches originally posted online, updated to incorporate input from other sources (e.g. FPC 2015:26). Additionally, the use of photographs, poetry and musical suggestions draws the reader themselves into the ongoing narrative, adding their own thoughts to the corpus of the imagination that the book represents. Ultimately, this is not a book that provides answers, but instead challenges the questions being asked. It is not, perhaps, what is this place, but ‘where does the sky begin’ (FPC, 2015: 40). Fundamentally, this book is a rallying cry to be present wherever and whenever you are, to explore, to look beneath the surface, to listen to the signs and not accept the most obvious path or explanation.

Coralie Acheson, now playing: Tracy Chapman – Crossroads Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage, University of Birmingham April 2016

References Coverley, Martin. 2010. Psychogeography. Pocket Essentials: Harpenden. Fife Psychogeographical Collective [FPC].2015. From Hill to Sea: Dispatches from the Fife Psychogeographical Collective 2010-2014. Bread and Circuses Publishing. Fife

Psychogeographical

Collective

[FPC].2016.

From

Hill

Sea ebook, available at: https://fifepsychogeography.com/2016/04/20/from-hill-to-sea-ebook/ (Accessed 26 April 2016). Gordon, Avery.2008. Ghostly Matters: Haunting and the Sociological Imagination (2nd edition). New University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis.

International Conference Announcement Call for Papers

The Heritages of Migration: Moving Stories, Objects and ‘Home’ Buenos Aires, Argentina National Museum of Immigration 6 – 10 April 2017 Held at the National Museum of Immigration, Buenos Aires, Argentina – a country that itself has seen mass immigration – this conference asks:

      

What objects and practices do migrants value and carry with them in their movements between old and new worlds? How do people negotiate and renegotiate their “being in the world” in the framework of migration? How is memory enacted through material culture and heritage into new active domains? What stories are told and how are they transmitted within and between migrant communities and generations? How is the concept of home made meaningful in a mobile world? Where do performances of identity “take place” so as to generate new landscapes of collective memory? How do the meanings of place and placelessness change over generations from an initial migration?

The conference is designed encourage provocative dialogue across the fullest range of disciplines. Indicative topics of interest to the conference include:

      

The heritage of trans-Atlantic encounters – ways and means of crossing distances Performing place and new inscriptions of placelessness Migration and urban territories – settlement processes and practices Travelling intangible heritages – the rituals, practices, festivals of home away Diasporic heritage communities Migrating memories Representations of migration/immigration in popular culture

Abstracts of 300 words submitted in the conference format should be sent as soon as possible but no later than October 14 2016 via our online form: www.universityofbirmingham.submittable.com www.heritagesofmigration.wordpress.com

A series of online debates led by students from the Ironbridge International Institute for Cultural Heritage, University of Birmingham, in collaboration with archaeology and heritage students from Universities and early career professionals across the world. #OurUNESCO is designed to provide a forum to critically evaluate the state and role of UNESCO ahead of its 70th anniversary. Past Debates: January 19th 2015- The World Heritage List First debate with contributors from Birmingham, UK, Durham, UK, Germany, Mexico and The Netherlands. Significantly raised the profile of furnace Journal. February 16th 2015- Intangible Heritage Second debate with contributors from Birmingham, UK, Durham, UK, York, UK, Canada, India, Mexico, Spain and The Netherlands. March 16th 2015- UNESCO: The Institution Third debate with contributors from Birmingham, UK, Bristol/Glasgow, England, UK, Germany and Spain. April 20th 2015- World Heritage and Tourism May 18th 2015- World Heritage Education With contributors from Birmingham, Cornwall, Devon, South Wales, the Giantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Causeway and Panama!

Next Edition: World Heritage Education Article 4 of the World Heritage Convention states that each State Party has ‘the duty of ensuring the identification, protection, conservation, presentation and transmission to future generations of the cultural and natural heritage’ (UNESCO 1972); it is through Outreach and Education that this ‘transmission’ is undertaken. Article 27 enshrines the Educational duties of WHSs, as it states that ‘the States Parties to this Convention shall endeavour by all appropriate means, and in particular by educational and information programmes, to strengthen appreciation and respect by their peoples of the cultural and natural heritage’ (UNESCO 1972). It is important to remind WHSs and stakeholders, that Education and Outreach is a duty and obligation. This is a timely reminder as many World Heritage Sites are undergoing a period of change through restructuring and the rewriting of their Management Plans. World Heritage Education can occur through formal learning programmes at site level, nationally through state parties and globally. World Heritage Education however remains under researched. This is a symptom of heritage education in general which remains under researched in comparison to that of museum education. Therefore we are seeking submissions with a focus on either of the following research questions:      

What is World Heritage Education? How can the concept of Outstanding Universal Value be communicated to young audiences? What is the relationship between heritage education, museum education and World Heritage Education? How can educational visits to World Heritage Sites enhance learning? How are World Heritage Sites learning resources for classroom based learning? What are the challenges in World Heritage Sites developing learning programmes?

The theme of the 4th issue of the IIICH Postgraduate journal furnace is World Heritage Education.

Call for Book Reviewers Book review submissions can also be of any length, but the word count cannot be over 1,500 words. For more information on submissions see: https://furnacejournal.wordpress.com/information-for-authors/ Books to be reviewed: Barbiera, I. Choyke, A. M. Rasson, J. A. 2009. Materializing Memory. Archaeological material culture and the semantics of the past. Barbiera, I. Choyke, A. M. Rasson, J. A. (eds). BAR International Series 1977. Hurcombe, L.M. 2007. Archaeological Artefacts as Material Culture. Routledge. King, T. F. 2013. Cultural Resource Laws and Practice (4th edition) Lanham, AltaMira Press. Labadi, S. 2013. UNESCO, Cultural Heritage, and Outstanding Universal Value: Value-based Analyses of the World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Conventions. Rowman and Littlefield. St. Clair, A. Taylor, K. Mitchell, N. J. 2014. Challenges and New Directions (Routledge Studies in Heritage). Taylor & Francis Group. Worrell, S. Egan, S. Naylor, J. Leahy, K. Lewis, M. 2007. A Decade of Discovery. Proceedings of the Portable Antiquities Scheme Conference. Archeopress.

If you are interested in obtaining a copy and reviewing these books, please get in touch with us: furnace@contacts.bham.ac.uk