Urban Design Theory + History - Copiapó + Puerto Viejo, Chile by Gabriela Mill

COPIAPÃ&#x201C;/PUERTO VIEJO

URBAN DESIGN HISTORY + URBAN DESIGN THEORY

Ryan Canning Gabriela Mill

INTRODUCTION We present our combined Urban Design History and Urban Design Theory document based on the theme of the formal vs the informal. Focusing on the Copiapรณ valley in the Atacama desert in northern Chile, we examine two urban areas with a symbiotic relationship that are very different in nature. These are Copiapรณ, a mining town founded in the colonial period, and Puerto Viejo, an informal settlement and the focus of ongoing disputes.

COPIAPÓ Since its foundation in 1744, the transformation of the city of Copiapó has been dominated by the region’s two prevailing industries: mining and agriculture. The aim of this document is to present the changes in the urban structure with regard to the function and demographic composition of the urban space and rural territory. The change of land use and urban expansion across the city reflects the continual economic fluctuations and sporadic growth/decline cycles. Copiapó is housed in a narrow valley at the southern fringe of the Atacama desert, resting between the slopes of the Andes. It is the capital city of Region III, with a metropolitan population of around 200,000 inhabitants in 2015, according to UN data (2015). The climate in the area is desert-like, with abundant morning fog and moderate temperature differences between day and night, and an average annual rainfall of only 20 mm (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.30). Historically, the extremely arid nature of the region was the primary cause of little settlement before the Spanish conquest. The original settlement dates back to 1561, where a small number of Indians inhabited the land (Government of Chile, 2005, p.5). At present, more than half of the population and housing that occupy the Atacama desert core are located in Copiapó (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.36). The Copiapó population graph on page 18 shows how the city has developed throughout its history which is marked by boom/bust cycles, linked to different mining processes in northern Chile. These include the gold colonial period, the republican silver period, the nitrate industry in the I and II regions, and finally the iron and copper industry beginning in the 50s which drove significant urban growth. After the most recent mining boom, the population grew exponentially, reaching a new peak in the mid-nineties, which coincided with a major political shift from military dictatorship to democratic government (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.9).

The typical ‘Traza’ layout (Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983)

The centre of Lima, 1687, constructed according to the ‘Traza’ principles (Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983) 6

HISTORICAL URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND COLONIAL CONTEXT Early colonial societies in Latin America were characterised by large urban centred populations, much more so than the towns and cities of the Spanish mainland where many of their settlers had come from (Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983). Concentrated populations such as these were advantageous as they provided stability for military and socio-economic growth while having strong repercussions for the layout and urban design of the new cities being formed. Early into the Spanish conquest, a definitive plan for the layout of new settlements in the Americas began to form. Despite this, mining towns rarely followed the typical colonial layout as a result of their transient nature (Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983). However, this was not the case in Copiapó which perhaps indicates a sense of early optimism surrounding the city’s future. The initial layout placed the public plaza at the centre of a uniform square grid, onto which the main church, town hall and Governor’s residence would face, similar to the model for more permanent settlements elsewhere in Latin America. Many other urban elements in the city follow the same typical patterns. The Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns, originally issued by the King of Spain in 1573 dictated many aspects of town planning. The strong influence of such a document is evident when looking at early plans of Copiapó, a city founded much later while still adhering to many of the rules originally set forth in 1573 including: — “The four corners of the plaza are to face the four points of the compass, because thus the streets diverging from the plaza will not be directly exposed to the four principal winds, which would cause much inconvenience.”

— “The other streets laid out consecutively around the plaza are to be so planned that even if the town should increase considerably in size it would meet with no obstruction which might disfigure what had already been built or be a detriment to the defense or convenience of the town.” — “It would be of great advantage if inland towns, at a distance from ports were built on the banks of a navigable river, in which case an endeavor should be made to build on the northern river bank” — “A common shall be assigned to each town, of adequate size so that even though it should grow greatly there would always be sufficient space for its inhabitants to find recreation” (Nuttall, 1922) These documents show that the early Spanish settlers understood the importance of creating an urban model that could anticipate future growth and rapid expansion. The grid system gave them the order and adaptability which made this possible. Given the size of Copiapó’s principal plaza — which in fact matches that of the main square in the capital, Santiago — it is reasonable to conclude that the city’s initial inhabitants anticipated future economic prosperity. Indeed, early maps show the fertile plains and abundant mineral ore deposits which would eventually sustain the economic and population growth of the city.

Early plan of Copiapó’s plaza ~1700 (Guarda, 1978)

Copiapó’s early urban grid (Guarda, 1978)

10 (Guarda, 1978) Detailled plan of Copiapรณ and its resources

THE INDUSTRIALISATION OF COPIAPÓ Following the end of the colonial period, and the birth of the Republic of Chile, Copiapó experienced its first mining boom after silver was discovered at Chañarcillo in 1830. This initiated the first major urban expansion of the city, to the north. Subsequent urban development grew sporadically from the initial grid plan as might be expected at a time of rapid, explosive growth. Initial growth occurred at the fringes of the initial grid plan but became more organic as proximity to the central square decreased, resulting in an irregular urban spatial structure (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.8). The mining boom brought services and equipment to the city, causing the largest advances in urban growth and consequently, a construction boom. Various notable developments followed. Firstly, the construction of the railway from Copiapó to Caldera (1851), which enabled the region to develop an efficient exportation system for both the mining and agriculture sectors. Secondly, the mining training institution, the School of Mining, beginning a tradition of educational institutions in Copiapó (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.30). The construction of the railway line in 1851 greatly increased connectivity and enabled services both within the city and nationally. The initial discovery of silver ore at Chañarcillo had placed a far greater demand on the regional movement of materials, supplies and passengers. In the following years, the railroad was extended through the valley, stretching a total of 151 kilometres. It was completed with a branch of 42 kilometres to Chañarcillo and another 50 kilometres through to Paipote, eventually terminating in Puquios (Memoria Chilena, 2015). This growth of the railway network facilitated the immigration of a new working population to Copiapó, generating a high-growth in the northeastern areas of the city (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.44).

With the eventual decline of silver ore deposits at Chañarcillo, the population dispersed over the territory. Many of those who worked in the extraction of silver left Copiapó and moved north towards the city of Antofogasta, and the growing saltpeter mining industry, initiating a period of decline. However, during periods of recession in the mining industry, the stability of the Copiapó economy was maintained by the resilience of the agriculture sector. This was bolstered by the development of the Lautaro reservoir (1930), which provided water to much of the Copiapó River Valley and provided agricultural irrigation. In the wake of the new agricultural activity, urban expansion spread south of the river in the district now known as El Palomar. State Initiatives sought to assist mining companies during the decline, and in 1947 a state mining smelter was opened in Paipote, dedicated to enhancing the activities of local, small and medium sized mining companies. The Paipote plant brought about the resurgence of mining in the Atacama region, bringing more economic activity, the opening of new mines and an increasing demand for mineral processing plants. The new plant created a large industrial zone to the east of the city centre, in many ways stemming the growth of the city further into the valley. The opening of the Paipote plant induced a spike in the population growth of the city. The state was successful in reactivating the mining industry of the area, and providing a new source of specialised and steady work (Lincoyan, Varas, 1991), and thus the city grew along with the prosperity of the mining industry. As can be seen on page 18 there was sustained population growth between 1952 and 1960, rising from 30,000 people, with the highest annual growth rate in the twentieth century (5.56%).

REGIONALISATION AND GLOBAL POSITIONING Mining prosperity continued until the 1970s when a major political shift occurred after the democratically elected government was overthrown by military dictator Augusto Pinochet. In the wake of this political upheaval, Chile was one of the countries that adopted a new development model that focused on exports as a way to generate economic growth, competitiveness and integration into the global economy. The resultant globalisation revolutionised the spatial formation of Chile’s cities. Political regionalisation and administrative decentralisation began in the mid-seventies. During this period, Chile sought to grant autonomy to individual regions in order to engorge independent regional development. The country was divided into 13 regions and began developing an export oriented financial model, with the main strategic objective being to insert the local economy in the global market (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.3). The Atacama region was created in 1976, and Copiapó was made regional capital (Varas Lincoyan, 1991). Industrial cities within Chile such as Copiapó became associated with the new economic export model and played a leading role in the process of restructuring the national economy (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.2).

AGRICULTURE Up until the regionalisation, copper remained the main export product, but soon it faced competition from the emerging export sectors. The decline in mining activity during this period can be seen on page 18 (Figueroa, 1999). By the 1980s, economic and export promotions activated new production areas, especially fruit growth and grapevines in particular (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.36). Strategic planning from the state, together with industry participation identified three new export sectors: agriculture, fisheries and forestry. This allowed the export sector to diversify and reduce Chile’s dependence on copper exports, which represented about 70% exports at the beginning of the seventies, but had been reduced to 47% in the mid-nineties (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.3). The Copiapó Valley became one of the first grape suppliers in the country, and in the last 30 years has witnessed sustained growth in grape exports. The agricultural industry in Copiapó benefits from the geographical and climatic characteristics of the valley, such as high temperatures, solar exposure and good soil quality. These conditions combined with advanced irrigation systems allow the grapes to ripen earlier than those of competitors in the Northern Hemisphere. This allows Copiapó growers to export earlier in the season (Gwynne, 1997) which facilitated the penetration of international markets (Luzon, 1997).

GLOBALISED URBAN STRUCTURE This globalisation resulted in a pattern of dual development for the Copiapó region, simultaneously dispersing development for industry and agriculture across the valley while reinforcing the central area as the administrative and business centre (Sassen, 1991). The industrial centres of production for both mining and agriculture are located on the outskirts of Copiapó towards the coast in closer proximity to the distribution services at the port of Caldera (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.6). The city of Caldera acts, in this regard, as part of an integrated urban system with Copiapó, each having an effect on the other’s population and demographics (Government of Chile, 2005, p.8). The industrial activity in these areas is fragmented along the approach to the city, especially on the Panamericana Norte road, and the northern exit to Caldera. The area to the west of Copiapó, Mirador, along the Panamericana Norte, has been dominated by agricultural expansion, consisting primarily of vineyards, goods processing and storage warehouses (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.15). There are also a number of other motives for rural expansion, such as the increased traffic flow and developing the links with the coastline (Government of Chile, 2005, p.11). One of the urban products of Copiapó’s changing industrial identity and growing transport infrastructure is the neighbourhood development in El Palomar on the southern banks of the river. The area has seen a 50% increase in its population over the last 10 years. The neighbourhood began as a social model based on the implementation of a comprehensive urban improvement plan during late 1990s, with green areas and public buildings, based on a programming agreement with the Regional Government (Government of Chile, 2005, p.10). Due to the availability of cheap land this densely populated commune now comprises around 9% of Copiapó’s total community population (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.11).

ARTEFACTS OF GLOBALISATION Specific urban projects have contributed to the city’s growth, while having been a product of such growth themselves. Such buildings and services are referred to by De Mattos as “globalisation artefacts” (1999) and can be distinguished specifically by their business and commercial functions. For example, educational institutions, communications systems, airports and transport infrastructure (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.7). We can find several examples in Copiapó, The Chagall hotel, located in the city centre just fifty metres from the central square for example. Mega-malls such as Jumbo, Easy, and Deco have been established adjacent to Avenue Copayapu and on the edge of the city. Leisure and recreation facilities have also been newly located in a degraded area of the city, such as the Casino Gambling building (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.14). These “Artefacts of globalisation” have had noticeable influence, particularly in the city centre around the main square, and also along the edges of the main longitudinal traffic axis of Copayapu Avenue (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.18). The end result for Copiapó’s globalisation is the recently consolidated status as a hub for the economy and the administration of the region (National Environment Commission, 2007, p.30).

Plan view of the plaza

THE CENTRAL ZONE The central zone is formed by the historical grid centred around Plaza Prat (Jiron & Milla, 2008, p.11). This district is the most populous, wealthiest and the oldest district in Copiapo, with 45% of the total population of the city (Government of Chile, 2005, p.10). However, there is an ongoing decline and the district which has lost 20% of its population in the last 10 years. The reduction of available residential property, high prices of land and the dispersed industrialised structure, has caused this decline, as people move to the suburbs (Government of Chile, 2005, p.10). More than 1,500 residential properties were demolished in the central zone due to either earthquake damage or conversion to non-residential uses in the 10 years between 1992 and 2002 (Government of Chile, 2005, p.13) Several neoclassical villas are located in the historic centre, all products of the mining boom of the 19th century. Notable Historic Monuments include the house of railway employees , the old railway station, the former town hall, the former Matta House (Museo Regional de Atacama) and Villa Vineyard of Christ (headquarters University of Atacama) (Government of Chile, 2005, p.10).

Axonometric view of Plaza Prat

Section looking north-west

Hotel

Cathedral

Corp

Section looking north-east

Cathedral

Regional government

porate bank

Regional government

Tourism office

Shopping mall

THE PLAZA The central plaza of the city is perhaps the most interesting space in the city centre. While it has a clear link to the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s colonial history, it also reflects the subsequent history and the status of the city today. In fact, what is remarkable is not what has changed in the centuries that have transpired from the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foundation till today, but how little has changed. The original colonial square was conceived as the central nucleus to the city, surrounded by the most important buildings and residences. Although urban development dispersed throughout the valley, the central region retained cultural and administrative influence. Today, the square fulfils the same purpose as before with administrative buildings for the burgeoning industries as well as the central office for the Atacama government, the most important political building in the region. The Cathedral remains too, on the Northwestern side of the square although it was reconstructed after earthquake damage in the mid nineteenth century. The large central plaza has fulfilled its requirement as a sufficient space for recreation as was its intended purpose based on the Royal Ordinance. Frequent live performances at the bandstand and regular food markets remind us that the space is still at the heart of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cultural activity. The pedestrianisation of individual streets surrounding the square plays a role in its contemporary success as a public space, enabling a direct connection between surrounding streets and the green space.

CONCLUSION The central grid of the city centre has maintained its intended function as the centre of city activity, remarkably fulfilling the potential of the Royal Ordinance planning document. However, urban development beyond this core developed much more organically as it spread outward. This pattern can be seen beyond the ring road, in developments that occurred after the initial silver rush. Later developments suffered from the effects of globalisation and urban sprawl. The temporality of the mining sector and the rise and decline of industry caused large fluctuations in the population over the years. The construction of the smelting facility of Paipote was vital in stabilising this economy and securing more reliable urban growth, helping to counteract the effects caused by the unpredictable nature of mineral rich sites. Regarding the agricultural expansion of the region, the rural population structure of the city has adjusted along the axis of the exportation transport routes of rail and road which pass through Copiapรณ, forming separate neighbourhood hubs on the three outer nodes of the city. This has resulted in the land between the central zone of the city and Paipote being sparsely populated and fragmented with industrial activity.

PUERTO VIEJO - THE OLD PORT An informal settlement is an illegal occupation of land, the inhabitation of informal dwellings that do not conform to zoning or service regulations (Vásquez and Ledesma, 2013). Since 2012, 24% of the population of South America was estimated to be living in informal settlements. While undeniably dangerous in construction, informal cities exhibit underlying urban and architectural patterns of resilience and a reflection of their inhabitants’ cultural values (Armony, Cure, & Penabad, 2014). Addressing such settlements from an urban design perspective is an ongoing topic for discussion in Latin America as a whole (Werthmann and Beardsley, 2008). No clear approach for architectural intervention has been established, with examples ranging from small scale “acupunctural” remedies to large infrastructure projects. One approach that remains constant throughout most successful projects, is a community based development approach (Werthmann and Beardsley, 2008). On the opposite side of Copiapó valley, at the coast lies Puerto Viejo. This small town was the main port for Copiapó until the railway to Caldera was built in 1850 (Edwards, 1993). Today, the town comprises around 2000 houses in an informal settlement and is deemed an illegal occupation. As an informal settlement, the planning is inevitably interesting as a focus for study. More so than other informal settlements, Puerto Viejo is interesting in that it is not a slum although some of the conditions are comparable. In contrast to the formal colonial planning that defined Copiapó’s early urban development, Puerto Viejo is the definition of informal planning. For nearly 20 years, people have occupied the area illegally. No single group dictates the development pattern, yet a distinct urban fabric has emerged. As a result of this sporadic urban and architectural development, a unique character exists in the town. In many ways, the town represents a backlash against the globalisation of Copiapó that could be embraced. However, the settlement is currently under threat. The presence of many thousands who live there throughout the

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Illegal Occupationâ&#x20AC;? - Government sign declaring the settlement illegal

summer months at Puerto Viejo poses a threat to the sensitive ecological setting in the coastal regions of the Atacama Desert. There are ongoing disputes over the inhabitation of the site, within the government, the land owners, and the inhabitants. However, for the government, the main issue is not who owns the land, but the fact that the location is a tsunami risk and therefore they advise that no one should build there regardless of ownership. The settlement is defined by two zones: a fishing port and a beach resort, consisting of around 2000 informal houses. In total there are thought to be no more than 40 permanent residents of Puerto Viejo, the majority being fishermen, whilst it is estimated that throughout the summer months over 20,000 people live in holiday homes there intermittently. Many of the beach houses are the holiday homes of the residents of Copiapรณ (Valencia and Nunez, 2015). Those who use the beach dwellings alternate, with friends and families sharing the beach residences (Palma, 2012). Puerto Viejo is a destination with obvious tourist appeal, characterised by colourful makeshift constructions along the slopes of the sand dunes. The wetland area of the river mouth itself also has great natural beauty, with spectacular views framed by the nearby cliff edges. With new road route possibilities from Caldera and Copiapo the resort is growing in popularity as a holiday destination. However, beyond the charm of Puerto Viejo is the stark reality of the unsanitary conditions of the site. There is no existing sewage system or rubbish disposal, which has resulted in the sands of the beach being strewn with debris, plastic food packaging and beer bottles. Holes in the ground become makeshift toilets for the settlers, polluting both precious groundwater sources and the ocean (Valencia and Nunez, 2015). There is little in the way of basic services and water infrastructure. Water is transported from neighbouring towns in large containers, and energy power supplied by diesel generators. The lack of facilities has resulted in serious damage to the ecosystem and the sea border, where waste has been disposed of irresponsibly. Such conditions only favour those who want to repossess the site (Talesnik, 2007).

RESOLVING INFORMALITY In the year 2000 the committee of Puerto Viejo was formed. The purpose of the committee was to fight for the legalisation of the settlement, and to operate a democratic society within the town. The committee are currently responsible for accepting new residents to the community and arranging where the new residents can position themselves. Their primary struggle is that Puerto Viejo is located on publicly owned land, and the residents are not the legal owners. It has not yet been determined who the legal owners of the land are, or whether the territory is private land or a national asset. The committee has hopes for the permanent legalisation of the settlement, and for the residents to be sold the land. They believe that in order for Puerto Viejo to receive investment and improve, the occupation of the site must first be legalised (Palma, 2012). In 30 years, no government has succeeded in evicting residents from the site, due to the fact that the owners of the land are unable to legally validate their claim (Valencia and Nunez, 2015). In 2011, El Llano, part owner of the occupied land, attempted to have the inhabitants evicted by force. The motion was prevented by the Supreme Court after fierce opposition from neighbours, who presented the court with documents demonstrating that the land is owned by the state (Palma, 2012). More recently the Government has put forth a proposal to regulate coastal settlements such as Puerto Viejo, in exchange for a monthly lease payment by committeeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s families (Valencia and Nunez, 2015). However, there are growing fears that a regulated model would validate informal settlements, without first attending to the issue of tsunami risk. The occupation of numerous holiday homes in a high tsunami risk zone poses a serious threat to the inhabitants, a risk that the Government has recognised and has voiced concern over and is keen to avoid (Valencia and Nunez, 2015). The particular difficulty with Puerto Viejo is due to the high number of temporary

Satellite view of the settlement, and the mouth of the Copiapรณ river, upper middle (DigitalGlobe, Mapbox)

Plan of Puerto Viejo

population members, which makes it incredibly challenging to perform a safe evacuation in the event of an emergency. A similar settlement nearby with a population of over 4,000 residents, was recently acknowledged by the emergency centre, and has since been equipped with a tsunami alarm facility (Armony, Cure, & Penabad, 2014). The subsequent steps for the Chilean Government are therefore difficult to assess. If a governmental agency invests in the improvement of Puerto Viejo, it is possible that this could unintentionally encourage groups to illegally populate other beaches across the country (Talesnik, 2007). Paul Allard, Dean of the Faculty of Architecture at the Universidad De Chile, has voiced his belief that the ongoing legal disputes involving informal settlements are simply a result of the failure of the authorities to take a standpoint on the regulations. He suggested that there should be a system of records that indicate which homes are permanent residences and which are for occasional use, and that this would assist the provision of subsidies for those who have no choice of residence. Luis Eduardo Bresciani, President of the National Council of Urban Development, agrees that such a system would be a good mechanism to regulate informal settlements. Furthermore, it would ensure the fairness of benefits, and avoid giving signals that those who take land illegally are rewarded (Valencia and Nunez, 2015).

“Puerto Viejo meeting to be held on the 28th of July at 13:00, Board of Directors” (Palma, 2012)

CONCLUSION For Puerto Viejo to function effectively as a holiday resort it is pertinent that the vacationers treat the site responsibly. It is unfortunately the case that informal settlements do not enforce this behaviour naturally. Organisational difficulties arise because of the seasonal nature of the settlement, and therefore it appears that some form of urban infrastructure will be required in order to enable cohesiveness within the community. This form of structure could be subtly implemented in the settlement, to prevent damaging the existing community identity. Puerto Viejoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s characteristics are rather unique as a type of informal settlement, as generally it is not generated by poverty and homelessness. Instead, the site houses a small number of working fisherman, wholly tied to the site and its culture. The close proximity of the fishing docks to the shore is a clear necessity. The remaining majority of the population are temporary residents: working people of CopiapĂł with a collective cultural desire for coastal living. There is a definite nostalgia attached to the coastal settlements, a strong connection between the city people and the beach that binds them to the landscape of Chile. The relocation of communities to a safer site then becomes incredibly difficult for authorities. However, the desire to live in an attractive place results in the denial of the dangerous living conditions. Because of the fragile nature of these settlements, a tsunami has the potential to completely destroy the site. When this has occurred in the past, the settlement was quick to reform in the same location, demonstrating that relocation is not an adequate solution. Instead, there must be a shift in attitude where the integration of the community in future development is central to the future scheme.

CONCLUSION: SYMBIOTIC SETTLEMENTS The planning principles on which Puerto Viejo and Copiapรณ are based are entirely opposed. Only the dry riverbed connects the rigid orthogonal grid of Copiapรณ to the anarchistic non-plan of Puerto Viejo. The grid of Copiapรณ has been extended and reformulated by the dominating industrial activities. Meanwhile, the self-governing policies of Puerto Viejo have failed to instigate a responsible population, in the fragile and hazardous coastal environment. Each requires what the other possesses, an opportunity for recreation and freedom, and infrastructure to this end. Both populations have a unique relationship with water. Copiapรณ is a city of great productivity, relying heavily on water resources for the functioning of its vital industries. Puerto Viejo is a settlement of leisure, possessing the magnetic draw of the sea for relaxation and recreational activities. However, neither settlement utilises the element sustainably to provide the basic necessity of potable water, despite the infrastructure and development in Copiapรณ, and the close proximity of Puerto Viejo to the sea. There is the potential to strengthen the connection between both sites, utilising the natural link of the existing riverbed. Guided development might alleviate some of the risks involved in such a type of settlement, while allowing it to achieve its full potential as a holiday resort, and natural wonder.

REFERENCES Armony, A. C., Cure, A., & Penabad, C. (2014). Dialogues with the Informal City: Latin America and the Caribbean. De Castro, S. (1992). El ladrillo: Bases de la política económica del gobierno militar chileno, Santiago de Chile, Editorial Centro de Estudios Públicos De Mattos, C. (1999). Santiago de Chile: globalización y expansión metropolitana: lo que existíasigue existiendo, en revista EURE, Vol. XXV, Nº76, Santiago de Chile, editada por PontificiaUniversidad Católica, pp. 29-5 Figueroa, E. (1993) Sector Silvoagropecuario, en: Comentarios sobre la situación económica. Santiago de Chile, editada por Departamento de Economía, Universidad de Chile, pp169-199. Government of Chile (2005). Plan de Inversión Infraestructura de la ciudad de Copiapó. 1st ed. [ebook] Santiago: Gobierno De Chile. Available at: http://www.dirplan.cl/centrodedocumentacion/ planes_especiales/Documents/2005/Plan_Copiapo/plan_ copiapo_nov_2005.pdf [Accessed 11 Jan. 2016]. Gwynne, R. (1997). Agrarian change and the democratic transition in Chile: an introduction, Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 16, Nº1, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing Limited, pp 3-10. Guarda, G (1978) Historia urbana del Reino de Chile. Santiago: Andrés Bello Jiron, LAC, & Milla, PC (2008). Globalization in Copiapo, Chile: applying an economic model oriented fruit exports. Journal of Urbanism Lockhart, James, and Schwartz, Stuart B. (1983) Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press.

National Environment Commission Atacama Region (2007). Informe GEO Copiapรณ Chile 2007. 1st ed. Santiago: UNEP. Available at: http://apps.unep.org/publications/index. php?option=com_pub [Accessed 11 Jan. 2016].

Nuttall, Zelia (1922) Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns. The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 5, No. 2 (May, 1922), pp. 249-254. Duke University Press. Available: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2506027 [Accessed: 01-08-2016] Palma, C. (2012). Puerto Viejo. [Documentary Film]. Chilean National Council for Culture and the Arts CNCA, Chiean National Council for Cukture and the Arts, Pavilion of Chile at the 2012 Venice Biennale: CANCHA. Available at: https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=8tXN2Jrq6eA&ab_channel=solmarinarojastorrejon [Accessed 9 Feb. 2016]. Sassen, S. (1991). The Global City. New York, London, Tokio. Oxford, published by Princeton University Press Talesnik, D. (2007). Puerto Viejo in Limbo. Social Architecture, Vo. 4, Chile. Available at: http://cientodiez.cl/revistas/vol04/puerto_ viejo.html [Accessed 9 Feb. 2016]. UN Data (2015) Copiapรณ population - Public data. Available: https://goo.gl/FsTaUq [accessed: 12/01/2016] Valencia, M. and Nunez, A. (2015) Inician plan de arriendos que regulariza 5.000 tomas irregulares en la costa de Atacama. El Mercurio. Available at: http://www.plataformaurbana.cl/ archive/2015/10/04/inician-plan-de-arriendos-que-regulariza5-000-tomas-irregulares-en-la-costa-de-atacama/ [Accessed 9 Feb. 2016].