The Gracie Clan and the Making of Brazilian jiu‐jitsu by Fusion Mixed Martial Arts

Page | 1

Abstract

My dissertation, is titled The Gracie Clan and the Making of Brazilian jiu‐jitsu:

National Identity, Performance and Culture, 1801‐1993. It analyzes the introduction,

creolization, popularization and globalization of the martial art known as Brazilian

jiu‐jitsu, by examining the trajectory of the principal agents of these events, the

Gracie family. My narrative covers almost two hundred years and encompasses four

continents: Asia, Europe, South America and North America. It begins with the

Page | 2 migration of the Gracie family from Scotland to Brazil in the early nineteenth

century and describes how they invented and popularized Brazilian jiu‐jitsu during

the twentieth century. Their idiosyncratic story is also the story of Brazil’s white

elite in this era, as they reinvented Asian and African cultures to form and reform

national identity. The dissertation follows this family through their settlement,

aristocratization, decadence, social and cultural reinvention and recent migration to

the United States. Along the way, they maintained their elitist ethos, which has

fueled and legitimized their role. By the 1930’s they had emerged as an epitome of

manhood, sanctioned by the paternalist and populist political regime. Ultimately,

Page | 3 during the following decades, their complex, ritualistic hyper‐masculinized life style,

forged from the clash between tradition and modernity, created a hybrid

performance sport based on violence “Made in Brazil.” Thus, the paper that I’ll

present at LASA congress in Rio de Janeiro will be a very short of my chapter’s

version submitted by eletronic mail.

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Introduction

“

The version widely spread by the Gracie family, claims that the young

diplomat Gastão Gracie on his way to takeover the position of Brazilian Consul at

Hamburg fell in love with a local young girl named Cesarina Pessoa Vasconcellos

during the steamship’s stop at the Port of Belém and decide to stay. 1 This seems

Page | 5 plausible, although other, less romantic variables may have been involved. The

Gracie’s financial decline in Rio de Janeiro at the time certainly was a factor and

diplomacy may well have constituted an avenue to retain social status and prevent

total bankrupcy. Despite the fact that the Gracie’s invented tradition might be

partially real, other less romantic variables may have been involved. Thus , I claim

that combination of factors and circumtances migh lay behind Gastão’s decision to

settle in Amazon. 2

Robson Gracie in a personal communication reported that Gastão fell in love with Cesarina Pessoa during a Catholic mass in Belém. There were two German steamship lines that linked Germany to Brazil at the time of Gastão’s travel. One was the Hamburg Sudamerikanisch Dampfschiff Gesellschsft and the other was the Norddeatscher Lloyd Bremer. Both made stops in ports along the Brazilian coast, but not in Belém. 2 Amazon here corresponds to the northern region of Brazil in which the state of Pará belongs. Thereafter, the denomination Amazon, state of Pará, and Belém will be used interchangeably. However, when I

The Portuguese crown and subsequently the Brazilian state had interests

Page | 6 geopolitically focused throughout the history on the southern borders. There they

were engaged in a long standing dispute over territory, trade, resources and

influence with Spain and later independent states which formed the colonial

Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. 3 However, in the second half of the nineteenth

century the Brazilian empire increasingly turned up more attention to the remote

frontiers in Amazon. 4 The extraction of rubber from the rainforest created a cycle of

economic bonanza that demanded attention from the state and economic groups on

mention the state of Amazon, another federation unit of northern region, the word “state” will precede Amazon in order avoid confusion with the broaden geographical Amazon region. 3 The Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata originated the modern Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia. 4 In the 1850s and 1860s the United States signed navigation treaties on Paraná and Amazonas basins thereby securing the opening of international trade in the most important waterways in South America. Brazil and United States signed the treaty on 12/07/1866. Percy Alvin Martin, "The Influence of the United States on the Opening of the Amazon to the World's Commerce," The Hispanic American Historical Review 1, no. 2 (May, 1918): 161.

this long neglected northern backwater. Moreover, due the lack of interest and

Page | 7 difficulties inherent the region’s accessibility the international borders in Amazon

remained unsettled since the colonial times. 5

Thus, Brazil’s foreign policy in the recently inaugurated republic opted for

pan Americanism and established a “South American” version of the Monroe

Doctrine to deal with issues prompted by disputes over the fluid borders in

Amazon. 6 The Itamaraty Brazilian Foreign Office ministry following Baron of Rio

See: Carlos A. Parodi, The Politics of South American Boundaries (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2002). An anonymous brochure circulated in London by 1903 entitled “South American Monroeism” (Monroeismo Sul‐Americano). The work is attributed, by some, to the Brazilian diplomat Baron of Rio Branco. The author’s major concern was the growing American imperialism which he claimed started with the “Monroe Doctrine”. By the end of the century, after American’s territorial expansion and the victory over Spain, the nations of South America should be united to resist the threat. He said that South America was like the ancient Greek and the United States was like Macedon. Greece, back then, was divided and politically week, South America nations likewise were divided, financially broken and economically dependent. He envisioned a great South American confederation bordering the Panamá and encouraged the nations in the continent to go back to their former colonial geographical limits. Nevertheless, he lamented, such disunion was result of Latin American political backwardness that has its origins on Spaniard mental atavism. Dunshee de Abranches, Rio Branco E a Politica Exterior Do Brasil, 1902‐1912, vol. 2 (Rio de Janeiro: [s.n.], 1945) 81‐93. See also: Clodoaldo Bueno, "O Barao Do Rio Branco E O Projeto

Branco’s orientation nurtured mixed feelings toward both, Brazil’s neighbors and

Page | 8 the United States. 7 The formers were regarded as turbulent and unstable and the

latter admired with reservation especially due its allegedly imperialistic ambitions

in the region. 8 Hence, in the turn of the century amidst the inevitable insertion of

the region in the global market a process diplomatic offensive was launched to settle

the international borders in the region. In the wake of this initiative, borders

disputes were usually peacefully solved often favorably to Brazilian interests. This is

Para a America Do Sul " in Rio Branco, a América Do Sul E a Modernização Do Brasil, ed. Carlos e Henrique Almino Cardim, João (Brasilia: Comissão Organizadora das Comemorações do Primeiro Centenário da Posse do Barão do Rio Branco como Ministro de Estado das Relações Exteriores, Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão, Instituto Rio Branco EMC Edições, 2002), 359‐85. 7 José Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior, Baron of Rio Branco, headed Brazilian Foreign Affairs Ministry from 1902 to 1912. 8 Baron of Rio Branco thought Brazil was different in Latin America and his concern that once the republic was inaugurated Brazil would “follow the poor and ridiculous example of Spanish American republics that sought to imitate, like monkeys, the American model ignoring that Portuguese‐Americans and Spanish‐ Americans are not Anglo‐Saxons.” In the other hand, Rio Branco admired the United States with reservations and defined the countries of Southern Cone “imaginary republics”, except Chile. Kassius Diniz da Silva Pontes, Euclides Da Cunha, O Itamaraty E a Amazônia (Brasília: Instituto Rio Branco : Fundação Alexandre Gusmão, 2005) 359.

demonstrated in Rio Branco’s finest diplomatic achievement by which a whole new

Page | 9 territory rich in rubber trees was carved out from Bolivia and Peru in 1903. 9

Ironically enough, both the Itamaraty’s private reports and Rio Branco’s personal

memories criticized harshly American expansionistic policy toward Mexico although

the incorporation of the territory of Acre itself could well be seen as the Brazilian

version of Alamo in the tropics. 10

The Treaty of Petrópolis signed between Brazil and Bolivia in 1903 gave to the former a sizable territory (164.221 km2) whose annual revenue, at the time, was higher than more that half of others Brazilian states. Moreover, the territory of Acre in 1899 produced 60% of the rubber in Amazon. Nonetheless, such impressive numbers, the Baron of Rio Branco pointed out that Brazilian government always acknowledged Bolivia’s rights over Acre and facilitated for this country the possible means to exploit the region. However, the decision to take over the territory was made to block the attempt to introduce in the continent the disturbing system of chartered companies which would jeopardized interests of Brazilians in the region. Dunshee de Abranches, Rio Branco E a Politica Exterior Do Brasil, 1902‐1912, vol. 1 (Rio de Janeiro: [s.n.], 1945) 133. Baron of Rio Branco’s justification for the annexation of Acre was twofold; to block American imperialism, in this case Anglo‐American, represented by the Bolivian Syndicate of New York who had the region leased through the Treaty of Aramayo in 1901 and to protect thousands of Brazilian rubber‐tappers mostly of them poverty‐stricken cearenses (natives to the northeastern state of Ceará) backlanders. 10 The whole episode that ended up with annexation of Acre is too much complex, however as Lewis Tambs resumed, the whole affair of the world strong demand for rubber, the principle of international law of utis possidetis de facto, the demographic pressure of Brazilian rubber‐tappers, the Brazilian expansionistic nationalism and the clever diplomacy of Baron of Rio Branco “all combined crushed Bolivia’s dream of greatness.” Lewis A. Tambs, "Rubber, Rebels, and Rio Branco: The Contest for the Acre," The Hispanic American Historical Review 46, no. 3 (Aug., 1966): 273.

Pedro Gracie in turn, seemed to have connections with important oligarchies

Page | 10 in Amazon. One of them, the Chermont family, for example, shared with the Gracies

interests in diplomacy, politics and business enterprises. 11 Due the change of

political regime in 1889 and the growing rubber based economy, Amazon’s

oligarchies sought for more influence within the federal government and

investments from the Rio de Janeiro’s financial elite. Against this background,

Gastão Gracie’s arrival in Amazon underscore the change in the relationship

between that peripheral region and nation’s centre during a very auspicious period

The Chermont family constituted a powerful oligarchy in the state of Pará, especially after the fall of the monarchy. They are involved in politics, diplomacy and business and Amazon and in Rio de Janeiro. Pedro Gracie, along with other business man, formed a tramway company 1882.Antonio Leite Chermont, one of the family members, who rise in power and influence during the new regime was appointed for company’s board in 1892. The Chermont family and their trajectory exemplify the process thereby Amazon oligarchies were catapulted to the centre of power in Rio de Janeiro. C. J. Dunlop, Apontamentos Para a Historia Dos Bondes No Rio De Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Laemmert, 1953) 118‐19,205‐06.

of expansion of economy and disputes over political power. 12 This historical set and

Page | 11 certainly Gastão’ personal issues help to understand his decision to settle and seek

for fortune and prestige in a vibrant Amazon, instead of remaining in his family

waning world in Rio de Janeiro. 13 In conclusion, Gastão was likely seduced by both,

Cesalina’s enchants and the world of possibilities available on the Amazon’s frontier.

Barbara Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850‐1920 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1983) 80‐81. 13 Euclides da Cunha, one of the most famous Brazilian intellectual of the day, described later his amazement upon the arrival in Belém. He claimed that the city surprised him with its monumental avenues and trees. Euclides da Cunha was sent to Amazon in diplomatic mission to fix the limits between the new territory of Acre and Peru in 1904. According to his account, the voyage between Rio de Janeiro and Belém took 12 days. Euclides da Cunha and Gastão Gracie arrived in Belém roughly in the same period. Euclides da Cunha, Um Paraíso Perdido : Reunião Dos Ensaios Amazônicos (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1976) 34.

II Page | 12

Gastão Gracie’s Last Frontier: Rubber, Dynamite and Circus

Gastão Gracie choose to settle in Belém, capital of Pará State, located near

the mouth of the Amazon River. Assuming that he arrived there at some point

between 1897 and 1900, he did in a place undergoing rapid modernization and

steady economic growth. By that time, the city experienced its version of a tropical

Belle Epoque as a result of the Amazon rubber boom. Thus, instead of finding a

sleepy backwater port, he found a bustling center in peripheral Brazil. 14 Moreover,

Page | 13 the demand for rubber gained momentum in the 1890’s and triggered an economic

and cultural bonanza that lasted roughly untill the World War I. 15

After a brief courtship the young couple, Cesalina Pessoa de Vasconcellos and

Gastão Gracie, married in 1901. The young bride was born in the state of Ceará

located in northeast Brazil. 16 Cesalina’s family as, thousands of beleaguered

northeastern backlanders since 1878, sought to find in Amazon the opportunities

By the turn of the century, the population of Belém was around 100,000 inhabitants. Although there is some disagreement about when the rubber boom began, Barbara Weinstein identifies the onset in the late 1870s. Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850‐1920 69. 16 There are indications that Cesalina’s family, back in their home state, belonged to the local elite and therefore they would bring resources when moved to Amazon. Moreover, the local elite upon the arrival of scores of entrepreneurial outsiders sought to establish networks with them. One of these strategies was to promote marriage arrangements between the local young’s women elite and the best suitors. Gastão Gracie arriving from the nation’s capital, well‐educated, polyglot, distinct family background seemed to be the perfect bachelor. Cristina Donza Cancela, "Casamento E Relacoes Familiares Na Economia Da Borracha (Belem, 1870‐1920)" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Universidade de Sao Paulo, 2006). Record of Gastão and Cesalina see:Joao Simoes Filho, "Arquivo Paulo Carneiro Da Cunha," (Colegio Brasileiro de Genealogia 2007). 15

offered by this new Eldorado created by Amazon rubber boom. Thus, the region

Page | 14 functions as a magnet for those expelled from their region to escape from drought

and famine. 17

Once married and settled, Gastão Gracie became a dynamite importer in

Belém which seems reasonable taking into consideration his previous training as

chemist in Germany. Moreover, due the booming progress experienced in the region

at the time dynamite importation should be a very timely business to conduct

there. 18

The badlands of the northeast Brazil’s hinterland were endemically ravaged by period of droughts in the late 1800’s and early 1900’s. Due the famine that occurred in the state of Ceará in 1878, 54,000 migrants from this state settled in Amazon and they continued to come in the following decades. Charles E. Stokes, The Amazon Bubble : World Rubber Monopoly (Fort McKavett, Tex.: C.E. Stokes, Jr., 2000) 19. 18 The municipal law regulating the importation de dynamite was published in 1897. de Lemos Antonio José, Relatorio Apresentado Ao Conselho Municipal De Belém, Na Sessão De 15 De Novembro De 1902 (Pará: Typographia de Alfredo Augusto Silva, 1902).

The couple had their first son, Carlos, and over the years seven children

Page | 15 among them, Hélio Gracie, whom along his eldest brother were major actors in the

later reinvention of Japanese jiu‐jitsu. 19 Coincidently, just after Hélio’s birth, rubber

production in Amazon was surpassed for the first time by its Asian rivals event that

forecast the beginning of the Amazon’s decline and the re‐marginalization of the

entire region. 20

As noted earlier, Gastão likely moved to Amazon, among other reasons, due

his family connections with local oligarchies which were often involved in bitter

Also around the time of Gastão’s arrival in Amazon, the local government was constructing railways in the region. Ernesto Horacio da Cruz, História Do Pará ([Belém]: Universidade do Pará, 1963) 661. 19 Carlos Gracie was born on September 15 1902 and Hélio Gracie was born on November 1 1912. The other brothers and sisters respectively born in the following order: Oswaldo Gracie (August 29 1903) Gastão Gracie Filho (April 11 1906) Helena Gracie (August 13 1906) George Gracie (1911) Mary Gracie (February 3 1915) and Ilka Gracie (1917). Filho, "Arquivo Paulo Carneiro Da Cunha." 20 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850‐1920 218‐19.

political disputes. In 1912, rivalry over political control in the state of Pará reached

Page | 16 its climax. He was member of Partido Republicano Democrático Democratic

Republican Party created in 1889 which became a political meeting point for liberal

monarchists after the inauguration of republic. The party, besides being

quintessentially republican, defended federalism, local autonomy, abolition of

privileges, religious freedom and secularization of the cemeteries. 21 During the

violent politic thug‐of‐war involving political local forces and the federal

government, Gastão found another use for his chemistry skills. In May of 1912, he

was accused by the newspaper, A Provincia do Pará, to plot the explosion of the

Cruz, História Do Pará 551.

newspaper’s offices in change for a huge sum of money. 22 This newspaper was

Page | 17 owned by Gastão’s party political rival who afterward ended up defeated and

publicly humiliated. 23 Interestingly enough, the newspaper Folha do Norte owned

by Gastão’s political allies was also threatened with dynamite notwithstanding in

both cases the explosions never had taken place. 24 Modernization affected politics

in Brazil in various ways and employing modern explosives would be one form of

violent radicalization in the political discourse. As Ze’ev Iviansky points out:

Carlos Rocque, Antônio Lemos E Sua Época : História Política Do Pará, 2a. ed. (Belém, PA: Editora Cejup, 1996) 354. 23 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850‐1920 249. 24 The newspaper A Provincia do Pará eventually was burned to the ground in 1912 by an enraged mob.

“…individual terror was one manifestation of the modern age of violence

and symptom and expression of great changes of social stratification, government,

technology, ideology and revolutionary activity.” 25

As for Gastão, considering his education, social background, and trajectory

one would imagine his degree of frustration after more one decade in Amazon

without even get close to his family past achievements. This episode may reveal that

his quasi‐outburst of individual terror rather than being part of a revolutionary

drive for change was an outlet for his frustration and gradually political, social and

Ze'ev Iviansky, "Individual Terror: Concept and Typology," Journal of Contemporary History 12, no. 1 (Jan.1977).

Page | 18

economic alienation. Perhaps, the whole episode was the utmost expression of his

Page | 19 inner desire to rescue the past through the weapon of choice of modern terrorists,

the dynamite.

In the aftermath of this intra‐ oligarchic blooded political battle Gastão’s

political party was among the winners, for him particularly the victory meant the

local press support from his next venture.

At some point during the pre‐war years, Gastão changed his activities toward

another promising enterprise. 26 One of the consequences of the huge progress

Changing business interests was a survival strategy adopted by local entrepreneurs. Thus, Gastão Gracie’s option for entertainment ventures should be understood as an attempt to survive amidst rubber economy decadence. Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850‐1920 258.

experienced by Belém, during the early twenty century, was the emergence of

Page | 20 sizeable and dynamic elite that eagerly sought modern exotic forms of

entertainment. Theatres and cinemas were created and circus mounted their tents

to entertain the local high‐society. 27 Gastão became partner in the American Circus

owned by the Queirolo Brothers and manager of the Italian‐Argentine wrestler

Alfredo Leconte in 1916. 28

Anderson M. B. Cavalcante, "A Chegada Do Cinema No Pará E a Figura De Libero Luxardo," in História e‐ História (2005). Also Maria de Nazaré Sarges, Belém : Riquezas Produzindo a Belle‐Époque, 1870‐1912 ([Belém, Brazil]: Editora Paka‐Tatu, 2000) 82‐83. 28 Rildo Eros de Medeiros is journalist, judo practitioner and arguably the most important researcher on history of Japanese martial arts in Amazon. Rildo’s research was endorsed by the prestigious Kodokan Judo Institute in Tokyo, Japan. He lives in Manaus, state of Amazon and since the complete series of key newspapers from the region cannot be found elsewhere, his work is a invaluable source for any study of Japanese martial arts in that region. Moreover, he has also conducted a great number of interviews with Japanese and their descendants in Amazon. The information that I obtained from him are result of three years of consultations by electronic mail, regular mail and telephonic conversations. Hereafter his personal informs will be cited as “Rildo Medeiros personal inform”. The information on Gastão’ association with American Circus was provided by him based on information that he got on the newspaper Folha do Norte. The Queirolo Brothers and their American Circus were originally from Uruguay. They traveled around the world and settled in Brazil in 1910. Antônio Torres and Márcio Castro Carrilho, Alice Viveiros de, O Circo No Brasil /Antônio Torres ; Colaboração, Alice Viveiros De Castro E Márcio Carrilho (Rio de Janeiro São Paulo: FUNARTE ; Atração, 1998) 136‐41. The presence of Uruguayans and Argentineans in Brazil was not exceptional rather were part of the cultural phenomenon called Circo Criollo which represents a golden age of circus activities in the region of La Plata. Raúl Héctor Castagnino, El Circo Criollo; Datos Y Documentos Para Su Historia, 1757‐1924, Colección Lajouane De Folklore

As part of the phenomenon that made the region temporarily magnet for

Page | 21 foreign adventurers the Japanese troupe of martial artists came to Amazon in 1915

to satisfy elite’s demands for exotic performances. The Troupe Koma was formed by

Japanese jiu‐jitsu masters put together and directed by Mayeda Mitsuyo 29 in the

course of his travels in Latin America. 30

Argentino, (Buenos Aires,: Lajouane, 1953). Also see: Beatriz Seibel, Historia Del Circo (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Ediciones del Sol, 1993). 29 Hereafter, all Japanese names will follow the Japanese style, surname first followed by the given name. 30 Troupe Koma was a brainchild of Mayeda Mitsuyo, a Kodokan judo black belt, known in the entertainment business as “Count Koma”. This nom de guerre was adopted during his international career as wrestler. The troupe was formed by Satake Nobushiro, Uenish Sadakazu also known as Laku (he trained the Peruvian Police), Okura (living in Chile), Shimitsu (living in Argentina), and Mayeda himself.

The local newspapers Folha do Norte owned by Gastão’s political allies was

Page | 22 the principal promoter of cultural life and entertainment in Belém. 31 In October of

1915 the newspaper announced the forthcoming attractions at the Bar Paraense:

“…of the Italian duo Sereia The Mermaid , the French singer, Madam

Germaine Derval and Dandy & May, the American duo of singers and dancers

performing eccentric performances. The troupe itself will perform jiu‐jitsu,

wresting, boxing and Japanese fencing matches, and is directed by the undefeated

world champion, Count Koma who will offer the reward of 5,000 francs for anyone

able to defeat one of the troupe’s members formed by Okura, champion of Chile,

Shimizi, champion of Peru, Satake, champion of New York and Luku Laku former

The newspaper Folha do Norte begun to circulate in 1896 in opposition to Antonio Lemos, local political boss deposed during the political crisis in 1912. The Folha do Norte thereafter promote a sort of cultural vanguard e get engaged in discussions on woman’s suffrage among other modern topics of the day.

military instructor in Peru. The troupe is currently in the state of Pará on its way to

North America and its presentations have been a great success in other countries.

The troupe will be dressing proper and totally decent attire, and its performance is

rigorously family oriented. Flyers with detailed program will be distributed in

advance and the troupe will parade on the principal city streets with their

traditional outfits.” 32

The program of varieties presented at Bar Paraense demonstrate that despite

the ongoing economic crisis in Amazon, the region still work as a magnate for

foreign artists. Also, is noteworthy to mention that Japanese jiu‐jitsu made its debut

Theatre Bar Paraense was the local centre of entertainment that held a wide range of spectacles during Belém’s belle époque Folha do Norte, Belém, 10/25/1915.

Page | 23

in Amazon as a combination of stage performance and public matches rather than a

Page | 24 sport. Nevertheless, it was presented as entertainment on a clear opposition of jiu‐

jitsu’s trends in Japan. In a nutshell, jiu‐jitsu came to Brazil as a product of late Belle

Époque bourgeois amusement similar to operas, cinema, plays, theaters and

circus. 33 Perhaps, this might explains the decision of Koma to use the generic term

jiu‐jitsu instead Kodokan judo. The latter was quintessentially a rescue of a

disheartened tradition reinvented with an aura of modern respectability. Hence,

Mayeda Mitsuyo was originally a black belt formed by the rigid moral standards set

by Kano Jigoro. However, his trajectory made him break way from his Kodokan

See:Maria Fernanda Baptista Bicalho, "The Art of Seduction: Representation of Women in Brazilian Silent Cinema," Luso‐Brazilian Review 30, no. 1 (Summer, 1993).

roots to perform in less honorable spaces such as theatres and circus fighting for

Page | 25 money. Since Kodokan judo was one style of jiu‐jitsu the use of generic

denomination save him of embarrassment and protected Kodokan’s reputation. 34

Three days later, the news highlighted the huge success of Troupe Koma

attracting a “countless multitude” to watch the “Nippon Hercules”. 35 Also, the prize

offered by Koma prompted local challengers to show up and confront the “jiu‐

jitsumen”. ”. Considering the local economy dire straits, five thousands francs

represented a considerable sum of money for eventual candidates. Despite the

James A. Green and Joseph R. Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," in Martial Arts in the Modern World, ed. James A. Green and Joseph R. Svinth (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003). Green and Svinth ponder reasonably, based on Kano’s declarations, that his principles definitely would no condone with professionalism or any public entertainment for personal gain. 35 Folha do Norte, Belém, 10/28/1915.

boldness of some individuals the matches invariably ended up in victories for the

Page | 26 Japanese and, as expected, the prize remained intact. 36 As the open challenges

followed, expectations rose and of course the spectacle profits. The Bar Paraense’s

manager, beside the prize stipulated by Count Koma, was willing to pay fifty

thousand mil‐reis for any local capoeira practitioner 37 that eventually fight and

defeat Satake Soishiro. 38 The debate ensued in the press whether capoeira or jiu‐

jitsu was the most efficient martial flared up in press and kept the public interest

There is no way to know why Count Koma fixed the prize in francs. However, one could speculate that since the French currency was experienced a strong devaluation in the exchange rates due the World War I Count Koma’s strategy might deliberately minimize any eventual setback. Folha do Norte, Belém, 10/28/1915. In two open challenges occurred in that day, Severiano Leonel and Geraldo Lima, fought respectively Count Koma and Laku. The former was defeated by Koma and latter reached a draw with the Japanese. Such impressive performance however might well be a strategy to encourage local challengers to keep showing up and challenge the members of troupe. 37 Capoeira is an African diasporic martial art widely practiced in Brazil, mostly by Afro‐descendants. However, the term capoeira could be loosely applied for any tough street fighter regardless being a true capoeira practitioner or not. The regulation and standardization of capoeira as sportified martial art came later. 38 Folha do Norte, Belém, 11/04/1915. Satake was the troupe’s best fighter.

alive. Those favoring jiu‐jitsu argued that capoeira was not a martial art and its

Page | 27 practice was outlawed. The capoeira’s supporters countered‐attack breaking down

the Brazilian criminal code which prescribed punishment in public spaces for

practices generically labeled as capoeiragem. 39 Thus, explaining the juridical

technicalities the article wanted to proof that capoeira constitutes already a

standardized system of martial arts and not only acrobatic exercises loosely

performed by vagrants. 40 In the same edition, perhaps compromising divergent

positions, journalists reached the conclusion that jiu‐jitsu was the “science working

Capoeira’s practice was criminalized in1890’s Penal Code. Thomas H. Holloway, ""A Healthy Terror": Police Repression of Capoeiras in Nineteenth‐Century Rio De Janeiro," The Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (1989): 671. Also see: Maya Talmon Chvaicer, "The Criminalization of Capoeira in Nineteenth‐Century Brazil," The Hispanic American Historical Review 82, no. 3 (2002): 535. 40 Folha do Norte, Belém 11/05/1915. Capoeira’s defense was based on the article published by Kosmos magazine in Rio de Janeiro in which is attested capoeira’s efficacy. The article was originally published by Lima Campos, "A Capoeira," Kosmos, Revista Artistica, Scientifica e Literaria 1906.

with body’s weak points” and capoeira is the “science to defy gravity”. Highlighting

Page | 28 capoeira physical demands, the article claimed that the Brazilian martial art was a

great fitness exercise, and should be adopted in the schools. 41 The debate about the

impeding showdown between two fighting systems demonstrate that Brazilians are

willing to incorporate the Japanese culture; however they also seek to legitimize

theirs by granting over Capoeira the same degree of respectability of its European

and Japanese counterparts. Notwithstanding legitimization of local culture is done

always according to foreign standards, rather than done on its own right.

Folha do Norte, Belém 11/15/1915.

The rivalry involving foreign and locals sparked rivalry between the Japanese

Page | 29 overconfidence and Brazilian self esteem. The newspaper Folha do Norte unleashed

a nationalistic campaign, questioning Japanese martial art’s efficacy against the

Brazilian capoeira based on past events. They accused the Japanese of fearing fight

capoeiras, despite they advertised otherwise. 42 The reason for this had its roots in

past confrontations involving Brazilian and Japanese. In the year of 1909, a group of

medical school students organized a public bout in Rio de Janeiro, pitting Sada

Miyako, a Japanese jiu‐jitsu martial artist and Cyriaco, a capoeira street fighter. The

The newspaper’s advertisement stated that challenges were open for “people of all nationalities, without distinction of class and social position”. The rivalry and polemics around jiu‐jitsu and capoeira was likely part of a strategy to promote the fight exploring local’s sensibilities. The journalists who sided whether with capoeira or jiu‐jitsu might well be the same person. The Folha do Norte’s editor at the time was Paulo Maranhão journalist particularly feared by his ability to sustain public debates. However, marketing strategies aside, certainly there was a great degree of rivalry involving the matches as demonstrated in the violence inside and outside the ring. The emphasis on class, race and nationality seemed to avoid possible restrictions to the capoeiras since they are usually poor and black.

match ended with Cyriaco’s fulminant victory thanks to capoeira inherent slickness.

Page | 30 Of course, the capoeira’s modus operandi, in that occasion, was quite unusual in the

realm of Japanese martial arts. 43 The journalist in Belém certainly had knowledge of

the entire affair, occurred in Rio de Janeiro and tried to use it to provoke the

Japanese wrestlers and boost Brazilian’s morale. Moreover, he also questioned,

whether the adoption of jiu‐jitsu by the armed forces would be reasonable if the

Japanese in Amazon fear a “modest countryside capoeira.”44

The public match was covered by the press and watched by sizeable audience. According to the accounts the Japanese martial artist hired to teach jiu‐jitsu in the Navy, was bowing toward the audience (in his traditional style) while the Brazilian capoeira was biting his tongue in order to increase his production of saliva. In the exact moment that they face each other the capoeira delivered a huge spit at the Japanese’s face that get him disoriented which Cyriaco take advantage to unleash a powerful move called rabo de arraia (stingray’s tail) that knocked out the jiu‐jitsu master. The actual fight last only few seconds and the audience got in delirious with joy. Cyriaco was somehow adopted by both faculty and students of the Medical School which was of course a elitist institution which helps capoeira to be accepted as part of the Brazilian culture. Kosmos, Revista Artistica, Scientifica e Literaria, Anno 3, 1, Janeiro 1906. Also see:Andre Luiz Lace Lopes, A Volta Do Mundo Da Capoeira ([Rio de Janeiro: s.n.], 1999) 102‐03. 44 Folha do Norte, Belém 11/10/1915. The Military (either the Army or the Navy) had occasionally tried to adopt Japanese martial arts as means of modernization as early as 1888. Takezawa Manji, Japanese

The match confronting capoeira player Pé de Bola “Ball foot” and Satake

Page | 31 Soishiro was finally anounced: “Today: capoeira against jiu‐jitsu! Everybody needs

to go to the Bar Paraense!” 45 Three days latter, in a quite sarcastic article, the

newspaper informed that Pé de Bola went to Bar Paraense and was easily beaten by

Satake. The capoeira player did not apply the famous rabo de arraia stingray’s tail

technique, not even a modest rasteira foot sweep , so much common among the

kids in the streets. The journalist defended that was time for mea culpa from those

martial artist was hired to train the imperial guards. Os imigrantes japoneses precursors: um olhar historico sobre o periodo pre‐Kasatu Maru . Museu Historico da Imigracao Japonesa no Brasil. http://www.discovernikkei.org/en/, "Os Imigrantes Japoneses Precursores ‐ Um Olhar Histórico Sobre O Período Pré‐Kasato‐Maru," in Crie historia ed. Nikkey Álbum (2007). 45 Folha do Norte, Belém 11/07/1915.

who naively believed in the fallacy of their countrymen. Fortunately, he concluded,

Page | 32 not all Brazilians did. 46

In November, the Troupe Koma performed their last presentation at the Bar

Paraense and afterwards Mayeda remained in Belém to open his first dojo 47 at the

Cine Modern Theatre. 48 The newspaper encouraged the local youth interested in

“physical culture” to sign up for classes whereas the Japanese method of teaching

was “totally harmless”. 49 Jiu‐jitsu’s lessons rose enthusiasm among the local youth

and locals “cultivators of muscle”. Yet, according to the newspaper, for many young

Folha do Norte, Belém 11/10/1915. Jiu‐jitsu training hall. Henceforth, only will be used its Japanese traditional denomination which is part of the martial art’s jargon: dojo. 48 Folha do Norte, Belém 11/29/1915. “…giving jiu‐jitsu lessons for reasonable prices to adults and children. Jujutsugi or uniforms were provided by him lessons were scheduled in the mornings afternoons and evenings”. 49 Folha do Norte, Belém 1/18/1916. 47

students enrolled, the Count Koma prepared a special program for children thereby

Page | 33 demonstrating his commitment with the “future generations.” 50

Despite being attracted primary by region’s wealth, foreign artists had to

adjust their expectations to the reality. The spectacle’s promoters set prices

accessible to the local population by which achieved to have fully booked

audiences. 51 On the other hand, in Manaus, state of Amazon’s capital, the Troupe

Koma performed for wealthy “rubber barons”, whereas despite the selected

audience, the presentation turned out in widespread gambling and violence. 52 It is

Folha do Norte, Belém 1/19/1916. Probably some of the first students enrolled by the Japanese are those defeated in the challenges along the season who eventually became their first graduate students. 51 Folha do Norte, Belém, 10/28/1915. Prices ranged from 1$000 to 10$000. A factory worker in Rio de Janeiro received 110$000/month (minimum wage). Even taken into consideration that wages in the nation’s capital were the highest in the country the ticket prices seemed to be pretty affordable. Brahma. P. 556. 52 Rildo Eros de Medeiros personal information based on local newspapers.

difficult to assert for certain, the reason for such wild performances occurred in

Page | 34 Manaus. Perhaps the city frontier’s atmosphere, comparing with the most

sophisticated Belém, contributed for the spectacle’s riotous end. 53

Due the resounding success of the Japanese, more people enrolled in jiu‐jitsu

lessons under Mayeda and Satake, whom in turn, were considering to put up a local

tournament. 54 Count Koma’s entourage toured back and forward the two capital

cities of the Amazon region ‐ Belém and Manaus ‐ between October and December of

1915. 55 In Manaus, Satake Soishiro presented seminars in a local college on

O Tempo, Manaus, 12/28/1915. In Manaus, Count Koma fought against the wrestler Nagib Assef at Polytheama Theatre. The newspaper announced a “sensational match between the director of the Japanese troupe and the famous Turkish wrestler.” Nagib Assef was likely Syrian‐Lebanese rather than Turkish, middle‐easterners immigrants in Brazil were identified under different ethnic labels and “Turk” was one of them due the first waves of Syrian‐Lebanese immigrants hold passport issued by the Ottoman Empire. See: Another Arabesque, pp. 11‐12. 54 Folha do Norte, Belém 11/16/1915. 55 Belém and Manaus were the capital cities of the states of Pará and Amazonas respectively.

Japanese physical education combined with jiu‐jitsu lessons. Yet, in Manaus, Count

Page | 35 Koma and his troupe reportedly organized the first jiu‐jitsu tournament ever

organized in Brazil won by Satake Soishiro. 56 After the event, Mayeda along Okura

and Shimizu, returned to Belém while Satake and Uenish Sadakazu remained

teaching jiu‐jitsu in Manaus. The newspaper in Manaus announced the first lessons

of jiu‐jitsu:

“Yesterday Master Laku gave his first jiu‐jitsu lesson in the dojo opened in

the first floor of the Bank of Brazil’s building. For those interested in the practice of

such beautiful and elegant sport lessons will be given everyday from 15:00 to 17:00.

Count Koma worked in the event’s organization only. O Tempo, Manaus, 11/25/1916 .Satake taught jiu‐ jitsu at the local college owned by Jose Chevalier. Rildo Eros de Medeiros’ personal information.

Soon will be organized a tournament between Laku and Satake dojos. This event

will be the first contest organized in Amazon.” 57

Back in Belém, Mayeda along with Okura and Shimizu stage presentations at

the Palace Theatre where he opened his dojo prior the season in Manaus. 58

In December 1916 the American Circus arrived in Belém presenting the

Italian‐Argentinean wrestler Alfredo Leconte who previously defeated Uenish

Sadakazu Raku in Manaus and intended to challenge other Japanese. In Manaus,

O Tempo, Manaus, 01/16/1916. The contest was surely not only unheard in Brazil, but is reasonable to believe that was also the first in Latin America. 58 During this season, the Palace‐Theatre presented the troupe Koma and the Spanish duet Los Roigs. Count Koma continued to offer prizes in cash or a gold medal in case of defeat. Notes in the newspaper about Count Koma’ s jiu‐jitsu lessons can found in the Folha do Norte, Belém from January 18/19/20 1916.

Page | 36

the American Circus arrived around the same time the Japanese troupe was touring

Page | 37 in the town. The circus was managed by Henrique Mello and Gastão Gracie and

unfolded its tents next the Amazon Theatre. The circus’ main attractions were the

acrobats Queirolo Brothers and the wrestler Alfredo Leconte who challenged and

defeated Uenish. 59 The defeat prompted Satake’s response, but the showdown

between the two was called off by the local police chief due the brawl erupted after

the previous match. 60 Back in Belém, Leconte accepted to fight Shimizu, under

certain conditions, such as the right to wear the Greco‐Roman’s uniform and

O Tempo, Manaus, 1/30/1916. Satake was sick and was replaced by Uenish. Rildo Medeiros personal information. 60 O Tempo, Manaus, 12/08/1916. Satake handed to the firm Fontenelle & co. the amount of 500$000 mil‐ reis to be delivered in case of his defeat before Alfredo Leconte, during the upcoming wrestling match to realized on the stage of the Polytheama Theatre. The chief of police, Braulio Pinto, banned no holds barren match in Manaus due the violent incidents after the fights. Rildo Eros de Medeiros personal information.

breakdown the bout in rounds. Leconte and his manager Gastão Gracie, had

Page | 38 carefully observed the Japanese performances. The pre‐conditions set by them were

twofold, to avoid by all mean the use of Japanese jiu‐jitsu gi, and minimize the

possibility of Leconte being finished up in a long match without breaks.

Furthermore, both jiu‐jitsu uniforms gi and long matches favored the Japanese,

and Leconte and Gracie cleverly sought to deny them such advantages. Shimizu’s

counter offer agreed on the Greco‐Roman’s outfit if the Italian‐Argentinean gives up

the prize money offered by the Japanese. Leconte eventually beat Shimizu and, once

again, the match ended in a collective brawl. 61 In an open letter published after the

Rildo Eros de Medeiros personal information.

fight, Shimizu Kusaku, accused his opponent of being disloyal. He complained that

Page | 39 Leconte fought almost naked with his body entirely greased and spent most of the

time avoiding the fight without make any attempt to engage him. On the contrary,

whenever cornered he achieved to get himself off the ring into the escape area

designed previously by his team. In the last round, always according to Uenish, the

slippery Leconti had him back against the mat and was proclaimed winner without

the referee wait for the thirty‐second hold down previously established. 62 Count

Koma’s disturbance vis‐à‐vis Shimizu’s defeat led him to take the affairs on his

Folha do Norte, Belém, 12/21/1916. Uenish Sadakazu (Raku) later settled in Britain and published a jiu‐ jitsu manual, Sadakazu Uyenishi, The Text Book of Ju‐Jutsu as Practised in Japan; Being a Simple Treatise on the Japanese Method of Self‐Defence (London,: Athletic publications ltd., 1936).

hands challenging Leconte, whom in turn, promptly accepted it. 63 At the end, the

Page | 40 showdown was cancelled, which might be attributed to fresh friendship born

between Mayeda and Gracie. As a result of their acquaintance, Carlos Gracie, then a

teenager joined to Mayeda’s dojo in the Modern Theatre Teatro Moderno at

Nazaré. 64

The Count Koma and his troupe of martial artists, performed stage

presentations, taught jiu‐jitsu, organized seminars and opened dojos starting in the

end of 1915. The territorialization of jiu‐jitsu/judo, identified around the same time

Idem. According to the Gracie family sources he also trained under Jachynto Ferro, Mayeda’s higher graduate students. Reila Gracie, Carlos Gracie: O Criador De Uma Dinastia (Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2008). Jachynto Ferro was a local wrestler, like others, attracted by challenges issued by Troupe Koma.

elsewhere, can also be applied in the Amazon where modernization and progress

Page | 41 came rapid, intense, but last for a relative short period of time. 65 This early

territorialization comparing to other regions in Brazil and subsequent quasi‐

extinction of Japanese jiu‐jitsu in Amazon certainly is connected to the ephemeral

centrality of the entire region.

See: Sabine Frühstück and Wolfram Manzenreiter, "Neverland Lost: Judo Cultures in Austria, Japan and Everywhere," in Globalizing Japan: Ethnography of the Japanese Presence in Asia, Europe, and America, ed. Harumi Befu and Sylvie Guichard‐Anguis (eds.) (London Routledge, 2001).

II Page | 42

From jiu‐jitsu to judo: Kano Jigoro’s conservative revolution

The style of jiu‐jitsu brought by Mayeda Mitsuyo and Satake Soishiro to

Amazon was a the modernized style of jiu‐jitsu known as Kodokan judo. 66 The

martial art denominated in the West as jiu‐jitsu jujutsu was originally a branch

within the comprehensive fighting system known as bujutsu the collective arts and

techniques in battle which has developed over the centuries in Japan. Against the

Plus the experience accumulated over the years of intense performance in no holds barred matches.

popular belief, the martial system of bujutsu is unique to Japan’s geographical set

Page | 43 and historical context. 67 The term jujutsu itself came into being for the first time in

the first half of the seventeen‐century which place it as product of medieval Edo

period 1603‐1867 . 68 Thus, as Inoue Shun has put it, “the Japanese martial arts

known today as budo are a modern invention”. 69

Jujutsu is the name of most commonly known in Japan for this art, but names as Yawara, Taijitsu, Hakuda, Kogusoku, Torite and others sometimes applied to similar arts.” Japan Society (London England). "Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London = Rondon Nihon Ky*Okai Zasshi," (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1892), 5. Bujutsu gained momentum during the period known as “Warren States” (from mid 1400s to mid 1600s) when the system developed and was employed for survival and for obtain wealth and power. Despite the introduction of firearms dated from mid 1500s the warfare was still pretty much dominated by hand‐to‐hand fighting. (Brown Delmer…) Once this unstable period ended the various skills that warriors required collectively to master (bujutsu) began to develop distinct cultural identities. Moreover, the decree of 1588 made use of swords monopoly of the warrior class. In the Edo period (1603‐1867) characterized by isolationism and stability martial arts became less used for practical purposes and increasingly part of warrior’s education. In the same way of other cultural activities martial arts branch off into hundreds of schools according to the weapons and master’s lineages. From the middle of 1700s onward martial arts begun to developed a more sport‐like feature and in the late Edo took an educational role. These developments paved way to the transition to budo. Yoshinobu Hamaguchi, "Innovation in Martial Arts," in Japan, Sport and Society: Tradition and Change in a Globalizing World ed. Joseph Maguire and Masayoshi Nakayama (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), 8‐9. Kano Yukimitsu (President of Kodokan) corroborates the theory that jujutsu was created entirely by Japanese. Jigoro Kano, Mind over Muscle : Writings from the Founder of Judo (Tokyo ; London: Kodansha International, 2005) 14‐15. 68 Serge Mol claims that the term was likely originated from the term yawara coined by Sekigushi Ujimune founder of Sekiguchi Ryu. Mol, 8‐9. 69 “This is not to say that the word budō was not used before the modern era. As can been seen in Ihara Saikaku’s Budō denraiki and Daidōji Yūzan’s Budō shoshinshu, however in the Tokugawa era meant bushidō, “the way of the warrior” signifying the code of conduct and ethos of the samurai class. Today

The Japanese term jujutsu is commonly translated as “the gentle art” or “the

Page | 44 art of softness” however Serge Mol claims that a more comprehensive definition

would be “a method of close combat, either unarmed or employing minor weapons

that can be used in defensive or offensive ways, to subdue one or more unarmed or

armed opponents”. 70

The martial arts in particular and culture in general, underwent

modernization during the opening of Japan to Western cultures during the last half

of the nineteenth century, in what was known as Meiji period. 71 This

budō refers to Japanese martial arts such as judo, kendo, aikido, and kyudō. According to Nakabayashi Shinji, this usage of budō dates from the last decade of the nineteenth century.”Inoue Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," in Mirror of Modernity: Invented Traditions of Modern Japan, ed. Stephen Vlastos (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 163. 70 Serge Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu, 1st ed. (Tokyo ; New York: Kodansha International, 2001) 10. 71 Meiji period (1868‐1912). The Meiji Era is the period correspondent to Emperor Meiji’s rule in Japan.

transformation begun rather gradually and as part of the phenomenon that affected

Page | 45 profoundly Japanese society as a whole. Particularly concerning the martial arts, as

Yashinobu Hamaguchi defined, it would be understood as a phenomenon “of

transition from bujutsu to budo”. 72

The youngest member of a wealthy family, Kano Jigoro, a gifted student

trained in the modern curriculum adopted by the Japanese universities in the Meiji

period, took up the task to modernize a specific branch of the feudal martial art of

jujutsu and adapt it to the tastes and needs of the new Japan. 73 Kano’s personal and

Hamaguchi, "Innovation in Martial Arts," 7. Kano Jigoro was born in October 28th 1860 at Mikage in the Province of Hyogo to Mareshiba Jirosaku and Kano Sadako. He inherited his father ‘s name following the tradition although it was passed down from his mother forebears, but since his mother was the eldest daughter of wealthiest sake brewer who had not male offspring to carry the family’s name his father agree on being adopted by Kano household and perpetuate its name. His mother belonged to a traditional clan of sake brewers and his father from a family of Shinto priests, Buddhists masters and Confuncian scholars. Brian N. Watson, The Father of Judo : A Biography of Jigoro Kano (Tokyo ; London: Kodansha International, 2000) 23. and John Stevens, Three

professional trajectory embodied in great deal the changes within Japanese society,

Page | 46 since he embraced the idea of build physical character, master modern science and

acquire knowledge of foreign languages. 74 He undertook a systematic study of

traditional schools of jujutsu particularly the Tenjin‐Shinyo‐Ryu and later the Kito‐

Ryu blended whereupon the techniques into the Kano‐Ryu jujutsu. 75 The term judo

coined later was not invented by Kano, and can be found in use as early as 1724. 76

Budo Masters : Jigoro Kano (Judo), Gichin Funakoshi (Karate), Morihei Ueshiba (Aikido) (Tokyo ; London: Kodansha International, 1995) 11‐12. Kano graduated from the Department of Political Science and Finance at Tokyo Imperial University in July 1881. Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 164. 74 Kano Jigoro was educated in European languages and particularly in English. His college education could be a key to understand his late concepts. At Tokyo Imperial University he had a very eclectic curriculum and faculty whereas he had Western scholars and Zen priests. Among the formers the famous American orientalist Ernest Fenollosa. Stevens, Three Budo Masters : Jigoro Kano (Judo), Gichin Funakoshi (Karate), Morihei Ueshiba (Aikido) 19‐20. 75 Tenjin‐shinyo ryu is the eldest jujutsu school and was established around 1532. Kito‐ryu was established around the end of the sixteen century and 1622. Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 101, 27. Ryu: tradition, the name used to identify a martial arts school. John J. Donohue, The Forge of the Spirit : Structure, Motion, and Meaning in the Japanese Martial Tradition, Garland Reference Library of Social Science ; (New York: Garland Pub., 1991) 209. 76 Jigoro Kano and Japan. Kokusai Kank*okyoku., Judo (Jujutsu) (Tokyo,: Maruzen company, ltd., 1937). Japan Society (London England). "Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London = Rondon Nihon Ky*Okai Zasshi." Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 8‐10, 49. Tokugawa or Edo period lasted from 1600 to 1868. The term judo was rarely used before the Meiji

Besides, he wanted deliberated to shy way from images of backwardness embed in

Page | 47 the traditional jujutsu, replacing this term for judo. By doing so, his intention was to

make clear difference between the mere actual application jutsu and underlying

the principle dō . Lastly, by choosing the term judo he provided the necessary link

with tradition, since the word judo was used by other schools of jujutsu such as

Kito‐Ryu, the one where Kano himself studied. 77 Thus, by changing the suffix jutsu

for do Kano not only rescued an obscure Tokugawa’s word, but launched his own

era. However there were exceptions such as style called Chokushin‐ryu judo. Kano, Mind over Muscle : Writings from the Founder of Judo 18. 77 In the diploma awarded upon Kano in 1883 stands out, Nihonden (Japanese tradition) Kito judo, Kano afterwards adopted the denomination Nihonden Kodokan Judo. Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 169. Also in: Institute Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," Judo Kodokan Review XII, no. 5 (Nov. 1962): 51. Moreover his system was very much based on jujutsu of the Edo period and according to Mol completely different from the modern Judo. Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 49.

conservative revolution. 78 Kano’s comprehensive fighting system encompasses

Page | 48 grapping and strike techniques philosophically embedded in synthesized concepts

of neo‐Confucianism, ideas of John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer combining

physical education and ethic application which made Kano jujutsu unique among

others schools. 79 Furthermore, he conceived a system capable to accommodate

There is some dispute whether Kano was a modernizer or a traditionalist, his thoughts and actions however, seems to challenge these simplifications. Kano’s ideas lay on the historical nuances and complexities of Japan’s Meiji. On the other hand, Kano and others martial artist’s agency was decisive in promoting their respective martial arts. If Kano breaks way of certain aspects from old traditions in the others he selectively rescued them. The usage of term conservative revolution here is to emphasize Kano’s commitment with tradition despite the large use of modern ideas. 79 See: Mikiso Hane, "The Sources of English Liberal Concepts in Early Meiji Japan," Monumenta Nipponica 24, no. 3 (1969). Kano rather than adopting any particular kind of school created his own school promoting a selection of techniques whose combined atemi‐waza (strikes) of Tenjin Shi’yo school and nage‐waza (throws) of Kito school. Also is often mentioned that Kano undertaken a scientific research thereby incorporating other techniques from bujutsu and even from Western wrestling. Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 164‐65. Also see: Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 129.

values of early nationalism, social Darwinism, and neo‐traditionalism mixed with

Page | 49 values of manliness and martial skills from Japan’s Edo period. 80

The genesis of judo as well the personal involvement of Kano with the

traditional jujutsu, as should be expected, have a great deal of anecdotal accounts

and invented traditions, but whatever was his actual motivations he certainly took

up seriously practice and study of this traditional martial art. 81 Moreover, Kano’s

Donald Roden, "Baseball and the Quest for National Dignity in Meiji Japan," The American Historical Review 85, no. 3 (Jun., 1980): 519. 81 If one refine the accounts around Kano’s personal motivation to practice jujutsu is possible find the link between invented tradition and historical feasibility. For example, his allegedly inferiority fragility which led to subsequent episodes when he was repeatedly victim of schools bullies. During the Meiji, the interlocking between body, mind and nation was made explicit and officially sanctioned by the state. Kano was likely among the under exercised student elite now targeted by educators. College students were criticized of “they are contemptuous of their bodies as if strength and physique are tantamount to savagery and animalistic power.” The system forced low‐grade students to exercise vigorously and high‐ grade students were left alone and reforms sought to form an elite strong of body as well of mind. Kano belonging to the elite group of students and suffered the consequences of this, found an education system eager to adopt his innovations. Donald Roden 516. In the official version, published by the Kodokan Institute they claim that “it is not known if it is on account of the encouragement of the new directing power or owing to the natural tendency of the university students towards the martial and feudal techniques that jujutsu and ken‐jutsu became so popular.

schooling granted him with the best education available in Japan at the time and

Page | 50 also provided a network of connections within the Meiji establishment that helped

his professional ascension and the acceptance of his sportified jujutsu. 82

The foundation of Kodokan dojo, thereafter Kano’s headquarters in Tokyo,

was a milestone in the process of jujutsu’s modernization. 83 The Kano judo ryu had

eventually challenged the tradition represented by the long‐established schools of

jujutsu and gradually overcame the existent bias against pre‐Meiji culture. 84

See: Byron K. Marshall, "Professors and Politics: The Meiji Academic Elite," Journal of Japanese Studies 3, no. 1 (Winter, 1977). Also Kano pioneer’s role in the sportification of martial arts has been challenged lately since scholars have claimed that such process rather being a development of mid‐Meiji was in motion long before. Thus martial arts went through gradual sportification, as early as the middle of the eighteenth century. The overemphasized role of Kodokan has been criticized. Hamaguchi, "Innovation in Martial Arts," 9. and Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 165. 83 Kodokan could be translated as “place for promotion or study of the way”. In “The general history of the Kodokan” established June 5 1882 as the date of its foundation. The dojo was set in a small room at Eishoji Temple (Buddhist) Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 45. 84 It seems out of question the forerunner role played by Kanos and his jujutsu in the 1880s. However, at this time the Japanese culture as a whole went through a period of reaction against the overwhelming westernization occurred on the early Meiji. The foundation of Kodokan happened around the time of Japanization of modernization in the beginning of middle Meiji. As Micho Nagai has argued,

Throughout the 1880s the practice of traditional martial arts gained

Page | 51 momentum after the cultural backlash in the early Meiji. If is unquestionable that

Kodokan judo spearheaded modernization in martial arts it is also true that this

martial art proved to be possible to incorporate tradition in the modern Japan.

However, judo was not alone since ken‐jutsu kendo, fencing was also experiencing

its revival in the 1880s. The reasons behind the choice for these two styles of

martial arts, among so many other schools, could be explained by the occurrence of

“Westernization and Japanization were not always in conflict with one another. Rather, Japanization, or search for Japanese type of modernization and Westernization were at least partially overlapping processes.” Michio Nagai, "Westernization and Japanization: The Early Meiji Transformation of Education," in Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture, ed. Donald H. and Blacker Shively, Carmen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 39. Also cases of reaction can be perceived in the resurrection of Confucian ethics, there was a revival of interest in traditional Japanese art, literature, and history. In the 1880s is possible to detect forms of intellectual protest. Donald H. Shively, "The Japanization of the Middle Meiji," in Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture, ed. Donald H. and Blacker Shively, Carmen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 78,102. Jason G. Karlin, "The Gender of Nationalism: Competing Masculinities in Meiji Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 28, no. 1 (Winter, 2002): 59.

a larger movement within the Japanese society to preserve the tradition. However,

Page | 52 historical forces alone did not explain why these two martial arts prevailed, rather

their process of rescue and diffusion in great deal were product of Kano Jigoro and

Yamahoka Tesshu individual agencies. 85

It is generally accepted that in the early period of Kodokan judo

confrontations between Kano’s dojo against other jujutsu schools were important to

boost prestige and self‐esteem. 86 As expected, effectiveness in real combat is

fundamental in the realm of martial arts, not only to prove technical superiority, but

Yamaoka Tesshu was member of a clan of notable samurai serving in Tokugawa court. Despite being on the defeated side during the Meji Restauration he managed to remain influential thanks to his strong connections within the Meiji establishment and particularly in Tokyo’s Police department. See: John Stevens, The Sword of No‐Sword : Life of the Master Warrior Tesshu, 1st ed. (Boulder ; London: Shambhala, 1984). It is unknown whether Kano and Yamaoka knew each other personally. It seems that both Kano and Yamaoka social status played a fundamental part on boosting prestige of their respective martial arts styles. Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 84‐85. 86 Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 166‐67.

also to enhance values such as manliness and honor. 87 The arena for the duel of

Page | 53 schools of jujutsu was the Tokyo’s Police headquarters where the law enforcement,

as the other government agencies, undertook modernization. The Tokyo

Metropolitan Police Bureau’s reforms sought inspiration in its Western European

counterparts through a selective appropriation of innovations blended them with

their own samurai bureaucratic practices. 88

Perhaps the adoption of jujutsu, as the weaponless martial of choice, express

best this bureaucratic syncretism. In 1883, the police hired jujutsu masters to train

Thomas A. Green, Martial Arts of the World : An Encyclopedia (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC‐CLIO, 2001). D. Eleanor Westney, "The Emulation of Western Organizations in Meiji Japan: The Case of the Paris Prefecture of Police and the Keishi‐Cho," Journal of Japanese Studies 8, no. 2 (Summer, 1982).

their personnel, and in 1885 organized a public contest confronting Kano’s jujutsu

Page | 54 and other schools. Kodokan’s overwhelming superiority in the event, demonstrated

beyond the doubt, that Kano’s pupils had the upper hand in the confrontation. 89

The repercussion of this well‐succeeded Kodokan’s debut likely remained restricted

to the narrow circles of jujutsu practitioners. Nonetheless, had far reaching results

for Kano’s personal and professional reputation outside the academic realm. 90

The police headquarters’ personnel were largely dominated by individuals

from Satsuma province whom rouse in revolt against the vanished Tokugawa

Kano later on gave the due credit to his pupil technical skills in the event nevertheless attributing above all their spiritual superiority over the traditional jujustsu schools. Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 166. Also: Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 103. 90 Kano was professor at Gakushuin University. Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 167.

Shogunate. 91 Thus, the police headquarters in Tokyo had a strong esprit de corps

Page | 55 based on both, occupation and geographical origins. 92 Such particularities might

explain, in some extent, their previous bias toward the Kodokan judo and Kano

himself. On the other hand , Kano’s education and social status heralded the ideal

type of young Japanese man trained to lead the country through the vicissitudes of

the transition. The schooling of his generation deliberated endured a regime of

monasticism and discipline aiming to counter‐attack the tendency among students

Paradoxically its peripheral localization and feudalistic traditions, Satsuma lead the push for nationalism and modernization that overthrow the Tokugawa regime in 1868. See:Robert K. Sakai, "Feudal Society and Modern Leadership in Satsuma‐Han," The Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 3 (May, 1957). 92 Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 87. Even more interesting yet, the very Satsuma’s samurai plot against the Meiji emperor in 1877 during the already famous last samurai revolt. The Satsuma’s police officials also participated in the event on behalf of the emperor. See: James H. Buck, "The Satsuma Rebellion of 1877. From Kagoshima through the Siege of Kumamoto Castle," Monumenta Nipponica 28, no. 4 (Winter, 1973): 429‐30. Serge Mol claims that a revival of martial arts took place around the time of Satsuma Rebellion. Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 221.

for dandyism and futileness. Kano, in this manner, belonged to the generation of

Page | 56 gentleman known as “manly determined.” 93 This determination prompted him to

extend considerably his monasticism beyond the strict models of expected male

behavior idealized by the police headquarters in Tokyo. 94 Moreover, in spite of

martial arts’ practice turned into space to redefine the ideal type for Japanese

manliness, different groups competed against each other to represent modern

models of masculinity. 95 Such fierce contention within Japanese’s manly

Stories around the reasons that made Kano get interested in jujutsu might be reasonably explained once understood the Japanese school system in the Meiji whereas private boarded schools attracted students from all over the country and from different social backgrounds. In such environment moreover Kano’s physical fragility and academic outstanding performance made him a particularly targeted in great deal by bullies. Watson, The Father of Judo : A Biography of Jigoro Kano 26. See also: Donald T. Roden, ""Monasticism" And the Paradox of the Meiji Higher Schools," The Journal of Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (May, 1978): 416. 94 There are indications of the age at first marriage rose for both sexes during the Meiji. If such assertive hold true Kano later marriage follow the trend. See: Carl Mosk, "Nuptiality in Meiji Japan," Journal of Social History 13, no. 3 (Spring, 1980). 95 It seems that Kano’s social and professional background likely placed him closer to the type of gentlemen in the government. Also his social and educational backgrounds deepen the rivalry between Kodokan judo and other jujutsu schools. Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 75. Also see: Karlin, "The Gender of

environment made Kano himself object of surveillance by the police’s

Page | 57 superintendents. In consequence, he was temporary placed on a black list due his

adamant bachelor’s status which aroused suspicions among the samurai‐like police

staff. 96

Kano’s jujutsu initial victories also contributed for its later acceptance among

the military and universities which thereafter turned it part of Japanese educational

system. 97 Yet, from the episode occurred in the Police headquarters is possible to

Nationalism: Competing Masculinities in Meiji Japan." In the Meiji woman begun to practice self‐defense and women’s universities had joshi budo (women’s budo), joshi jujutsu (women’s jujutsu) or joshi goshinjutsu (women’self‐defense) programmes. Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 222. Kano strong advocate women’ education and practice of sports, moreover a woman’s division was created at the Kodokan in 1926. As he puts: “If you really want understand judo watch women train.” Stevens, Three Budo Masters : Jigoro Kano (Judo), Gichin Funakoshi (Karate), Morihei Ueshiba (Aikido) 43. 96 Kano himself explained the reasons that forced him to wait more than ten years to get married. He claimed that his salary did not cover personal and the dojo’s expenses. Thus, remaining bachelor for such period of time allowed him reduce his personal need for money at minimum level. On the other hand, such state of affairs puzzled the traditionalists from the police department for some time considering his already stable position of high official and university professor. Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo," 109. 97 Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 167.

understand Kano’s option for particular system of techniques. 98 As mentioned

Page | 58 earlier, his choice can be partially explained by his enrollment in certain schools of

jujutsu, however did not explain Kano’s further emphasis on any of these set of

techniques. He later claimed that his preference on standing techniques was in great

deal personal and even product of fortuity events. 99 Moreover such choice, gave him

a timely opportunity to put in practice his combination of law of mechanics’

principles and traditional jujutsu kuzushi. 100 If one considered martial arts as

Respectively, nage‐waza, ne‐waza and atemi‐waza.

100

Kano begun training ne‐waza and later turned his attention towards nage‐waza mostly due his close relationship with Tsunetoshi Iikibo, head of Kito jujutsi school. After Iikibo’s death Kano eventually inherited his master lineage which explained Kodokan judo attachment to nage‐waza. Other than that, the preference according to Kodokan’s history can also be credited to Kano’s study of law of mechanics and traditional concept of kusushi (breaking the posture). Kano’s innovation essentially stressed moves that induce your opponent to lose balance rather wait to catch one’s off balance. He thus, put great emphasis on preparation and timely technique’s application. See: Kenji Tomiki and Nihon Kotsu Kosha. [from old catalog], Judo and Aikido (Tokyo,: Japan Travel Bureau.). Also see Kano’s personal account by which he confirmed starting training ne‐waza or katame waza (ground work) but shift his preference for nage‐waza for technical reasons. According to him doing katame‐waza hinders progress in nage‐waza. In

quintessentially anti‐modern due its primitive nature and absence of technology,

Page | 59 Kodokan judo may well be considered as the modernization process of pre‐

industrial jiu‐jitsu. Kano’s innovation of movements was based on principle of

dynamics and physiology in what himself claimed to be a “victory of science”. 101

Nonetheless, the prominence of standing techniques that later became a hallmark of

Kodokan judo was yet in formation at this time. 102 The triumph of Kodokan judo

the Kodokan dojo every time ground work was emphasized progress in standing techniques was interrupted. Kano, Mind over Muscle : Writings from the Founder of Judo 28‐29‐30. 101 Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 165. As Draeger puts it, “Kano’s originality in devising new techniques for his Kodokan judo, he was an adapter rather than adopter of existing ones. In this sense, Kano demonstrated considerable originality of thought. Two criteria conditioned Kano’s efforts in the design of Kodokan judo techniques: (1) to base all techniques on scientific principles and (2) to remove all crude and dangerous practices from techniques. Both of these important considerations were prompted by the social needs of Meiji society.” Donn E. Draeger, "Modern Bujutsu and Budo," in The Overlook Martial Arts Reader : An Anthology of Historical and Philosophical Writings, ed. Randy F. and Donohue Nelson, John J. (Woodstock, N.Y.: The Overlook Press, 1989). The application of martial arts as neo‐ luddite manifestation was coined by Thomar Green. See: Thomas A. Green and Joseph R. Svinth, Martial Arts in the Modern World (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003) xiii. 102 Concerning atemi‐waza, most of the jujutsu schools had striking techniques in their arsenal. However, Serge Mol has argued that these techniques were secondary due the use of armors in the field of battle which made atemi less effective. Also schools whose emphasize the use of atemi was said to be exposed to Chinese influence. In the other hand, Kano studied and practiced initially in the Tenin Shynyo ryu (atemi) that later had its techniques incorporated in the Kodokan judo. Moreover, according to Mol, there was a lot of “cross training” between these two schools. Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 51,141‐42. Also should be noteworthy to mention that stopped his atemi‐waza

does not imply the elimination of other jujutsu schools since the Japanese police

Page | 60 opted for combine techniques of different martial arts to make their own budo

system known as Keishicho budo or Keishi ryuwas. 103

In 1895, the Japanese government created the Dai Nippon Butokukai in

Kyoto, which was the governmental agency under authority of the ministry of

education that intends to “solidify, promote and standardize” the practice of martial

arts in the empire. 104 The foundation of Dai Nihon Butokukai by the imperial

(standing) and ne‐waza (grounding) training after 1881 due his master’s death. Hachinosuke Fukuda, head of Tenin Shynyo ryu, and his son, Masamoto Iso, respectively were Kano’s instructors and when they both dead Kano begun his apprenticeship with Kito ryu (based on throwing). Therefore, there is room for some speculation whether Kano’s judo would be different today if he continued his training under Tenjin Shinyo ryu’s masters. Stevens, Three Budo Masters : Jigoro Kano (Judo), Gichin Funakoshi (Karate), Morihei Ueshiba (Aikido) 17‐18. and Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu et passim. 103 Mol, Classical Fighting Arts of Japan : A Complete Guide to Koryu Ju Jujutsu 221. Darrel M. Craig claimed that some striking techniques eliminated by Kano were incorporated by the Japanese police which was designated as taiho jitsu. Darrell Craig, Japan's Ultimate Martial Art : Jujitsu before 1882, the Classical Japanese Art of Self‐Defense (Boston: C.E. Tuttle Co., 1995) 2. 104 Martial Arts Association (Butokukai) where judo, fencing, archery and, boating were practiced and taught. The association was patronized by Prince Fushimi and Baron Ouda. E. J. Harrison, The Fighting

establishment constituted a milestone in the development of martial arts in Japan.

Page | 61 Kano Jigoro himself enjoyed a great deal of prestige and influence within the

institution. 105

Kodokan judo, thus not only paved way for transformation of jujutsu but

proved to be fundamental for budo overall modernization. In the other hand, the

idea of state control on traditional martial arts might evoke of Foulcauldian theories

of control and about negative aspects of modernization. Thereafter, the transition

Spirit of Japan : The Esoteric Study of the Martial Arts and Way of Life in Japan (Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press, 1982) 30. Also see the official website: http://www.dnbk.org/. 105 The Dai Nihon Butokukai ‘s meeting held on 07/24/1906 at Kyoto to the standardization of Japanese jujutsu. The meeting gathered eighteen masters of leading jujutsu schools clearly headed by Kano whom thus achieved crowned his modernized jujutsu as the dominant style in Japan. Michel Brousse, Le Judo : Son Histoire, Ses Succès (Genève: Liber, 1996) 27. According to Kano, the Kodokan sent instructors to the Dai Nihon Butokai as consultants and advisors. Concerning the standardization of jujutsu kata (forms), Kano became the chairman of the committee in charge to promote standard forms of kata. Interesting enough there were disagreements only regarding katame no kata (forms of groundwork techniques). Kano, Mind over Muscle : Writings from the Founder of Judo 25‐26.

from bujutsu to budo in which Kano’s role was crucial became gradually

Page | 62 appropriated by nationalism and ultimately by Japanese militarism. 106

In the early twenty century, Kodokan judo continued its hegemonic

trajectory towards becoming the jujutsu standard school in Japan. As

aforementioned, Hebert Spencer was among Western thinkers choosing by Kano to

philosophically underpin his hybrid martial art. Thus, not surprisingly that in fierce

competition that follows among the schools of jujutsu, Kodokan judo emerged as the

one fittest to survive. The hybrid jujutsu designed by Kano was the only school

106

Kano himself was reportedly against radical nationalism and he did not encourage or get judo associated with bushido (moral code of conduct of bushi [samurai] or military class of pre‐modern Japan) which eventually happened later on. Hamaguchi, "Innovation in Martial Arts," 10. and Shun, "The Invention of the Martial Arts," 169,71.On bushido see: Colin Holmes and A. H. Ion, "Bushidō and the Samurai: Images in British Public Opinion, 1894‐1914," Modern Asian Studies 14, no. 2 (1980).

adapted to survive modernization thanks to systematization, organization and

Page | 63 pedagogical sportification. 107

107

Joseph A. Maguire and Masayoshi Nakayama, Japan, Sport and Society : Tradition and Change in a Globalizing World, Sport in the Global Society (London ; New York: Routledge, 2006) 14.

III Page | 64

The Trajectory of Mayeda Mitsuyo Count Koma

108 : Exporting

modernized jiu‐jitsu overseas

Gradually, although inexorably, Kodokan judo gained the upper hand over

other jujutsu schools and, consequently attracted more talented students. Mayeda

Mitsuyo was among talented individuals whom flocked to the Kodokan dojo to learn

108

Mayeda Mitsuyo was dubbed as Count Koma during his international tour as mixed martial artist. More importantly, he arrived and became quite popular during and after his death under this nom de guerre. Hereafter, both denominations, Mitsuyo Mayeda and Count Koma will be employed.

the trendy Kano Ryu jiu‐jitsu. 109 Mayeda was born November 18, 1878 in the

Page | 65 Prefecture of Aomori in the north most point of Japan’s main island, Honshu. In

1896, he moved to Tokyo to attend the Senmon Gakko School that later became

Waseda University. 110 Mayeda enrolled at the Kodokan dojo on January 6 1897,

probably attracted by the success already achieved by Kano’s disciples against the

traditional jujutsu schools. 111 In the course of the apprenticeship, he became an

109

Kodokan judo was also called Kano jujutsu. Mayeda was born in remote Japan’s backwater and his education and transference for Tokyo was only possible due the tremendous expansion of school system in all levels during the Meiji. Also, for a comprehensive study of higher education in imperial Japan see: Donald F. Roden, Schooldays in Imperial Japan : A Study in the Culture of a Student Elite (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). 111 I would to thank Abe Taeko for disclose Mayeda Mitsuyo’s records at Kodokan. Kodokan Archives, Tokyo, Japan. Therefater Kodokan Archives. 110

outstanding practitioner, rising rapidly through the ranks to prominently figure

Page | 66 among the top young Kodokan masters of the day. 112

Since the late nineteenth century judo began to be exported abroad, however

make its way to America in the early twenty century, contrary to the isolation of

Tokugawa period, during the Meiji there was considerable overall expansion of

Japan abroad. 113

112

Mayeda trained under Sakujiro Yokoyama, one of the great Kodokan masters and was awarded with his first dan black belt (shodan) already on January 8 1899, second dan (nidan) on October 3 1899, third dan (sandan) January 13 1901 and fourth dan (yodan) on October 23 1904. Kodokan Archives. Considering that the highest rank in that time was seventh, indicates his great skills. Green and Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," 64. There were some epic battles involving various schools of jujutsu. At some point, the traditional schools felt directed threaten by Kano’s modern methods and philosophy. Public matches and even street fights were fought to establish which school was the best. See: Harrison, The Fighting Spirit of Japan : The Esoteric Study of the Martial Arts and Way of Life in Japan. Also see: Kodokan, "Histoire Du Judo." 113 Kano Jigoro himself begun to travel abroad in the 1890s. Alan Fromm and Nicolas Soames, Judo, the Gentle Way (London ; Boston: Routledge & K. Paul, 1982) 5.Japanese martial art’s masters in the turn of the century persistently travel overseas to divulgate and established their superiority over their Western counterparts. Japanese wrestlers were seen by Americans since the first contact made by Commodore Perry in 1854. Since then Japanese performed in U.S. and Europe. Green and Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," 63. Kornicki, observes that Japanese like Westerners “must go abroad, work hard, and as many areas of the world as possible under Japanese influence.” Akira Iriye, "Japan as Competitor ,1895‐1917," in Mutual Images : Essays in American‐Japanese Relations, ed. Priscilla Iriye Clapp, Akira Joint Committee on Japanese Studies., (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975).

As Sabine Frühstück and Wolfram Manzenreiter has pointedly put:

Page | 67 “…Kano was highly successful precisely because he managed to arrange

judo along the developmental axis of lifelong improvement and within the structural

framework of a modern Western sport. In terms of integration, the new cultural

space that Kano had opened found appropriate niches in Japan as well as in the

Western world”. 114

114

Sabine Frühstück and Wolfram Manzenreiter, "Neverland Lost: Judo Cultures in Austria, Japan and Everywhere."

Niches created that allowed the first Kodokan judo’s master to travel to

Page | 68 America was Yamashita Yoshiaki, one of the most prominent members of the first

generation produced by Kano’s dojo. 115 In 1903, he was invited to teach judo to

Samuel Hill’s son, a Seattle business entrepreneur in America’s northwestern.

Interesting enough Hill, by hiring a Japanese judo master to teach his son, was not

seeking for alternative models of modern education; rather he sought in this Meiji‐

samurai culture models of tradition, manliness and nobility. 116 At any event, Hill’s

family was living miles away in Washington D.C., and Yamashita end up in the

115

Yamashita Yoshiaki (1865‐1935) studied at Yoshin‐Ryu and Tenjin Shin’yo‐Ryu jujutsu schools before join to Kodokan dojo and participated in the epic battles between Kodokan judo and others schools of jujutsu at Tokyo Police headquarter. He became the first judoka) ever awarded with the rank 10th dan (degree by Kano Jigoro. He is considered the judo’s pioneer in the United States. 116 He claimed that was seeking for his son “the ideal of the Samurai class, for that class of men is a noble, high‐minded class. They look beyond the modern commercial spirit.” John E. Tuhy, Sam Hill : The Prince of Castle Nowhere (Portland, Or.: Timber Press, 1983) 71.

capital giving lessons to eclectic audiences that included high‐society women and

Page | 69 President Theodore Roosevelt himself. The latter’s enthusiasm for the Kodokan judo

was instrumental to get teaching positions for Yamashita at the U.S. Naval Academy,

and at Harvard University. 117

Two years later, during the Russo‐Japanese War, Tomita Tsunejiro, another

veteran Kodokan master, and the young Mayeda Mitsuyo traveled to America,

following Yamashita’s footsteps. They arrived in New York City and shortly

afterward went to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point to perform for cadets.

117

Joseph R. Svinth, "Professor Yamashita Goes to Washington " in Martial Arts in the Modern World, ed. James A. and Svinth Joseph R. Green, eds. (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003), 47 et passim. The interest of American military on jiu‐jitsu after Russo‐Japanese War is evident according to this article. “Jiu‐jitsu for our cadets: Special Board training for hand‐to‐hand fights.” The New York Times, NY, 01/28/1905, p. 5. Theodore Roosevelt and Joseph Bucklin Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt's Letters to His Children (New York,: C. Scribner's sons, 1919).

Tomita and Mayeda demonstrated standard pre‐established techniques and at then

Page | 70 wrestled with cadets willing to test their fighting effectiveness in real situations that

turned up in an embarrassing situation for the veteran Tomita. 118 In the following

months they opened a dojo in New York, where there was already a Japanese

community, and soon afterwards Mayeda begun to wrestle professionally. 119 They

eventually parted ways and the latter began an international career that took him to

118

Tomita and Mayeda arrived in New York City on 12/08/1904 and went to West Point in January 1905. Their presentation was part of a lecture given by the Imperial Japanese Legation on the Russo‐Japanese War. Mayeda after the practical presentation easily throw his opponent, Tomita however, who was in his forties, faced unexpected resistance from a football player which caused some embarrassment to the Japanese. Tomita and Mayeda were not alone teaching judo in New York reportedly there was other ten Japanese doing the same thing during that time. Mayeda fought his first professional match in 1906 in Catskills (NY) and defeated a huge American wrestler John Piening, “The Butcher Boy”. Green and Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," 64‐65. Tomita‐Mayeda’s presentation at West Point was noticed in the newspapers. “Cadets down the ‘Jap’: Exponent of jiu‐jitsu thrown by West Point athletes”. The New York Times, NY, 02/21/1905, p. 5. 119 In the article “About Japanese who live in New York” The New York Times estimated that there were 1,600 Japanese living in New York whom had organized clubs, including those dedicated to teach jiu‐jitsu. The New York Times, NY, 07/24/1904, p. 7. Tomita reportedly performed jiu‐jitsu’s demonstrations for the press in New York. The article also mentions Tomita’s assistant that probably was Mayeda himself. “The gentle art of ju‐do: Learn it and tumble and fight to your heart’s content.” The New York Times, NY, 04/06/1905, p. 11.

Europe and Latin America, where he taught and wrestled professionally. The

Page | 71 European tour started off in Britain where Mayeda fought some epic matches,

including a proto‐mixed martial arts showdown in London in 1908. 120 In the same

year, he wrestled in Belgium, Scotland and Spain. In the latter country he allegedly

adopted the nom de guerre of Count Koma. 121 .

In late 1908, Mayeda crossed the Atlantic and went to Cuba and then Mexico

where he faced European wrestlers for two years before returning to Cuba,

probably to avoid the troubles posed by the Mexican Revolution. In Cuba, he joined

120

The event was called “First World Wrestling Championship” and Mayeda decided to compete in both middleweight and heavyweight divisions and this was considered a bold decision since he was 5’5” tall and 155 lbs. Moreover the matches were to be fought according to wrestling rules which include no‐gi. 121 There manifold versions out there to explain the “title” count adopted by Mayeda. Green and Svinth however claimed that Koma was corrupted form of Japanese Komaru which meant “troubled”. In his case very appropriate since he was constantly going through financial hardships. Michael Watt, "The Lengendary Story Of "Conde Koma" Mitsuyo Maeda," Judo Journal 20, no. 1 (Jan‐Feb1997): 3‐4. Also see: Green and Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," 66.

three other Japanese to form the “Four Kings of Cuba” troupe and their Japanese jiu‐

Page | 72 jitsu became a trendy and successful amusement among the Cuban elite. 122 He then

went to Central America before head to South America where along with the other

Japanese ended up touring the major Brazilian cities until stop at Belém, Amazon, in

1915.

122

Hjalmar Lundin, On the Mat‐and Off; Memoirs of a Wrestler (New York, N.Y.,: Albert Bonnier publishing house, 1937) 90‐91. and Michael Watt, "The Lengendary Story Of "Conde Koma" Mitsuyo Maeda," Judo Journal 20, no. 5 (Sep‐Nov 1997): 3‐4. Also see: Green and Svinth, "The Circle and the Octagon: Maeda's Judo and Gracie's Jiu‐Jitsu," 66. Japan Times, 11/01/1912 stated that “The Cubans are taking fancy to our jujutsu” Green and Svinth claimed that Mayeda left Cuba due the rebellion that broke out in 1912. Interesting enough Mayeda was promoted to fifth dan (godan) on 01/12/1912. Kodokan Archives. For a more comprehensive version on the situation in Cuba see: Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share : The Afro‐Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886‐1912 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).

IV Page | 73

Jiu‐jitsu and modernization in Brazil

Amidst the Troupe’s Koma frenzy in Amazon, the newspaper The Amazon

O Amazonas advertised the book, Educação Physica Japoneza, in the local

bookstore translated by two Brazilian navy officers from the original in English.

They were amazed with the possibilities offered by practice of “system of exercises,

nutrition, and life style that made the people of Mikado the healthiest and happiest

men and women in the world.” 123 In 1904, the original written by Harris Hancock,

Page | 74 received a positive review from The New York Times. The book’s raison d’ entre was

the comparison between American and Japanese physical performances. The fact

that American troops were out marched by their Japanese counter parts in China

was attributed to the combination of frugality and balanced diet. The review

concluded that Hancock “adds another voice to the chorus” of Western’s growing

anxiety towards the Japanese, mixing weariness and suspicion. Moreover, the

123

J. A. Santos e Aquino Porto, F. Radler, Educacao Physica Japoneza (Rio de Janeiro: Companhia Typografica do Brazil, 1905).

example of Japanese body training, frugality and self‐restrain might be invaluable to

Page | 75 avoid “fall victim of Japanese spell”. 124

The Japanese jiu‐jitsu was reportedly introduced in the Brazilian military

long before Mayeda’s arrival in Amazon. 125 In fact, the book was translated in the

aftermath of Japanese victory against the Russians in 1905 and Brazilian armed

forces officialdom followed to suit their north Atlantic counterparts in studying and

adopting the new trends of Japanese martial arts. 126 The military, even before the

124

The New York Times, NY, 06/18/1904, p. 9. Harrie Irving Hancock, Japanese Physical Training; the System of Exercise, Diet, and General Mode of Living That Has Made the Mikado's People the Healthiest, Strongest, and Happiest Men and Women in the World (New York and London,: G. P. Putnam's sons, 1903). Also the Western press highlighted the use of jiu‐jitsu in the war. 125 Among other sources a article published in the magazine O Cruzeiro particularly reveals that military schools adopted Japanese jiu‐jitsu as early as the first decade of the twenty‐century. The article itself deals with the late attempt to redeem General Dilermando de Assis’ role in the event which he killed the famous Brazilian intellectual Euclides da Cunha in a duel. In trying to demonstrate that Dilermando de Assis was a skilled martial artist, marksman and fencer the magazine published an old picture of the young cadet Dilermando with his Japanese master of jiu‐jitsu and peers wearing jiujitsugis in the Army school. “O Cruzeiro” November 24 1951, p.34. 126 Jiu‐jitsu/judo was increasingly adopted by armies and law enforcement agencies in the West. 1. US‐ Naval Academy, Annapolis in 1903 (Instructor Yamashita) 2. United Kingdom‐Admiralty, Portsmouth in

fall of monarchy in 1889, were forefront recipients of modernization. The Navy in

Page | 76 particular, due its opportunity to travel abroad and its elitist ethos, was in the

privileged position to get acquainted with modern global trends. 127 Besides, Brazil

has started formal diplomatic relations with Japan since 1895 and in the early

twenty Brazilian intelligentsia interests in Japan as demonstrated by the traveler

account produced by the Brazilian ambassador in 1903. 128

1905 (Instructor Tani) 3.France‐Paris police in 1905 (Instructor Ré‐Nié) 4. Germany‐Military School, Berlin in 1906 (Instructor Ono). Brousse, Le Judo : Son Histoire, Ses Succès 56. 127 The Brazilian Navy was engaged in regular instructional seafaring as early as 1870 and in circumnavigation’s trips which the first was realized in 1879. Historia Naval Brasileira, vol. 4 (Rio de Janeiro: Servico de Documentacao da Marinha, 2001) 109‐12. Peter M. Beattie, The Tribute of Blood : Army, Honor, Race, and Nation in Brazil, 1864‐1945 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2001) 270. 128 Manoel de Oliveira Lima (1867‐1928) diplomat, historian and intellectual. He lived in Japan for twenty one months and provide a invaluable source to understand how Brazilian elite seen Japan as paradigm of modernization in the early twenty century. Noteworthy to mention, his arguably first hand account of a jiu‐jitsu demonstration which he describes similar to Brazilian capoeira. Oliveira Lima, No Japão : Impressões Da Terra E Da Gente, 3a. ed. (Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Topbooks : NEC do Brasil, 1997) 203.

The translated book was essentially a canon of turn‐of‐the‐century Japanese

Page | 77 jiu‐jitsu which the Brazilian version reproduced in the original without any

additional meaningful changes. However, in its introduction, the translator Capitan

Santos Porto shed some light on images and self‐images of Brazilian urban white

middle sectors.

Initially, he demonstrated his concern about the future of Brazilian race and

its capacity to effectively occupy and develop such vast country. He also praised the

efforts made by sports associations particularly the rowing clubs in develop a more

physically apt population vis‐à‐vis climatic unfavorable conditions, poor nutrition

and lack of physical activities. 129 The weakness of Brazilian bodies, contrasts

Page | 78 starkly with country’s exuberant and vibrant nature which would demand a

tremendous effort to improve physical education. The practice of jiu‐jitsu however

would benefit Brazilians as it did to Japanese who became the “strongest, calmest,

healthiest and happiest people in the world.” 130

He remembered the times when capoeira flourished even among the sons of

distinguished families taught by domestic slaves in some sort of patriarchal

consortium. The later misuse of capoeira by vagrants and criminals cause the

129

Peter Beattie points out the creation of Swiss‐style guns clubs encouraged by the Minister of War, Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, as means to increase public interest on military service. Beattie, The Tribute of Blood : Army, Honor, Race, and Nation in Brazil, 1864‐1945 209. 130 Military in Brazil was traditionally engaged in exploration and settlement of borders therefore the institution and its personnel had to be apt to fulfill the challenges posed by country’s vast territory. Ibid. 211. Also see:Todd A. Diacon, Stringing Together a Nation : Candido Mariano Da Silva Rondon and the Construction of a Modern Brazil, 1906‐1930 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004).

abandonment of an excellent school of physical education. Today, he went on, since

Page | 79 both, professional capoeira and street gangs are quite rare it would be a timely

opportunity to introduce jiu‐jitsu. Nevertheless, he admits, the remembrance of ill‐

reputed capoeira still was fresh in people’s memory and might make difficult jiu‐

jitsu’s acceptance. The solution would be to introduce jiu‐jitsu for well‐educated and

responsible young men recruited in sport’s associations as well hiring Japanese jiu‐

jitsu instructors. For those foreseeing potential increase of violence, he argued that

skilled use of jiu‐jitsu would be less socially dangerous than the untrained use of

firearms by ordinary people. Societies have powerful resources to combat the

Hobbesian state of war, but in the past, the state failed to prevent capoeira to turn a

Page | 80 public threat. 131 On the other hand, jiu‐jitsu could be used to train modern lawn

enforcement units specially created to repress collective disturbances such as labor

strikes as well combat ordinary transgressions. Following the example of Japan,

police departments in Europe and United States has adopted jiu‐jitsu as martial art

of choice.

Both, Capitan Santos Porto and Lieutenant Radler de Aquino, were prolific

writers and translators. They were part of a military intelligentsia avant‐garde

131

Matthias Röhrig Assunção, Capoeira : A History of an Afro‐Brazilian Martial Art, Sport in the Global Society (London ; New York: Routledge, 2005) 17.

engaged in modern scientific trends in the aftermath of republic’s inauguration. 132

Page | 81 The most striking aspect of Santos Porto’s text is when he did not approach issues of

race based on fien‐de siècle social Darwinism so much in vogue among Brazilian

intellectuals of the day. 133 Instead, he sought to redeem capoeira and blame the

past regime for its misuse adopting a proto culturalist analysis. In picturing an

idyllic time when capoeira was practiced in harmony by masters and slaves he

purged the sins of Brazilian slavery. The ideas presented by Santos Porto even

132

Frank D. McCann, "The Formative Period of Twentieth‐Century Brazilian Army Thought, 1900‐1922," The Hispanic American Historical Review 64, no. 4 (Nov.,1984). Captain Santos Porto and Lieutenant Radler de Aquino wrote and translated a number of works dealing with science, warfare and sports among other subjects. Moreover they were members of scientific societies in Brazil and abroad. See Francisco Radler De Aquino, A Navegaco Hodierna Com Logaritmos De 1633! ... 3a Edicao‐1935 (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Naval, 1935). 133 Those are intellectuals who adapted European theories of white superiority to the Brazilian racial reality. They could be seen as the local version of the Mexican’s cientificos. Beattie, The Tribute of Blood : Army, Honor, Race, and Nation in Brazil, 1864‐1945 227.

anticipated the famous article published in the trendy Kosmos magazine in 1906.

Page | 82 This article started up the long process of capoeira’s redemption and legitimization

that finally occurred during Getulio Vargas’ regime. 134

Santos Porto’s discourse echoed transformations occurred within the

military that led to strength the emergent nationalism seeking inspiration in

emergent powers such as Germany and Japan. 135 Hence, the latter became object of

134

Thereafter the seminal article was repeatedly mentioned whenever someone want to promote capoeira likewise the newspaper Folha do Norte did almost ten years later. See footnote 46. The Kosmos was Parisian‐styled magazine and one of the most important periodicals in the Rio de Janeiro’s belle époque. The periodical’s collaborators were the crème de la crème of the literati of the day writing for the Carioca’s elite. In one of the issues was published a picture of Captain Santos Porto where stands on the botton : Joao Augusto dos Santos Porto Captain‐of –Corvet, sub‐chief of Military Office of Presidency”. Kosmos, Revista Artistica, Scientifica e Literaria, Anno 3, 1, Janeiro 1906. See also: Antônio Dimas, Tempos Eufóricos : (Análise Da Revista Kosmos, 1904‐1909) (São Paulo: Editora Atica, 1983). 135 Interesting enough both, Captain Santos Porto and Lieutenant Radler de Aquino were among the Navy officers who did not join to the fleet’s revolt of 1893 in Rio de Janeiro. The former was promoted for “distinguished services in defense of the republic” and the latter appears in the list of Navy officers who did not follow the rebelled Admiral Saldanha da Gama. Therefore both officers were ideologically attached to the republican and ideas of modernization in vogue within the military. Atanagildo Barata Ribeiro, Sonho No Carcere. Dramas Da Revolucao De 1893 No Brazil. Poema (Rio de Janeiro: Casa Mont'alverne, 1895) xxxv,xxxix.

great curiosity in military journals. Articles on Japan were only surpassed by those

Page | 83 on German and France which clearly demonstrate the military’s interest in new

models of modernization. 136 Thus, Santos Porto and Radler de Aquino

quintessentially epitomized the transitions occurred within the military when

“professional soldiers embraced the citizen‐soldier ideas as vehicle to reform the

army.” 137 Lastly, is noteworthy to observe the authors’ classist concepts that

suggest using jiu‐jitsu as modern mean of social control. The adoption of Japanese

martial art would help to promote healthier citizens and to provide the urban

136

McCann, "The Formative Period of Twentieth‐Century Brazilian Army Thought, 1900‐1922," 743. The growing interest of military certainly had to do with the successful application of jiu‐jitsu by the Japanese army in Korea against the Russians. “The Japanese are applying the principles of jiu‐jitsu to the art of war.” The New York Times, NY, 05/12/1904, p. 2. 137 Frank D. McCann, "Origins of The "New Professionalism" Of the Brazilian Military," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 21, no. 4 (1979): 510.

bourgeois with an effective self‐defense system against the unruly masses. 138

Page | 84 Japanese jiu‐jitsu should succeed where Afro‐diasporic capoeira failed, because the

absence of a combat sport might also signify cultural weakness and racial

inferiority. 139

138

In 1904 broke out the popular revolt against mandatory vaccination that degenerate in wild street fighting involving police, army and population. Perhaps not by chance one of the barricades build by the rioters was called “Port Arthur”. Like the original one in Russia which fell under Japanese attack its Carioca’s congener fell under the forces of modernization. See: Jeffrey D. Needell, "The Revolta Contra Vacina of 1904: The Revolt Against "Modernization" In Belle‐Epoque Rio De Janeiro," The Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 2 (1987). 139 Roden, "Baseball and the Quest for National Dignity in Meiji Japan," 512.

V Page | 85

Decadence, bankruptcy and jiu‐jitsu: The Gracies return to Rio de Janeiro

In Amazon, way from the developments of Kano jujutsu judo in Japan,

Mayeda Mitsuyo continued his trajectory as a fighter and teaching early Kodokan

judo. At some point, between 1917 and 1918, Carlos‐ Gastão’s eldest son‐enrolled in

Count Koma’s dojo due the friendship between the two born in the circus.

Nevertheless, around this time, Gracie no longer had business with the Queirolo

Page | 86 brothers. 140

As the rubber‐based economy in the region continues to decline after

the World War I, Gastão’s passage in Amazon initiated in the turn of the century,

seemed doomed to failure. The dreams of the young aristocrat and quasi‐diplomat

in the Amazon Eldorado turned into a life of up and downs and disappointment.

Moreover, in 1921 the family patriarch Pedro Peter Gracie passed away in Rio de

Janeiro. This fatality definitely prompted Gastão to return to his roots after two

140

The magazine O Cruzeiro in the same article mentioned earlier provided some key information that helps to shed some light in the length of the time of Carlos trained under Mayeda. The article state says that Carlos was 14‐15 years old when watched Mayeda’s troupe presentation at Teatro da Paz (Theatre of Peace) and then headed to enroll in Mayeda’s dojo afterwards. If Carlos was 14‐15 years old at the time he started training around 1917. Since he left Amazon O Cruzeiro, stated based on information provided certainly by Carlos Gracie that he spent three years training under Mayeda.

decades away from home. 141 The passage through the Amazon was relatively short,

Page | 87 yet became a watershed in the Gracies’ trajectory in twenty century. Since George

Gracie left lowland Scotland the family was continuously engaged in finance, export

business and diplomacy throughout the nineteenth century. In the Amazon,

however, they acquired knowledge of a particular cultural aspect of Japanese

modernized tradition that eventually became transnational and was still randomly

known in the West at the time as jiu‐jitsu and judo. 142 They thus returned to Rio de

Janeiro financially weakened but carrying a cultural asset. Commendatore Pedro

141

I claim that Gastao Gracies find himself in dire striated financial situation in Belém considering economic decadence in the region and g his large nuclear family. Pedro Gracie’s death in the other hand certainly gave him the final push to return to Rio de Janeiro for sentimental reasons and perhaps inheritance issues nonetheless his mother Mariana Gracie was alive. 142 Even in Japan the transition

Gracie’s death marked the end of a generation or even the close of the long

Page | 88 nineteenth century for the Gracie family. For Carlos, the young Gracie scion, his

siblings and a generation of Brazilians, it would be a period of intense and perennial

consequences.

For the Count Koma however, Amazon became the final destination and

towards the 1920s he decided to retire from public matches despite keeping his

activities in the dojo. Mayeda’s long trajectory as a wrestler finally ended up fifteen

years later. In July 1920, in an open letter, he accepted the challenge of the Italian

wrestler‐ Victorio Segato‐ for a jiu‐jitsu bout at Palace Theatre. Count Koma’s pupil

and favorite student, Jachynto Ferro, also accepted to fight the Italian acrobat. 143

Page | 89 The fight was set for the last four rounds of two minutes and should be decided by

surrender. The main referee and other judges were either member of local elite or

foreign expatriates. 144 Count Koma, in his last match, won the Italian wrestler by

arm bar in a fight described as spectacular before a large audience at Palace

Theatre. 145 Following Count Koma’s victory, Jacyntho Ferro, also defeated Victorio

Segato by a choke at Paysandu Club. 146 Jachynto Ferro was a local wrestler and

athlete whom started to practice jiu‐jitsu under Count Koma in 1915. Over the years

143

Folha do Norte, Belém, 07/03/1920, p. 4. Both, Mayeda and Ferro, declared that they no longer will accept challenges under any circumstance. 144 Folha do Norte, Belém, 07/08/1920, p. 4. The judges are Carlos Ornstein, Oswaldo Barbosa, Gordon Pickrell, Eugenio Soares, Jean Marechal, Guilherme Chermont, Guilherme La‐Rocque, Jachynto Ferro e Raphael Gomes. The program started with the silent film “The Songs of Songs” starred by Elsie Ferguson and tickets ranged from 2$000 to 15$000. 145 Folha do Norte, Belém, 07/09/1920, p. 4. Count Koma defeated Segato in the last round. 146 Folha do Norte, Belém, 07/12/1920, p. 4.

became Mayeda’s instructor and often replaced the master in the dojo during the

Page | 90 latter absences. Carlos Gracie reportedly trained under Ferro nevertheless his name

remained largely unknown to the public later. If Mayeda had a local pupil in Amazon

certainly was him as demonstrated in many occasions when Ferro was publicly

recognized as “Count Koma’s most complete student” in Amazon. 147

In 1921, Mayeda Mitsuyo, along Okura and Satake, travelled to Cuba, Mexico,

and probably United States. In Cuba, Mayeda won a jiu‐jitsu contest which,

according to him, was equivalent to a world title after a fourteen‐round final against

147

Folha do Norte, Belém, 08/04/1920, p. 6. Jachynto Ferro gave a long interview to the newspaper by which he told about his life and long acquaintance with Count Koma upon the latter arrival in Amazon in October 1915. Folha do Norte, Belém, 12/14/1923, front page. The newspapers piece celebrated Jachynto Ferro’s anniversary and recognize him as Mayeda Mitsuyo’s best student. Of course this prompted the discussion around the question of Mayeda’s martial art lineage that, in this case, should continue through Ferro. Bruce Kumar Frantzis, The Power of Internal Martial Arts and Chi : Combat and Energy Secrets of Ba Gua, Tai Chi, and Hsing‐I, Rev. ed. (Berkeley, Calif.: Energy Arts, 2007) 115.

the Japanese Ito. Exaggerations aside, he became the jiu‐jitsu “world champion” and

Page | 91 Okura and his long time friend Satake went to teach jiu‐jitsu to the Mexican

police. 148 In July 1922, Count Koma returned to Belém, and his pupil, Jachynto

Ferro rented a small boat to welcome the old master off the harbor. 149

Despite he had publically declared his retirement; wrestlers passing by

Belém kept challenging the former fighter. In 1923, he declined to fight the wrestler

known as Mr. Gallant due his recent surgery in the local hospital where his wife May

Iris Mayeda worked. 150 Thereafter, and more specifically from 1925 onwards, the

148

Folha do Norte, Belém, 06/18/1922, p. 5. Mayeda beats Ito in the final by arm bar and won US$ 8,000. He also spent few days in Rio de Janeiro where the Gracies already lived; nevertheless there was no mention to any contact between them. 149 Folha do Norte, Belém, 07/08/1922, p. 4. Mayeda arrived on board of the ship João Alfredo. 150 He probably married May Iris Mayeda around 1921 and 1922. She was Scot and perhaps Gastao Gracie had helped the contact between them due their common Scottish background. Mayeda was married before with the opera singer Olga Legrand who fell victim of the post war epidemic influenza. Rildo Eros de Medeiros personal information.

veteran jiu‐jitsu master was increasingly involved with the projects and settlement

Page | 92 of the Japanese in Amazon. 151

The Japanese presence in the Amazon can be traced back well into the 1880’s

and by the turn of the century a number of them came from the Pacific coast

attracted by the rubber boom in Bolivia and the western Brazilian Amazon. 152 In

1925, the Japanese government sent a technician to prospect agricultural viability in

Pará state after Japanese officials and the local government started negotiations in

1923. The decision to attract foreign investments to the Amazon and the willingness

151

There are indications that Mayeda get interested in help Japan somehow after the Kanto earthquake in 1923. Also, roughly a month after the earthquake a American mission visited Amazon prospecting future investments in the region. The earthquake and the American interest in Amazon may have influence on Mayeada’s involvement on Japanese immigration. Folha do Norte, Belém, 08/01/1923, front page 152 In 1895 the first treaty Brazil‐Japan was signed and in 1897 the first diplomatic mission. Only in 1908 Japanese immigration started in São Paulo.

to grant vast tracts of lands was part of a strategy to recover the lost economic

Page | 93 momentum and the crises that followed the decline of the rubber‐based

economy. 153 In 1926, Mayeda Mitsuyo joined the Japanese commission that came to

survey and plan future Japanese business in areas granted by local authorities and

hosted the Japanese ambassador touring Amazon. The press covered every event

during the diplomatic visit and it is clear that Mayeda Mitsuyo was an important

local liaison to the Japanese’s project of settlement. 154

153

The State of Pará granted vast tract of lands for Japanese and Americans. For Henry Ford’s enterprise in Amazon see among others: John Galey, "Industrialist in the Wilderness: Henry Ford's Amazon Venture," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 21, no. 2 (1979). The State of Amazon followed suit granted to the Japanese tracts of land to produce jute. Maria Izilda Santos de Matos, Trama E Poder : A Trajetória E Polêmica Em Torno Das Indústrias De Sacaria Para O Café, São Paulo 1888‐1934, 2a. ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Sette Letras, 1996). 154 Folha do Norte, Belém, 05/03/1926, 05/14, 05/16, 05/24, 05/25, 05/29, 05/31, 06/14, 06/05 and 06/07. Hachiro Fukuhara was in charge of the Japanese commission and along with Mayeda navigated throughout the region granted by the state government. Pará (Brazil : State). Secretaria de Estado da Cultura., Arigatô ([Belém, Brazil]: Governo do Estado do Pará, 1995) unpaged. Also see: Henri Delanghe, "The Origin of Significant Japanese‐Brazilian Trade and Investment Relations: Origin, Content and Consequences of the 1935 Japanese Trade Mission to Brazil," in Center for Economic Studies ‐ Discussion papers (Leuven, Belgium: Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1999).

Once the decision was made, the first group of immigrants arrived in 1929,

Page | 94 followed by more arrivals in following years. Nevertheless, the initially enthusiastic

Japanese settlers found enormous obstacles to their tropical venture in Amazon. 155

It is also significant that Mayeda who received his last Kodokan degree dan

in 1912 finally received the sixth dan rokudan on June 1929. 156 The reasons

behind such long 17‐year long gap are unknown, but may have due Mayeda’s

performances in non‐honorable public spaces such circus and theatres. Since 1912

until his retirement in 1920 he was involved with stages performances more

155

The settlers faced hardships inherent to the culture, weather; diseases and relationship with the Companhia Niponica de Plantacões do Brasil S/A (Japanese Plantation Company of Brazil) branch of the Nankatu Co. 156 June 25 1929. Kodokan Archives.

appropriated for a vaudeville artist than a representative of the prestigious

Page | 95 modernized Kano jujutsu. Here also can be found explanation for his decision to use

the generic label jiu‐jitsu instead his real affiliation to Kodokan judo. Of course for

non‐Japanese was difficult to grasp subtle linguistic and honor/shame codes to

explain why Mayeda Mitsuyo did not pay public allegiance to his martial art school.

Furthermore, the unusual situation and his uncertain status as Kodokan master

certainly made him to transmit fragmented pieces of knowledge without any

intention to form lineage successors. 157 Mayeda likely found himself in a similar

157

Perhaps confirming the full recovery of his yamato‐damashii vis‐à‐vis his role in the settlement of Japanese and recognition from Kodokan he with help of his Navy officer students published a jiu‐jitsu booklet in 1935. The booklet is the Portuguese version from the original in English published in 1933 based on Kano Jigoro’s exhibition held at Victoria Theatre in Singapore. Jiudo, in Art of Japanese Physical Culture, (Singapore: Nanyo Printing Office, 1933). The Portuguese identical version is :Jiudo: Uma Arte De Cultura Physica Japonesa, (Belem: Livraria Escolar, 1935). One copy is held at Kodokan Archives in Tokyo. The tile jiu‐do confirmed that Mayeda remain faithful to the principles of Kodokan. The expression yamato‐damashii (spirit of Yamato) coined in the Tokugawa

conflictual situation of Japanese elsewhere when “they have been brought up to

Page | 96 trust in a security which depends on others’ recognition of the nuances of their

observances of a code.” 158

Increasingly involved with immigration, Mayeda Mitsuyo also hosted and

guided the American mission arriving from Rio de Janeiro in late 1929, to inspect

the Japanese pioneer and experimental camp located at Tomé‐Açu state of Pará .

The American Military Attaché at Rio de Janeiro, Major Lester Baker and the

period embodied the valor of ancient Japan. The concept was recovered during the Meiji “to bolster the Japanese claim of uniqueness.” Catharina Blomberg, The Heart of the Warrior : Origins and Religious Background of the Samurai System in Feudal Japan (Sandgate, Folkestone, Kent: Japan Library, 1994) 189. I would to thank my colleague Frank Pedeye for forwarding the copies from Japan. I’m also in debt to Taeko Abe from the Kodokan Judo Institute, International Department to find the originals and generously provide the copies as well other important information on Mayeda’s records held at Kodokan Archives. 158 Peter N. Dale, The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness (New York: St Martin's Press, 1986) 157.

American Vice Consul in Brazil, Gerald A. Drew, formed the mission. 159 The

Page | 97 Japanese readiness to guide the Americans did not impress the American consul

who, in turn, produced a memorandum delivered to the State Department that cited

suspicions against the Japanese initiatives in the region and against Mayeda Mitsuyo

in particular. In the document, Drew admitted:

“…that the Japanese agricultural and colonizing companies in the Amazon

Valley is, with the possible exception of the Companhia Ford Industrial, 160 the

159

The New York Times, NY, 01/05/1930, p. E7. Tomé‐Açu distant 197 kilometers of the capital Belém and became the pioneer camp for the Japanese immigration in the Amazon Valley. 160 The Companhia Ford Industrial can be considered a initiative in the framework of American’s decision to break British cartel o rubber. The Ford enterprise in Amazon aimed to give it self‐sufficiency in rubber. Warren Dean, Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber : A Study in Environmental History (Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 71.

development of most interest to the American Government in that section of the

world at the present time”. 161

His statement confirmed that the US government had kept track of the

Japanese enterprise in Amazon ever since and, under these circumstances it

may have lead him to overemphasize his findings. Whatever his motivations

were, he lashed out at Hachiro Fukurawa, the president and organizer of the

Japanese company, labeling him as opportunistic, dissimulated and

ultimately very secretive when asked about the company’s plans. The

161

Noblesse oblige to mention that the document was brought to my attention while reading Jeffrey Lesser’s, in my opinion, seminal work in hyphenated identities in Brazil. Jeff Lesser, Negotiating National Identity : Immigrants, Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999). Memorandum of Gerald A. Drew US Vice Consul in Brazil, to Dr. Munroe 27 June 832.52 J27/68S, US National Archives and Records Administration, p. 1.

Page | 98

zealous diplomat however, concluded that such behavior was

Page | 99 understandable for those “acquainted with the Japanese character”. 162

The next Japanese official who fell under the watchful eye of Drew

was Mayeda Mitsuyo, whose trajectory made him a much easier target for

speculations. He even emphasized that his conclusions were not necessarily

based on his personality, but rather due to his peculiar history. The jiu‐jitsu’s

master, Drew claimed, came to Amazon as a member of a troupe of acrobats

and magicians. Afterwards, he decided to settle in Belém teaching jiu‐jitsu

162

Hachiro Fukurawa, among other things, was accused of being agent of the Japanese government, of using his Catholicism as means to obtain favors from Brazilian authorities, and making calculated efforts to become popular among Brazilians. Memorandum, p. 2.

lessons, however, such occupation alone was not his only source of income.

Page | 100 Besides, he lost much of his “Japanese secretiveness” due to his long and

close relationship with Europeans and Brazilians which made him quite

communicative. Drew compiled a lengthy, detailed 38 page‐long

memorandum about the facilities at Tomé‐Açu and concluded that the

Japanese government had great interest in the whole enterprise. Yet, the

Count Koma’s recruitment seemed highly suspicious and significant. He

indeed implied that Mayeda was the field agent and link between the

company and the Japanese government. 163 The American embassy in Tokyo

163

Drew reported that Fukurawa let slip indications the Mayeda was accountable to some superior. Memorandum, p. 34.

however analyzed and criticized Drew’s memorandum as “prone to cloak the

Page | 101 activities of the Japanese with an unnecessary air of mystery.” Moreover, the

embassy officials in Tokyo, held Fukurawa in high regard and this included

his intentions. As for the Count Koma, the embassy doubted he had any

official connection with the government. Rather, he would be what they

defined as China Ronin, or Japanese wanderers in China who exploit both,

Chinese as well their Japanese compatriots. 164 The version presented by the

American embassy in Tokyo and resent to the State Department is certainly

more accurate than Gerald Drew’s conspiratorial version. Nevertheless,

164

Ronin originally means a master less samurai.

concerning Mayeda’s role, he was originally an adventurer in Amazon, but on

Page | 102 the contrary of this ruthless image of Japanese buccaneer roaming wild, he

become quite respected and integrated into the local society. The

memorandum was full of negative stereotypes about the Japanese. 165 I

assume that Mayeda’s colorful trajectory and unexpected behavior was

atypical for a Japanese and confused the American diplomat. I don`t know if

my suggestion here makes sense, but hopefully it helps The jiu‐jitsu master

had been away from Japan since 1905, living a truly transnational

165

Sadao Asada observed that by the early 1920s had two opposed stereotyped images of Japan: cherry blossoms and yellow peril. In addition there were images of “Japanese mystery”. Sadao Asada, Culture Shock and Japanese‐American Relations : Historical Essays (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2007) 27.

experience. After fifteen years living in Amazon, he surely incorporated local

Page | 103 traits with his Japaneseness. Besides, nothing indicates that he was a

predator of his own brethren despite many troubles faced by the settlers.

Lastly, it is worth speculating the reasons behind Gerald A. Drew’s suspicions

based on this passage in his long report:

“…most important of all is the significance of the introduction of a large

number of Japanese settlers into a portion of world falling within the egis of the

Monroe Doctrine.” 166

166

Memorandum, p. 2.

The US foreign police had since the mid‐nineteenth century put Latin

Page | 104 America under their sphere of influence. The combination of the Monroe Doctrine

and the growing US‐Japanese rivalry, which ultimately led to war, certainly

heightened the animosity and mutual distrust. 167

The Japanese settlement faced manifold logistic difficulties on the ground

and had to endure the transition of immigration policies which placed the project

under growing scrutiny by nationalism and xenophobia. 168

167

US‐Japan relationship start to deteriorate considerably during the 1930s, specially after the Sino‐ Japanese War in 1931. 168 Georgia A. Persons, Race and Democracy in the Americas (New Brunswick, N.J. ; London: Transaction, 2003).

At any event, Mayeda Mitsuyo became a member of the board responsible for

Page | 105 the settlement, shifting his activities from teaching Kodokan judo to Japanese

immigration in the Amazon. 169 By 1937, he became a Brazilian citizen, adopted the

name Otavio and converted at least, nominally, to Catholicism. 170 This decision may

reflect his concern for the radicalization of nationalism and implementation of

tougher measures by the Estado Novo New State , which targeted immigrants in

general and Japanese and other undesirable groups in particular. 171 Mayeda lived

169

Memorandum, p. 6. A long article in the Chicago Tribune entitled “Japanese Rush to Brazil: New Colony Open” described in details the Japanese enterprise in Tomé‐Açu and the American military visit headed by Major Lester Baker. Yet more significant is the mention of mass conversion to Catholicism among the colonists. Japanese children were christened and their parents demonstrated willingness to embrace the new religion. Chicago Tribune, Chicago, 02/03/1930. There is information that Mayeda became affiliated to Alan Kardec’s spiritualism. Perhaps, spiritualism turned out to be closest local alternative to the Japanese Shinto since both share shamanist roots. Hirochika Nakamaki, Japanese Religions at Home and Abroad : Anthropoligical Perspectives (London New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003) 114. 171 The Estado Novo’s dictatorship started in 1937. From the early 1930s onward Brazilian laws get increasingly tougher on immigration as result of a combination between internal and international politics. Certain groups were particularly targeted such as Jews, Syrian‐Lebanese, Gypsies and Japanese 170

for the rest of his life in Belém along with his wife and adoptive daughter. He died a

Page | 106 week prior to the Japanese raid on Pear Harbor and was buried in a Catholic

cemetery in Belém. The local newspapers highlighted Count Koma’s biography and

achievements during his life time. A sizeable burial entourage’s motorcade,

composed by former students, local acquaintances, and members of Japanese

community paid the last tribute to the old jiu‐jitsu master. 172 The Kodokan

headquarters issued his promotion to seventh dan black belt nanadan on

considered to being inassimilable. Jeff Lesser, Searching for Home Abroad : Japanese Brazilians and Transnationalism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003) 101‐13. 172 He was survived by his wife May Iris Mayeda and his adoptive daughter Celeste Iris Mayeda. Belém’s newspapers gave considerable space to notice Mayeda’s funeral in 1941. The newspapers provided a short biography and highlighted his role in the project of Japanese immigration and his position in the council of Nankatu Co. O Estado do Pará,, Belém, 11/29/1941, Folha do Norte, Belém, 11/29/1941.

November 27 1941, one day prior his death, which means that last honorific gesture

Page | 107 reached Mayeda Mitsuyo‐sensei, the Count Koma, too late. 173

173

Kodokan Archives.