YoungPeace | Issue 4

”A Youth Magazine of Ideas and Research" YEAR: 2 ISSUE:4 WINTER 2014

FROM FRATRICIDAL CONFLICTS TO PEACE TALKS

KURDISH PROBLEM

Kemal Burkay:

“ANOTHER 90 YEARS? NEVER!” The Pearl Of Chinese Dream:

BEIJING

Come, Whoever You Are, Come

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magazine@gbi.org.tr

6 On Behalf of Young Peace Initiative Publisher Emre Akkaş

Kemal Burkay:

“Another 90 Years? Never!”

Editor-in-Chief Fatih Kafadar Editor Ahmet Keskin Managing Editor Onur Reha Yıldırım Editorial Board Merve Aksu Nilüfer Yavuz Advisory Board Prof. Dr. Cemal Bâli Akal Prof. Dr. Ferhat Kentel Prof. Dr. Huricihan İslamoğlu Yılmaz Ensaroğlu Legal Entity Supervisor Hamza Memişoğlu Graphic Designer Gökhan Kul gokhan@gokhankul.com Marketing Director Fatih Arslanbay fatih arslanbay@gbi.org.tr Address: Sinanpaşa Mahallesi Çelebioğlu Sokak 21-23 Daire:4 Beşiktaş / İstanbul magazine@gbi.org.tr Phone: (0212) 227 67 95 Fax: (0212) 227 67 95 www.gbi.org.tr facebook/gbiorgtr twitter/gbiorgtr youtube/gbiorgtr

Type of Publishing: Quarterly Magazine Language: Turkish/English

Press: Turkuvaz Matbaacılık Yayıncılık A.Ş.

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All rights of arcticles and pictures published are reserved by Young Peace Magazine. Do not use partially or wholly without permission of the publisher and indicating the source.

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CONTENTS 04 - From Fratricidal Conflicts To Peace Talks Kurdish Problem 06 - Kemal Burkay: “Another 90 Years? Never!”

10 - Perspective: Spain 16 - Marxist Ideology With Its Contradictions And Critiques 18 - Free As Freedom 22 - To The Past, To The Future A Longing, A Hope 26 - The Pearl Of Chinese Dream: Beijing 28 - Come, Whoever You Are, Come 30 - Book: Pomegranate Flowers 31 - Documentary: Don’t Cry Mother, I’m In A Lovely Place

From Fratricidal Conflicts To Peace Talks

4 Kurdish Problem

18 Free As In Freedom

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Perspective: Spain

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To The Past, To The Future A Longing, A Hope

The Pearl Of Chinese Dream: Beijing

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Marxist Ideology With Its Contradictions And Critiques 3

Merve AKSU

FROM FRATRICIDAL CONFLICTS TO PEACE TALKS

KURDISH PROBLEM Merve AKSU

The Kurdish problem that stays on Turkey’s agenda from its establishment and even further lies down to the period of Ottoman Empire has changed in different periods passing by variety of processes plays a crucial role in the transformation of negotiation methods. Turkey’s multinational mosaic structure which is taken over from Ottoman Empire is thought as a threat to state’s survival in the process of constructing a nation-state. It is also thought that creating a sense of belonging into a common nation will be good for the state’s territorial integrity.

Since the foundation of Turkish Republic, Kurdish citizens in Turkey’s borders, both in rural and urban life has existed in public and private areas. As a result of marriages and social interactions relationships has become stronger. Solidaristic society has emerged by constructing a common culture and history.

In Turkey, different ethnic elements live together in the same house, on the same street or in the same apartment.

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Also, they integrate in education and training institutions, hospitals or working areas, shortly in every public place. A discourse of “separation”, “otherization”, “exclusion” and “hatred” that might occur can lead to the formation of great wounds and a crisis atmosphere. From this angle, starting with political authorities, media, non-governmental organizations, scientists, sociologists and historians everyone should address this problem with an objective eye in a collective way by emphasizing its political side.

With the democratic evolution taboos are started to break down slowly. The Kurdish problem continues to maintain its sensitivity thought since the resolution process it has begun to soften. When we address to the issue’s dimension that creating impression in domestic and international arena, the subject is located in ultimate center that can change the destiny of states and nations by tactics developed by state politics about the process. This work aims to cover the process’ effects on Tur-

kish and world politics in the history of Republic of Turkey objectively regarding social peace by inquiring Turks’ views, worries and requests about the Kurdish problem, besides considering identity, history, demands, protests of Kurds living in Turkey and their relation with Turkey.

In order to reach understandable dimension of discussions on nationalism, nation-state construct and ethnical identities and about rights demanded, it would be useful to look for the starting point and meanings of these terms. With the dawn of nation-states, diplomacy gained importance. The movements emerged in 17th century has become efficient in shaping new world order. With reform movements, secularism replaced with Middle age’s dominant term religion, then as 17th century’s dominant terms- unitary state, territorial integrity, constitutionalism currents, republican regimes were brought into the new world order.

The main character of this period, state that is a powerful force comes up as

From Fratricidal Conflicts to Peace Talks Kurdish Problem

an actor that forces the others to accept his rules. After the World War I, with Wilson’s principles brought into agenda by the President of the United States of America Woodrow Wilson and having 14 matters, the nation state order reached to top. According to this document, “all the national identities will decide on their future and have right to live in a certain geography, in a piece of land. “ In the process of collapse of empires, the power of communities demanding nationalist movements, ethnic elements and various identities were influential; as geographies in which communities having different identities existed became chaotic and turbulent, global wars could not be prevented.

As a result of World War I, the Ottoman Empire collapsed and by considering the borders drawn by Lausanne Turkish Republic was founded and in the same process, cultural Kurdish nationalism by gaining a political character faced off against the state. Kurdish uprisings broke out in the republican era were seen as a threat to unitary state and they were suppressed so as to prevent the collapse of the state and to protect territorial integrity and individuals were ignored, prioritizing the state’s interests.

What do national integrity which is the main theme of these conflicts that rose voice in national and global sense; nationstate relationship, different ethnic identities, citizenship concept mean exactly? To what extent the policies implemented to the citizens by the state is legitimate? How can individuals that have different identities contribute to create the necessary environment in peace and freedom? Different segments of society’s internalizing the fact and taking action to preserve social peace by approaching the Kurdish Problem that has occupied the public agenda for years from this perspective; their keeping the criteria of tolerance, understanding and respect in the forefront would be useful in resolution of the process quickly.

The societies which don not embrace and know their history are doomed to disappearing the course of time. Likewise, the languages that are not used and the cultures that are not remembered/preserved would be lost in the dusty pages of history. For this reason, different ethnic identities’ struggle for survival and their demands for right towards this should be taken into account as long as it does not do harm to society’s welfare and the existence of other ethnic groups. During the initiative and peace process, the steps that have

been taken considering Kurdish people’s demands show that the officials who are determinative in political relationships accept the Kurdish problem and the existence of people of Kurdish descent. However, the perception so for has concentrated on armed forces organizations threatening safety rather than available problems about people of Kurdish descent. The point that Kemal Kirişçi underlines: “In official quarters, it is suggested that the people of Kurdish origin already have all the rights as Turkish citizens; therefore, the demands for recognition the Kurdish minority and grant of the minority rights. According to views of some authorities in Ankara, there is no Kurdish problem “per se”. The only problem is supported terrorism by PKK.” Change of this perception in social area in time and taking steps to resolve the problem counts as an important start to reach solution in the process.

It is not right to make a generalization in the definitions of Kurdish identity, social concerns, psychological pressures and financial worries also can be considered as the reasons for the differences. A person might conceal his ethnic identity not to be excluded from the society, not to move down the social and economic status he has or not be accused of threatening the community’s integrity and supporting PKK. However, if broad questionnaires and academic surveys are considered, “Most of the Kurdish people in Turkey is against the policies and aims of PKK.” In addition, a person cannot choose his family, his country of birth, his native tongue, his ethnic group. Thus, attitude of people in different groups the other with tolerance and respect with the help of empathy is of vital importance to prevent social conflicts and continuity of peace.

Showing its effects since foundation of Turkey, the perception of the Kurdish problem has changed with the start of democratic initiative and resolution process and the radical views of from the past have become moderate slowly by recognition and discussion of the problem. Why has not the necessary environment for discussion of the problem been created and have the citizens been not encouraged for this up to now? Considering media’s effect in constructing social memory and mind, why has media taken a negative stand until democratization process and why has this perception been viewed positive along with democratic initiative?

In order to solve the Kurdish problem, firstly, it is needed to accept the exis-

tence of the problem. Besides, media and press organs that keep their finger on the pulse of society is pretty decisive in constructing social consciousness. Media and press that have created fear and negative perception in public towards the Kurdish problem until the democratic initiative and resolution process have tried to break the negative perception by performing “Language reform in Kurdish perception”.

While media and press organs deal with social issues, they should maintain their objectivity, care to be selective in language use and by forecasting when conveying the events, they should also to keep peace and tranquility in the society at the upmost level. Viewed from this angle, destructing the prejudice created through media can be realized as successful steps are taken in the process via media.

One of the other important points in resolution of the Kurdish problem is to focus on worries of creating a Turkish problem when solving the Kurdish problem. In this process, by protecting the profits of both sides, it is a must to stay away from expressions that can lead to a new breaking up and it is needed to take action altogether. Social peace is born in the society with the public will and unity.

By prioritizing public’s views, advices, feelings and beliefs in this process, every segment of society must be included in the process. Non-governmental organizations should serve as a bridge between the authorities of public and society and try to keep the balance between them in order to solve the problems in the society.

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Ahmet SARICALAR, Selman YALVAÇ

Kemal Burkay:

“ANOTHER 90 YEARS? NEVER!”

Photos: Enes AKDOĞAN

The Kurdish Problem is an important issue which maintains top spots in Turkey’s agenda. An issue that is both a highly sensitive and manipulated, indeed. For us, basically it has two aspects: Problem and Solution. Not to digress, in order to speak objectively about what really the problem is and then take his personal opinions about resolution, we paid a visit to Kemal Burkay who devoted his years to politics and had serious problems due to his Kurdish identity. Being a veteran politician, Kemal Burkay-despite having positive ideas in general- is of opinion that there are still several shortcomings in the process. His wish is not to see this country which had already spent 90 years for this problem dealing with nothing for another 90 years in vain.

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Ahmet SARICALAR, Selman YALVAÇ

Young Peace: Mr. Burkay, first of all, we would like to thank your on behalf of GBİ for giving us this opportunity. If you please, let’s go back to the past. You were born in Malazgirt, Tunceli in 1937. How were your childhood and teenage years? Could you tell us about Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia in those years?

Kemal Burkay: Thank you. I was born during 1937-1938 Dersim Problem called Dersim Rebellion that is actually not an uprising but a planned massacre and deportation towards local people who were Kurdish-Alewi. That is to say, an era when there were a lot of sad events happened in the region. As there was no any conflict in the district of Malazgirt, there were no mass killings and deportation. Yet, local people had their share of events. It was a period in which living conditions were difficult.

The closed econmoy was implemented in villages. In other words, relation with the market was limited; peasants would build their own houses, make most of the cars they used and even a some part of their clothing. We experienced a serious famine during the period of World War II. The level of education was very low and there

were schools only in few villages. I’m one of those few children who could get education in those years. After primary school, I enrolled at Akçadağ Village Institute which provided boarding education. After finishing school, I worked as a teacher for three years in villages of Van and Ankara. Then, Ankara Faculty of Law... I both worked and studied at the same time. In a way, I took matters into my hands. During the period of village institute, I developed a great passion for literature and art. Since I was 18, I have written stories and poems.

During my university years, I came across with Kurdish Problem and leftist idea. In 1964 I started law practice and sooner after I went into politics. My political and literary life has coexisted up to now. In the 1st volume of Memories, Documents I wrote about my childhood and teenage years in a novelistic sense and this piece of work was published by Deng Publications in İstanbul.

Young Peace: Not to mention about the Resolution Process that has been the most important agenda of the country. In this respect, how do you read Kurdish Problem, what do you think the reasons underlying this problem are? How would you assess the current situation and the Resolution

Process? What is your perspective on the future of this process?

Kemal Burkay: On the heart of this problem, there were denial of Kurds, Kurdish language and culture and destruction of them through oppression and assimilation in the Treaty of Lausanne. However, when Anatolia was under foreign occupation after World War I, Kurds together with Turks resisted against the occupation.

Yet, later the rainbow-like social structure of Anatolia was ignored and it was aimed to construct a nation based on a certain ethnic group, Turkish ethnicity. This policy drew rebuff. For this reason, the Kurdish Problem existing in the last period of the Empire has continued in the Republic period and has become a greater problem.

The last 30-year conflict period has costed both people a lot. Finally, it has been obviously understood by both sides that the problem cannot be solved by the ways of denial, oppression and violence and both Kurdish reality has been accepted and peaceful resolution methods have been sought.

Firstly, we experienced “Democratic Initiative Process” and now we’re faced with a new process called “Resolution and Peace Process”. In my opinion, these two, namely peace and resolution are intertwined.

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Without a fair resolution, peace cannot be achieved. The disarmament of PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party/Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) will be a major step. Yet, this alone is not enough for peace. Resolution is the recognition of all fundamental rights of Kurdish people. A fair resolution can be realized based upon equality, and it should be like this. For us, this is the federal system. In most countries all over the world, federation has been adopted as the most appropriate way for solution of similar problems and living together. Reaching such persistent and drastic solutions, of course, is not a piece of cake. The process will be bumpy. But in the end, in my opinion, the result that would be reached will be this (federation).

Young Peace: Sir, there is an argument put forward by some sections of society as follows: “There is no Kurdish Problem, this is the problem of terrorism.” Can we say that when terror problem poses a threat for Turkey, so does the Kurdish Problem in terms of Kurdish identity? Can the difference between both be presented as the struggle for survival of identities and the 8

state? Do you believe that when the problem is defined as the Kurdish Problem, the terror problem will sort itself out?

Kemal Burkay: As the Kurdish Problem could not be solved based upon equality through peaceful methods and demands of Kurdish people for right were responded with oppression, there happened violence in this country. The thing called terror, that is to say, violence is the result this wrong policy. The ones who present the problem as a terror problem are those following this wrong policy. The existence of Kurds is the fact of this country. The recognition of Kurdish identity and fundamental rights of Kurdish People does no harm to Turkish people or the state. If both people live together in peace, equal rights should be granted for the Kurds and the state should be shaped appropriately in accordance with this, namely federal system should be adopted. There are dozens of such states in the world. This is the way if the state will be Kurds’ state. Why would equality and freedom of Kurds pose a threat to Turkish people? Loss is exactly the opposite. As long as Kurds are under oppression and not equ-

al, there won’t be peace environment in the country, fight and conflicts continue and all resources we have would go for nothing in this conflict; development, democratization of the country would be brought to standstill. The thing that we have experienced for 90 years shows us this.

Young Peace: There is an argument that reaching a resolution in the Kurdish Problem could play a crucial role in the solution of problems of other elements (Alewis, Armenians and Romans etc). What are your thoughts on this? In other words, may a more democratic Turkey in many aspects appear when Kurdish Problems is solved?

Kemal Burkay: Kurdish Problem cannot, of course, directly solve Alewi problem and other problems but paves the way for solution of them, creating a new and convenient environment for domestic peace and democratization of the country. In a sense, Kurdish Problem is the big stone blocking the way for peace and democratization. When this obstacle is removed, the atmosphere in the country will change a lot. Along with the solution of Kurdish

Problem, Turkey would get rid of its shackles, makes use of country sources for democratization and development.

Young Peace: Within the process starting with Democratic Initiative several arrangements were brought to the agenda and we know that one of the most controversial topics was the launch of TRT-Şeş broadcasting in Kurdish. On the other hand, the article: ‘freedom of Kurdish language education in private schools’ in Democratization Package announced to the public by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan on 30 September 2013 has similarly occupied agenda of the country a lot. After all, we see that education in Kurdish language has always come to the forefront in debates over Kurdish Problem. What are your thoughts on education in the mother tongue and views that education in mother tongue is a triggering factor for division?

Kemal Burkay: Education in mother tongue is as halal as breast milk and a fundamental right for all people and persons.

It is even a shame, primitiveness to discuss this. Didn’t Turkey support this for Turks in Bulgaria? Isn’t it supporting this for Turkish communities in the Balkans and Middle East? But when it comes to the Kurds, some groups go beyond the ordinary, a right granted for all communities is considered as inappropriate for Kurds. If they get education in mother tongue, the country will be divided (!) Such a ridiculous logic, isn’t it? If the Kurds get education in their mother tongue, it is obvious that the country won’t be divided, but it gets rid of a huge shame of its. Freedom of education in mother tongue cannot be provided in private schools. This is a right that should be provided from primary school to university. For instance, in Federal Iraq Kurdish is the second official language and the language of education at the same time.

Within the borders of Kurdistan Regional Government, there are 15 universities and mainly the language of education is Kurdish, besides it English and Arabic.

whether the process will continue or not.

It is being discussed that the state doesn’t have a plan and road map to continue the process. If there is, it hasn’t been shared with public so far. What steps should be taken and what kind of road map should be drawn, what do you think?

Kemal Burkay: The resolution and peace process was announced to the public after the talks carried out in İmralı between Undersecretary of MİT (National Intelligence Organisation), Hakan Fidan and Öcalan.

But what was talked, what method, way would be followed and what the solution would be covering, these are not clear enough. What was announced to the public is: PKK will lay down its arms and at once, withdraw its armed forces beyond the borders. We want PKK to lay down its arms all along. It doesn’t even need to put forward any conditions for this. Because we are of the opinion that weapons and violence do not serve to the solution of the problem, on the contrary they hinder it. However, it alone does not solve the Kurdish problem.

There was Kurdish Problem during the republic period, before that, too.

There happened problems because this problem was not solved in a fair and civilized manner and PKK is a result of this.

The PKK is not a cause, it’s an effect. If the problem is eliminated, firstly causes should be eleminated. On the other side,

both what Öcalan demands for Kurdish people in the name of resolution and if the problem is solved, this cannot happen by holding talks behind the closed doors only with one person. Interculators in the problem are evident: Kurdish political movement and as HAK-PAR(Rights and Freedoms Party) we are one of these parties.

The talks should be transparent, the parties’ demands and the way to follow should be known, consensus should be reached and they should be declared to the public. Trust occurs in this way. However, there is not a serious, comprehensive project on this issue that has been presented to the public by the government. For solution of such major problems, drastic steps and courage are required. Moreover, if the government is ready and keen to solve this problem, it should take steps without bargaining with anyone; it could recognize the fundamental rights of the Kurdish people. I think the people’s rights should not be matter of negotiation.

Young Peace: We would like to thank you for taking your time on behalf of GBİ association.

Kemal Burkay: Thank you. I wish you good luck, believing that your good works in the name of peace will continue increasingly.

Young Peace: In the light of developments if we consider all aspects of the resolution process, there is actually an ambiguity in the process. There are still question marks in minds about what BDP (The Peace and Democracy Party) and Abdullah Öcalan demanded exactly, and to what extent the government will respond to these requests.

There are also serious question marks about 9

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PERSPECTIVE

Spain...At the first time you step on this geography, two things attract your attention: fragnantcolorful flowers adorning the streets, fountains and squirts that you cannot take your eyes off.

Despite all this destruction, still you can find something about yourself and feel yourself at home.

Granada with its Alhambra Palace taking its name from the sun’s glow that reflect on heavenly gardens of it, gloomy masjid Mosque of Cordoba in great philosopher of Islam, Ibn Rushd’s hometown Cordoba, Seville with best flamenco dance shows and touristic city Malaga with its splendid sea and beaches like the ones in Antalya...And many more...In order to get to know “us” beter and for a journey through the history, Spain is a must-see geography.

Photography: Ahmet KESKİN

Sevilla Reales Alcazares 11 11

Cordoba

Cordoba 12 12

Granada - Alhambra Palace

Cordoba-Feria de Cordoba

Cordoba 13 13

Cordoba

Malaga- Alcazaba de Malaga 14 14

Granada

Sevilla- Plaze de Espana 15 15

Emre AKKAȘ

MARXIST IDEOLOGY WITH ITS CONTRADICTIONS AND CRITIQUES Emre AKKAȘ

Cold War Era and Analysis of Marxism Solzhenitsyn is a great critique of Marx and the Communism regime, especially a harsh criticizer of Russian communism, who changed the course of history at the times of Cold war era and post cold war era by his teachings. One of the reasons that made him one of the most influential scholar of his era was that he came from a Russian Communist regime and he suffered unbearable conditions of Gulag labor camps(prisons) and other cruel and strict restrictions applied by the Russian communist regime. And he was exiled from his own country by the government and went to the United States of America. Even though America was in a though rivalry with Soviet Union theoretically and practically, he always maintained a critical stand on the West and America notably.

The underlying reason of his critical perspective is not only criticizing Communism and its great thinker Marx but also attempting to understand the interest and attraction Marxism drew.”

Solzhenitsyn’s critiques of communism and Marx were unique in many aspects, but one thing really distinguished his view of Marx and communism different than many others. It was Solzhenitsyn’ assertion that not because Russians misunderstood and misused the teachings of Marx and couldn’t apply him into practice, which a lot of scholars state, but they followed Marx’s ideas and teachings to its highest degree. Thus he doesn’t see the problem in the applications or so called misapplications of Marx’s philosophy to the Russian society and government but he finds the theory itself problematic .

In this article, Marx’s assertions and 16

Solzhenitsyn’s criticisms about Marx’s theory according to the book “Assault on Ideology” written by James F. Pontuso will be analyzed.

Marx’s approaches to the concepts of philosophy will be compared and contrasted by three philosophers who are John Locke, Jean Jacque Rousseau, and St. Augusitine.

The Earthly city and the Heavenly city St. Augustine, being one of the people who helped church to institutionalize, is a thinker who creates this philosophy, placing existence of God at the heart of it. Marx who is an unbeliever of God and a radical Enlightenment philosopher affecting the course of history by his teachings is fundamentally different from St. Augustine. For St. Augustine, “Accordingly, two cities have been formed by two loves: the earthly by the love of self, even to the contempt of God; the heavenly by the love of God, even to the contempt of self.” Therefore, heavenly city is ruled by the words of God, and the other is ruled by self interest and material desire. According to St. Augustine, it should be preferred to live in heavenly city than earthly city. Because in heavenly city everything is ruled by the words of God and those who follow God’s words do good, and who resist it do evil. There is good and evil concepts in St. Augustine’s best city he created in his assumption while Marx views these concepts as “progressive and regressive”. The main reason of his opposition to consideration of good and evil as obeying God’s words or not is that for Marx there is no God. Hence, doing something according something not existing is nothing but an unthinkable assumption.

The belief of peace in the Holy state For St. Augustine the Fall of human beings is the Fall of Adam and Eve. They fall into a mistake which causes them to be out of the heaven. St. Augustine sees the problems caused by the fall of human beings. He thinks if divine love is reached, problems will abolish and peace will come into existence in everywhere. And he believes that this peace can be obtained because he says that “there is nature in which evil doesn’t or even cannot exist; but there cannot be a nature in which there is no good.” This is because, good and love is dominant. Without them even evil can’t exist. On the other hand, for Marx the main reason for the problems in the world is the wrong world order. This is capitalism that exploits people’s lives, thus things that help bringing Communism are good and progressive. Actually “good” is not a proper term to use for Marx. Division of labor and inequality in society causes problems. Therefore, by the establishment of equal society and removal of the private property, there exists a state in which all people acquire what they want.

Their approach to the problems of those days’ problem through different sources they caused them to view the main reason of the problem in the world very different and to provide completely different solutions. While Marx’s perspective limits him to the world itself and economics, St. Augustine claims that to see the truth there has to be light which illuminates the materials in the world.

Problems during the transitions from primitive life to social life According to Rousseau, human beings

Marxist Ideology With Its Contradictions And Critiques

are not bad inherently. Along with the transition from a primitive life to a social life and living together, interaction between people began and as a result of this people became more troublesome and turned evil.

For Rousseau, although becoming civilized takes further in terms of material well-being appearently and even if it seems so, it can be said that the more civilized we become, the further we regress as we become more troublesome and evil. In his book “The Father of Totalitarian Democracy”, Stephen J. Tonsor views Rousseau’s approach by dividing human history into three parts. First is the primitive human nature.

It is reasonable and not problematic according to Rousseau. Second part is the time when human beings are driven to wrong by the development of civilization. The third part is the totalitarian part which he calls restoration of human society. Rousseau thinks that civilization, science and art are bad. And they are the root of the problems. Establishing a social contract between people and uniting them under a “general will” will lead us into restoration and reformation of people’s personality and behaviors to its nature and reshapes man according to his inherently good nature. According to Marx, “the human race is distinguished from animals by its capacity for conscious production.”. Marx reduces human nature into a material body which is driven by material forces and needs. As it is pointed out above, while Rousseau states that more civilized we become, the further we regress, Marx takes the opposite approach and says the more civilized we become the more we progress. While Rousseau attributes the destruction of human nature to the civilization, Marx thinks that nature and human beings’ restoration and reformation is directly related to the development of civilization.

Effect of the society on human nature Despite the different views on human nature, they both think that human nature is affected by society, and what makes people bad is society not the human nature. If we compare two views; Rousseau asserts that we are a product of the society whereas Marx thinks that people commit crime because of the system. Capitalism leads people to commit crime and become evil. Marx also claims that “essence is determined by existence.”

Thus he doesn’t believe that there is actually good nature in human beings, but it is completely determined by environment and the system.

Russian government in the times of Lenin especially saw the criminals not as bad people, because the Progressive Doctrine cla-

imed that “human beings are not responsible for their actions. In short, as the Russian government belived that the economic conditions were the cause of aberrant behavior, it didn’t regard them responsible for their will.

For this reason, criminality was not counted as a lack of character on thieves’ part, but as the corrupting influence of bourgeoisie society again.” So there were many people who were real criminals weren’t sent to Gulag where people who acted even a little opposition to Communist government were sentenced for at least 10 years.

Free man has been chained everywhere Before it was mentioned that Rousseau believes the reformation of human being from good to evil after the establishment of the society and the developments in civilization. He states in his famous quote that “man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains.”

The analogy of chains represents the society based on “general will” which ties everybody into one body. He clearly viewed the Social Contract as the solution to “The question is to find a form of association which will defend and protect the person and goods of each associate with the whole common force, and in which each while unites himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as before.” He asserts this in his quote that “Apart from this primitive contract, the vote of the majority always binds all the rest.”

Instead of particular interests, general will is for the public interest which is best reflected with the votes of the majority of people. Marxist perspective is trying to do same thing in theory. However its reasons are quite different than Rousseau’s. Marx believes in historical determinism, that is to say that history is going into an inevitable direction which will bring certain kind of things. Marx suggests that after the era of capitalism Communism has to come into existence. And doing things for bringing Communism is justifiable, because it has to come. Solzhenitsyn marks that “Marx’s theory of history is wrong, and socialism is neither inevitable nor, for the matter, choice worthy.” And Solzhenitsyn continues in the same page by saying that “To embrace Marx’s historical determinism, one is compelled to admit that History’s plan was at work in all the evil deeds, all the suffering, and all the terror.”

Marx’s determinism was suggesting that Communism has to come and anything is done for the sake of Communism was right.

Therefore, it can be seen that brutality and arbitrary actions in the rule USSR governments were caused by this philosophy. Their actions were almost against to majority of Russian

people. From this point, it is understood that both philosophers wanted to unite the society under a theme based on completely different points.

Social Contract as binding force In USSR people were sacrificed in Gulags where they had to work under the unbearable harsh conditions. They were the needed human considered as a means to reach the fast industrialization, the stage Marx wanted them to be. Thus, they used people to reach their goals. The value of people was as animals’.

From all those brutalities and massacres that were done by Lenin and Stalin to their own people clearly indicates that the main goal was to reach the final stage, while going there everything was justifiable and possible.

They sacrificed people to the Communist State. Rousseau and Marx differed also at this point. The public will which is destined to the preservation of the State; namely is always ready to sacrifice the government to the people, and not to sacrifice the people to the government.” Rousseau’s social contract’s main goal is people`s preservation and reformation without sacrificing them.

John Locke views the main goal of the state as the preservation of private property. He states that “the state has no other end but preservation of private property, and therefore it can never have a right to destroy, enslave, or designedly to impoverish the subjects.” Marx wrote that “the whole history is nothing but a continual transformation of human nature.” For the success of the cause, the alteration of man on a mass scale is necessary. Basically, Marx saw private property as the main root for all evil. He thought that all discriminations, privilege, poverty will go away after the abolishment of private property. As is undertood, the roots of the notion of state were completely different in two philosophers’ approach.

In conclusion, although Marx’s philosophy is a sort of philosophy setting the basis of outcomes that changed the course of history and resisting with the spirit of revolt against inequality and tyranny towards masses opressed after the industrial revolution, it has many contradictions within itself. While it theoritically advocates all people that it tries to reach should move up to the final stage in which people are equal, there is no private property and they try to smooth their selfishness, its assertation that man can be reshaped by materialistic factors and its uncapacity to suggest method and goals for how emotional and intellectual world of people can be changed are the main missing points of this system.

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Ayșegül MOĞOL

FREE AS IN FREEDOM Ayșegül MOĞOL

Freedom, in a broad sense, means “the opportunity to act as you wish”; in a narrow sense is “a person’s ability of selfdetermination”. According to this, a man embodying the underlying reasons of his actions in person is free. However, freedom in both senses is not absolute. Both his nature and physical and social conditions shape a man. Likewise, his ethical and moral responsibilities towards the groups and institutions he belongs to restricts freedom at least as part of doing the things desired. In this article, I will discuss what we understand by the freedom of thought, the difference between freedom of thought and expression, finally conceptualization of them within the context of contemporary discussions of freedom. Also, it seems that 18

the word ‘freedom’ is too free to fit into any definition.

In the history of philosophy, there are two interrelated answers to action and freedom of doing something. The first one is about will. If an action is voluntary, it means that it is set as a goal at the same time. The second common answer explains free act by ability or capability. According to this, if a person has right to act or not to, then it is free. The approaches of various fields such as philosophy, politics and theology towards the problem of freedom generally don’t correspond to each other. For this reason, as Riedel states the concept of freedom is not a password; on the contrary is a problem both in terms of conceptualtheoretical and practical-empirical aspects.

First of all, freedom should find a solution to the contemporary problems of the current time. In this respect, the concept of freedom in classical-ancient philosophy has not been familiar with most of the problems it has come across in the following ages and actually it has restricted scope of the problem by decision-making and freedom of choice.

If we schematize discussions of freedom in the history of philosophy, freedom has always been in the agenda in the fields such as today’s countries’ political affairs, theological statements, judicial precedents.

As an example to this British writer D.H. Lawrence, in one of his work, mentions about ‘Christian love’. Christian love can be summarized with the commandment

Free As In Freedom

‘love your neighbors as yourself ’. Lawrence implicitly tries to tell that if this commandment is extended to the final frontier, it would be insufficient. According to him principles of liberte, fraternite, egalite (freedom, fraternity, and equality) would come to an end. This outcome lead the writer to conclude this interesting thing and says: ‘If I am not free to become something else apart from being brotherly and equal, why does freedom exist?’ and then continues: ‘If I am free, I should oppose inequality or equality at my will. Fraternity and equality are major tyrannies.

Freedom which Lawrence find insufficient and conservative is what Burke needs to have. According to him, excessive freedom does not take us further. It should not, too; because as we all know, excess in our duties in life and satisfactions at any point destroys both merit and making use of it. Freedom should be limited in order to have it. Once and for all, deciding on the degree of restriction for each situation is impossible. It should be every right-minded and sane institutional view’s main goal to figure out how the society could maintain its existence with how less or much of this restriction with the help of cautious experiences, rational and unperturbed solutions; because freedom is a good which needs to be improved not evil that needs restricting.

Freedom of Expression Within the Context of IndividualCommunity Relation Freedom is a social and humane word.

As an idea, freedom is more effective in community and also more essential for democracy. If man didn’t have ability to think, we can say that speech, writing and believing would not be. What would man unable to think speak, write and believe in?

Although thinking is the base of the ability to speak, write and believe, it is not the essence of our freedom.

Because thinking is a natural phenomenon that is inherent in man. On the other hand freedom is something social. According to Nurettin Topçu, the existence and possibility of freedom is out of the question for a man living alone.

Because what so-

meone thinks cannot be known without being told, written and action. It would be futile and absurd to say ‘everyone is free to say what they think’ in an environment in which there is no freedom of speech, writing and action. The man who could not act as he thinks is alienated from his thoughts. After a while, the strength of ideas fades out. Thus, inaction causes intellectual life to lose its vitality. If man does not have the right to choose, he does not see it as necessary to think for differentiating good and bad. Likewise, according to Aristotle, freedom is realization of a man’s actions within his power and facilities. Action along with speech and writing helps evolution and development of human thoughts.

Then freedom of speech, writing and action is useful in development of the ability to think; for this reason these freedoms are needed. In that case, we can check whether there is freedom in a community or not by this standard.

Positive and Negative Liberty Two articles written by Isiah Berlin and Gerald MacCallum set the fundamental basis of freedom concept in contemporary discussions in the field of social and political philosophy. The negative liberty (as the term “liberty” was used by Thomas Hobbes) which Isiah Berlin views as “political freedom” in a broad sense states that a man could act without being prevented by others on purpose. In this case, during realization of personal desires, the more we get further away from physical compulsions, hindrance, constraint caused by threats and interferences of other people in choices, the more freedom

increases. According to definition, negative liberty the situation of non-interference in which there is no an external interference in the individual’s actions. On the other hand, positive liberty is a sort of expression of “self-domination” derived from the individual’s desire to be master of himself when taking decisions leading the individual’s life. In short, according to positive liberty concept, freedom is a situation in which some requirements have been achieved. For example, describing peace as absence of war points out negative liberty concept; but positive peace concept views peace as a situation in which there are friendly relationships between people etc.

While conception of negative liberty questions ‘the things that I’m free to do without interference of others’, the starting point of conception of positive liberty is ‘what the source of interference and controls leading me to choose the things that I chose is.’

While the modern freedom which was defined as negative liberty by Berlin leaves the individual to guidance of his own special will, ancient freedom, being in parallel with positive liberty is an expression of the individual’s sharing his own guidance with public will.

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Ayșegül MOĞOL

MacCallum suggest that freedom should be approached in a triadic relationship consisting of “x”, the subject of action, “y” constraints and “z” goal of freedom.

According to him, all propositions about freedom can be explicitly expressed in this way: subject x’s freedom of doing z has been restricted by y.

In other words, when we mention about the individual’s freedom, we propose that he is free from some hindrances and has freedom to do something.

According to MacCallum, all discussion carried out on freedom is not about freedom concept but scope of x, y and z variables. For two people advocating the same the theory, the meaning of freedom does not change.

Freedom As Non-Interference Philip Pettit proposes a third conception of freedom as an alternative to Berlin’s negative and positive liberty concepts: Freedom as non-domination. Remarkable finding of Petit is to stonewall the third possibility of definitions of negative and positive liberty. Since there is no an exact contrast relation between positive liberty that Berlin viewed as individual’s dominance and negative liberty considered as noninterference by him, there is still a question that cannot be answered. This is about how a situation in which freedom of an individual is not restricted by interference but another person’s dominance can be explained. Republican freedom is not restriction of an individual’s actions by other people’s actual interference and it requires freedom as non-domination that can occur by prevention of their establishment of dominance. Hence, according to Pettit, freedom as non-domination is a negative point of view combined with the positive elements of the definition as it is based on the concept of 20

dominance. Freedom as non-interference is an individual’s having capacity to make a choice without being forced and a deliberate restriction in his actions. As can be seen from here, while freedom as noninterference varies in direct proportion to the individual’s abilities, it does not require existence of political ties. Here freedom is described in direct proportion to abundance of unrestricted choices. Therefore, degree of freedom as non-interference for freedom advocates requires a survey within a quantitative context.

Conclusion: Effects of Lack of Freedom on Mass Movements The ones living a slave life are poor.

However, in the places where slavery is widespread and continues for a long time, the rise of a mass movement is less likely. Absolute equality between slaves and intimate social relationships in slave neighborhoods prevent the frustration of the individual.

Rebels in a society in which slavery settled and became a custom are new slaves or the ones who become free. The root of discontent of the latter comes from the responsibilities caused by free life. Freedom of choice shoulders blame for failure over the individual. And as freedom will provide courage to attempt to do many actions, the amount of failure and frustration will have increased. On the other hand, movement decreases frustration. In this respect, if the man does not have ability to provide a position against himself, freedom nothing but an annoying load. Despite their all misdoings, Nazis’ assertions that they were innocent was not a hypocrisy. When they were held “responsible” for obeying the orders, they considered this as betrayal. According to them, did not they join Nazi movement to evade “responsibility”?

But, even mass movements created to gain freedom from an oppressive regime never recognize individual freedom after unity and development. As long as it is in life or death struggle or it is obliged to defend itself against domestic and external enemies, a mass movement’s main engagement is that individuals’ would give up their personal desires, views and interests. The important point is that by ignoring and postponing personal freedoms, active mass movement is not considered to oppose its ardent supporters’ tendencies. When the mass movement completes its active period and empowers its relationship with sound organizations and institutions, only then personal freedom gets chance to flourish.

The shorter the active period is, the more assumptions that the thing paving the way for rise of personal freedom is the movement itself not the end of mass movement there are.

The crueler the administration that the mass movement overthrow and replace, the more powerful this assumption will be. In this sense, those who consider their lives manipulated and wasted seek equality and fraternity more than freedom. Freedom is not the thing that would bring the equality they’re longing for. Desire for equality, in a way, is desire to mask their personality, namely nondifferentation of one yarn from others used for weaving. For this reason, comparing us with others, no one can uncover our imperfections. In a place where freedom is real, equality is the greatest desire of the masses. In a place in which equality is real, the minority’s greatest desire is freedom. Equality without freedom creates a more stable social order than freedom without equality.

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Serkan ÇEÇEN

TO THE PAST, TO THE FUTURE

A LONGING, A HOPE 22

Serkan ÇEÇEN

some of them transfer their yesterday, their today, and Who in the world would like their tomorrow to the future to leave his place or home? with their hopes. So we Leaving his beloved ones, listened to a story, with its his past, his future, and yesterday, its today, and stepping into the unknown… tomorrow along with their Not too far, just close by, eternal hopes… people who were left in Recently, while we were sitting with our the middle of the war in friends, we kept on talking about Syria, about war, and about peace. We talked about Syria… Their fates, their what we heard from the newspapers, and choices were not under the news. Some people were fighting; some people were leaving their lands. But how their control. Each war was it from the inside? What happened?

What changed and this happened? Who has thousands of stories. would leave his land and flee somewhere Some of them cannot make else? We wandered in Istanbul with these in our minds. With one of our it to the paper. They vanish, questions friend’s help, we found ourselves in an office in one of Istanbul’s central districts. There they are forgotten. And was someone coming from Syria who had

been working here for more than one year.

We wanted to talk with him, but he didn’t want. He was scared of the police, the El Muhaberat. In other words, he was scared of being disclosed. He was thinking that supporters of Assad would even do harm to him here. But, he was eventually convinced to have one or two photos of him taken. After he trusted us on the phone, he came to the office. The moment he came, we greeted, and hugged each other like we had known each other for a long time. He was very sincere to us.

We told him that we wanted to listen to his story. He sat opposite us. He had the tiredness of the years. He was in his forties or fifties, but it was obvious that he was more tired than that. His roots trace back to the Turkmen people who came from Anatolia and settled down in Aleppo. “I got easily used to Istanbul, and loved here because I am also a Turk,” he says. He also learned some Turkish here. He also lived in Aleppo with his family. Ahmet Abi dealt with international transportation there. He worked with Saudi Arabia, Europe and Middle East there. Therefore, he can speak several languages. He has four children, and he lives in

23

the same apartment with his siblings.

Before the war, he said that their situation had been good. Not only theirs; he said that Aleppo was one of the prosperous cities of the region, so the region had no financial problems. However the regime and the supporters of the regime put lot of pressure on them. “We had money, we had food and land; however, we didn’t have independence” he said. He said that business is carried on either with money or with close relationships with Assad. People who were close to Assadcould suddenly just come and desire something from you. According to him, that’s the reason why Shabihas, who came in sight during the war and made bloody attacks, became that much powerful. Ahmet Abi even claims that the Shabihas are Armenians who were set here in the Ottoman era. He said that both the feeling of revenge coming from the history, and the greed for money from Assad made them brutal. You either should give them what they want or give them enough money to satisfy them.

What he meant is that they had everything, but they had no assurance, and protection for anything, even for their own lives…

When he asked him “Why did the war broke out, what triggered it?” he sighed for a moment. It was like he remembered tho24

se days. There was a short silence. Then he went on. He said that pressures and brutalities that had been present for some years affected people very much. He meant that this really disturbed people, but they didn’t know what to do or could not dare to do something. They heard the same things from their fathers and grandfathers; they had lived like this, too. People were used to live without showing any reaction, but the newcomers were not the same. Ten or eleven years old children were writing “freedom,” “peace,” “democracy” on the walls. After a while, with the spread of these street writings, Assad supporters, the Shabihas began to cut children’s fingers and hands who were writing these things . When parents of these children asked why they had done this they said to them that in case such things happened again, they would take their daughters and wives as concubines. After that, people began to refuse showing reaction. Ahmet Abi explains the situation by saying “No one would do only with money and food; I mean, everyone wanted freedom. Conflicts arouse throughout the country. Everyone is ready to pay a price for freedom and for the future, and everyone believes in freedom.”

He said that when the war broke out, everyone did something. Some fought,

some carried the ammunition, and some tried to announce this cruelty, this injustice to the world. Ahmet Abi and his friends took medications and food to places in need when the conflicts began. He said that there were no incidents then in the place where they lived. One day when he came back, he saw that fumes were rising from his neighborhood, black fumes… They saw no one when they came home. Not his wife, not his children, not his siblings, or his relatives…

No one… The apartment, the house was messed up: doors, glasses, windows were broken, and there were fingers and organs cut. And there was blood. But his family was not there. He had looked for them for days, searched on the streets; but could not find them anywhere. Still nothing is known about his children, his wife, and his relatives.

While telling these to us, Ahmet Abi was in the state of both accepting this situation and of still keeping some hope alive. After he had looked everywhere in Syria for his family, he came to Turkey. He wandered through the streets in Mardin, Antep, Kilis and Hatay, but could not find anything Then he came to Istanbul. He worked in many different works. And now he is working as a translator. He isn’t here for a vacation, or for pleasure. “What the hell

are they doing here,” looks of the outsider eyes… He said that these looks tired him the most. When he said this, we began to think. What happened to us? How did we change? Did we lose our hospitability, our “accepting others, making the far close” tradition? Or were we alienated to our history, our culture, and our values? He came because he had no choice; not because he wanted. And he wants people to understand this. He wants people to treat him normally, and not to disgust him, or be scared of him.

Once he thought of his relatives in Egypt, and thought that maybe his family was there. After he had earned some money here, he went to Egypt to look for them. He could not find them, however. He stepped in the mess of Egypt. Within that conflict, he saw the death and the brutality which he left in Syria. After searching for days, he came back to Istanbul. Ahmet Abi never lost his hope. “Someday,” he says, “someday if they are alive…”

He didn’t forget Syria because he is worried about his family, and beloved ones.

He began to tell people the situation as best as he can and asked for help through the Internet, and social media. “Cruelty is there.

You can’t stay silent even just for the honor of humanity! That’s all I can do from here; I am also always praying,” he says. In this case, they are “stateless” in the world. Their past is being erased, they are scattered to another lands; all they have in their hands is their hopes.

When we asked “what do you expect from the world, from other countries?To bring peace to these lands?” he bowed his head. Maybe he remembered the previous examples. The periods, when no one in the world raised his voice to cruelty. In Bosnia, in Palestine, in Azerbaijan... The same thing as what was done before is being done now; nothing is done actually. Turkey is the only friend for Syria. Maybe from an old tradition or maybe because of the neighborhood for many years. But Turkey is Syria’s only hope. He says that they have no expectations from other countries, either. “They don’t want peace in these lands,” he says. He believes in victory and freedom all ways, however. “Someday this war will end, and we will return there! We will rejoin our land, and our beloved ones someday, and we will never forget the favors done to us,” he says with hopeful eyes.

It was getting dark. It was time to go.

We asked for permission. We hugged each other again when we were leaving. This time it was warmer. He was very happy to tell about his problems, himself and his country. No one chose this path willingly.

They were struggling for their freedom, their honor, their hopes… Ahmet Abi had hope. He said that everything would get better. He reckoned only on the revolution maybe because it’s the only hope he keeps.

However, revolutions generally do not plan the outcomes. “Let’s knock the wrong, the bad, the not desired down; then do it better if we can. If we cannot, let’s leave it like it

is: ruined, shabby, and maybe more wrecked than before…” Either he didn’t know it or didn’t want to ruin the dream of the victory they did not get yet. He was only thinking the good, and the beautiful. Even hearts are always broken, let hope stay in the left pockets, anyway. Cruelty will not last forever, of course; justice will find its way, of course!

25

Bedii GÜRCAN

THE PEARL OF CHINESE DREAM: Bedii GÜRCAN

“You are the westernmost part of the east and we are the easternmost part of the east. Even though two nations live far away from one another, we have historical roots. That’s what we, Chinese people, have in common with you.” said one of my professors. He is one of the most famous historians of China. He was impressed by Istanbul. He found Istanbul beyond of his expectations. He loved Turkey and the people of Turkey. This led him to find, in fact research the common features of Chinese and Turkish people. Then\ I realized once again that we don’t know China and Chinese people. Americans and Europeans came here a long time ago and analyzed this place.

China is not “a closed box” as people think. There are several McDonald’s and Starbucks stores, and Burger Kings and more. All of these have a share in the market. China is also not as scary as people think. People in China are friendly and the country has a regime of its own. Of course, I won’t make a “Chinese praise.” I just want to show how much “we don’t know” China. So, let’s get to know Beijing, the heart 26

BEIJING of China. Let’s take a look at the reflection of this thousand year old civilization in Beijing.

Beijing has been a capital in the times of many dynasties for centuries. Because of its historical texture and civilized people, Beijing is a city of culture.

Beijing, the capital of People’s Republic of China is the second biggest metropolitan city after Shanghai. In the state administrative system of China, it is one of the cities described directly as a “municipality”. Not as effective as Shanghai in the Chinese economy, Beijing is more of a centre of education, culture and politics. In recent years, being the host of the Summer Olympics in 2008 has been the most remarkable feature of Beijing. Here, I should mention the influence of Beijing in the Olympics in 2008. The Olympics has played a major role in the development of Beijing in recent years. It has contributed Beijing to be an equilibrant in world politics. The Olympics has also affected the infrastructure of the city completely and has led to a great change and development in Beijing. So, Beijing has shown the whole

world that China is not a closed box at all. 北京 means Beijing in Chinese. “Bei” means north and “jing” means city. Dating back to the B.C centuries, the historical documents of the city claim that the city’s recent structure has been shaped beginning from the 15th century.

However, today’s metropolitan structure has begun to be built in 1959. Even though it is not encyclopedic information, I want to share an anecdote about the recent pattern of the city that my professor told us: In 1959, a brand new People’s Republic of China continued to develop its socialist expansion with some revolutions. When it comes to the city structure of Beijing, two remarkable experts stand out. One of them is a professor who has a command of the city structure in Europe; the other is a professor under the influence of the Soviet Union. The Chinese rulers of that time appointed the professor under the influence of the Soviet Union to build the base structure of the city because they felt themselves closer to the Soviet Union. Today, the city is composed of 4 main rings, in other words ring roads. Surroun-

ding the city with these 4 rings, this pattern has made Beijing more organized.

Taste and Cuisine in Beijing Yes, now that I have mentioned Chinese people, I should mention the cuisine of Beijing. If you say “I can eat anything dude” Beijing is just for you. Not much as in the Southern China, but you can find original Chinese food in Beijing. For instance, you can see restaurants with donkey pictures on their signs. There are even restaurants with dog pictures on their signs in some places. But as I said, it is not as common as it is in the south. The most famous taste of Beijing is the “Peking Roast Duck”.

Peking Roast Duck is a meal composed of roasted duck with different sauces and special recipes. If you want, you can have a soup prepared with the meat and bones outside the roasted part. I have to admit that as a person who is not open to the new tastes, I liked the Peking Roast Duck.

With the little lavash for the roasted meat and the sauces in particular, Peking Roast Duck is an unforgettable taste. If you can’t eat anything, you can still find something to eat in Beijing. You can eat in one of the restaurants run by many Muslims coming from different parts of the country. The number of such restaurants is not few. The important thing is having around someone who knows Beijing.

Tourist Attractions As in everywhere, the city tour should begin from the “city centre.” So, let’s start with the biggest square of the world, the Tiananmen Square. The Tiananmen Square and the surroundings are accepted as the centre of Beijing. The National People’s Congress, museums and the “Forbidden City” which has a very important place in Chinese history are located around the square.

Forbidden City This palace right next to the square served many empires in old times, and is named as the Forbidden City because through 500 years, nobody from the public could enter. Now, the palace hosts thousands of tourists with the image of the country’s legendary leader Mao on its wall. The palace was built between 1406 and 1420. The palace covers an area of 720,000 m2 and has 8,707 rooms and 980 structures. It is added to the World Heritage List in 1987 and registered by UNESCO as the largest preserved wooden structures entity.

Wangfujing is 500 m far away from the Forbidden City and can be regarded as “the İstiklal Street.” A “food street” with many interesting foods has been formed in that street for 30 years. The street hosts many guests in the evenings, and it is a popular destination for the tourists. It is a place where there are images especially of tourists forcing their stomachs. Most parts of the street are closed to traffic.

Wangfujing had mansions of the princes once, but now it’s under the influence of brands like Hilton and Armani. The surroundings are full of skyscrapers. The lights and screens on the buildings give an air of the New York streets. There are also some “extraordinary” foods here, of course. When you see various little animals on skewers here instead of meat (as it is in Turkey) you feel yourself a bit strange. On the skewers, there are scorpions, grasshoppers, starfish, snakes, octopuses etc. which some of them are still alive. And there are also their fried versions. Fried scorpions, octopus salad… Meats in different colors took my attention once. When I asked the salesperson, he said that they were meats of animals like cat, dog, horse, cow, sheep and squirrel. They were waiting to be fried.

Actually the Pekingese are not much used to this image, either because southern Chinese eat insect type meals more. Therefore, we can say that the Pekingese are more innocent in that sense.

The Great Wall of China You shouldn’t leave Beijing without visiting the Great Wall of China. Encyclopedias say that the Great Wall of China extends along northwest China. It is the longest defense wall. Its ruins begin at the shore of Po Hay Gulf, bend to the west passing north of Beijing and extend to the southwest by cutting the Huang-Ho River. It continues from the south of the Gobi Desert to the west. The Great Wall of China is added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1986.

Summer Palace When we look at Chinese history, we can see that parks are divided into two: public parks (gardens) and the parks of the emperor. The Summer Palace is situated in the northwestern part of Beijing, the capital city of China. It covers an area of 290 hectares and its surface area is equal to Tiananmen Square’s (the world’s largest square) surface area multiplied with 7. This palace is used during the summer as a garden where the emperor rests and spends most of his time.

Temple of Heaven (Tiantan) The Temple of Heaven is the main historical and religious structure in Beijing.

According to a Chinese belief, whose roots dates back to very old times, the heaven is a globe and the world a square. Therefore, with its geometrical scheme embodying this belief, the Temple of Heaven has a magnificent structure as one of the most successful example of the Chinese architecture. Qi Nian Dian (Praying Building for a Fertile Harvest), Huang Qiong Yu (Imperial Heaven Vault) and Huan Chui Tan (Circular Hill Altar) are situated in this structure. Just like many old structures in Beijing, the Temple of Heaven is enlisted in the UNESCO World Heritage List, too.

The temple is regarded as the biggest structure of Chinese antique history. As from 1918, it is named as a “park” and is opened to public. The construction of the temple was finished in 1420 and it took approximately 18 years.

According to a report given on 18th April 2009 by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the People’s Republic of China and the Measurement and Mapping Office, the Great Wall of China is 8,851.8 km long.

(Wikipedia, Great Wall of China) By the way, I want to state that the Great Wall of China cannot be seen from the space, of course. It’s just a myth. I find it strange not to hear this myth from almost any Chinese while many people in our country still thinks that way.

Wangfujing 27

Nilüfer YAVUZ

COME, WHOEVER YOU ARE, COME Nilüfer YAVUZ

“Come close, closer and even closer.

How long will this hindrance last?

How long will this hurly-burly last?

You are me and I am you.

Why is this resistance, why?

Why light runs away from light, why?

All of us is only one wise man, only one, Why have we become cross-eyed, why? says and continues Mevlana Jalaluddin Rumi. As if uncovering all secrets of the world that we live in, he says ‘You are me and I am you.’ Then no need to keep it long.

Everything mentioned about Mevlana in this article was written with the intention of 28

being just a few drops of water if he is an endless ocean; a few grains of sand if he is a vast desert. To know and understand this great scholar who lived in Anatolia is one of the most essential needs for all humanity, especially people living in these lands.

It is stated that the birthplace of Mevlana is Belh (present-day Afghanistan) that was one of the old main Turkish culture centers and his date of birth is September 1207. This great person, originally Jalal ad-Dīn Muhammad, was later given the names Rumi which means “of Rome or Rum”, actually referring to Anatolia and world-renowned Mevlana,

from the years that he was teaching. His father is Baha al-Din Muhammad-i known as Sultânü’l-Ulemâ (Sultan of the Scholars). In some sources, it’s alleged that Mevlana migrated from the city of Belh due to Mongol invasion while in other others because of the people who were envy of him. During this migration, statements of Sufis who witnessed miracles of Mevlana were indicating that he would guide na lead to large masses in the future. As a matter of fact, al-Shaykh al-Akbar said “Subhanallah! An ocean following a sea”looking at Mevlana when he was walkign after his father, Sultan of the Scholars.

When he was 18 years old, Mevlana married Gowhar Khatun, the daughter of Hodja Serafettin Lala of Samarkand. Firstly, his murshid(guide) and father, Sultan of the Scholars and then Seyyid Burhâneddin Tirmizi played a crucial role in Mevlana’s education. After 7-year travelling for education and returning to Konya, Mevlana carried out the ritual of suffering three times at the request of his murshid Seyyid Bruhaneddin, namely each time eating less, drinking less and all the rest of time for praying to purify the flesh.

Reaching the position of murshid, Mevlana fulfilled this duty properly, following the methods of his father and grandfathers. However, once the actual fate of Mevlana was written to find his own soul mate. After meeting Shams-e Tabriz, there happened tides in Mevlana’s mind, who grown up with the idea of Sufism. Being in a totally different world of his which no one around him can even imagine, he found divine love, losing himself and got further away from materialistic world, travelling into a spiritual world.

These two lovers of God would go into seclusion and they were a sort of remedy for each other to understand God. As this situation caused jealousy and gossips over time, Shams left Konya.

Shams who couldn’t ignore Mevlana’s insistence was convinced and returned back to Konya. This return was celebrated as a festival literally; but as happened in the past, people who were envy of them started gossips again.

Shams who lived in the presence of Mevlana, despite this commitment left Konya for the second and last time. After this loss, he looked for and asked him everywhere. Although Mevlana couldn’t actually find Shams Tabrizi physically, he found him in terms of spirit in himself literally and said: “I’m far from him

physically but without body and soul, we are both the light. O the seeker! Either see him or me! I’m Him, He is me.”

After Shams, Mevlana saw jeweler Sheikh Selâhaddin of Konya as his companion.

Mevlana who was settled and calmed by this fellowship started between them couldn’t care about his murids (committed ones) in person due to spiritual atmosphere he was in and

charged Sheikh Selâhaddin with this duty with the aim of guidance. Additionally, he led to a relationship by affinity between them, wedding his son Sultan Veled to Sheikh’ beloved daughter. After Sheikh Selâhaddin got ill and passed away, Mevalana chose Husam Chalabi as successor to himself. Husam Chalabi is the one who contributed most to put the Masnawi, about which a lot of research has been carried out and theses have been written, into writing and cause its core to be understood. During their fellowship, Mevlana fell ill. When he was on his deathbed, he was getting excited as he would reach the only real love that he always wished to attain throughout his life. Mevlana who was scorc-

hed by the fire of divine life for his entire life describes the supreme moment as Seb-i Arus, that is to say the wedding night. He even said to his fellows-who wished him a quick recovery when he was ill- that “May Allah heal you then! Don’t you want the lover to meet his beloved one and the light to meet the divine light?” The dead body of Mevlana who drew his last breath on December 7, a day when he said the same thing with the belief that he would be reborn in another world was literally saying “Come, whoever you are, come!” Responding the call, Muslims- NonMuslims, rich-poor, old, young...everyone was gathering around this great person.

Three main pillars of the sufistic concept of Mevlana who led hundred thousand to follow him thanks to philosophical heritage he left: serving to God all the time, absence and love. The consistency between what Mevlana-having unlimited tolerance-said and his life-style caused his followers ro respect and trust in him. Without viewing them as sinner or non-Muslim, rich or poor, he embraced everyone with affection just as they were human beings.

Saying ‘The wars of humankind are like children’s fights—all meaningless, pointless, and contemptible’ and ‘Get the gun from the hands of a crazy, so may the justice and peace bless you!’Mevlana viewed the state in which the war not merely affects the warring sides but the whole world as “If a limb of your body hurts, then the whole body does. This is the way during the war or peace periods!”

Being a man of love, Mevlana’s unlimited tolerance and embracement of the whole humankind with peaceful feelings and call ‘Come, whoever you are, come!’ have caused the whole humanity to remember him with longing and gratitude even after centuries.

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Alperen YURTOĞLU

POMEGRANATE FLOWERS Alperen YURTOĞLU

Mehmed Uzun is a modern improver who tried to restore Kurdish language which has been nearly lost and struggled to sustain its own presence verbally. The author who gathers nine essays together in a book in Turkish has said that as people we shouldn’t restrict the Kurdish problem hinge on the death and violence. The problem has to be seen and evaluated by cultural and humanitarian dimensions.

The anthology includes some part of author’s life, situation of some Mesopotamian people and some speeches from the activities which he carried out before.

Furthermore the technique that he used on his writing makes the audience to understand the literary style easily and in the light of book, it leads the readers to find out their own exclusive feelings and emotions.

Pomegranate Flowers is one of the magnificent essays of the book which is a blend of society’s problems with historical background by the great writer. Moreover, it has been dedicated to master of Turkish literature, the author Yaşar Kemal. The yearning of author’s childhood and youth memories and also craving of a garden which had pomegranate trees were some of the leading values for selection of the name of the book.

He wrote his book while he was in exile in Switzerland. Additionally his point was to indicate that Anatolians are already familiar to people who have touching tales and live in the geography of Mesopotamia.

While highlighting the beauty of the multiculturalism, the author Mehmed Uzun does not skip the critical point by defining Anatolia as a multicultural society: He marks that for many years Ana30

tolian society unfortunately has been imposed a single culture, which is extremely wrong. Based on this, he mentions that people can live in peace and harmony in territory of Turkey, reminding that the people had also lived in that vein in ancient cosmopolitans like old Istanbul, Beirut, and Sarajevo.

While making references to many poets, authors, philosophers and intellectuals from Western Philosophy, references from Eastern philosophy are also given among the essays. Also, Kurdish literary works, legends and references taken from Kurdish writers, highlighted with bold font, forms the starting point for author’s story.

By saying “where there’s us, there is also others’” the author, based on his experiences, mentions that “us-others” distinction is extremely sharp in Anatolia and Mesopotamia than ‘n the Scandinavian countries where this distinction is weaker, softer and refined. The author expresses that a dialogue on a cultural sense cannot be established as long as the violence is present and even it’s established it would be diseased. He is trying to answer the questions concerning the roots of an ongoing problem in Anatolia over the years based on the examples from Belgium and Africa. It’s necessary to indicate that the sorrow is also included as aroma of the essays which reveals that it is only possible to live in peace through empathy. Besides that, the author who indicates “intolerance” as one of the main problems points out the importance of “tolerance” on the road to peace.

Mehmet Uzun, the modern architect of Kurdish language, which was re-born in the places far away from its home

l and d SStockholm, kh l bbriefl fly town; U Uppsala focuses on peace, humanity and multiculturalism in his book Pomegranate Flowers; which is consist of 9 essays and written in Turkish language, which the author describes as an intellectual language.

While the author sustains these topics with the stories familiar to people living in Anatolian and Mesopotamian regions, he creates these stories as actual life with the stories from his exile years doomed at a young age.

Pages: 167 Press year: 1996 Language: Türkçe İthaki Yayınları

Merve GÜNAȘTI

DON’T CRY MOTHER, I’M IN A LOVELY PLACE

Merve GÜNAȘTI

The Documentary is about the killing of 34 Kurdish citizens, most of whom consisted of young people regarded as PKK-supporter and bombed by F-16 fighter jets of theTurkish Air Force on 28 December 2011 in Roboski village in Uludere District of Şırnak. This sad incident has been a black mark as “Uludere / Roboski Massacre” in Turkish history and had a profound impact on national and global scale; and even described as a ‘catastrophe’. Documentary-filmmaker, writer and journalist Ümit Kıvanç adapted the sad death of the citizens who were allegedly dealing with smuggling in the region into a screenplay and reproached to the audience, as “Do not cry mother, I’m in a lovely place” from the dreams of wailing mothers whose young children were dead.

The documentary was released on 7th November 2012 with the support of MAZLUM-DER (Association of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People). Also the documentary was granted an award by CGD (Contemporary Journalists Association) in Turkey.

Considering the majority of deaths, whose ages are between 13-20 or even smaller, so to say it multiples the pain.

The documentary describes suffering of the families of the deceased, the circumstances under which they were trying to cling to life, and most importantly the fire fell on their house and the grief of losing their children.

By bringing different aspects of the same lives together, Ümit Kıvanç actually aims to shed light on lack of empathy which is a great deal in our society. No family wants to make mandatory identification when their son’s body becomes unrecognizable. You burst into tears when you feel deep in your heart; the pain, the loss, the despair on the faces of the mothers. The teenagers whose biggest dreams are to become engineer, driver, teacher or mechanic taking the road for two cans of gas or two packs of cigarettes and risking death to earn 100 TL utmost… While mothers lament for the death and take shelter of prayers, fathers express the injustice they face and brothers and sisters try to plant smiles on their faces remembering the good memories they had with their brothers. Some burst into sobs, some cannot complete the sentences being short of breath and some lost in thought...

The 34 Kurds, in particular the young people who were killed had a common dream; to make a living and to avoid torture of poverty. Most of their fathers were ill or too old to make a living. For the mothers, their sons were the breadwinners even though the fathers were the head of the household. According to the documentary, the local people especially the young people were made to smuggle due to limited job opportunity in the region.

In this 99-minute documentary, in one hand you listen to the loved ones talking about these 34 people, on the other hand you witness the stone and clay houses and the expression of the innocent children’s faces who play in front of these houses unaware of anything.

The director Ümit Kıvanç does not neglect to refer to some universal values based on concrete reality. He makes a point of necessity to fight against human rights abuses altogether, by emphasizing that people have certain rights and assurance by birth and these rights cannot be removed by any power or reason. He draws attention to a necessity of a social state structure that provides the individual’s sense of justice and the welfare of society, providing work to improve the lives of individuals, creating a favorable and healthy economic environment that meets the social housing.

Likewise, he emphasizes at every opportunity that it’s of crucial importance for the state to work harder to create a peaceful environment and to treat everyone equally without discrimination based on language, religion, race and gender discrimination.

The documentary which ends with a young child’s Kurdish lament is worth watching for those who would like to share people’s grief to some extent and to witness different lives and most importantly to recall the presence of sentiment like empathy. Enjoy the movie!

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