Marks of Identity

Marks of Identity New Perspectives on Sixteenth-Century Italian Sculpture Edited by Dimitrios Zikos

Marks of Identity New Perspectives on Si xteenth-Century Italian Sculpture

Edited by CJJimitrios Z]kos

I

~ M

In memory of James Holderbaum (1920-2011)

This publication has been made possible by The Andrew W Mellon Foundation.

Published with the generous assiflance of Cyril Humphris.

Copyi路ight 20I2 Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum.

All rights reserved.

Fenway Court, no. 32

1SB!V978I934772874 LCC!V 20I29J447I

Design: General Working Group, GeoffKaplan Editing: Gloria Kuiy and Alan Chong Thanks: Benjamin Chiesa, David Kim, Pamela Jones, Kenneth Rothwell Published in association with Gutenberg Periscope Publishing Limited Printed in China

Introduction IL nostro bel Cinquecento Dimitrios Zikos

23

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations Andrea Bacchi

28

Crafting a Profession Celllni's Discussion of Precious Stones arid Jewelry in his Treatises Denise Allen

42

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting Francesca G. Bewer and Molly McNamara

62

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini and Ridolfi Families in Florence & Rome Antonia Boflrom

82

De amicitia The Reception in U1e Veneto of Two Facing Effigies Massimiliano Rossi

102

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor Charles Davis

120

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy of Ihomas Ho by Cinzia Maria Sicca

156

The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orvieto Cathedral Marietta Cambareri

170

Notes Bibliography Index Authors

186

230 250 254

In his "Ternali in onore della re gina di Francia," Pietro Aretin imagined the moSt famous artiSt of his age engaged in a competitio to portray Catherine de' Medici queen of France. Writing in 1551 juSt a few months after the fir edition of Giorgio Vasari's Live of the Artifls appeared, Aretin proposed his own artiStic cano by liSting the artiSts he consid ered moSt important. He began of course, with "Tizian perpetuo' and "Michelagnol divo," who wer both asked to paint Catherine' portrait. Then "il Buonaroti" agai and "il Sansovino saputo" were in vited to sculpt her in marble. The~ followed "Lione e Benvenuto," who had the task of representing her in metal ...

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Benvenuto Cellini's chapters on jewelry begin, "Now let us discuss setting jewels and those things which relate to the diversity of jewels." The ensuing texts are unlike anything else in the Treatises on Goldsmithing and Sculpture (I trattati dell'oreficeria e della scultura). r Cellini neither attempts to elevate the making of jewelry to the level of the major arts, as he had done for repousse work in precious metals, nor does he confine himself to explaining technique, as in his chapter on filigree work. For Cellini, jewelry differed from goldsmith's work because it was a craft as well as a profession. In the chapters on jewelery Cellini narrowly defines the terms of both. The craft, he said, consisted solely of "setting jewels." The profession - "those things which relate to the diversity of jewels" - comprised the identification, evaluation, and appraisal of precious stones. Of the many varieties of gemstones, Cellini claimed that only four - the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond - could be considered what he personally termed the "true jewels,'' or vere gioie ...

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In 2003, Benvenuto Cellini's overlife-size portrait buSts of Cosimo I de' Medici and Bindo Altoviti were brought together for the firSt time ever, in connection with the exhibition Raphael, Cellini, and a Renaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. This presented a rare opportunity to examine the works closely for technical clues. In contraSt to moSt Renaissance sculptors before him, who diStanced themselves from the physical labor of caSting, Cellini wanted to be involved in the entire process of making sculptures - as he was with his goldsmith's work.

He wrote in great detail about how he created his works, and his writings have long been recognized as a unique source on the sculptural techniques of his day. 1 Among the things we hoped to learn was whether Cellini caSt the buSts directly or indirectly, since this might reveal something about his level of confidence ... . . . continued on page 62

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In recent years scholars have come to a fresh understanding of the overarching importance of dynastic marriages in Renaissance Italy. In this essay I will show how the kinship and political ties of the Soderini and Ridolfi fami lies helped to shape patronage an collecting during the sixteent century. Most of the personalitie discussed here were members o ' the close-knit Florentine Natio in Rome, a group led by men wh had been exiled as "rebels" again the Florentine state. After peripa tetic travels, they settled into Ii拢 as political exiles in Rome wher they forged associations with othe fuo rusciti groups. The Florentine were united in opposing the ty rannical regime of Alessandro de Medici and later the imposition o his successor, Cosimo I de' Medici, as duke of Florence ...

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This essay discusses two bronze medallions, each 48 centimeters in diameter, that portray Girolamo FracaStoro (1483-1553) and Andrea Navagero (1483-1529) (figs. l, 2).

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by Giovan BattiSta Ramusio (14851557), humaniSt and secretary to the Venetian Council of Ten, to honor the memory of these two men of letters and to celebrate his friendship with them. Until the early nineteenth century, the medallions were set into the Porta San Benedetto in Padua (fig. 3), above an ancient votive inscription from the ruins of the Roman city of Salona in Dalmatia (today Solin, Croatia). The portraits seem to have been in Stalled following FracaStoro's death in 1553· Named San Benedetto because o a neighboring church, the gate was conStruB:ed in 1551 or 1552 in the ancient wall of Padua which runs along the perimeter of the fluvial island ...

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In a sonnet addressed to the thir ty-year-old "Benvenuto Cellin · scultore," 1 the Perugian tor Vincenzo Danti apostro phized Cellini's marble Crucifie Chrifi, now in the Escorial, as the true portrait of Christ ("la vera effigie sua che sculto avete"), lifelike even in death: Io certo veggo uscir l'ultinio .fiato <JJai santi labbri; et s'egli ecarne o sasso Chiaro non scorgo, intento a si bell'opra. 2

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The recent increase in scholarly attention to English poSt-Reformation tomb sculpture has shifted in emphasis from StyliStic analysis to a more comprehensive appreciation of how funerary monuments express a web of particular!

English socio-economic concerns. 1 Some issues regarding tomb effigies have yet to be fully assessed, namely the close relationship between painting and sculpture, and the influence of continental portraiture on English tombs. A case in point is the funerary monumen to Thomas Hoby whose influential translation of CaStiglione's I cortegiano was published in 1561 as The Courtyer of Count Baldessa Caflilio. 2 I shall seek to demonStrate that the potent geSture o the arm akimbo, borrowed from Italian portraiture, sets the reclining figure of Hoby apar from English tradition. Through this motif, Hoby's effigy transmits to poSterity his identity as gentleman of a new sort, modeled on Italian precedents and connected with the courtly aeSthetics being disseminated through canons of portraiture ... . . . continued on page r56

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Benvenuto Cellini may have nev er gone to Orvieto and many o the works discussed here wer created after his death in 1571 Nonetheless, consideration of th series of Statues of apoSt:les for th nave of Orvieto cathedral rais es issues that would have been o great intereSt: to Cellini - partic ularly the art of marble sculptur in the later sixteenth and early sev enteenth centuries. At Orvieto, Strong tradition of marble carv ing set the St: age for adherence t ideals embodied in the work an ideas of Michelangelo. Especiall important were Michelangelo' insiSt:ence on carving his work with his own hands, without re lying on a workshop, and his re speB: for the integrity of th marble block. For Cellini, the ex ample of Michelangelo was of th greateSt: significance. As Irvin Lavin made clear, Cellini's marbl Crucifix now in the Escorial, whic the artiSt: referred to with prid and affection as his "bel CriSt:o,' was the work that moSt: permit ted Cellini to compare himself t Michelangelo ...

20

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Introduction ll nostro bel Cinauecento

Dimitrios Zikos

This volume originated in a conference held at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in O ctober 2003, in conj unction with the exhibition R aphael, Cellini, and a R enaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti. Conceived with the aim of reconstructing the collection of one of the most successful financial entrepreneurs of the sixteenth century, the exhibition was also important for the historian of sixteenth-century sculpture. For the first time, two bronze busts by Benvenuto Cellini could be seen and studied together: that of Cosimo I de' Medici from the Museo azionale del Bargello in Florence and the somewhat later portrait ofBindo Altoviti in the Gardner Museum. The title of the conference, II noflro be! Cinquecento, was a deliberate variation of a statement by Adolfo Venturi who, when asked to appraise Cellini's bust of Bindo, declared that true lovers of sculpture preferred an earlier period of art, "our beautiful Qyattrocento," the purity of the early Renaissance rather than the decadence of the sixteenth century. Like the 2003 exhibition, this book of essays reconsiders a relatively neglected area of study, especially when compared to sixteenth-century painting. In fact, since 1937 when Adolfo Venturi published his history of sixteenth-century Italian sculpture, only John Pope-Hennessy has offered a general overview of the period, which was just part, however, of a much larger survey of Italian sculpture from the Gothic to the Baroque - the fourteenth to the seventeenth century.' With the exception of Michelangelo, Cinquecento sculpture is under-studied; for example, the Pelican survey of the history of art has never produced a volume on the subject.

The Gardner conference brought together respected scholars of sixteenth-century Italian sculpture who could offer new insights. ot all the papers delivered in the co nference could be included in this volume, but others have been added.

1hough not comprehensive, it can serve as a guide to recent research on several important subjects: the difficult art of crafting bronze; the relation between bronze and marble sculpture; the development of the portrait bust; and the 23

expectations of a learned audience in ducal Florence. Cellini's writings on jewelry have been ignored by previous writers, so Allen's interpretation offers an entirely novel approach to hi art. We cannot judge Cellini without recognizing In the first of the essays, Andrea Bacchi the importance of his activities beyond offers an intriguing parallel to Cellini sculpture; his command of the art of the through a discussion of Leone Leoni, goldsmith, for instance, is strongly reone of the most important sculptors in flected in the cap worn by Bindo Altoviti. metal of the Cinquecento. Bacchi convincingly reconstructs the beginnings Allen's essay reminds us that Cellini's of Leone's career in Rome in the 1520s. theoretical work is firmly grounded This proposal is corroborated by a dis- in practical experience. Moving from cussion of the style of his early medals, jewelry to bronze-casting, the contriwhich echoes that of Cellini. Bacchi also bution by Francesca Bewer and Molly clarifies vexing questions of attribution Mc amara expands knowledge of by suggesting that Annibale Fontana, Cellini's skill in bronze though close exnot Leoni, made the bust thought to amination of the casting of the busts in represent Alfonso d'Avalos (Pierpont the Bargello and Gardner museums. As argued in the exhibition catalogue, the Morgan Library). And he endorses both through stylistic analysis and liter- bust of Altoviti was made in Florence ary sources - Mirella Levi d'Ancona's around 1550, five years after the bust of attribution to Leone of the bronze por- Cosimo I, and was therefore contemtrait bust of Antonio Galli in the Frick porary with the Perseus for the Loggia Collection. Probably made in the early dei Lanzi. In preparation for the exhibi1540s, this is one of the earliest Italian tion in Boston, Giovanni and Lorenzo portrait busts in bronze and thus antici- Morigi (who had conserved the Perseus) pates Cellini's portraits of Cosimo I and undertook careful conservation of the Bindo Altoviti. This rivalry assumed bust of Altoviti. The bust was analyzed the tone of a direct formal dialogue in conjunction with this restoration. when Leone took Cellini's over life-size Fortunately the director of the Bargello Perseus as the model for his equally mon- Museum, Beatrice Paolozzi Strozzi, granted permission to undertake techniumental Charles V and Fury Reflrained. cal analysis of the bust of Cosimo when it was in Boston. These studies disclose Cellini is also the subject of Denise Allen's essay. Not Cellini the sculptor striking differences between the actual nor Cellini the goldsmith, but Cellini casting and contemporary written acthe jeweler. Allen analyzes Cellini's counts of the process. Whereas the bust writing on gems and jewelry by com- of Cosimo was clearly cast with the soparing the original manuscript of the called indirect method, the process emTrattati with the version published in ployed for casting the portrait of Bindo 1568 by Gherardo Spini in Florence. The Altoviti cannot be determined with abdifferences between the two versions solute certainty. Examinations yielded make clear that Cellini originally wrote another small yet noteworthy discovabout his experiences as a jeweler in pa- ery: the pupils of the eyes in the bust of pal Rome in the 1520s and 1530s, where- Cosimo I were silvered as was common as the published version registers the in ancient Roman portrait busts. patronage of sculpture in Florence and Rome. Expectedly, Cellini is the artist most often discussed, and it can be claimed that this is also a book about him and his circle.

24

For years the study of sixteenth-century patronage has been largely concerned with the major ruling families of Italy - the Medici, Farnese, Chigi, and other papal dynasties. A different tact was taken in the Gardner's exhibition inasmuch as it considered Altoviti, a rival to Cosimo I de' Medici in wealth as well as in political power. It has been difficult to reconstruct the patronage of Bindo Altoviti because of the scarcity of documentary sources. However, Antonia Bostrom stresses that Bindo was only one of many similar patrons.

Focusing on commissions for sculpture and the decorative arts, Bostrom presents ground-breaking research on the patronage of the Soderini and Ridolfi families, particularly Paolantonio, Francesco, and Giovanvettorio Soderini, as well as Cardinal iccolo and Lorenzo Ridolfi. All were Florentines with strong Roman connections and were related to each other and to Bindo Altoviti. All, moreover, were "exiles" from Florence - avowed enemies of Cosimo I and his destruction of, as they preceived it, what was left of the republican traditions of their native city. The exiles shared a passion for the arts, especially sculpture. In demonstrating that Bindo Altoviti was not alone, either in his anti-Medici politics or collecting practices, Bostrom creates a diversified context for mid-sixteenth-century patronage of ancient as well as contemporary sculpture in Rome and Florence.

Expanding the study of portrait busts, Massimiliano Rossi deals with important antecedents to Cellini's work in Venice and the Veneto. He calls attention to the significance of portrait medals for the genre of the facing effigies, exemplified by bronze representations of Andrea N avagero and Girolamo Fracastoro (both in the Mu ei Civici, Padua), which he attributes to Danese

Cattaneo. These works are a means of understanding an intellectual circle of humanist writers, including Pietro Aretino and Pietro Bembo.

We are led back to Florence and to the cultural circle of Cellini by the essay that Charles Davis has written on Vincenzo Danti as a draughtsman.

Like Cellini, Danti was trained first as a goldsmith and only later turned to sculpture. A constant tension between casting bronze and carving marble pervades his oeuvre, which was presented in a major exhibition in 2008 at the Bargello. With unsurpassable accuracy, Davis - whose research made possible the exhibition on the sculptor held in 2008 in the Museo del Bargello does not deal only with Dan ti's drawings but with his entire corpus of sculptures, focusing equally on aspects of technique, subject matter, and patronage.

D avis's consideration of the projected tomb for Benedetto Varchi leads directly into Cinzia Sicca's study of the tomb of Sir 1homas Hoby, who is best known as the first English translator of Baldesar Castiglione's Book of the Courtier. In discussing Hoby's effigy, Sicca returns to the question of portraiture. Sir Thomas had traveled extensively in Europe, particularly in Italy, and recorded his impressions of Montorsoli's Orion Fountain in Messina. The statue with arm akimbo atop Sir Thomas's sarcophagus bears consideration as an English interpretation of Italian sculpture, increasingly visible throughout Europe because of commissions awarded to Italian artists, Cellini included.

Sicca also examines contemporary portrait painting as a source for the effigy of Sir Thomas, whom she moreover identifies as the subject of Titian's socalled English Gentleman in the Galleria Palatina in Florence. By attending to the

relationship between painted and sculpted portraiture, Sicca expands upon an aspect of the Gardner Museum's exhibition. Raphael's portrait of the young Bindo Altoviti ( ational Gallery of Art, Washington), was there juxtaposed with the bronze portrait Altoviti had later commissioned from Cellini.

the local sculptor Ippolito Scalza (who had trained with the Tuscan Raffaello da Montelupo), Giovanni Caccini and Giambologna - both active in Florence - contributed to this project, evidence of the growing influence of Florentine sculpture in the second half of the sixteenth century.

In the final essay, Marietta Cambareri Although specific in scope, the essays draws from her many years of research into sculpture in Orvieto to illuminate an issue central to Cinquecento sculpture, the rivalry between marble carving and bronze casting. Her point d'appui is the ambitious project to decorate the nave of Orvieto cathedral with colossal statues of the apostles . Besides

26

in this volume address some of the crucial issues in current investigations of Cinquecento sculpture. They contribute to growing awareness of the richness of developments outside Florence.

And they go a long way towards revealing the omissions and misunderstandings that scholarly preoccupation with

Michelangelo has caused. As a group, the essays constitute a milestone towards a broader and more diversified understanding of the later Renaissance.

1hat a sea change is at last taking place is made apparent in recent exhibitions devoted to Giambologna, Vincenzo Danti, Andrea Riccio, Giovanni Francesco Rustici, and Bartolomeo Ammannati.2 I would like to thank the authors for their contributions. My most sincere gratitude goes, however, to Alan Chong, who shared with me the pleasure of organizing the exhibition at the Gardner Museum and has never abandoned the present project notwithstanding the difficulties it has encountered.

27

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations Andrea Bacchi

In his "Ternali in onore della regina di Francia," Pietro Aretino imagined the most famous artists of his age engaged in a competition to portray Catherine de' Medici, queen of France. Writing in 1551, just a few months after the fir st edition of Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Artifts appeared, Aretino proposed his own artistic canon by listing the artists he considered most important. He began, of course, with "Tizian perpetuo" and "Michelagnol divo," who were both asked to paint Catherine's portrait. Then "il Buonaroti" again and "il Sansovino saputo" were invited to sculpt her in marble. Then followed "Lione e Benvenuto," who had the task of representing her in metal.'

This is the first time, as far as I know, that Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini were associated as the preeminent bronze sculptors of the day, an approach quite different from that of Vasari, who keeps them distinct. During their lifetimes, their relationship was not an easy one. Indeed, they could have figured perfectly in Rona Goffen's R enaissance Rivals, but she preferred to consider the antagonism between Cellini and Baccio Bandinelli, whose ferocious competition had already been recounted by Vasari.2 Here, we will try to examine the connections between Cellini and Leone.

Almost ten years younger than Cellini, Leone was the one who learned from his colleague, but he never acknowledged a debt to him. or is Vasari's account any

more reliable, for Vasari was a strong supporter of Leone and had famously bad relations with Cellini.

However, a careful consideration of the two sculptors reveals strong affinities. 1hey were both celebrated as goldsmiths, they preferred bronze to marble, and were willing to attempt any kind of sculpture, from medals to colossal statues. Moreover, as we can learn from his letters, Leone shared the intellectual and literary ambitions so apparent in Cellini's autobiography. Finally, from a stylistic point of view, Cellini's work, especially medals and monumental sculptures, seems to have been influential on Leone, particularly in his early years. What remains more problematic

are Leone's beginnings as a portra1t1st.

1he proposal to return to him the bust of Antonio Galli in the Frick Collection (fig. l), today generally considered to be

by Francesco Brandani; and the attribution to Annibale Fontana of the bust of the Marquis d'Avalos in the Pierpont Morgan Library (fig. 6), previously thought to be by Leone, should clarify this matter. If, as I believe, Leone is the author of the bust of Galli, he would be, along with Cellini, one of the sculptors most active in the creation of a new type of portrait bust.

The earliest evidence concernmg their rivalry comes from. a letter from Pietro Aretino to Leone on 25 May 1537, when both artists were in Padua working on portrait medals of the Venetian writer and future cardinal Pietro Bembo.

Leone was deeply upset because Bembo had given a large sum of money to Cellini for the sketch of a medal, and he was afraid that Bembo would not appreciate his own work to the same extent:

If monsignor [Bembo] has so generously remunerated him [Cellini] for the sketch of his portrait, you should be pleased, for since he has the world's goodness and is a person of outstanding judgment, he will also pay you for your medal. His Lordship wished to express, with the largesse you describe, the opinion he has of Benvenuto and to satisfy him for the two years he had to wait to come to visit him from Rome to Padua ... To me it seems that you should show monsignor Bembo the sreel [die], where the head is, and also the whole model, and see what he says about it.

Titian and Sansovino are here, and they marvel at your work, and will advise about it.3

Qyando sia che monsignore abbia si largamente remunerato, si puo dir, la bozza del suo ritratto, dovete rallegrarvene, perche, sendo egli la bonta del mondo e persona di compiuto giudizio, pagara anche il conio vosrro. Sua Signoria ha voluto contentar con la liberalita, che dite, e l'opinione che egli ha di Benvenuto, e i due anni indugiati a venire a trovarlo da Roma a Padova ... A me parrebbe che gli mosrrasre l'acciaio, dove e la sua tesra, e l'improntata ancora; srando a vedere cio che egli ne dice. C2.l.1i e Tiziano, il Sansovino ... che ne srupiscono ed essi consultaranno sopra le fatiche vosrre.

Later that year Leone went to Rome where he encountered Cellini again and probably, as we shall see, played a part in his imprisonment. According to Cellini, Leone was even asked to poison Cellini in prison: ow messer Durante entrusred a diamond of trifling value to one of the guards, and it is said that a certain Lione, a goldsmith of Arezzo, my great enemy, was commissioned to pound it. The man happened to be very poor, and the diamond was worth perhaps some scores of crowns . He told the guard that the duยงt he gave him back was the diamond in quesrion properly ground down. 1he morning when I took it, it was mixed with all I had to eat ... 4 And in Aretino's letter to Leone on n July 1539, we find an explicit allusion to Cellini and their professional rivalry: Here is the ear of His Holiness and the source of your virtues ...

of Antonio Galli, ca. 1546. Bronze, height 59 cm. The Frick Collection, New York [1916 .2-46]

l. Leone Leoni (here attributed to). Portrait

30

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations

Here is the man who behaved so evilly toward you, now in prison, and here you are in Rome, mentor of the arts ... You should implore the pope for the liberation of your adversary. 1he poor fellow is aB:ually a man of outstanding ability and great renown, and he is also a disciple of this court; moreover, you owe a greater debt to him than to the pope, ince His Blessedness would never have known the excellence of your qualities had not the assurances of such a lofty spirit [as Benvenuto] attested to them. It's clear that in boasting about murdering you, he only ruined his own reputation, at the same time enhancing yours. If it happens that anyone ever doubts that you are the best medalist of all, all you have to do is to point out his zeal to emulate you.s The only other direct evidence of their per onal relations known to me comes from many years later. In 1560, on his way back from Rome to Milan, Leone stopped in Florence and wrote to Michelangelo on 14 October about the competition for the Fountain of Neptune in the Piazza della Signoria: I shall pluck these hornets out of my ears that sting me with every aB: and word, for I shall depart for Milan and let them make the giants. Benvenuto fulminates and spits venom and shoots fire from his eyes, and he bullies the Duke with his sharp tongue ... Ammanato says his is the best, but I have yet to see it.

Benvenuto showed me his [work] which caused me to feel sorry that in his old age he manages so

poorly to make the earth submit to him. 6 mi levero queste vespi da l'urechie che mi pungono con ogni atto e cenno perche mi partiro per Milano e lasciero far i giganti a loro: Benvenuto balena e sputa veleno e getta fuoco per gli hocchi e brava il Duca con la lingua ... L'Amanato si dice che ha fatto meglio ma io non l'ho veduto; Benvenuto mi ha mostrato il suo; ond'io gli ho pieta che in sua vecchiezza sia cosi male ubbidito da la terra.

At this juncture when Cellini's star was fading, "il cavalier Leone," the imperial sculptor, friend of Michelangelo, and the artist sought by the pope, appears to be the winner, a circumstance that Vasari would emphasize in his 1568 edition of the Lives.7 Even in 1550, Vasari had mentioned Cellini only in passing, within the biography of Alfonso Lombardi, in a list of artists who had portrayed Alessandro de' Medici.7 Vasari recalled only the coins Cellini had struck with Alessandro's image and mentions him together with several minor artists, such as Domenico di Polo ("intagliator di ruote") and the medalist Francesco di Girolamo da Prato. This context is telling, for by 1550 Cellini had cast the Perseus and his fame was undoubtedly much greater than that of Leone, to whom, however, Vasari dedicated a highly laudatory mention in the biography of Valerio Belli: Leone Aretino, celebrated goldsmith and carver, also continues to make medals of infinite artistry, and if he keeps on in this art and lives to a full age, he will produce miraculous and distinguished works, just like the

31

beautiful and acclaimed ones of his that we have seen so far.

Ha seguito nel contrafar delle medaglie di prontezza infinitamente Leone Aretino, orefice et intagliator celebrato, il quale, nel continuar l'arte, se gli anni della vita arrivano al corso dove debbono arrivare, fara vedere di se miracolose et onorate opere, sl come delle belle e lodate abbiamo fino al presente vedute.9 Eighteen years later, in 1568, Vasari offered an abbreviated version of Cellini's career,1째 as he did for many other of his enemies, while Leone emerges as an exemplary modern artist, whose works were "truly worthy to be celebrated and to pass into the memory of mankind" (degne veramente di e sere celebrate e di passare alla memoria degl'uomini). " In Leone's case, we should not forget that he was consistently helped throughout his career by what might be called the "Aretine connection." It is impossible to underestimate the role first played

by Pietro Aretino and then by Giorgio Vasari in promoting Leone and his sculpture. either Aretino nor Vasari had good relations with Cellini, a circumstance which certainly encouraged them to favor Leone Leoni, who was in many respects similar to Cellini.

As a matter of fact, when we consider their artistic relations and not just their personal antagonism, Leone's hated rival Cellini was at the same time his unconfessed artistic model. Nine years his senior, Cellini was the greatest of all sixteenth-century goldsmiths as well as a powerful sculptor. Many aspects of Leone's personality still deserve further investigation, but a review of the early years of his activity, with attention to his connections with Cellini, provides

32

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations

fresh insights into his art1st1c achievements. A s is often the case with artists, Leone's beginnings remain the most mysterious part of his career. Thanks to the recent archival discoveries by Kelley Helmstutler, it seems probable that his father was a Lombard mason living in Arezzo, Giovanni Battista Leoni, but we still do not have a clue about where Leone started working and with whom. 12 We first hear about Leone as an artist in May 1537, when, as mentioned above, he was working on Pietro Bembo's portrait medal and living in Padua in his ovember 1537, he household. On 8 is documented in Rome, where he received payments for medals of Pope Paul III. J Back from Paris, Cellini was also in Rome from December of that year and would be imprisoned there the following October. Leone worked at the papal mint until March 1540, when he was condemned to work in a slave galley for the murder of a German goldsmith, Pellegrino di Leuti. After the intervention of Pietro Aretino, Leone was freed in early 1541 by the naval commander and de facto ruler of Genoa Andrea Doria.

In 1542 Leone was in Milan, working for the imperial mint. 14 Apart from brief employ in the service of Pier Luigi Farnese in Parma and Piacenza around 1546, Leone settled definitively in Milan, where he maintained a permanent connection with the imperial family.'s 1

The medal done for Bembo in 1537, which, according to Aretino, was admired by Titian and Sansovino, is lost, but we do have the medal made for Aretino in the same year (fig. 2). 16 This medal stands out in the context of contemporary medal production. A medal depicting Bembo (fig. 3), executed only a few years earlier, in 1532, by Valerio Belli, an artist in Raphael's circle and one of the best medalists of that period, appears leaner and,

in a sense, quite archaic.'7 This also implies that the antiquarian milieu of the Veneto, which Belli represents at the highest level, cannot explain the new stylistic ideals that we see in Leone's youthful medals.

So where was Leone before 1537? Did he train in Venice or Padua, as some studies have suggested? 18 It seems that no one has paid attention to an interesting fact that emerges from the documents of Benvenuto Cellini's 1538 trial. Cellini had been charged with stealing the pope's jewels during the Sack of Rome in 1527- When questioned at his trial as to whether he had any known enemies, Cellini responded: "I don't know that I have any enemies except Hieronimo [Girolamo Pascucci, his apprentice, a goldsmith from Perugia] and Leone, the sculptor, who I know hates me, and Leone refuted me in the Camera Apostolica." '9 This statement does not imply that Leone, although considered a reliable witness accusing Cellini in relation to events that took place in 1527, was himself in Rome at that time, but this is not at all unlikely, especially for a young artist born in Arezzo, for whom Rome would have been a natural attraction. Leone's presence in Rome may also be supported indirectly by a seventeenth-century source which has never been considered in Leone studies . In a manuscript by Girolamo Gualdo, an aristocrat from Vicenza, we find a brief biography of Leone, derived mainly from Vasari. The text reports that in the Gualdo family's collection is a medal of Pope Clement VII (r. 1523-34) made by Leone. 1he medal is no longer extant but Gualdo's statement provides some indication that Leone was in Rome early in his career. 20

diameter 3.5 cm. Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

Even more important, Leone's youthful style seems to have been significantly

diameter 3.4 cm. Mu seo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

2. Leone Leoni, Medal of Pietro Aretino, i537. Bronze,

3. Valerio Belli, Medal of Pietro Bembo, i532. Bronze,

33

influenced by Cellini's medals. What must have impressed Leone is that Cellini's coins and medals are essentially sculptural reliefs perfectly adapted to the tondo format. This can be seen in the medals made by Leone for Pope Paul III in 1538, for Andrea Doria in 1541, and especially in the fir st medal struck in Milan for the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V around 1543 (fig. 4). It is not difficult to see that Leone's model remained Cellini's medals of the king of France Frans:ois I and Clement VII (fig.

5). In contrast with the creations of antiquarian medalists like Valerio Belli, Giovanni Bernardi, or Giovanni da Cavino, where a debt to ancient coins remains dominant, the medals of Cellini and Leone engage in a dialogue with contemporary monumental sculpture.

21

Indeed, Leone's early works permit him to be counted among the "ammirabile scuola fiorentina" (the admirable Florentine school), as Cellini called it.

Around 1550, Cosimo Bartoli, in a letter whose importance has been underlined by Charles Davis, wrote about the many Florentine sculptors, including such talented artists as Montorsoli and Sansovino, who were unable to work in Cosimo de' Medici's Florence and had to migrate to Rome, Naples, Sicily, and even France and Poland . 3 Leone, although not born in Florence, could have been included on this list. His early works suggest training in Florence, where he carefully studied the sculptures of Michelangelo and Baccio Bandinelli besides those of Cellini.

22

2

4. Leone Leoni, Medal of Charles V, ca. 1543路 Bronze, diameter 3.8 cm. Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

Vasari claims it was Charles V who discovered Leone's virtuosity in medals and then requested "works of greater importance" (opere di maggiore importanza che le medaglie non sono). 3 In fact, the first documented monumental sculptures by Leone are the statues and 2

5. Benvenuto Cellini, Medal of Clement VII, ca. 1534路 Bronze, diameter 4 cm. Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

34

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations

busts executed for the emperor in 1549路 onetheless Leone must have had ome earlier experience in sculpture. His letters show that in 1546 he started working for Maria d'Aragona on a bronze portrait of her late husband Alfonso d'Avalos, Marchese del Vasta, the first imperial governor of Milan. 5 I am not convinced that this portrait, which Vasari describes as a "statua . . . alta quattro braccia" can be identified with the bronze bust now in the Pierpont Morgan Library (fig. 6), attributed to Leone by Eugene Plon in l88t 26 It is also very unlikely from a stylistic and compositional point of view that the bust dates from 1546. A more probable identification of the bust in the Morgan Library is with "A head in bronze of the image of the most excellent signor marchese del Vasta" (Una testa di brunzo del'immagine del ex.mo s.or marchese del Vasta) listed in the inventory of the possessions of Alfonso d'Avalos's son, Francesco Ferdinando, drawn up in 1571 in Palermo. 7 Ulrich Middeldorf rightly observed that "the sensuous handling of features, drapery and all ornamental detail are far removed from the cool severity of Leoni's style," but offered no alternative solution.28 2

2

I myself wonder if the creation of the bust can be placed in the years around 1570, when it could have been commissioned by the marchese's son. If this were the case, the attribution of the bust in the Morgan Library would appear just as problematic; it seems very distant from both the portraits of Medeghino and Vespasiano Gonzaga, respectively in the cathedral in Milan (1560-64) and the church of the Incoronata in Sabbioneta (ca. 1574-77). As an alternative, the bust of Marchese d'Avalos may possibly be assigned to Annibale Fontana, a sculptor who was deeply influenced by Leone. Fontana's relations

6. Annibale Fontana (here attributed). Portrait of Alfonso d'Avalos, Marchese de\ Vasto. Bronze. The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York [AZ129]

35

with Francesco Ferdinando d'Avalos are well documented - in 1570 Fontana was in Palermo in Francesco Ferdinando's service and executed a portrait medal for him. His ac tivity as a portraitist remains unclear, but the comparison of the Morgan bust with his sculptures and his medals is suggestive. Consider, for example, the marble sculptures executed

by Fontana for Santa Maria presso San Celso in Milan. Saint john the Evangelifl (fig. 7) in particular is characterized by a monumental and three-dimensional conception, filled with ample draperies falling in loose folds - characteristics which can also be found in the bust in New York. In addition, Fontana's documented medal of Ferdinando Francesco d'Avalos (fig. 8) shows many striking affinities with the bronze.

There is, however, one bust which Leone may have been executed in the years around 1540, the portrait of Antonio Galli in the Frick Collection (fig. l). First attributed to Bartolommeo Ammannati, then to Jacopo Sansovino, and later, by Mirella Levi d'Ancona, to Leone,3' it is now generally considered to be a work by an artist from the Marche, Federico Brandani (15221251575). This attribution was proposed by Harald Olsen and John Pope-Hennessy, who emphasized that Galli, the sitter, had been born in Urbino in l5IO and remained active there.3 He was a poet as well as a diplomat in the service of the della Rovere family. While Federico Brandani executed beautiful works in stucco in Urbino, there are no portrait or bronze sculptures securely attributed to him, which makes it difficult to link the Galli bust to him.33 2

7. Annibale Fontana, Saintjohn the Evangelist. Marble.

Santa Maria in Celso, Milan 8. Annibale Fontana, Medal of Ferdinando Francesco d'Avalos.

Lead, diameter 7 cm. British Museum, London [George Ill Illustrious Persons 329]

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations

There are, however, several reasons for reconsidering Levi D'Ancona's attribution of the bust to Leone. The peculiar way in which the sculptor folds

the border of the garment, a detail not very common in contemporary busts but which reappears in Leone's bronze portrait of Mary of Hungary (fig. 9), suggest a connection with him. Observing the profile with the hair carefully delineated, we can appreciate the artist's remarkable ability to put the various details in focus, in a way which would have come naturally to a sculptor trained as a medalist. This "calligraphic, ornamental manner" (to borrow Middeldorf's description of Leone's work) characterizes the bronze and similar passages in Leone's documented works such as the statue of Charles V's wife, Isabella of Portugal and Spain (Museo del Prado, Madrid). Moreover, there is some reason to believe that Leone had met Antonio Galli. On 6 August r537, Aretino wrote to Antonio Galli recommending Leone, who was about to take up a position in the ducal mint of Urbino, to the della Rovere family.H If the two men did not meet on this occasion, they could also have met later when Galli was ambassador in Rome or even when he was in Venice.

It is clear that if we accept the attribution to Leone of this bust, which, unlike any of his early works, was sculpted in the round, we should put it at the beginning of the r54os, before the imperial busts.

This would mean that Leone would have had a more significant role than is usually assumed in the development of the sixteenth-century portrait bust. ot long after the execution of the Galli bust, Leone settled in Milan where he worked for nearly fifty years. His role in the city's artistic life has often been underestimated, mainly because he did not work extensively either for the cathedral or more generally for the city.

Apart from two complex projects - the Casa degli Omenoni, his house (though

9. Leone Leoni,

Mary of Hungary, i550-53. Bronze.

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna

37

unfortunately without Leone's renowned collection of plaster casts of ancient sculpture), and the bronze-andmarble tomb erected in the cathedral for the condottiere Gian Giacomo Medici - none of his Milanese works survives.

His importance went beyond the actual works he created; many prominent sculptors, both Lombard and foreigners, were educated in his huge workshop.

Leone also played a crucial role in converting the artistic culture of Milan to what Vasari called the maniera moderna. On his arrival in the city in the early 1540s, the leading local sculptor was still Bambaia, an artist whose works had changed little in forty years.

Leone's first major sculpture in Milan was the bronze group Charles V and Fury Reflrained (fig. ro). Extensive correspondence between the artist and the imperial court then in Bru sels allows us to follow the enterprise almost day by day and to discover the significant iconographical aspects of the sculpture Leone himself suggested. The artist's intellectual ambitions are dramatically revealed in these letters. 1he critical development of the paragone debate in his defense of the powers of sculpture, to give just one example, closely resembled that of Cellini.JS Even the idea of depicting the emperor victorious over a personification of Fury was proposed by Leone. On 20 December 1550, the sculptor wrote to Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, Charles V's prime minister and artistic advisor: "I was taken with a fantastic idea to enrich the statue of His Majesty, but wanting to place beneath it neither a province nor another victory, because of his Majesty's great modesty ... I positioned under him the chained statue of Fury."J6 This configuration was inspired by the Aeneid's description of a chained Fury seated

Leone Leoni and Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relation路

atop a pile of arms and its use of fury as an extended metaphor for war. But behind Leone's idea of adding a second figure to the portrait lay the Florentine tradition of the two-figure statue begun by Donatello with the Judith and Holophernes as well as the formidable challenge of Cellini's Perseus. A recent archival discovery in Florence leaves no doubt that in late 1550 Leone made a point of traveling to Florence to see the newly cast Perseus, when the statue was still in Cellini's workshop .37 What is more, the idea of the chained Fury derives immediately from Cellini's medal of Pope Clement VII (fig. rr), whose reverse shows Peace victorious over Fury in chains.J8 There may also have been another kind of competition at work in Leone's sculpture of Charles V and Fury Reflrained. At this time, around 1550, one of the most celebrated artists in Milan was the armorer Filippo Negroli, who worked regularly for the Habsburg emperors.

Leone was surely aware of egroli's success; in the 1550 edition of the Lives, Vasari put Leone in the same company as "the Milanese Filippo egrollo, chasing engraver on iron armor with foliage and figures." J9 A few years earlier, Leone himself had designed a helmet, now lost, for Pier Luigi Farnese.40 Titian was to faithfully copy Charles V's parade armor in the painting commemorating the imperial victory at Mi.ihlberg (Museo del Prado, Madrid), 4 ' but the armor in Leone's sculptural group bears no resemblance to the plate armor in Titian's painting.

In this context, it becomes easier to explain an extraordinary aspect of the group. In 1551 Leone wrote to Granvelle eager to know the emperor's thoughts about what he termed "my new caprice." This was his unprecedented idea

10. Leone Leoni, Charles Vand Fury Restrained, i549-55.

Bronze . Mu seo del Prado, Madrid

11. Benvenuto Cellini, Peace Victorious over Fury, i534 (reverse of the

Medal of Clement VII, fig. 5). Bronze. Museo

Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

39

of equipping the emperor's statue with sculpted armor that could be completely removed - "la statua che si armava e disarmava" - to reveal underneath a heroic nude (fig. r2) .42 Attempting to urpass the greatest of contemporary armor makers, Leone joined the artifice of sculpture with the artifice of armor. When we see the emperor as an all'antica nude, we also understand that Leone's rivalry with Cellini had intensified. Comparison between the potency of the inner nude of Charles V and the heroic nudity of Perseus (fig. r3) confirms that Leone took full advantage of his trip to Florence to see Cellini's masterpiece firsthand. His ambition was to supersede both of his celebrated rivals.

But there is a noteworthy difference between Leone and his Florentine "enemy" and teacher. Unlike Cellini, who in his monumental sculpture makes us forget that he was trained as a goldsmith, in the monument to Charles V, Leone cannot restrain himself from displaying a virtuosity that identifies him as first and foremost a goldsmith.

12 . Leone Leoni, Charles V and Fury Restrained, i549-55.

Bronze. Museo del Prado, Madrid 13. Benvenuto Cellini, Perseus, i553. Bronze. Loggia dei Lanzi, Florence

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones & Jewelry in his Treatises

Denise Allen

Benvenuto Cellini's chapters on jewelry begin, " ow let us discu s setting jewels and those things which relate to the diversity of jewels." The ensuing texts are unlike anything else in the Treatises on Goldsmithing and Sculpture (I trattati dell'orejiceria e de/la scultura).' Cellini neither attempts to elevate the making of jewelry to the level of the major arts, as he had done for repousse work in precious metals, nor does he confine himself to explaining technique, as in his chapter on filigree work.

For Cellini, jewelry differed from goldsmith's work because it was a craft as well as a profession. In the chapters on jewelry Cellini narrowly defines the terms of both. The craft, he said, consisted solely of "setting jewels." The profession - "those things which relate to the diversity of jewels" - comprised the identification, evaluation, and appraisal of precious stones. Of the many varieties of gemstones, Cellini claimed that only four - the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond - could be considered what he personally termed the "true jewels,'' or vere gioie.

Cellini was the first practicing jeweler to write extensively about his craft and profession, and the first to do so using its spoken trade language. His chapters are acknowledged as the first Renaissance treatise on jewelry. Cellini defines the role of the jeweler by describing his own training, practices, and technical methods, creating a timely individual narrative based on personal experience.

Within the Trattati Cellini's chapters on jewelry are so different in substance and intent from those he wrote on goldsmith's work and sculpture that they constitute an autonomous text. Yet, 2

42

compared to his other treatises or his Autobiography Cellini's chapters on jewelry have received little comprehensive discussion either from the perspective of the history of techniques or the history of artists' writings on art.3 The chapters on jewelry are often perplexing. In them Cellini ranges from bold pronouncements - such as, "there are four jewels only" - to long explanations of the methods he invented to enhance gemstones. Sometimes Cellini hurls insults at the ignoranti (ignorant ones) he deems unworthy of the

jeweler's profession . He also mixes serious instruction on jewel setting with anecdotes featuring elderly, irascible jewelers who judge his work. By these peculiar means Cellini intended to render a portrait of the Renaissance jeweler as a highly esteemed professional, whose invaluable expertise required long years of work identifying, evaluating, appraising, and setting precious stones. Cellini refers to the exemplary jeweler as the "buon gioielliere" and presents himself as a model for that ideal. Although he wrote the chapters on jewelry in the 1560s when he was an old man living in Medici Florence, his experiences in the 1520s and 1530s as a jeweler in papal Rome provided that ideal's most direct inspiration.

To understand Cellini's chapters on jewelry, two texts must be compared. 1he first is the unedited manuscript version of his treatises that did not see print during his lifetime. Completed in 1565 and dedicated to Duke Cosimo I's son, Francesco de' Medici, this text preserves Cellini's own words. 1he second is the version of the Trattati published

in 1568 which was dedicated to Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici and edited by Gherardo Spini. It often differs sharply from the manuscript. 4 Cellini and Spini were probably acquainted before they worked on the 1568 publication. Spini was sympathetic to Cellini and is generally a judicious editor of the Trattati .

When editor and author shared common ground, as they did in artistic matters, Spini clarified and reinforced Cellini's arguments. A case in point is Cellini's singular claim that the goldsmith's art of repousse should be ranked alongside the art of sculpture; this contention clearly benefited from Spini's editing.s But, Cellini's writing on the profession of the jeweler was less well served by Spini who disagreed with Cellini's view of the jeweler's independent role. 6 In the published version of the Trattati, Spini altered Cellini's discussion of the jeweler's status to reflect the bureaucratization of the profession in Florence during the 1560s. This editorial change is characteristic of all of Spini's adjustments to Cellini's chapters on jewelry which varied in degree and kind, because they 43

were intended to render the text understandable and acceptable to a contemporary audience. Foremost among this audience were the Medici, but it also included a like-minded Florentine elite of cultivated nobles, members of the academies, eruditi, and wealthy merchants all of whom purchased jewels and were interested in them.

When Cellini wrote about the technical aspects of the jeweler's craft, Spini edited lightly and allowed Cellini's strict definitions and innovative use of vocabulary to remain in the text. To describe the jeweler's craft, Cellini introduced the word gioiellare, meaning to set jewels. This verb appeared in print for the first time in r568 Trattati .7 Gioiellare was derived from the noun gioia, or jewel. Cellini defines gioie as the precious stones that the jeweler, gioielliere, set into objects called gioielli. 8 Cellini identifies gioielli as jewelry of the highest importance that includes state regalia such as crowns and papal tiare.9 He designated as "true jewels" the four most precious stones known in the Renaissance: the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond.

These, in Cellini's opinion, were the only gemstones worthy of setting into jewelry. In the published Trattati Cellini precisely defines his materials according to their function within his craft using the vernacular of work, making, and use. In essence, Cellini states that jewelers set jewels into jewelry.

At the center of the jeweler's enterprise are the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond. With the exception of pearls, Cellini's category of the four "true jewels" accords with the acquisition patterns of his time. Spini respected Cellini's unprecedented use of vernacular language to define the vere gioie. He, for example, did not replace the craft-based word gioia with gemma or pietra pretiosa. These 10

latinate terms were commonly used in humanist treatises on gems to refer to all kinds of transparent precious stones including, among many others, citrines, garnets, hyacinths (zircons), and spinels. n In his manuscript Cellini had made it clear that these gemstones were unfit materials for the jeweler's craft as he had defined it, and Spini accepted this distinction.

Some of Spini's most extensive changes to Cellini's manuscript were made to the passages on the jeweler's profession.

Cellini repeatedly emphasizes that jewelers were independent specialists with an expertise gained over long years of training and experience. Only they were capable of identifying jewels, evaluating their quality, and appraising their monetary value. At the beginning of the manuscript version of the chapters on jewelry, Cellini vents his rage at secondrate dealers, brokers, and other men who presumed to act as jewelers and thus dishonored the profession. 12 Spini removed this fiery passage from the Trattati of r568.

Throughout his chapters Cellini also distinguishes the profession of the jeweler, whose expertise was based upon hardwon knowledge of precious stones, from that of the goldsmith. He never refers to himself personally or in the abstract as an ore.fice. This distinction was ignored

by Spini who often substituted Cellini's professionally oriented and ethically significant phrase, "il buon gioielliere" with the craft-oriented designation, "il pratico orefice." Spini thereby obscured Cellini's claim for the jeweler's special status as a professional of high moral reputation and expert authority.'J Spini's view that goldsmiths and jewelers practiced the same craft led him to reorganize important passages in Cellini's text. One telling instance involves Cellini's jeweled masterpiece,

44

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treat 1ses

the lost cope-morse he made for Pope Clement VII around 1530. 14 In his manuscript chapters on jewelry Cellini explains how he ingeniously set the morse's magnificent pointed diamond, rubies, sapphires, and emeralds. He then notes that his discussion about making the morse's figurative gold relief is properly located in his chapters on the goldsmith's art of repousse. s Tue morse was the only work whose fabrication Cellini describes in separate sections within his manuscript. Spini, however, combined the two passages in the 1568 Trattati, and placed Cellini's discussions of the morse in the treatise on goldsmithing. As a result, the copemorse, Cellini's greatest exemplum of jewel setting, does not appear in the published chapters on jewelry.

1

Spini's removal of Cellini's autobiographical references narrowed the intent and scope of the chapters on jewelry in the 1568 Trattati. In the manuscript, Cellini carefully recounts his personal experiences to underpin how essential training is to the formation of "the good jeweler." Practice, he declares, not theory, was the way to become expert: And therefore, I believe praltice precedes theory in all areas requiring the skillful application of knowledge, that one builds the rules on praltice, as is done with that noble reasoning employed by men who are experts in their fields of knowledge ...

E perche io credo che fussi prima la pratica che la teorica di tutte le scienzie, e che alla pratica se le ponesse di poi regola, a tale che la si venissi a fare con quella virtuosa ragione che si vede usare dagli uomini periti nelle belle . . sc1enz1e ... 16

This statement constitutes Cellini's credo as a jeweler, and it was eliminated from the published text. Spini also excised Cellini's commentary on the years of apprenticeship and experience required to become a jeweler: One should begin learning as a small boy and take the best advantage of opportunities in order to reside with some good master of great reputation; and this should be in a place like Rome, Venice, or Paris, three cities in which I stayed a long enough time, because in each of them one is able to see and handle many gemstones which are of the highest value.

E chi non comincia a impararla da piccol fanciullo con le grandi occasioni dell'essere presso a qualche buon maestro, il quale abbi gran credito; et anco bisogna che egli sia o in una Roma, o in una Venezia, o in un Parigi, nelle quale tre citta io ho fatto assai lunga stanza, et in ciascheduna di esse si vede e maneggiasi molte gioie e di grandissimo valore. 7 1

Cellini's assertion of the value of prolonged, self-determined acqu1Slt10n of expertise could not have been more clear. To Spini, accustomed to the structured workshops of the Medici dukes, the remarks had little relevance and he deleted them. Editorial changes made to the published Trattati allowed the text to meet the expectations of the Medici to whom the book was dedicated.18 With them Spini acknowledged that the Medici were interested in the technical aspects of the jeweler's craft, but not in arguments favoring professional independence.

45

Spini confidently made such changes, because he, as well as his contemporaries, were familiar with gemstones.

1heir knowledge principally derived from two sources. Before acquiring a gem or commissioning a jeweled object, patrons generally sought the opinions of gem dealers and jewelers. Cellini was the first to document in writing the custom of oral exchange in which the jeweler offered expert advice to his clients.

1he second source of knowledge was the extensive tradition of classical texts, medieval lapidaries, and humanist treatises on gems. In 1565, shortly before Cellini's 1568 Trattati saw print, Lodovico Dolce's translation into Italian of Camillo Leonardi's Speculum Lapidum (The Mirror of Stones) was published. Dolce's translation, popularly known as Delle gemme, became the standard guide to the diverse and often abstruse literature on gems. '9 This book provides a means to measure the novelty and significance of Cellini's chapters on jewelry and to reach a more refined appraisal of Spini's editorial changes to them .

Ludovico Dolce's Three Books concerning the Diversity of Gems produced by Nature, wherein is discussed their Quality, Size, Beauty and Virtues begins by presenting a lucid digest of the history of gems handed down by Aristotle, Pliny, Albertus Magnus, Solinus, and other important authors from the ancient and medieval periods. 20 The main part of Dolce's translation is organized as a guide to the identification of precious stones by color, and includes a commentary on each type of gem. At the book's end, a separate section, arranged alphabetically according to the name of the stone, summarizes each gemstone's virtit, or virtues.

Virtit is a complex term that encompasses a gem's natural physical characteristics as well as the supernatural powers then commonly ascribed to it. Written

in crisp latinate Italian, Dolce's Delle gemme became an indispensable reference for Spini in his editing of Cellini's manuscript chapters on jewelry. Using it allowed Spini to mediate Cellini's unprecedented shop-based discussions of precious stones for an audience familiar with the concepts and language of the standard literature on gems.

Spini's most extensive additions to Cellini's manuscript occur at the beginning and provide a context for the dual meaning of virtit. In his introduction to the chapters on jewelry Cellini's use of virtit confusingly implies that his definition of the word throughout his text accords with that found in traditional literature on the four most precious stones. Cellini's introduction to his manuscript opens: Now let us discuss setting jewels and all those things which relate to the diversity of jewels . These jewels are none other than those four made by the four elements, that is, the ruby which is made by means of fire, the sapphire which as one truly sees is made by means of the air; the emerald by means of the earth; and the diamond by means of water. And in their proper place we will discuss the virtues of each.

Ora cominceremo a ragionare del gioiellare, e di quello che s' appartiene alla diversita delle gioie: le qual gioie non son altre che quattro, le quali son fatte per i quattro elementi, cioe il rubino e fatto per il fuoco, il zaffiro si vede veramente esser fatto per l' aria, lo smeraldo per la terra, e il diamante per l' acqua: et al suo luogo diremo alcune delle virtu loro. "

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discus 1n ,f Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treatises

In these compact phrases Cellini came as close as he ever would to acknowledging the two main concerns of the humanist gem treatise: discovering the origins and composition of gems; and defining their virtues . Cellini clearly judged his brief elemental references sufficient to evoke the Aristotelian tradition upon which the current understanding of the physical and supernatural virtues of precious stones was based . His introduction would have left his elite audience unprepared for his later professionally-based use of the word virtit solely to denote the natural physical properties of gemstones.

Impatient to get on with the business of representing the jeweler's profession and craft, Cellini pays a mere nod to received wisdom about gems. Spini thought some explanation was clearly needed.

Spini supplied that explanation by radically expanding Cellini's original introduction to the chapters on jewelry. 1his cost Spini little effort since he adapted the text from Dolce's D elle gemme. Spini's introduction to the 1568 Trattati begins: Here it shall not be our intention to discuss specifically the circumStances that produce gems, this topic having been moSt subtly and fully treated by several philosophers, such as AriStotle, Albertus Magnus, Pliny, Solinus, Helimantus, Isodorus, and infinite numbers of other learned men. 22 By stating up front that the ongm of gemstones, a topic central to the tradition of writing about gems, fell outside the scope of the chapters on jewelry, Spini softened the impact of their novelty and, at the same time,

cleverly enfolded Cellini's arguments into the frame of reference familiar to the Trattati's readers. 23 The next introductory statement Spini borrowed from Dolce goes far beyond Cellini's manuscript. Like Cellini, Spini relates the red, blue, green, and transparent colors of the four vere gioie to their origins in the four elements.

However, unlike Cellini, Spini unambiguously states the reason why rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and diamonds are "true jewels." Of all precious stones, they alone possess the greatest purity, virtue, and beauty. Relying on Dolce, Spini proceeds to open the 1568 Trattati with an encomium to these gemstones' origins which explains their natural properties and allows for their special powers.

In the introduction to the 1568 Trattati Spini, not Cellini, writes:

It is enough for us to say that, like all other things produced by nature under the moon's compass, [Gems] are composed from the four Elements, and, in accordance with [their] species, Gems partake of the very Elements themselves and have the greateSt virtue. And since nature herself, with higheSt purpose, has desired to represent the colors of the Elements, she depiCl:s them in the four principal Jewels. These are the Ruby, the Sapphire, the Emerald, and the Diamond. Therefore, by means of incandescent color the Ruby proves itself to us to be that [element] of fire; by means of the cerulean and azurite color of the Sapphire that of Air is demonStrated to us; by means of the pleasing color of the Emerald, that of Earth, almoSt as if cloaked in verdant

47

green, demonstrates itself to us; and by means of the transparent Diamond that of Water, which one perceives in the clarity, lucidity, and undulations, proves itself to us. It is principally about these that we intend to write, and how it is that among all the other stones we judge only these (because of their purity, virtue, and beauty) to be worthy of being called Jewels.

And as the appropriate occasion presents itself we shall discuss some properties and virtues of these Jewels, and of the other stones which follow them .2 4 Spini's greatly expanded introduction places Cellini's chapters on jewelry within the Aristotelian tradition in which the four most precious stones were understood to be the most refined and potent distillation of the elements .25 The elemental purity of the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond was manifested by their physical properties, such as extreme hardness, transparency, intensity of hue, and resplendence. In this scheme, the four most precious stones ranked as the most permanent, rare, and beautiful of earth's products. Spini's introduction, unlike Cellini's, thus accommodated the second meaning of virtu which equated a gemstone's unique physical properties with its supernatural powers. Spini's lengthy addition to Cellini's manuscript underscores the strength of Renaissance belief in the magical properties of precious stones. Not even a technical treatise on jewelry-making could exist without acknowledging the source of their special virtues. Because Spini's introduction depends on a concept of virtu so foreign today it has no English equivalent, a brief explanation will be given here.

As the purest elemental materials on earth, gemstones were believed to be terrestrial analogues to the substance of the immutable, sparkling heavens. Likened to the stars, gemstones were credited with the stars' power to influence human beings. Dolce, for example, stresses the integral relationship between a stone's purity and its celestial influence: the virtues of stones derive from the stars, the planets and the constellations through means of the purity of their own composition. None of the aforementioned opinions come nearer to the truth than the . . . astronomers, who assert without doubt, that inferior bodies are governed by superior influences. le virtu delle pietre procedono dalle Sl:elle, da i Pianetei, e dalle constellazioni col mezo della purita della loro complessione ...

Et acostimiamoci a Hermete, e a glialtri ASl:rologi, che pongono indubitatamente, le cosi inferiori esser governate dalle superiori: come e anco fermo parere di tutti i Filosofi. .2 6 1he dual meaning of virtu evolved from this equation between a gemstone's physical properties and its astral potency.

A text on metallurgy of 1540, Vannoccio Biringuccio's De la Pirotechnia, aptly makes this point: ature has created such things on the earth in envy of the heavens, in order to emulate its things ... she produced these stones in the likeness of the stars, as we see in their great variety of colors and in many effects of their virtues.

That you may see that this is true, consider a little the splendor, the

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry in his Treatises

hardness, and the beauty of the diamond, or that of a ruby, emerald, or any other gem, and likewise the virtues and powers that it is said and that it must be believed they possess ... Therefore one should search for them and possess them as precious and divine things . 7 2

his manuscript chapters on jewelry he honed the concept of virtu into a precise jeweler's tool. When Cellini said that he would consider the virtues of gems, he did not mean their celestial powers.

Ins tead, Cellini employed virtu interchangeably with the word qualita solely to designate the physical properties that professional jewelers relied upon to identify the vere gioie.3 Cellini, for example, distinguishes the "red carbuncle" from other kinds of rubies by its "marvelous virtue" of innate resplendence.33 Cellini refers to the carbuncle's fiery glow as a virtue, not to evoke a notion of astral power, but rather to identify it as a type of ruby. To Cellini's way of thinking, "the good jeweler" should be able to discern a stone's particular properties in order to identify it, evaluate its quality, appraise its monetary value, and judge how best to set it.3 4 2

The significance accorded precious stones by cultivated members of society is evident in Biringuccio's declaration that "it is a useful and honorable thing for a gentleman to have knowledge of these things and to know how to talk of them." 28 In 1540, as in 1568, gemstones engaged princely patrons and other members of the elite who acquired them and purchased books written about them.

Sixteenth-century cognoscenti believed that the virtues of precious stones could be transferred through ownership.

According to Dolce, for example, diamonds, the hardest substance known on earth, might grant their owners the virtue of an indomitable spirit.

Continence was a gift of the sapphire, a stone notable for its extreme, transparent purity of hue. 9 In the Renaissance, the tradition of using gems in dynastic emblems, such as the Medici family's long association with the diamond impresa and ownership of singular diamonds, expressed a complex reciprocity between the innate virtues of man and those of gems .3째 Subtler than this was the dearly held notion that mere contemplation of gems could morally elevate their owners and "instill in them a sense of humility, or virtzl, before the divinely ordered cosmos."3

Although diamonds awed Cellini, he ascribes their characteristic ability to strongly disperse light into sparkling colors as a "virtu occulta," something beyond human understanding.JS Divining the origins of the diamond's sparkle was irrelevant to Cellini; as a jeweler he concerned himself with being able to distinguish it from other colorless refulgent stones. Not until the dawn of the Enlightenment, with the 1672 publication of the first scientific gemological treatise, Robert Boyle's An Essay about the Origine and Virtues of Gems, would anyone treat the descriptive identification of precious stones with such emphasis on firsthand observation as did Cellini. Boyle recognized Cellini as a precursor and praised the Trattati as one of only two earlier books on gemstones worthy of citation.3 6 Much as did Boyle, Cellini strove to stay within the confines Writing as a jeweler and expert on gem- of the immediately observable. Cellini stones, Cellini bypassed the conven- identifies each of the four "true jewels" tions of the humanist treatise, and in by their material characteristics such as 2

1

49

relative hardness, color, resplendence, transparency, and refulgence. Equally important, he did not go beyond what he knew. In the Trattati manuscript, Cellini always supports his descriptive identification of gemstones with examples drawn from his personal experience.

He aimed for and was able to maintain a sharp empirical approach, because he wrote as a jeweler with a jeweler's professional concerns.

As a practicing jeweler Cellini also based his exclusive categorization of the ruby, sapphire, emerald, and diamond as the vere gioie on customs of use and monetary value. He held that only these gemstones were suitable for setting into jewelry of the greatest importance, because they were the stones of highest quality and price.37 Cellini's category of the true jewels was therefore informed by subjective, mutable criteria dependent upon professional judgment. Cellini's category turned out to be too restrictive for his readers. Some of Cellini's fellow jewelers at the court of Cosimo I de' Medici had apparently objected to Cellini's concept of the vere gioie even before he transferred it to the written page. In their view, four true jewels were too few by far. Their criticisms seem to have sparked the angry, long-winded, and confusing outburst at the beginning of Cellini's manuscript.

Cellini writes that he had told men of high reputation but little intelligence that there are only four jewels. He sarcastically warns that these ignoramuses should not now act scandalized and arrogantly claim that the chrysophrase, zircon, spinel, aquamarine, and perhaps also the garnet, vermiglia, chrysolite, prasma, and amethyst, are all jewels. He dismisses some of these critics as hypocrites: "To hell with it!" he says, "These types would also say that the pearl should be included among the jewels,

when they know very well that it is nothing more than a fishbone."38

In his manuscript Cellini lists other criticisms his ignorant adversaries were likely to make. They would surely complain that he had also left out two jewels, the balascio (balas ruby) and yellow topaz, from the vere gioie.39 Without any sense of contradiction, Cellini claims it to be self-evident that these too are jewels. The balascio, he explains, is to be considered the pale, feminine form of the dark red ruby; because both stones are of equal hardness, they are said to differ only in color and monetary value. 4 0 Cellini next asserts that because the yellow topaz is of the same hardness as the blue sapphire, they are basically the same stone, although the topaz is yellow, not blue, and is less expensive than the sapphire Y Spini expunged Cellini's rambling tirade of pejorative language and edited the passage for clarity, but he did not resolve all its peculiarities.42 Cellini's angry outburst of market and gemological expertise serves to dramatize his special claim to authority. He presents his exclusive category of the vere gioie as the opinion of an expert jeweler with a lifetime's experience handling, appraising, and setting these and other precious stones. In Cellini's view, those who disagreed with him could not possibly possess similar authority because they were either incompetent or impostor jewelers. Cellini placed such extreme emphasis on professional opinion because the limited empirical methods available for identifying and evaluating precious stones put most of the burden upon the Renaissance jeweler's expertise. In Delle gemme, Dolce had made this very point by warning that those lacking knowledge of gemstones are often deceived, and that such deceptions were very common, because

50

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry in his Treat 1ses

gemstones were so valuable . He goes on to observe that only a few "experts" possess a complete understanding of gems, which they had gained through long experience. 4J Dolce's "expert" is the equivalent of Cellini's buon gioielliere. During the Renaissance, only the opinion of an honest, expert jeweler separated authentic gems from the many fakes on offer.

Cellini's tirade was directed at the impostors and incompetent jewelers who he believed were undermining the profession with their dishonest, inexpert, dangerous views. To Cellini a false jeweler was worse than a fake gem.

Cellini's instructions on how to evaluate a gemstone's quality were not as controversial as his category of the vere gioie or his opinions about false jewelers. In the 1568 Trattati, Spini allowed Cellini to act as a professional guide to the topic of gemstone evaluation.

During the Renaissance, much as today, only a few specific criteria such as size, shape, clarity, and color were used to assess a gemstone's quality. In his professional capacity as a jeweler Cellini judged the colored gemstones (rubies, emeralds, and sapphires) to be of highest quality, or bonta, 44 when they were large, well-formed, transparent, and richly saturated with color - having in his words, "un colore maturo, pieno." 4s Cellini's criteria for ranking the quality of colored gems parallels those in Delle gemme where Dolce, for example, says of sapphires that the more transparent and more intense the color, the better the quality. 46

jewelers do today, Cellini preferred diamonds without inclusions, and describes those of absolute clarity as most refined or spotless, "nettissimi." Cellini also refers to diamonds of excellent color and clarity as having "good water" (la buona acqua). But above all Cellini emphasized that the diamond's most distinctive characteristic was its refulgence or sparkle (quella virtu del brillare). The best diamonds, Cellini rather poetically noted, sparkled as brilliantly as a star: "brillava che pareva una stella." 47 Cellini's terms for describing and evaluating precious stones had a long, unpublished history in inventories, which incorporated vernacular terms used in workshops and the trade. Cellini's vocabulary is consistent with that of sixteenth-century inventories of the most important collections of state jewels, such as the papal regalia in Rome or Duke Cosimo I de' Medici's holdings in Florence. The inventory of Medici jewels was begun in 1566, only two years before the Trattati were published, and it unsurprisingly shares many elements with Cellini's evaluative descriptions of gemstones .48 Like the Trattati the inventory ranks the quality of colored gemstones according to size, shape, transparency, and saturation of hue. In the inventory, the color of rubies, sapphires, and emeralds is graded from mediocre to good to best. 49 Cellini's stress on the diamond's clarity and limpid color is also similar to that found in the Medici inventory which always recorded very good diamonds as having "bella acqua." In another example, a diamond, remarkable for its large size but little else, is listed in the inventory as having "somewhat smoky water, somewhat like that of a citrine."s0

Diamonds were evaluated according to a separate set of criteria. Because the diamond was understood to surpass all other gems in transparency, Cellini calls it the most limpid stone - "la piu limpida pietra" - and the best diamonds were su- In the Trattati, Cellini devotes a long perlatively limpid, "limpidissimi." As passage to "white" or colorless topazes,

51

citrines, and sapphires, because he knew that these transparent stones could easily be mistaken for diamonds Y Cellini's unusual attention to colorless gems which were not the vere gioie, as well as his overwhelming emphasis on diamonds also indicate that he was acutely aware of the emblematic and actual significance these stones had to the Medici.

An extraordinary number of diamonds and white sapphires are recorded in the Medici inventory between 1566 and 1574路 Some, like the "white topaz . .. that was once believed to have been a diamond" (Uno topazio bianco . . . si crede si havessi per diamante) had either entered the collection under false pretenses, or had simply been misidentified .52 Cellini's success at accommodating Medici interests can by gauged by the fact that many of his observations on diamonds and colorless gemstones were published in the 1568 Trattati.

In the Trattati Cellini also praises gemstones of superlative quality for their beauty. As a jeweler his definition of the term bellezza was not theoretical but evaluative. By beauty Cellini meant the harmonious relationship established by a precious stone's size, shape, and such other innate properties as color or brilliance.SJ The most beautiful gioie have this harmony. In Cellini's day, for instance, large, transparent, sparkling "pointed diamonds" which retained their natural octahedral crystalline form were most highly prized.s4 In the unedited version of his text, Cellini praises the pointed diamond gracing the center of Clement VII's copemorse for extraordinary "beauty and quality." (il diamante di tanta bellezza e bonta).ss Pope Clement's pointed diamond was one of the largest, most important known in the Renaissance, and it earned a signature name, "la punta bella," for its perfection.s6 In the

Medici inventory another rare diamond, set in the ducal crown, was catalogued as "a pointed diamond with six perfect points, of most perfect water, and flawless clarity overall."s? Although a gem could be judged beautiful in its natural form, it was understood that proper cutting and setting would enhance its beauty. Because Cellini considered gem-cutting outside the jeweler's craft, he offers only a brief summary of diamond-cutting techniques in the Trattati. He also mentions only the most basic diamond cuts: the table cut, the facetted cut, and the pointed cut.58 He did not record the ever-growing variety of facet types becoming available in the mid-sixteenth century, and he left out the fact that re-cutting could enhance a gemstone's beauty.

But Cellini, advocating the jeweler's craft as he knew it, explains in vivid detail and at length how settings enhance the beauty of gemstones. He and his contemporaries usually mounted precious stones in settings called castoni (literally, boxes). Fashioned from gold, these settings enclosed the back and sides of the gemstone and folded a bit over the upper facetted edges. In this way, cafloni trap light and reflect it back through the stone, intensifying its resplendence. Caflone settings helped compensate for the often rudimentary gem cuts of the period.s9 To Cellini, the jeweler's greatest challenge was to improve the color and resplendence of rubies, sapphires, and emeralds, as well as the sparkle of diamonds, by means of skilled setting. Good jewelers thus had the power to enhance a gemstone's natural physical properties (virtu) as well as its beauty (bellezza). The glamour associated with the jeweler's ability to improve upon ature is evident in Bernardo Bellincioni's late fifteenthcentury verse in praise of Caradosso, the

52

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treatises

leading jeweler of the generation pre- light into a spectrum of hues. Instead of using foils, Cellini and his contemceding Cellini's: poraries coated the diamond's bottom facets (pavilion) with a dark tint, gen:Jl&ture does not tie an apple to the bra nch erally lampblack pigment mixed with a Or Jpri ng theflowe rs to the grass, heated, liquid gum mastic binder, and cAs w ell as precious Hones from the hand of let this dry before setting the stone. 65 Caradosso come fo rth The diamond's tinted pavilion would reJ et in jew elry fo r the p erson who judges them .60 flect entering light and help disperse it In the chapters on jewelry, Cellini's long into its colored components through the description of setting jewels emphasize stone's simple top facets (crown). A diathe diligence, skill, and invention re- mond thus tinted would have increased quired to achieve such seemingly effort- brilliance and sparkle. 66 According to Cellini, both the color and sparkle of less beauty. lesser quality yellowish diamonds could To intensify the hues of colored gem- also be improved by applying tints pigstones, Renaissance jewelers set them mented with blue indigo . In principle, slightly above thin sheets of colored gold, the better quality of the diamond the called foils, which were inserted into the less tinting it required. For example, cafloni. Properly executed foiling could Cellini decided against tinting Clement make rubies, emeralds, and sapphires VII's pointed diamond; indeed, he set glow like lucent pools of deeply saturat- it, not in the usual caflone, but in delied color. Foils were produced from vari- cate gold prongs. 1he pope's "punta bella" ous alloys in a range of gold tones that must have had perfect shape and clarijewelers selected so as to heighten the ty as well as unusual natural brilliance. 67 color of an individual stone. Cellini con- By contrast, dull diamonds of mediocre sidered making foils a specialty. He lists quality were thought to require extra ena large number of his own alloy recipes hancement. Cellini says a small crystal in the Trattati and recommends that the reflector placed at the bottom of a casjeweler try out several foils before choos- tone setting could increase such a stone's ing the one best suited to the stone.61 To sparkle. 68 illustrate his point, Cellini tells of a ruby that unfortunately lacked color and Setting diamonds proved the greatest moreover had been poorly foiled so that challenge to the Renaissance jeweler. it flashed with the harsh, shearing light Cellini reports that he had studied the of the heliotrope or the cat's eye. 62 To topic in depth, and he devotes more deenrich this ruby's pale color, Cellini did tailed description to diamonds than to not foil it but instead set it above a bit any other precious stone. He shares his of kermis-dyed red silk within the gold expertise by divulging his own tricks of caflone. 1his inventive solution gave the the trade . When he points out, for ingem the bright red glow later referred stance, that unset colorless, transparent to as "chermisi" in the Medici invento- stones like "white" sapphires and topazry. 6J Cellini boasts that his silk "foil" had es are difficult to differentiate from diamarvelously increased the ruby's virtu. 64 monds, he cleverly recommends tinting to identify them. The tint he says would Diamonds demanded special treat- only blacken the lesser stones, making ment from Renaissance jewelers because them appear "dead without any splenof their ability to sparkle, or disperse dor." On the other hand, when tinted, a

53

genuine diamond "grew in vivacity" and "infinitely increased its beauty." 69 The jeweler's ability to enhance the virtue and increase the beauty of precious stones by setting them well reveals the combined professional and craftsman's logic behind Cellini's decision to cast out pearls and transparent stones such as aquamarines, zircons, garnets, and spinels from his category of the vere gioie.

To Cellini, these stones would always remain inferior. Even with skillful setting, they could never achieve the virtit or bellezza of the four true jewels. The most adroitly foiled and set red garnet, for example, could not attain the deep, fiery beauty of the true ruby. or could colored foils convert an aquamarine's seawater blue into the celestial azure of the sapphire. And black tints could not grant a colorless, transparent zircon the brilliant sparkle of a diamond. At best, these lesser stones could only mimic the vere gioie when they were falsely enhanced to deceive the eye .7째 Cellini's antipathy toward pearls should be understood in this context. He rightly thought that the beauty of pearls, namely their opalescent luster, could not be enhanced by foiling or tinting, and that no jeweler could transform a pearl into an enduring stone. To Cellini pearls were organic materials whose intrinsic qualities (virtii)' degraded with time as they aged and lost their luster.

perhaps be true as to some particular virtue in the same way as some believe that the species of the zircons surpass rubies as well as every other gem. evertheless, in my opinion, they do not approach [the ruby] either in price or in beauty.7 1

Although Cellini's strict views regarding the category of the four true jewels were not without some precedent, we have seen that they were opposed by jewelers at the Medici court. When Spini edited Cellini' tirade against these incompetent and impostor jewelers, he courteously described them as "Gioiellieri di poca pratica et esperienza" (Jewelers of little skill and experience).7 Such careful adjustments to Cellini's language provide yet another gauge both of the importance of jewels to the Medici and the tensions Cellini's ideas could easily produce.

2

Cellini worked for the Medici m Florence during the 1540s and 1550s, when Cosimo I was collecting precious stones with the aim of providing the Medici dynasty with an impressive regalia. The jewels were to symbolize and validate the dynasty's new claim to princely status .73 The significance of the Medici jewels is evident in Spini's organization of Cellini's manuscript. Although Cellini had placed the chapters on jewelry in the middle of his manuscript, Spini moved them to the Thirty years earlier, the metallurgist beginning to serve as a grand opening to Vannoccio Biringuccio had expressed a the published 1568 Trattati. point of view similar to Cellini's when he objected to the high status accorded In his manuscript Cellini had attempted to accommodate the Medici's taste to gemstones like garnets and zircons: in jewels. He risked contradicting his own views to find a place for the balas They say [the ruby's] brother is ruby and the yellow topaz among the the garnet . . . In my opinion it vere gioie, because they were acquired is of much less perfection, alby Cosimo and his court.74 He also though some say it surpasses discussed colorless transparent gems the ruby. I think that this may

54

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treatises

such as "white sapphires" because they were often substituted for diamonds in Medici jewelry.75 Cellini generally approved of Duke Cosimo's purchases, which were, with the exception of pearls, overwhelmingly rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and diamonds. Nonetheless, Cellini's ideas about the jeweler's role often put him deeply at odds with Duke Cosimo and his wife, Duchess Eleonora .

To forestall conflict, Spini tempered or deleted Cellini's most incendiary remarks in preparing the Trattati for publication. But no sixteenth-century editor interfered with Cellini's Autobiography, and in that text Cellini clearly laid out his dissatisfactions . Except for pearls, Cellini did not contend against the types of gemstones the Medici acquired.

He did, however, profoundly object to the manner in which the Medici made their purchases . The Autobiography was not published until long after Cellini's death; as is well-known, his candor explains the delay.

In his Autobiography Cellini says that Duke Cosimo "loved jewels very much, but did not understand them."76 In Cellini's view the duke relied too heavily on his own judgment when making acquisitions. Worse, when Cosimo did consult experts, he heeded the advice of men like the broker Bernardone Baldini, whom Cellini considered a dishonest rival. Documents (but not Cellini) indicate that Baldini was an established goldsmith who ran a large shop, set hard stones (pietre dure), and appraised significant jewels. Even so, he was not, in Cellini's opinion, a true jeweler.77 At the beginning of the manuscript chapters on jewelry, when Cellini vents his rage at brokers, impostors, men of great reputation and little intelligence, and vessels of ignorance, he had Bernardone principally in mind. And when he attributes the success of these impostors to princes

who do a disservice both to themselves and to those who follow virtuous paths, Cellini is referring to Cosimo and to his own marginalized status at the Medici court.78 Although Cellini refrained from using names, his outburst (or digression, as he put it), was too direct an attack. As we have seen, Spini removed most of this passage and altered the rest for the 1568 publication of the Trattati.

But in his Autobiography Cellini vividly relates how the integrity of his craft and profession was compromised at the Medici court. In a famous account of Eleonora's misguided love for pearls, he criticizes the Medici for being uneducable and untrustwor thy.79 When Eleonora showed him a necklace of mediocre, enormous pearls, Cellini claims to have remonstrated with her, attempting to teach her to regard pearls as ephemeral things that are subject to decay, and thus lacking the permanent value of "true jewels." Cellini says she ignored his professional opinion and used the threat of her displeasure to coerce him into persuading Duke Cosimo to buy the pearls. In order to preserve some shred of professional honor, Cellini made a mockery of his evaluation to the duke . Using hyperbolic language rather than the unbiased evaluative descriptions of a jeweler, he praised the pearls to the skies, saying that they were very beautiful, wonderful, and "surpassing in infinite beauty all the pearls that were ever strung on a necklace ." On this occasion, the duke understood Cellini's message, and he shrewdly demanded that Cellini give him a confidential assessment. Cellini complied, raising his hand as if taking an oath, and Cosimo responded in kind, promising that the valuation would be as safe with him as if it were buried in a "casket of diamonds." Cellini insists he kept his side of the agreement but

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gemstones. To this, Cellini claims to have replied: "My Lord, how wrong you are, you attend to upholding the reputation of your jewel, and I shall attend to understanding such matters. At least tell me what you paid for it, so that I can learn to understand such matters following Your Excellency's methods." 82 There is a note of desperation in Cellini's request and a bit of sarcasm as well; both understandable for Cellini was asking In his Autobiography Cellini recounts another instance of Cosimo's poor judg- what the terms of his profession might ment. He tells that the duke egregiously be in a world where ignorant princes and overpaid the broker Bernardone Baldini dishonest brokers evaluate the quality of for an enormous, fl.awed diamond that gemstones and establish their reputation had been cropped of its point in a failed and price. attempt to improve its feeble brilliance. 80 According to Cellini, if Cosimo had At a time when Duke Cosimo was only consulted honest, expert jewel- spending enormous sums to build a colers, the unfortunate acquisition would lection of jewels that would be a patrihave been prevented. But the duke had mony of incomparable import, Cellini's relied solely on his own knowledge criticism of the Medici acquisition of and Baldini's opinion. Moreover, after gems in his Autobiography was tantaCosimo had purchased the diamond he mount to criticizing ducal rule . It is inappropriately solicited Cellini's pro- therefore not surprising that in the fessional evaluation of its quality and manuscript of the Trattati dedicated appraisal of its worth. When Cosimo to Cosimo's successor, Cellini avoided showed the diamond to Cellini, he open discussion of his recent experiencurged him to note the stone's "beauti- es in the Medici court. Silenced by its ful edges." Cellini did so but knew im- autocratic rules, Cellini returned to the mediately that the most obvious of the past to write about the arena in which diamond's many flaws were precisely its he had enjoyed his greatest success as "beautiful edges." They marked the fl.at, a jeweler - the world of papal Rome in square top of the diamond (table) where the r52os and r53os when he worked as a young man for Pope Clement VII and its point had been cropped off.

Paul III. As he recounts his Roman exCellini asserts that he proceeded to tell periences, Cellini fashions an argument Cosimo the truth about his purchase: intended to teach the Medici dukes what re-cutting the pointed diamond had not true court jewelers and princely patrons achieved a "successful table cut, because should be. Although Cellini could not it had failed to increase this diamond's stem the tide in Florence, and Spini murky sparkle." 81 Cellini gave his honest excised many of the more politicalopinion regarding the stone's poor qual- ly charged passages from the published ity. Although Cellini adds that he inflat- 1568 Trattati; the single-minded purpose ed its value in an effort to be diplomatic, with which Cellini approached his task his appraisal still fell far short of what affords unique insight into a moment the duke had paid. Angered, Cosimo ac- when jewelers attained their highest stacused Cellini of knowing nothing about tus in the Renaissance.

that the duke did not. Cosimo divulged the assessment to Eleonora, and Cellini incurred the ruling couple's disfavor.

With this sad autobiographical episode, Cellini metaphorically opened a jewel box of Medici diamonds, and what was revealed was anything but the adamantine integrity (virti't) expected of a Medici duke.

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Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treatises

Cellini's work on the papal regalia in the 1520s and 1530s informs his later judgment that "of jewels there were four only." At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the tiaras, mitres, and copemorses in the papal treasury were almost exclusively decorated with diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and pearls .

Worn during major liturgical ceremonies and carried in procession, the regalia proclaimed the wealth and authority of the papacy. 8J The regalia's enormous symbolic power, so closely wedded to the monetary value of the gems, made them the most prestigious security for the loans that financed the Papal See. When the pope appeared in full regalia, crowned with the tiara and wearing a great jeweled morse on his cope, he became an image of fiscal solvency made manifest - an emblem of economic power as well as religious might.84 In the late fifteenth century, the most important precious stones in the regalia had briefly been designated as the "jocalia Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae," or the jewels of the Holy Roman Church, a title that emphasizes their inalienable status. Symbols of the authority, continuity, and wealth of the papacy, the papal regalia were a key precedent upon which rulers like Duke Cosimo I established their collections of crown jewels. 85 The extraordinary importance of jewels to the Renaissance papacy elevated the status of the jeweler to an unprecedented level. And the most important in Rome were granted the coveted position of jeweler to the pope or gioielliere del papa. The papal jeweler was responsible for setting, evaluating, appraising, and sometimes procuring jewels for the papal regalia. The office embodied the twin aspects of what Cellini later designated the jeweler's craft and profession.

Because the position of papal jeweler was a separate appointment from that

of papal goldsmith, the distinction between the two specializations was institutionally recognized. 86 The title enjoyed the same professional status that Cellini later bestowed upon the gioielliere in his unpublished Trattati. Official dis tinctions between jewelers and goldsmiths were rare, and may have been particular to the Holy See and to Cellini. There are no comparable differences in guild statutes or in the workshops of the Medici dukes, where, indeed, jewelers were often referred to as goldsmiths . Spini's substitution of "il pratico orefice" for Cellini's phrase "il buon gioielliere" reflects Florentine practice when Cellini wrote the Trattati . Cellini's angry outbursts in the manuscript are no less revealing. If the men he alludes to, like Bernardone Baldini, could rise to the rank of purveyor of precious stones to Cosimo's court, than Cellini's hard-won professional expertise counted for little in ducal Florence.

In papal Rome, however, winning a powerful position depended on establishing a strong professional record . Papal jewelers generally attained their appointments late in life, when their reputation for skill, honesty, and expertise was beyond reproach. This practice explains why in the unpublished Trattati the jewelers who oversaw Cellini's work for the popes were always elderly. Caradosso, responsible in l5IO both for evaluating and setting the gems in a tiara ofJulius II, was typical. 87 Appointed papal jeweler at around age fifty in 1509, when he was already the most renowned jeweler in Italy, Caradosso retained his post through three successive reigns until his death in 1524. Caradosso's long tenure in office is also typical, for the papal jeweler's expertise represented a valuable source of fiscal continuity. Under ideal circumstances, this expertise passed directly from one generation to

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the next. Caradosso carefully prepared Gaio, his Milanese compatriot and one of Cellini's hated rivals, to succeed him as papal jeweler.ss By working for over a decade with Caradosso, Gaio gained familiarity with the jewels of the papal regalia and earned a reputation for the honest expertise essential to becoming jeweler to the pope. Paul III appointed Gaio to the coveted position in 1538.

Cellini never became a gioielliere de! papa, and did not directly discuss the requirements and customs associated with the position. But thwarted ambition is not the only reason for his silence.

Cellini believed that writing as a buon gioielliere obliged him to treat only those topics he understood from direct experience.s9 When Cellini wrote about the jewels in the papal regalia, for example, he proved his own professional honesty as a jeweler by limiting himself to recounting his personal activities setting papal jewels and witnessing how these jewels were vetted by the eldest, most experienced members of the profession. In the unedited Trattati, Cellini's lengthy and detailed account of Pope Paul Ill's diamond serves as an exemplum of how an important stone properly should be evaluated and set. The story of Paul Ill's diamond was also Cellini's corrective example to his disastrous encounters with Duke Cosimo's diamond as told in his Autobiography.

In 1536 Emperor Charle V gave Paul III a large, important diamond set in a ring.

The pope asked Cellini to retint and reset it.9째 In the unpublished version of the Trattati, Cellini says that the jeweler Gaio immediately voiced disapproval to the pope: Cellini is too young and inexperienced to set such an important and challenging diamond, Gaio said, and he ominously added, "The stone is most beautiful, and of great value, and

moreover, it is thinner than it should be."9' Enraged, Cellini vilified Gaio personally by lampooning his whining, bombastic manner. However, it is significant that he did not attack Gaio's evaluation of the diamond. To do so would have impugned the professional honor of the jewelers established at the papal court, and Cellini counted himself among them. Cellini duly reports that Paul III addressed Gaio's misgivings by sending three senior jewelers - Gaio, Raffaello Fiorentino, and Gasparre Romanesco - to judge Cellini's new setting. Cellini accurately states that Raffaello and Gasparre were "the most intelligent jewelers in Rome." Raffaello Fiorentino was a founding member of the goldsmith's confraternity in Rome, and he held the respected position of treasurer when he was called upon to assess Paul Ill's diamond .92 Gasparre Romanesco was papal jeweler to Paul IIJ.93 Although Cellini does not say so, that they came as a committee was typical. The agreement of several experts was usually required in the valuation of an important papal gemstone, especially in a case in which cutting or re-setting could radically change its value.

In the unpublished Trattati Cellini confirms Gaio's assessment: the diamond presented a formidable challenge to a jeweler's skill because of its thinness .94 1hinness means that the diamond must have been rather squat in shape; the angles of its bottom facets (pavilion) were not in proportion to those at its top (crown).9s Although large, beautiful, valuable, and flawless, Paul Ill's illproportioned diamond apparently did not sparkle well at all. Cellini says that he chose not to set the diamond on a reflector, because that would have branded the stone as of mediocre quality. Instead, he improved the virtu of the diamond by inventing a variation on tinting that he

Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones and Jewelry 1n his Treatises

claims was revealed for the first time in his Trattati. Cellini clarified some gum mastic to utmost purity, applied it in a thick layer on the bottom facets, and then let it dry. ext he brushed over this clear layer with a lampblack tint prepared in the traditional manner. 1he thick, hard mastic layer apparently augmented the pavilion and altered the angles ofits facets so that the pavilion could reflect more light and hence increase the diamond's dispersive brilliance.96 Cellini says that after he had finished, the diamond "seemed to have all of its thickness, with all of its parts both natural and accidental, and by these means it approached a diamond of highest quality."97 According to Cellini, the three senior jewelers were astonished: all offered him their praise. Raffaello marveled as if at a miracle; Gaio begged Cellini's pardon. Then they appraised the gem's new value, and agreed that "twelve thousand gold scudi were paid for this diamond, and now truly it is worth twenty thousand." Shaking hands to seal the agreement, everyone parted amicably. In his own judgment, Cellini had set the diamond with the diligence "merited by the honor of the jeweler and the nature of the stone." 98

If virtz't has any special connotations in the Trattati, it is in Cellini's equation of the character of a jewel with the skill and reputation of the jeweler who handled it.

Cellini took the jeweler's professional honor so seriously that in the Trattati he confined his reports of unlawful activity on the part of jewelers to especially notorious incidents of fakery. 99 ever once does Cellini dishonor his profession by disparaging the appraisals or settings of gemstones by a jeweler whom he identifies by name. A vast professional divide separates Cellini's discussion of people and events in his Autobiography from those presented in the Trattati. In the

Autobiography, Cellini candidly recounts events and divulges names, whereas in the Trattati he remains keenly aware of the relationship between his professional purpose and his mode of communication. Cellini reveals his sensitivity to modes of discourse in his account of Paul Ill's diamond when he remarks that Raffaello, who had attended to the diamond's problems, "disputed reasonably." Gasparre, who had tried to diffuse Cellini's anger, "told amusing stories;" and Gaio, who was given to bombast, "chattered." 100 Like the papal jeweler Gasparre, the buon gioielliere Cellini also told amusing stories. IOI When it came time to discuss professional incompetence and dishonesty in the unpublished Trattati, Cellini diplomatically named no names and invented a courtly tale that is a comic inversion of his account of the vetting of Paul Ill's diamond.

In his fable Cellini says that as a young jeweler in Rome, he came upon a ring with a ruby that he suspected of being a counterfeit. Following custom, he consulted three senior jewelers (whom he does not name). The elderly characters perched glasses on the tips of their noses, carefully examined the ruby outside its setting - and declared it authentic. Open your eyes, they mockingly told Cellini, "this ruby was set by a good man of honest repute, as one can clearly see and certainly understand." Admitting that perhaps he trusted his own eyes too much, Cellini avowed he would not be deceived again. Then with his "broad vision,'' Cellini pointed out what they with their "narrow views" could not discern: the ruby was a fake. Buy new glasses, Cellini advised the jewelers, implying that their misguided belief in another jeweler's good reputation had blinded their judgment of the fake ruby.I 0 J The three bespectacled old jewelers looked at one another, shrugged their shoulders, 102

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and departed, ridiculous characters worth as much as the false stone they had misjudged. Cellini's story contrasts vision and deception, the counterfeit and the true, the expert and the incompetent. It is a witty confabulation appropriate to a fake gem. Cellini's tale evokes Castiglione's Book of the Courtier, where the jeweler's ability to deceive the eye is commented on at length, and Dolce's Dialogues, where the need to wear glasses is equated with intellectual dimness and foolishness. 104 Cellini's fable, of course, did not appear in the Trattati as published in r568.

Although we will never know if the published Trattati engaged the Medici, we do know that it did not enlighten them in the way Cellini had intended.

Cosimo's and Francesco's bureaucratization of the goldsmith's profession had already begun to reduce the status of the jeweler during the decades Cellini worked in Florence. The o.fficina of the dukes was far from being an ideal place for a jeweler to establish professional independence. 10s Changes in the jeweler's materials made the role yet more problematic. Powerful jewelers at Cosimo's court, such as the hated

60

Bernardone Baldini and the brilliant Hans Domes, who worked with the Medici's most splendid gems, also frequently set hardstones (pietre dure) into jewelry. ro 6 Although Cellini had also worked with hardstones, he made it abundantly clear in the Trattati that he did not think they were fit materials for the jeweler's craft.

Gemstone cutting was also advancing rapidly. ew complicated cuts, exemplified by "il Fiorentino," the thirtyfour carat, multifaceted diamond that the Medici acquired in r6or, appeared in more modest forms at the Medici court even before Cellini began writing the Trattati. Cosimo's large, cropped diamond with its "beautiful edges" is one example. '0 7 Cellini's friend, the court painter Agnolo Bronzino, accurately depicted such complexly facetted stones in the jewelry worn by his Medici sitters in portraits of the r54os and r55os. In his religious and mythological paintings, Bronzino's magnificent, large-scale fictive jewels foreshadowed the even larger gems and more intricate cuts typical of the century's close. The emerging taste for colored resplendence and fl.ashing brilliance achieved through faceting

rendered Cellini's exclusive reliance on foiling and tinting old-fashioned even as he drafted the Trattati.

In the face of all these changes, Cellini chose a retrospective path. He looked back to papal Rome when he wrote about the jeweler's craft and profession.

In the Trattati Cellini conjures an ideal world where only the most perfect precious stones were the concern of the jeweler; where a jeweler delivered his opinion using descriptive language developed over a lifetime of experience; and where wise rulers employed honorable, expert jewelers and relied on their consensus when acquiring jewels and having them set. This world valued the skill of a jeweler who took a precious stone, not far removed from its original form, and, using only foils and tints, enhanced Nature's beauty. Written when he was an elderly man living in ducal Florence, Cellini's chapters on jewelry profoundly fulfill the youthful claim he made decades earlier in papal Rome: "non mi scostavo mai da quella bella arte dell' gioiellare" - "I never abandoned my beautiful jeweler's art." 108

6r

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out _ _ __ Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting Francesca G. Bewer & Molly McNamara

In 2003, Benvenuto Cellini's over-life-size portrait busts of Cosimo I de' Medici and Bindo Altoviti (figs. I & 2) were brought together for the first time, in connection with the exhibition Raphael, Cellini, and a Renaissance Banker: 1he Patronage ofBindo Altoviti at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. This presented a rare opportunity to examine the works closely for technical clues. In contrast to most Renaissance sculptors before him, who distanced themselves from the physical labor of casting, Cellini wanted to be involved in the entire process of making sculptures - as he was with his goldsmith's work. He wrote in great detail about how he created his works, and his writings have long been recognized as a unique source on the sculptural techniques of his day. ' Among the things we hoped to learn was whether Cellini cast the busts directly or indirectly, since this might reveal something about his level of confidence. Assessing the quality of the casts, such as how much detail he was able to capture from the original model, would shed light on his technical abilities and perhaps also on the truth of some of his self-congratulatory claims. Our study might also help us understand the sculptures' surface coloration before the patina of time had its way with them. Comparison of the physical evidence of the busts with firsthand information that Cellini and his contemporaries provided about his process allowed us to speculate not only about how the busts were made, but also about the reliability of Cellini's testimony.

Cellini modeled Cosimo's likeness when the sitter was about twenty-five years old. Short curls swept back, head proudly turned to the side, he is an object of admiration - his interest lies beyond the viewer. 1he penetrating gaze beneath his slightly furrowed brow is accentuated through a deep cutout hole for the pupil.

Cosimo's patchy, short beard, the mole

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on his left cheek, and tightly set thin lips are characteristic traits found in all of the duke's portraits. Cellini brilliantly captured the figure's tension in the powerful neck that sprouts from the extraordinarily ornate cuirass. The goldsmith in him was set loose in this tour de force of grotesque faces (fig. 3), eagle heads biting nipples that bleed fruit-bearing

garlands, trumpets, a golden fleece hanging on a thin fiat tie, fish scales, fur, and chain mail. 1he lively treatment of the armor stands in sharp contrast to the smooth skin, and to the fringed drape that falls across his left shoulder and around his back and wraps across the front of the right arm, framing the bust.

Cellini clearly fashioned the bust in the tradition of an antique portrait of an emperor, and as a work for public display.

The present-day uneven coloration of the surface varies from a warm reddish brown on much of the front, to green and black. There is no trace of the gilding mentioned in early documents, but the figure's irises appear blacker than the surrounding metal. Cosimo's original base, which documents describe as having been painted blue, is now lost.2 The bust of Bindo, in contrast, is smaller and more sober. It was made for the sitter, a prominent Florentine banker to the Vatican and great patron of the arts, when he was in his late fifties. He was, at that time, a proud opponent to Medici rule. Head turned slightly to his left, he smiles faintly, his knowing gaze under heavy eyelids, bushy eyebrows and wrinkled brow seeming to follow the viewer out of the corner of his eye . His face is framed by a thick, curly beard and his hair held together in an elegant, textured hair net. 1he outer garment is split down the front to reveal folds of undergarment. The torso is truncated above the navel, and framed by smooth drapery that wraps loosely around his shoulders and sweeps across his midsection.

This bust is clearly inspired by the antique philosopher bust type, though dressed in contemporary garb, to reflect not only the different character of the sitter, but presumably the more intimate setting for which it was intended.J The surface of the bust is a dark brown, with little wear or evidence of corrosion.

The bust of Bindo Altoviti is currently mounted with thick iron rods to a small, separately cast base that appears to be of a later date. 4 While there is barely any mention of the bust of Bin do in Cellini's Vita, the artist reports that he made the bust of Cosimo primarily to experiment with the special clay used for bronze casting, with an eye towards a much larger project, the Perseus.5 This conflicts with the contemporary account provided by Giorgio Vasari, who states that Duke Cosimo asked both Cellini and his archrival, Baccio Bandinelli, to each create a bronze likeness of him. 6 Cellini's bust was made between 1545 and 1548, and was, for all intents and purposes, the first large-scale bronze cast in Florence in decades. A few years earlier in France, Cellini had already successfully cast his very first large bronzes - two overlife-size busts - but the Cosimo must still have entailed experimentation on Cellini's part, in collaboration with the cannon and bell founder who cast it for him.7 The bust of Bindo was finished around 1550, after Cellini had set up his own foundry, had successfully cast the Medusa, and was in the process of casting Perseus. 8

How to Cast a Sculpture (after Cellini's descriptions) Cellini provides details on bronzecasting both in his autobiography and Treatise on Sculpture. In essence he describes two approaches to preparing a model for casting. The first is a "direct" method, in other words, a straightforward translation of an original wax model into bronze. This is the method Cellini gives for his lunette, the Nymph of Fontainebleau (Musee du Louvre, Paris).9 This work is cast hollow in order

1. Benvenuto Cellini's bust of Cosimo I

at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in

2003

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cel, 1n1's Practice of Bronze Casting

2 . Benvenuto Cellini's bust of Bindo Altoviti at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in

2003

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would eventually form the hollow channels that ensured the efficient circulation of molten metal and air through the fire-resistant mold. The sprued model was then encased in a fire-resistant mold material (e). The first layers were made of a fine slip-like mixture to record the finest details of his modeling. Then layers of a smooth mixture of a fine sandy clay and cloth frayings were built up over these, creating the investment (fireresistant outer mold). The organic fibers served to strengthen the clay when fresh and to make it more porous, and hence permeable to gases during casting.

3 . Benvenuto Cellini, Portrait

of Cosimo I de' Medici, i545-48 (detail).

Bronze. Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

to mm1m1ze the volume of metal and thereby lessen the cost and weight of the casts, and also to reduce the risk of flaws during casting (fig. 4). Therefore, Cellini had to create a fire-resistant clay core to define the hollow space. Starting with an iron armature to provide structural support for his model, he built up a fullsize model of a freestanding figure or bust in a fire-resistant clay (a). He then baked it, to dry it well and to harden it.

Once baked, the slightly shrunken clay core was wrapped with fine iron wire to reinforce it; it was then coated with a few more thin layers of clay mixture before being baked again (b) . He then spread an even coat of about a finger's thickness of wax over the entire surface, adding and subtracting wax as he proceeded to model the fine detail of the desired form (c).

Once he had finished the wax model to his liking, he outfitted it with a network of wax rods, or sprues (d). These sprues

The invested model was then heated to dry the mold and to burn out the wax (hence the expression "lost wax"), producing a mold with an internal hollow the exact shape of the sprued original wax model (f) . The armature rods and additional "core pins," which extended from the core through the wax and into the investment mold, kept the core in place in relation to the outer mold, and thereby preserved the space defined by the wax. The mold was further reinforced with iron straps and wires and lowered into the casting pit at the foot of the furnace (g). The sprues that served to drain the wax out through the bottom of the mold were transformed into vents.

Cellini extended them with interlocking clay pipes, curving them back up along the outside of the mold to the top of the pit. These pipes were held in place by the sand that was rammed around the mold to reinforce it during the pour (h).

Meanwhile, the bronze was liquefied in a crucible or furnace, and poured into the mold through the funnel created by a casting cup at the top of the spruing system. The metal filled the cavity left by the wax in the mold (i). Once the metal had solidified, the mold was broken away to uncover the newly cast

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The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting

a)

d)

c)

b)

•

g)

f)

e)

• •

l

(~ 0

j)

i)

h)

d)

k)

e)

i)

4. Diagram of direct casting method 5. Diagram of Cellini's "lasagna" method

figure. The sprues and other evidence of the casting process were removed and imperfections repaired - the part of the process called fettling. The surface would then be smoothed and polished with abrasives, and textures and details created or enhanced with punches, chisels or engraving tools - the part of the process referred to as chasing (j) .

The outer metal surface would be unified, colored and/or protected with a selection of chemicals, varnishes, waxes, or metal coatings.

Cellini's alternative method for casting large figures shall be referred to here as the "lasagna" technique, after the sculptor's own term. This is an indirect process, because it entails creating an intermediary wax copy of the original model for casting (fig. 5). It is a rather unwieldy, multi-step process that entailed making a reusable mold of the model, which in Cellini's day was most commonly a piece-mold made of a rigid material such as plaster of Paris (a). A piece-mold is designed in sections that key together and can be taken apart and reassembled without damage to either the model or the mold. The separate pieces are held together by an outer mother mold. Having fashioned the piece-mold, Cellini disassembled it to remove the original model (either of clay or plaster) (b). The piece-molds were then reassembled into half molds, and lined with sheets of clay, wax, or pasta, which Cellini refers to as "lasagna" (c).

These represent the layer to be filled by wax and then bronze. A fire-resistant clay core was then built up on an iron armature in such a way as to fit snugly into the lasagna-lined mold (d). The core was then baked, reinforced with iron wires, coated again with clay, and rebaked (e).

Meanwhile, the lasagna was removed from the mold. The fired core was fit into the reassembled mold and molten

wax poured into the hollow left by the lasagna (f). The piece-mold was then removed to reveal the core-filled wax replica of the original model (g). Finally, the wax model was cleaned up and reworked to the artist's liking. 째 From this point, the steps are the same as for the direct cast.

1

There is yet another process that Cellini did not describe, but which bears mentioning since it is commonly associated with the indirect method. n This method gained currency in Florence with the Medici court sculptor Giambologna (r529-r608), particularly for small bronzes, and it remains the most widely used lost wax casting method for sculpture to this day. I2 This technique entails building up the wax layer inside the piecemold by painting or pouring, and then back-filling the ensuing wax shell with fresh core. Bronzes produced in this manner have a distinctive smooth inner layer that conforms very closely to the outer surface, and often reproduces whatever marks exist on the inside of the wax, such as fingerprints, brushstrokes, and drip marks, since these are all molded by the core . either the Cosimo bust nor the Bindo bust show any sign of having been cast this way.

The direct casting process had appeal because of its immediacy and the spontaneity it afforded the sculptor: he did not have to worry about piece-molding complex forms and undercuts. It was therefore also much less time-consuming. However, if something went wrong during casting, the artist risked losing the model and having to start afresh. It was safer to go the indirect route, since the piece-mold provided a back-up. That was one of the reasons why Cellini recommended the indirect proces . He also pointed out that it provided a model for his assistants to work from during the

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The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting

subsequent stages. 'J In that respect it was a time-saving device, since it freed up the master to work on other things.

The indirect approach also offered the possibility of translating into bronze an original model made in a material, such as clay, that was not suitable for casting. It was an efficient way of casting multiple replicas of the original model - something that Cellini was familiar with from his goldsmith activities. ' 4 And, finally, whether using the lasagna or painting in the wax with hollow sculptures, the indirect method affords more control of the wall thickness of the cast than the direct method. 1his last point is very important because a relatively even overall thickness ensures a more unified cooling of the metal, and thus helps prevent structural flaws. It is worth noting that in spite of these many very appealing reasons for adopting the indirect process, Cellini ultimately found it too cumbersome when it came to casting the Perseus, and fell back on the direct approach. 15

Our investigation of the busts revealed technical similarities which were not surprising given that each one has a basic, bell-like structure. Both are thick walled, hollow casts, emptied of most of their clay core material (fig. 6). The cores were simplified forms, fashioned on armatures in the form of a cross, which extended through the head and shoulders to make the supporting framework, as is to be expected with such large .figures. Both .figures preserve .fine external details from the original wax model, which barely seem to have been reworked in the metal. And some technical features, such as the iron wires embedded in the inner walls of the busts, clearly correspond to elements in Cellini's accounts of bronze casting (fig. 7). Moreover, the alloy compositions of the two busts appear to be similar. '7

Among the tasks we set for ourselves was to figure out exactly how the casting models were made. Were the busts direct or indirect casts? There are four features on the inner surface that clearly signal that the cores must have been fashioned before, and independently of, Technical study of the busts the wax layer. First, the inner surfaces of The exhibition at the Gardner Museum the busts preserve a few serrated marks and the Museo del Bargello occasioned of a toothed modeling tool. Close study the conservation of BindoAltoviti in 2001 of the ridges and valleys of these marks

by Giovanni and Lorenzo Morigi, who shows that they were clearly made in the had treated Cellini's Perseus not long be- core and then reproduced in the soft wax fore and who have a great knowledge layer. Second, the fine shapes of organof the technological history of works of ic materials that were mixed in with the art in metal. The authors examined the clay are now reproduced in the metal.

Bindo together with the Morigis, and were subsequently given the opportunity Third, we found iron wires embedto study the Cosimo bust a few days be- ded in the inner surface of the busts. fore the opening of the exhibition at the While only a few strands are preserved Gardner Museum. '6 This was a unique in Bindo's neck, a vast net of similar chance to scrutinize two works that wires spreads across the inside of the are usually displayed high up against a Cosimo bust. Cellini describes binding wall in their respective institutions, un- the core with wires to reinforce it afder good lighting and unencumbered by ter it was baked, then coating it with additional layers of core and baking it their bases.

6. Cellini, Bindo Altoviti (detail). View showing the simplified bell shape of the interior and the uneven thickness of the cast at the rim.

7. Cellini, Cosimo I (detail). View showing the simplified

shape of interior with wire mesh.

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cell1n1's Pract ce 1f Bronze Casting

again, before fashioning the wax layer. 18 The wires in the Cosimo and the Bindo must have stood proud of the core and become caught in the wax. Cellini only mentions wrapping the core in the context of his description of the lasagna process, and it is therefore tempting to conclude that the busts must have been made using this technique. However, the Morigis found remains of such wires in the Medusa as well, '9 and we know from Cellini himself that he modeled the Medusa directly after he found that piece-molding his plaster model of the Perseus, and hence using the lasagna process, was too unwieldy.2째 The wirebound core could therefore have been created as part of both the direct and the lasagna methods.

Fourth, the uniformity of a hollow cast's overall thickness is generally considered indicative of the casting method. Even walls - and thus relatively conformal inner and outer surfaces - suggest an indirect method since it is designed to provide greater control of the thickness of the wax. Uneven walls are more likely to be interpreted as evidence of a direct cast, as it is assumed that the sculptor would have less control over the thickness and would not waste time modeling great detail into the core. However, if we believe Cellini's description of the direct process, he did model the clay figure that was to become the core in some detail. 21 Comparison of the inner and outer surfaces of the two busts reveals that in both the inner surface is only vaguely conformal to the outer one, resulting in a variation of thicknesses . The shape of the core was simplified. Bindo's facial features and beard, for instance, were entirely created at the wax stage, and only the deepest folds were represented in the core; the smaller ones were cast solid (fig.

8) . And on the otherwise simple mass that formed the bulk of Cosimo's core,

8 . Cellini, Bindo Altoviti (detail). View of the inside of bust, showing reproduction of only the bigger folds and uneven thickness of the cast at the rim.

71

the only major protrusions correspond to the shoulders and the bulges of the drapery. We assume that this applies to Cosimo's head too, but quite a bit of core material still coats the inside of it and conceals whatever evidence there might be of modeling.

to have used this more cautious approach for his first large cast for the duke, and for him to have been thinking in those terms for the Perseus. There was a lot at stake; Cellini mentions several instances of the duke's skepticism regarding his ability to cast the Perseus. 2s

Cellini does not report using the lasagna technique on a specific bronze sculpture, but he describes and recommends it as though he had used it. Since he cast both the Nymph of Fontainebleau and the Perseus directly, the only other large bronze sculptures remaining are the two ornate bases he cast in France for his silver sculptures, and his portrait busts .2 6 He may have begun to develop the lasagna technique to cast the over-life-size bronze busts of Julius Caesar and of the nymph Fontana Belia in Paris, which he seems to have made to make a point with the local founders who were casting his Jupiter. He predicted correctly that their cast would fail because of the core and their inadequate venting of the mold.

"Se io avessi veduto mettervi innella for1he physical evidence may be inconclu- ma l'anima, con una sola parola io v'arei sive, but surviving records of payments insegnato che la figura sarebbe venuta 27 related to the making of the Cosimo of- benissimo ... " fer incontrovertible proof that Cellini cast that bust indirectly. There is men- The question then arises as to the source tion of both a clay and a plaster model of of Cellini's lasagna technique. Certain the bust (and armatures for both), 23 and, elements are reminiscent of procedures more importantly, of plaster to mold the commonly used in silversmithing and in bust. 1his implies that Cellini made a bell and cannon casting. Plaster pieceplaster piece-mold to produce a mod- molds were used to mold clay models28 el for casting. 24 Since the lasagna tech- of large figures to be made in silver. nique is the only indirect method he Thin wax lasagna layers served in castdescribes (and recommends) we must ing small silver masks and decorative elassume that this i how he produced the ements for vases. 9 And in cannon and Cosimo. All of the technical features fit. bell casting, a layer of clay was used to The Cosimo bust would therefore be the define the space to be filled by the metonly sure example of a sculpture made al between the directly formed core and

by Cellini's lasagna process. While it is the outer mold. Given the size of these possible that Bindo was made that way casts, their molds needed to be reintoo, there is not enough evidence to be forced to withstand the enormous prescertain. It would make sense for Cellini sure of the molten metal: they were

According to the criteria listed above, both busts could have been made by the direct process. But what would be different had the lasagna method been used? Bronzes of this size required a considerable wall thickness, and the sheets of clay (or whatever material the lasagna was made of) would therefore have been quite thick and would not have picked up the details of smaller recesses such as finer folds, ears, or curls when they were laid into the piece-mold. Yet, even if they had, the core might not have fully conformed to such details. We had to admit that no technical characteristic would allow us to distinguish clearly which of these methods Cellini used. 22

2

72

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Pract ce 路f Bronze Casting

bound thoroughly with iron straps and wires before being buried in the casting ditch.3째 Cellini had knowledge of these metalworking arts from his training as a goldsmith and from observing and working with cannon and bell founders in France and in Italy.31 The unusual combination of elements that make up the lasagna process seem to be a product of a person with just his kind of broad experience, and moreover suggest that the unwieldy approach could very well be Cellini's own creation.

While Cellini does not specifically refer to the lasagna technique as his invention, he does give himself credit for several other technical innovations. Among these was the use of interlocking terracotta water pipes to redirect and extend the sprues that served as vents to the top of the mold (see fig. sh). Cellini wrote, "I introduced its air vents, which were the little tubes of terracotta that are used for plumbing and other similar things."32 Generally, evidence of technical features extraneous to the actual work of art was removed during fettling and chasing.

However, even though they are banished from the outer surface, clues often remain in the less visible areas that were never thoroughly refinished. Thus, along the bottom edge of the bust of Bindo Altoviti, two unusual ring-shaped impressions were found (fig. 9) . It was with great excitement that Giovanni Morigi recognized these as traces of the commonly used clay water pipes, which Cellini used as vents. Several of these pipes were pressed directly into the wax model, and the joins were reinforced with extra wax. Analysis of tiny pieces of clay trapped within the impressions confirmed that they were indeed remains of pipes and not investment material: they are made of terracotta frit, a finely-ground fired clay that is quite distinct from the clay used for molds .33

Another innovation Cellini dwells on is the preparation and application of the various layers of the investment.3 4 As a goldsmith, he was well aware of how important this was for creating the fine detail of his medals and minuterie work.

In his autobiography he describes the Cosimo cast as having come out "crisp," the same term he used to describe the Medusa, which friends of his thought was so clean that it "seemed not to need chasing."J5 The busts are indisputable evidence that Cellini had good reason to pride himself for having developed the secret recipe to success. Both the Bindo and Cosimo are extraordinary, not only as portraits but also as casts. They reproduce passages of Cellini's wonderful marks in the wax model with great

9 . Cellini, Bindo Altoviti (detail). Impressions of the clay pipes in the rim; the arrows indicate clay sample location.

73

10. Cellini, Cosimo I (detail of the cuirasse). Showing reproduction of the striated texture and soft outlines originally drawn in the wax model.

11. Cellini, Cosimo I (detail)

74

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cell1n1's Practice of Bronze Casting

faithfulness. For example, there is the fine striated texture in parts of Cosimo's cuirass drawn with a fine pointed tool, and the very impressionistic texturing of chain mail created by repeated stabbing of the wax with both a pointed and a semi-circular tool (figs. ro, n) . Also preserved are the fine streaks of a finger or tool that smeared the wax lumps in Bindo's curls, and the dizzying pattern of lozenges in Bindo's hairnet, which are for the most part painstakingly created with textured punches in the soft wax (figs.

12, 13). The soft edges of many of these patterns suggest that they were barely reworked in the metal. Such a close, almost flawless reproduction of details is a great feat: there is always a chance of loss of detail in the course of translating the wax model into bronze (due to a combination of factors such as the quality of the investment material, the characteristics of the alloy, and the shrinkage of metal as the cast cools).

Needless to say, it was hard to avoid imperfections entirely; Cellini acknowledged that the bronze surface benefited from being compacted by coldworking, especially in the smooth expanses.36 Cellini wrote about this in his autobiography: There are some Germans and Frenchmen who boaSl of having marvelous secrets of caSling bronzes without cleaning (rinettare) them. This is really crazy, because bronze, after it has been caSl, requires reworking with hammers and with chisels, in the manner of the moSl marvelous ancients, and as moderns Slill do - I mean those moderns who know how to work in bronze .

12. Cellini, Bindo Altoviti (detail of the side of the head). Showing texture of modeling in hair and punchwork used to create hairnet

la qual cosa hanno trovato certi Todeschi et Franciosi, quali

pattern.

13 . Rear view of Bindo's hairnet

75

top of Bindo's head. In order to fashion a seamless patch in the highly complex hairnet pattern, he modeled the patch in situ out of wax with the same textured pattern, then cast the patch separately, and carefully worked it back into the hole with a chisel and punches. 1he repair is barely perceptible from the outer surface (fig. lJ). In the bust of Cosimo I de' Medici, this hole was not filled, presumably because that bust was not meant to be inspected from close range, and thus the hole would not be visible .3 9 But throughout this finishing stage, Cellini succeeded masterfully in preserving the plastic quality of his wax In order to repair flaws in the shoulders model. His exquisite chasing reintegrat- and eye, Cellini made several cast-on reed imperfections and brought out the pairs. There is only a minute difference diverse quality of textures and surfaces. between the composition between the Cellini appears to have worked hard to metal of the sculpture and that of the smooth the large polished areas of the cast-on repairs. 40 This similarity sugfigures' flesh and drapes with scrapers, gests that the repairs were made soon afabrasives, and punches . One particu- ter the original cast, in the same foundry lar matting punch produces a very fine and using the same supply of metal. cloth-like impression that can be used to There are two large cast-on repairs on hide small superficial defects and prob- the shoulders, and a smaller one in the ably to create skin texture, as well as to proper left eye. In order to repair these tone down the glare of polished surfac- areas, Cellini chiseled out the damaged es. This was found on several of Cellini's bronze, and then reconstructed the areas bronzes - for example, on Cosimo's in wax. A localized version of the direct cheek and in the stippled background lost-wax process was then carried out. of the cuirass where forms had been in- Evidence of this process is seen along terrupted by casting flaws (fig. 14), on the interior of the repaired shoulders .

Bindo's temples (fig. 15) and inner sur- First, one can see where the wax repair face, and on the Perseus.3 8 Since punches on the shoulder was smoothed out with a were handmade and no two were exactly saw-tooth edged tool, and second, there alike, and because goldsmiths were par- are remnants of the investment material. ticularly possessive of their tools, it is The investment remnants are still bulked exciting to think that this might be con- with animal fibers, indicating that when sidered tantamount to a Cellini finger- the local area was heated to melt the wax print. In less visible areas, details that out, it was heated just enough to melt did not come out perfectly were rein- out the wax, but not enough to burn out forced using punches and chisels, as can the bulking material. After the metal be seen, for example, in Cosimo's curls was poured in and allowed to cool, hammers and punches were used over the ex(fig. 16). terior surface in order to integrate the Cellini's consummate attention to detail cast-on with the original. The interior seems to have been taken to an extreme surfaces of the repair were not cleanly in his repair of the armature hole on the finished beyond rough reintegration. In dicono, et si vantano di bellissimi secreti di gittare i bronzi senza rinettare; cosa veramente da pazzi, perche il bronzi, di poi che gli e gittato, bisogno riserarlo con i martelli et con i ceselli, si come in maravigliosissimi antichi, et come hanno anchor fatto i moderni, dico quei moderni ch'hanno saputo lavorare il bronzo.37

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Pract ce of Bronze Casting

14. Cellini, Cosimo I (detail of the cuirasse). Showing where

textured matting tool was used to integrate flawed areas into surrounding stipled surface .

15. Cellini, Bindo Altoviti (detail of the temple). Showing

texturing of matting tool.

fact, there was an excess of bronze so the interior surface of the cast-on is actually slightly raised. The fact that the same textured punch was used on both the interior of one of the cast-on repairs and on the exterior forehead again indicates that the cast-on repairs were made in the same foundry as the original pour.

Our technical study also addressed the question of what the two busts would have looked like originally. The color of freshly polished bronze ranges from silvery to golden yellow to pink, depending on the composition. All bronze surfaces naturally alter with time. The

very different present-day surface conditions of the Bindo and Cosimo are largely the result of their physical histories. The Cosimo bust has had a harsh life. Shortly after it was made, the duke sent it to Elba where it was mounted on the facade of the fortress of Portoferraio. It remained there for several centuries before being brought inside.41 The condition of the surface attests to this. The back preserves a compact layer of green copper corrosion and perhaps other accretions.

Over the centuries, this has been worn down to the underlying reddish cuprite layer in the more visible and accessible front and sides of the bust.42 According

16 . Cellini, Cosimo I (detail)

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting

to archival documents, Cellini had the Cosimo bust partially gilded. 4J This was

done by a painter who would have used a method such as oil gilding, which is more fragile than the more robust mercury amalgam gilding. This may explain why there are no visible traces of gold on the bust today. 44 Only in relatively recent descriptions has there been speculation that the Cosimo had silvered or nielloed eyes, and indeed, in strong light, the whites of the eyes appear blacker than the irises and surrounding skin (fig. r7). 4s Oddly, there is no contemporary documentation concerning silvering of the eyes, although it would be fitting for Cellini to have emulated this striking feature of ancient bronzes, which he may have seen in the all'antica bronzes of Antico (Pier Jacopo Alari-Bonacolsi, ca. r460-r528) in the Gonzaga palace in Mantua, where he worked before going to France.46 ondestructive analysis done at the Gardner Museum confirmed the presence of silver on the surface of the pupils .47 Both the silvering and the gilding would only have made a strong visual impact if the ungilded areas of the Cosimo bust had been darkened either with a surface coating or by chemical means, as with Antico's bronzes.

There is no documentation about the original surface treatment of the bust of Bindo Altoviti. However, one of the more exciting discoveries resulting from the conservation of the bust was the presence of substantial remains of a very thin, hard, insoluble, deep brown, translucent varnish layer, which is perhaps the original patina. Rarely do patinas whether organic or chemical - survive intact on historical bronzes. They are either worn down through handling and maintenance, or damaged by exposure to the outdoor elements. Patinas are often

17. Cellini, Cosimo I (detail)

79

replaced or covered with other coatings.

Giovanni Morigi recognized in Cellini's two portrait busts the very hard translucent brown remains of an aged drying oil. Remains of similar patinas have been found on other Renaissance bronzes. Analysis of a small sample of the Bindo patina revealed that it is a combination of a natural forming and attractive thin copper oxide layer with some kind of drying oil, possibly linseed oil, which served both to protect and unify the surface. 48 When new, it probably lent the surface a golden brown sheen. The survival of this coating attests to the fact that the bronze was preserved indoors and not handled or cleaned much in the course of its life.

The outcome of this process of interpretation is a sobering reminder that one can hope to reconstruct a semblance of an artist's manner of working only if one has a good combination of both physical and documentary clues. Given Cellini's propensity for self-aggrandizement, the accuracy of his accounts of techniques, events, or feats has never been quite clear. For modern-day sleuths trying to understand both how specific works of art were made and how individual artists worked, there is always the question of how reliable firsthand accounts are. Art is not taught through books and, like most technical treatises of the time,

Cellini's writings were not intended to be instruction manuals for fellow artists and craftsmen, but were rather to impress and educate wealthy patrons of the arts.

Finding that many features described in Cellini's writings indeed show up on his works is tremendously reassuring for our field of study, since he is an extremely important source on the techniques and materials of the time. Our observations have also provided us with a closer appreciation for the creative flare, the firm grasp of the principals of the art, the ingenuity, the great ambition, and the sense of self-assurance which Cellini so insistently claimed to have had.

It has been convincingly argued that in the contemporary discour e around Cellini's Perseus, casting was seen as the act of infusing the clay mold with the blood-like liquid metal, and thus with life and spirit, thereby attributing to the sculptor-caster creative powers comparable to those of a divinity. 49 Shortly before the opening of the exhibition in Boston, when the Cosimo and Bindo busts were ever so briefly set up side by side and serendipitously aligned so that their gazes crossed, it was hard not to imagine that Cellini had reached through time and breathed life into the two rivals, allowing them at long last the possibility of an historical, albeit silent, exchange (fig. r8).

So

The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini's Practice of Bronze Casting

18 . Cellini's two portrait busts

8I

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini and Ridolfi Families in Florence and Rome Antonia Boffrom

In recent years scholars have come to a fresh understanding of the overarching importance of dynastic marriages in Renaissance Italy. In this essay I will show how the kinship and political ties of the Soderini and Ridolfi families helped to shape patronage and collecting during the sixteenth century. Most of the personalities discussed here were members of the close-knit Florentine Nation in Rome, a group led by men who had been exiled as "rebels" against the Florentine state. After peripatetic travels, they settled into life as political exiles in Rome where they forged associations with other fuorusciti groups. 1he Florentines were united in opposing the tyrannical regime of Alessandro de' Medici and later the imposition of his successor, Cosimo I de' Medici, as duke of Florence. o matter how intense, the political beliefs of the exiles did not prevent them from availing themselves of artists who worked for the Medici court. As the exhibition R aphael, Cellini, and a R enaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti (Boston and Florence, 2003) demonstrated, Medicean artists such as Benvenuto Cellini, Giorgio Vasari, and Francesco Salviati became closely connected with Bindo Altoviti and other Florentine exiles living in Rome. Altoviti's patronage is a telling illustration of the pragmatism of both artists and patrons during this period. Conflicting political allegiances did not stop the exiles from employing artists who also worked for their political enemies in Florence.

The Soderini and Ridolfi families were closely intertwined in the artistic and political scenes of Rome and Florence from the 1540s to the 1590s. The principal members of the Soderini family to be considered in this context are: Paolantonio di Tommaso Soderini, whose sister Fiammetta married Bindo Altoviti; Paolantonio's brother Francesco, a papal chierico di camera; and their distant cousin, Giovan Vettorio Soderini, whose brother Tommaso married Paolantonio's daughter Fiammetta. In the Ridolfi family, the key players were: Lorenzo di Piero Ridolfi (see fig. 13) and his older brother, Cardinal iccolo Ridolfi, one of the three Florentine cardinals who led the rebellion against Cosimo I de'

Medici's accession.

Lorenzo and Paolantonio had strong links with the iccolo were sons of Piero di iccolo powerful Strozzi family, both through Ridolfi and Contessina de' Medici, his wife, Fiammetta di Alfonso Strozzi, 4 daughter of Lorenzo the Magnificent; and through two nieces, married respecthey were thus related to the ruling tively to Ruberto di Filippo Strozzi, another prominent Florentine exile in Medici family.

Rome and a chevalier d' honneur at the Without exception, the Soderini and court of Catherine de' Medici, and Ridolfi men became devoted antiquar- Ruberto's brother Piero Strozzi, the ians as did many of their peers. They Marshal of France.s 1he marriage of collected classical and classicizing art Paolantonio's sister to Bindo Altoviti in bronze and marble (carved and un- connected him with the artistic circut) as well as precious stones. And cles around the papal banker, includthey displayed these works of art in ing Salviati, Vasari, and Sebastiano del settings that were antiquarian in their Piombo. 6 This circle was overshadowed own right. A trove of surviving docu- by Michelangelo who supported the rements - correspondence, inventories, publican cause in the uprising of 1527 to and notarial records - provides a basis 1530 and remained thereafter in Rome .7 for reconstructing the roles these exiled Florentines played in the larger context The Florentine chronicler Scipione of Cinquecento collecting of sculpture Ammirato observed that Paolantonio Soderini lived "con richezza e riputaand related forms of art. zione."8 Despite his financial difficulties in later years, this claim is borne out by what we know of the rich interiPaolantonio and ors of his Roman residence, the Palazzo Francesco Soderini del Mausoleo on the Via de' Pontefice, Paolantonio Soderini (1495-ca.1573) was near the church of San Rocco. The the grandnephew of Piero Soderini, palace's name derived from the adjathe renowned leader of the Florentine cent Mausoleum of Augustus, which Republic until 1512 and gonfaloniere a was owned by Paolantonio's brothvita . Paolantonio was declared a rebel er, Monsignor Francesco Soderini (d . of Florence in 1528 and his goods were 1553/4), a papal chierico di camera . confiscated six years later. In Rome, he became one of the most prominent fu- The Mausoleum of Augustus (figs. l, 2) orusciti. For example, in 1537 he took - called "prelibato Mausoleo" by felpart in the unsuccessful mission to low Florentine exile Giovan Battista Barcelona to ask Emperor Charles V Busini - also served as the location for to liberate Florence after the assassina- meetings of the Juorusciti. 9 From about tion of Alessandro de' Medici, and he 1549, Monsignor Soderini transformed fought with the exiles under Filippo the mausoleum's circular roof into an Strozzi at the Battle of Montemurlo, a open-air sculpture garden, adorned significant defeat for the Medici oppo- with antiquities excavated from the site sition. 2 After the Defense of Siena in or acquired elsewhere. 10 Opinion of the 1554, Paolantonio was again declared a monsignor was not always favorable: rebel and exiled to the French court of Busini refers to him as a "profligate idCatherine de' Medici from 1555 to 1560; iot ."11 And Cellini paints a highly unflattering picture, describing him in the he then settled in Rome .3 1

1. Etienne Du Perac, Mausoleum of Augustus, 1575路 Engraving from Duperac 1575, pl. 36.

2. Alo Giovannoli,

Mausoleum of Augustus, 1619. Engraving

from Giovannoli 1619, vol. 1, pl. 40.

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderin1 and Ridolfi Families 1n Florence and Rome

Vita as a "big fool" ("scioccone") when the monsignor complained that Cellini was going "to immortalize that raging tyrant" ("immortalare questo arrabbiato tiranno"), that is, portray Duke Alessandro de' Medici in a medal. 12 onetheless, Soderini's collection enjoyed a considerable reputation that was strengthened by Ulisse Aldrovandi's detailed descriptions of the sculptures in the guide to Roman antiquarian collections he published in 1556.

Using notes made in 1550, Aldrovandi said the collection is "in casa di Mons.

Francesco Soderini, o al Mausoleo d'Augusto istesso." 'J In addition, Pirro Ligorio mentioned some of the statues and reliefs in his volumes on Roman antiquities. 14 The collection was assembled in little less than a decade: from around 1546 when he acquired the mausoleum, up to Francesco Soderini's death between 1551 and 1553. 15 In 1549, he was given permission by the Camera Apostolica to excavate within the mausoleum; Ligorio recorded details of these excavations.16 The garden was also represented in engraved views of Roman sites, such as Etienne Du Perac's engraving of 1575 and Alo Giovannoli's print of 1619 (figs. l, 2), which reveal the exceptional arrangement of this sculpture garden.

Du Perac's image is inscribed, "Oggi di sopra questo edificio vi e un bellisso giardino che serve alla casa de Sig.ri Soderini."

Among the excavated works on display was an obelisk, a companion to the massive one found in 1519 and erected in 1587 on the Esquiline Hill. '7 Aldrovandi mentions sculptures of a Veflal Virgin, Diana, and Aesculapius without a head. 18 These and other works, along with several complete statues, torsos, sarcophagi, relief fragments, and a colossal head, were displayed in the roof garden,

inserted into the inner walls of the garden, or placed in the apartments. Du Perac's engraving (fig. l) indicates that in front of the mausoleum's principal entrance to the north were two statues, two sarcophagi, and a large head "con la bocca aperta" (with open mouth) which, much like the head of M edusa over the portal of the Carpi garden on the C&irinal Hill, was placed above the entrance.'9 Of particular renown was a version of the Pasquino (fig. 3), now in the Corte dell'Aiace at the Palazzo Pitti.

Discovered in the mausoleum, it was, according to Aldrovandi, "molto lodata da Michel Angelo" (highly praised by Michelangelo) .2째 During a visit to Rome in 1570, Cosimo I de' Medici acquired the statue from Paolantonio Soderini, who had probably inherited Monsignor Francesco Soderini's entire collection after his brother's death.

When referring to the collections at Paolantonio Soderini's palace, which was located next to the mausoleum, Aldrovandi mentions only an ancient head of Faustina that had been attached to a modern bust: "la testa di Faustina gia vecchia, ma vi ha il busto moderno." 21 The notarial language of the 1580 inventory of Paolantonio's collection (furniture and tapestries included) is too vague to permit exact identification of the sculptures; certainly many of the objects in the long list of works in marble or other stone were antique or classicizing. 22 The most valuable were a marble satyr ("una statua di marmo d'un satiro con il suo piedi"), valued at the sum of 60 scudi; a torso without head, arms, or feet (so scudi); and "Una statua di marmo d'un venere vestita dal mezzo in giu" (30 scudi). Only one culpture can be directly linked with Aldrovandi's descriptions: "Una testa di medusa di marmo" may refer to the colossal head he says was placed above the door of the mausoleum

(see fig. 2). Towards the end of the inventory, in the sections on the architectural fabric of the mausoleum and the adjacent palaces and other houses, more detailed information is given about the statues within and in front of the mausoleum. All of the information is consistent with what can be seen in the two prints. 1he inventory states, "et ancho due statue col una piedi tallo in capo la scala et dua altre statue inanzi la porta del Mausoleo et il Pilo antico historiato et anco la concha di marmo monichiati et il torso d'Esculapio nel niccio dentro al Mausoleo con altri pili et frammenti di pietre." 23 Paolantonio Soderini owned one famous ancient sculpture, the dramatic Arrotino (Blade-Sharpener) (fig. 4), which he probably also inherited from his brother. 24 But a letter to Ruberto Strozzi in February l56I makes it clear that Paolantonio did not keep the Arrotino for long. Mounting financial obligations, probably occasioned by the need to provide his daughter's dowry, compelled him to sell it to the highest bidder. 25 Indeed Paolantonio was desperate: '"e se cotesta Corona non paga io sara sforzato abbandonar questa terra".2 6 Otherwise he might not have parted with uch a highly prized antiquity. Pope Pius IV wished to offer the Arrotino to Philip II of Spain, and Catherine de' Medici was another potential buyer. In 1567 Cosimo I unsuccessfully attempted to buy the statue through Vasari; Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici finally acquired it from the noble Roman Mignanelli family in 1578.27 The Arrotino would remain in the Medici holdings and is today on display in the Tribuna of the Uffizi.

3. Roman, after a 3rd century BC Hellinistic original, Pasquino. Marble. Cortile dell'Ajace, Palazzo Pitti, Florence

After lamenting the loss of the Arrotino, his "Villano [che] ando via," Paolantonio goes on in his 1561 letter to Ruberto Strozzi to offer him a valuable alabaster

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Kinship and Art The Patronage f the ,oderin1 and Ridolfi Families 1n Floren< e and Rome

table ("di valuta") in recompense for his assistance. 28 Paolantonio's offer provides telling evidence of the taste among Roman and Florentine collectors, including Bindo Altoviti, for tables inlaid with marbles and semi-precious stones.

Around 1550 Vasari designed a richly inlaid octagonal marble table (fig. 5) for Altoviti, who is known to have possessed several other inlaid tables .29 The 1580 inventory of Paolantonio Soderini's collection reveals that he owned no less than eight tables inlaid with several kinds of ancient and variegated marble, such as manno ajfricano, mischio verde, porphyry, alabaster, and porta santa .3째 1he most valuable was a table, set on trestles, with a top of white marble framed by cotognino alabaster set off by a frieze of mischio verde. In addition, he owned several spherical balls in marble and rnischio, small marble roundels, and other fragments of semi-precious stones and marble . His apparent passion for tavole a commesso has a parallel in the taste of such prominent collectors as Cardinal Alessandro Farnese and Cardinal Giovanni RicciJ' and rivaled that of his cousin Giovan Vettorio Soderini in Florence, another avid collector of furnishings with rare marbles and stones. But the magnificence of the tables in Paolantonio's collection reflects the emergent Roman taste for grand furniture inlaid in large architectonic designs (fig. 6). By contrast, his cousin in Florence is likely to have preferred the more intricate tessellated inlays of semi-precious stones typical of later Florentine pietra dura tables produced for the Medici court (see fig. 12).3 2

Given Paolantonio's connections with artistic and royal circles in Rome and Paris, he may have had access to skilled craftsmen like the French cornmesso worker "Giovanni Franzese" recorded

4 . Roman, after a Hellenistic original, Arrotino (Blade-Sharpener), ist century BC. Marble.

Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence

as the maker of an ornate pietra dura table for Cardinal Farnese (fig. 6).11 He is probably also the "Giovanni Franzesi" later active for Catherine de' Medici and the "Giovanni Franciosino" from whom Cardinal Ricci commissioned tables in the mid-156os .H During the latter half of the sixteenth century, the value of the raw materials in pietra dura furnishings equaled, and sometimes surpassed, that of carved sculpture. This surprising as ignment of worth stems in part from the use of ancient marbles in pietra dura work, but some of the prized marble may have come from new quarries. Judging by the quantity of uncut marbles listed in the 1580 inventory of Paolantonio's possessions (as well as in the 1568 inventory of Alessandro Farnese's collection), stockpiling marbles was common in mid- to late-sixteenth-century Rome. In 1560 Paolantonio arranged to sell marble from his collection to Catherine de' Medici, and, like many of his peers, he was active in the provision of rare marbles to other collectors .JS We know, for instance, that iccolo Gaddi acted as an agent for the Medici in acquiring marble, while also buying for his own fabulous collection.36 Much like jewels, marbles and semi-precious stones were an investment, not only for the fabric of a building but also for decorative purposes. This taste for the colorful and the exotic in marble presages developments of the next century in Rome and Florence, most prominently in the sumptuous marble revetment and pietra dura of the Cappella dei Principi, the last Medici tomb complex installed at San Lorenzo, Florence.37 Though sculpture dominated Paolantonio Soderini's collection, the 1580 inventory also lists two enameled brass spheres (perhaps armillary spheres) and, on a

stand, a wooden globe with a metal frame .3 8 Paolantonio's interest in cartography, perhaps heightened by the Sala del Mappamondo in the Farnese villa at Caprarola, is also evident in his ownership of item like a nautical map and several map of cities and countries on paper.39 1he meager collection of paintings included a Visitation on panel, eight painted canvases sopra porte, and portraits of Cardinal Francesco Soderini and Monsignor Francesco Soderini ("Mons. Chierico di Camera"). 40

Giovan Vettorio Soderini Paolantonio's younger cousin 111 Florence Giovan Vettorio Soderini (1527-1597) shared his passion for rare stones and marbles. It is likely that both he and Paolantonio had access to the new seams of colored mischie in the Seravezza quarries in Tuscany, owned by their relatives the marchesi Malaspina. 4 ' One of two sons of Tommaso di Giovan Vettorio Soderini (1493-1562), Giovan Vettorio was sent to Bologna at the age of sixteen to study philosophy and law.

We know little of his time there, other than from a letter iccolo Martelli sent to him on 20 December 1542, in which Martelli alludes to their recent conversations and asks him to forward a letter (with some of his verse) to "la virtuosa signora Veronica da Gambara," the acclaimed poet. In 1544, after his return to Florence, Giovan Vettorio became a member of the elite Accademia Fiorentina; his cousin Ugolino di Luigi Martelli (1519-1590, fig. 7), whose mother, Margherita di Giovan Vettorio Soderini, was Giovan Vettorio's aunt, may have helped him win this honor.

According to iccolo Martelli's book of letters, Ugolino was a founding member of the Accademia degli Infiammati in Padua, 42 and appears to have been a

5. Bernardino di Porfirio after a design by Giorgio Vasari, Octagonal Table, ca . i550. Various stones, ivory, and ebony on a wood base, diameter i53.5 cm.

Banca di Roma, Rome

6. Designed by jacopo Barozzi da Vignola, The Farnese Table, ca i565-73. Marble and stone, 95.2 x 379 x i68.3 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York [58 .57] 7. Agnolo Bronzino, Portrait of Ugolino di Luigi Martelli, ca. i535-40. Oil on wood, 102 x 85 cm. Gemaldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin

pioneer of what Del Fante has called the "programma di volgarizzazione dell'Accademia degli Infiammati e della stessa Accademia Fiorentina." 4J Giovan Vettorio held similar views. He too championed the vernacular. Giovan Vettorio wrote treatises in this Tuscan Italian rather than in Latin, and contemporary commentators refer to his Tuscan and Latin poetry and his powers of oratory. 44 The dedication to him of a number of volumes of pastoral poetry throughout the r55os and r56os indicates not only Giovan Vettorio's elevated status in literary circles (already implicit in his acceptance into the Accademia Fiorentina) but also his regard for pastoral subjects in the mid-r55os. 4s Verse and aphorisms in Monsignor Girolamo da Sommaia's La Selva reinforce later characterizations of Giovan Vettorio as an "uomo di naturale un poco inquieto, e bizzaro et come cittadino nato libero." 46 Because Soderini's eccentricities made him many enemies 47 it is ironic that he complained his palace was in the worst place in Florence - between the Stinche and the Bargello and directly opposite the Salviati family palace. 48 After all one of those neighbors Antonio Salviati, purchased a bronze group of the Rape of Proserpina (fig. 8) and a portrait of Horace from Giovan Vettorio's collection.

8 . Attributed to Vincenzo de' Rossi, Rape

of Proserpino,

ca. i565. Bronze, height 230 cm. Victoria and Albert

After his father's death in r56r, Giovan Vettorio inherited a Florentine suburban villa, the Villa il Giardino at San Salvi, where he pursued botanical studies.50 By the late r58os and r59os he had written treatises on agriculture and gardening that are today the major source of knowledge about him . But he wrote these texts in exile far from his villa and palace though even exile came as a reprieve. He had been sentenced to death in 1588 for a letter to his niece's

Museum, London, on loan from the National Trust

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the ',oderin1 and Ridolf' Fam1l1es 1n Floren< e and Rome

husband, Silvio Piccolomini, in which he recounted the last days of Grand Duke Francesco de' Medici and his wife Bianca Cappello (who both died mysteriously on the same day in r587). 1he initial punishment was later mitigated to imprisonment in a tower at an Alamanni villa near Volterra,s and in r592, in a further softening, to banishment.52

Europe and had links with the Medici court.56 Aldrovandi could have prompted Giovan Vettorio's interests: the collection of naturalia at Soderini's "Studi . . . ruri" ("rural studio," probably located at the San Salvi villa) was one of the places that Aldrovandi included in the description of important Florentine collections of botanical and other curiosities he compiled during a r586 visit.57

Giovan Vettorio's artistic and horticultural enthusiasms can be brought to life with the help of his treatises, inventories, and archival documents of the period.

Growing up in Florence, he witnessed a sharp increase in the practice of gardening and the study of natural history.

During the r54os, the first botanical gardens in European history were planted in Pisa and Florence under the direction of the architect iccolo Tribolo and the renowned physician and botanist Luca Ghini.sJ Giovan Vettorio would have had access to these and other nearby gardens, and no doubt familiarized himself with botanical research being conducted in the city. He probably knew iccolo Martelli's description of the garden belonging to the grand-ducal gardener, "Ciano Profumiere ducale," with sculpted marine decorations and grote ques by the sculptor Zanobi Lastricati.54

Like most patricians of his era, Giovan Vettorio was familiar with classical culture. To judge by the frequent references to ancient sites in Rome and Naples in his treatises, his knowledge of them extended from classical and modern texts, to first-hand experience.s8 He certainly visited his cousin's sculpture garden at the Mausoleum of Augustus and studied its design. Lawns divided into concentric circles by radial walks interspersed with sculpture (fig. r) reappear in a plan for a garden in the unrealized design for a casino (fig. 9).s9 And in his treatises Giovan Vettorio recommended the placement of statues as he had seen them at the mausoleum: set into the niches of curving walls and framed with espaliered greenery.

1

By the latter half of the sixteenth century, Giovan Vettorio certainly had formed close contacts with Florentine botanists and collectors of what was then categorized as naturalia and displayed alongside artistic "curiosities" in a "cabinet of wonders." At the university of Bologna, Giovan Vettorio's path might have crossed that of the naturalist and antiquarian Ulisse Aldrovandi who was also studying law there .ss Often considered "the father of natural history," Aldrovandi conducted a prolific correspondence with scientists and encyclopedi ts throughout Italy and

Family ties provided Giovan Vettorio with access to other important collections of antiquities in Rome, among them that of Cardinal iccolo Gaddi, who shared the Palazzo di Montecitorio with a Soderini family member in Rome. 60 There, Giovan Vettorio would also have seen the collection of Gerolamo Garimberto who had quarters in Cardinal Gaddi's apartments and possessed an antiquarium that Aldrovandi urged conoscenti to visit. 61 Aldrovandi portrays it as an imposing collection of classical statues, busts, and marble columns, displayed in three adjoining rooms. In a smaller "camerino

9. Attributed to Giovan Vettorio Soderini, Architectural Sketches, ca. i560-65. Pen and ink, black and red chalk .

Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence [3890 A]

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Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini and R.dolf1 Families in Florence and Rome

che serve per studio," objects appropriate to a Wunderkammer, such as coins, terracottas, stone vases, and naturalia, were assembled on a table inlaid with mischio verde. Garimberto's antiquarium must have been a powerful model for Giovan Vettorio's own Studio ruri in Florence, where we know he kept exotic specimens such as a rhinoceros stone (Rhinocerotis lapis) 62 and a precious pietra dura table, which Aldrovandi mentions in his account of noteworthy Florentine collections.

Giovan Vettorio's interaction with the Gaddi family probably brought him into contact with Giovanni Gaddi, an important collector living in a palace on Via Giulia in Rome. According to Annibale Caro, the palace featured a garden with a grotto and housed numerous antiquities. 6J Gaddi had previously owned another palace, designed

by Jacopo Sansovino and located on Via de' Banchi, which passed to the Strozzi family in the l52os. 64 At the Gaddi palazzo on via de Banchi, the internal walls of the first courtyard were decorated with statues in niches. For a brief time two of Michelangelo's Slaves for Julius II's tomb that had been given to Ruberto Strozzi were displayed in the courtyard and these were eventually sent to the French king. They are now in the Louvre. 65 In the 1560s, Strozzi commissioned the marble group Atalante and Me/eager with the Calydonian Boar (fig. ro), from the Florentine sculptor Francesco Moschino (ca. 1540-1578) for placement under the loggia in the second courtyard. 66 Nearby, Giovan Vettorio could have visited the richly decorated scrittoio and painted loggias of Bindo Altoviti's palace. Altoviti was married to Fiammetta di Tommaso Soderini, 67 Giovan Vettorio's cousin and Paolantonio

10. Francesco Moschino, Atalanta and Me/eager with the

Calydonian Boar, ca. i564-65. Marble, height 205.7 cm, inscribed: OPVS FRANCISCI MOCHINI â&#x20AC;˘ F.R.T.I. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City [34-94]

93

Soderini's sister; Fiammetta was also related to the Gaddi family. This crisscrossing of bonds among families helps to explain the inbred nature of the community of exiled patricians. Certainly Giovan Vettorio would have known the Florentine palace and its renowned collections of sculpture and commesso work belonging to Cardinal Gaddi's nephew, Cavaliere Niccolo Gaddi. 68 Exposure to these Roman and Florentine collections was fundamental in the formation of Giovan Vettorio's passion for sculpture and marbles.

11. Attributed to Giambologna, Head of Jupiter, ca. i560-65. Marble. Boboli Gardens, Florence

So far as is known, only two sculptures from Giovan Vettorio's collection survive: the Rape of Proserpina in bronze attributed to Vincenzo de' Rossi (fig. 8) and Giambologna's Head ofJupiter (fig. n). 6 9 But documents make it possible to track more of his holdings. In the Ifloria de/le Pietre of around 1595, Agostino del Riccio reports that Giovan Vettorio was the first person in Florence to commission commesso work in semi-precious stones and to import rare stones, a practice confirmed by passages in Giovan Vettorio's own treatises on the decorative use of colored marbles .7째 Del Riccio also records that Giovan Vettorio employed Giulio Balsimelli, an intagliatore of marble who worked for Francesco de' Medici and other Florentine patrons; this is corroborated by payments to Balsimelli recorded in notarial documents. It is conceivable Balsimelli made the octagonal table at Giovan Vettorio's Studio ruri that Aldrovandi praised as an "opus sane rarum et admirandum eft" (truly a rare and admirable work) with r,500 pieces of colored marble inlaid in an elaborate pattern of figures, ovals, and squares within a foliate border. Though brief, Aldrovandi's description is enough to indicate that the table belonged to a type of commesso table still extant in the Medici collection (fig. r2).

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Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Sodenn1 and R1dmf; Fam1l1es 1n Florence and Rome

In the 1588 inventory of Gian Vettorio's San Salvi villa, the same table appears to be cited: "Uno otangolo con suo piedi comesso di pietre fine con coperta sopra gialla e turchina."7' A final payment to Balsimelli in 1589-90 for unspecified work commenced in 1584 may also refer to this table .7 2 The 1588 inventory of Giovan Vettorio's Florentine palace, another inventory of 1591, and other documents, show that, like his Roman cousins, he kept a cache of marble slabs and precious stones (both cut and uncut) at his country and town properties. The materials could be used either for commercial speculation or sculptures. Del Riccio states that Giovan Vettorio owned a large piece of paragone d'Inghilterra (a black carboniferous limestone); his claim is corroborated by documents that show Giovan Vettorio's lapidary entrepreneurship coincided conveniently with his collecting interests. This allowed him to capitalize upon the increasing demand for rare and exotic stones among his peers in Florence.

Even Cosimo I and Jacopo Salvia ti became Giovan Vettorio's clients.73 Around 1560 Giovan Vettorio started to employ the sculptor-architect Giovan Antonio Dosio who was employed as an espertodisegnatore. Dosio might also have acted as an intermediary for acquiring antiquities and marbles in Rome, a task he performed for such collectors as iccolo Gaddi and Giovanni iccolini.74 Giovan Vettorio and Paolantonio Soderini had a mutual interest in mechanical instruments. Giovan Vettorio housed Francesco Palamono, a French watchmaker,75 and other watchmakers in his Florentine palace, and after his exile at least seven precious watches and clocks are mentioned in the inventories and documents from the sale of Giovan Vettorio's effects.76 One was a watch set in

12 . Grandducal Workshops, Table, ca. i570-85.

Hardstones. Museo degli Argenti, Florence [M. P. P. i911 n. 11977]

95

an ostrich egg; there were as well clocks encased in crystal and gold. The watch set in an ostrich egg defines Giovan Vettorio as a collector of mirabilia. An object of this sort was sure to have attracted the attention of fellow-collectors of rarities -Aldrovandi or another Florentine, Stefano Rosselli, with whom Giovan Vettorio had documented contact.77

In both his suburban villa and his Florentine palace, Giovan Vettorio kept religious and classical busts, small sculptures, and the accoutrements of a collector investigating science and nature.

Like Lorenzo Ridolfi, Soderini's approach to sculpture encompassed both the ancient and the contemporary.7 8 The Rape of Proserpina group (fig. 8), probably installed in the courtyard of his Florentine palace, is an example of the classicizing yet "modern" mode he sanctioned .79 In acquiring ancient and modern work, Giovan Vettorio stayed true to the principles he promulgated in his publications to collect the works of "talented and praised ancient and modern masters" and arrange them at the entrances, gardens, courtyards, and facades of palaces where they would provide pleasing ornament.

The Ridolfi Family

13. Orazio Ferranti, Portrait

of Lorenzo di Piero Ridolfi, i596.

Oil on wood. Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence

One other powerful patrician dynasty from Florence had significant family and political ties with the Soderini and Altoviti exiles in Rome. Lorenzo Ridolfi (r503-r576, fig. r3) was the younger brother of Cardinal Niccolo Ridolfi (r5or-r550). Hailed by D. ]. Gordon as "that magnificent prince of the church," the cardinal was a central figure in the anti-Medicean faction until his death during the papal conclave of 1550. 80 Extensive documentation reveals that Lorenzo Ridolfi's artistic patronage was

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini and Ridolfi Families 1n Florence and Rome

of a Roman (here identified as Brutus, ca. i550) . Bronze. Sammlungen des Fursten von und zu Liechtenstein, Vaduz - Vienna [SK 538]

14. Ludovico Lombardo, Bust

97

15. Michelangelo, Brutus, ca. i546-48. Marble, height 95 cm. Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence

Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini and Ridolfi Families 1n Florence and Rome

formed very much under the sway of his older brother. 81 Though closely aligned with the republican faction in Rome as a young man (he had been one of the ambassadors to Charles V in 1537 and was declared a rebel on a number of occasions82), Lorenzo returned to Florence in 1542 after an extended residence in Rome; he remained in his ancestral city until his death in 1576. Despite this and his appointments at the Medici court, 83 Lorenzo Ridolfi remained linked to Rome for both domestic and professional matters. His papal appointments under Paul III and Julius III8 4 and his contacts with a large group of antiquarian collectors ensured regular contact with the city.

Up to Cardinal iccolo Ridolfi's death in 1550, letters from him to Lorenzo in Florence demonstrate that the elder brother determined many of the details of the extensive renovation undertaken by Lorenzo and his wife Maria di Filippo Strozzi at their Florentine palace, the Palazzo Ridolfi Tornabuoni (fig. 16), which they had acquired in 1542. In addition to dictating architectural modifications to the courtyard and loggias, the cardinal opined on the sculptural decoration of the palace. Lorenzo's most important acquisition as a collector of sculpture was a series of all'antica bronze busts (fig. 14). Recently discovered letters confirm their widely accepted attribution to the sculptor Ludovico Lombardo and date their casting in Rome to 1550. 85 This is close in date to Cellini's Bufl of Bindo Altoviti (Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum), which Dimitrios Zikos places at 1549-50,86 and raises the possibility that Cellini was aware of Lombardo's series.

It is entirely possible that Cardinal Ridolfi commissioned the all'antica busts. He was a prominent callee- 16. Palazzo Tornabuoni-Ridolfi, via de' Tornabuoni, Florence tor and patron of sculpture, and was

99

kept in his scrittoio. The scrittoio was an intimate space where small sculpture could be handled and appreciated; by contrast, the grand, classical busts, meant to impress from a distance, were displayed on sgabelli (stools or stands) in the larger public courtyard, over doors, or on chimney pieces The mention of "ja figura di bronzo che a' un altra in braccio" in Piero's scrittoio brings to mind Giambologna's statuettes, for instance the Nessus and Deianeira and Rape of a Sabine. In sum, the collection in Piero's scrittoio dovetails with prevailing taste at But Lorenzo was by no means pas- the courts of Cosimo I de' Medici and sive in matters of art and architecture. Francesco I and had a spectacular anaLetters between him and his agent in logue in the Palazzo Vecchio Hudiolo.

Rome make it clear he was keen to acquire Roman spoglie by whatever means The inventory of 1570 establishes that necessary. His apparent lack of scruples Lorenzo owned several important paintwas not unusual. Sixteenth-century col- ings, some perhaps inherited from Venus by lectors plundered the remains of Rome Cardinal Ridolfi. A as a matter of course with little if any Michelangelo, a Leda, possibly based on regard for the meaning of their origi- a Michelangelo, and an Adoration of the nal context. According to extant doc- Magi are all said to be in the guardarouments, Lorenzo continued to collect ba. 89 Lorenzo's ownership of works by classical busts for his Florentine pal- Michelangelo should not surprise us too ace. 87 He also acquired contemporary much; Vasari counts both Lorenzo and iccolo Ridolfi as close friends of the works. Sometime around 1549 he comartist.9掳 Several mappamondi, views of missioned the bronze Mercury (fig. q), now at the Walters Art Museum, from Italy and Tuscany, and "tele di Fiandra" Zanobi Lastricati, a sculptor active at are recorded in various rooms, sometimes as sopra porte.9' Among the porthe Medici court. traits were those of Piero Strozzi, The 1564 and 1570 inventories of the Cardinal Ridolfi, a double portrait of Ridolfi palace supply powerful evidence Lorenzo and his wife Maria, as well as of the luxurious fittings the family had one of Giulia Gonzaga.92 Two portraits acquired. Their sizable collection ranged hanging in the Camera grande din sul orto from sculpture to paintings, furniture, depicted Clarice Ridolfi Altoviti (pertextiles, ceramics, and precious metal- haps the portrait known from a ninework.88 A comparison of the two inven- teenth-century print after Cristofano tories indicates that the collection grew dell' Altissimo) and Lorenzo's mother, and changed. One noteworthy addi- "Mad n a Contessina sua madre," known tion was sculpture, mostly on a smaller from copies in the Palazzo Pitti and a scale: a marble Venus, marble heads, fig- print by Francesco Allegrini.9J urines, torsos, bronze figures, and vases.

These probably belonged to Lorenzo's The advantageous marriages of son Piero Ridolfi inasmuch as they were Lorenzo's four daughters continued

responsible for having Michelangelo carve the Brutus (fig. 15) after Lorenzino de' Medici's assassination of Duke Alessandro de' Medici in 1537路 The Brutus - Michelangelo's sole portrait bust - became a symbol of republican liberty. Upon the cardinal's death, the commission for Lombardo's all'antica busts probably passed to his brother Lorenzo, along with the cardinal's entire collection, a legacy that significantly expanded the holdings in the family palace in Florence.

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Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderin1 and Ridolfi Families in Florence and Rome

the custom of aligning patrician families for political and strategic reasons.

Clarice Ridolfi married Bindo Altoviti's son, Giovan Battista (1529-1590) in 1553. 94 Her three sisters also made significant affiliations with Florentine political figures, literati, and sculpture collectors: Contessina married Agnola di Girolamo Guicciardini;9s Luisa's first husband was Tommaso di Agostino del ero;96 and Emilia was the first wife of the esteemed collector cavaliere iccolo Gaddi,97 whose paternal grandmother was Antonia Altoviti; he was thus a distant cousin of his wife's brother-in-law, Giovan Battista Altoviti. All of these marriages entailed alliances with important collectors or administrators of the arts. The couples and their offspring would carry on the traditions of their respective families, but those stories belong to a survey of the next generation of collecting.

17. Zanobi Lastricati, Mercury,

i549-5i. Bronze, height i96 .8 cm, inscribed around the base: ZANOBI LASTRICATI CIANO

COMPAGNI

FIORENTINI AMICIE FACIEVANO PER INPARARE.

Walters Art Museum, Baltimore IOI

De amicitia The Reception in the Veneta of Two Facing Effigies

Massimiliano Rossi

This essay discusses two bronze medallions, each 48 centimeters in diameter, that portray Girolamo Fracastoro (1483-1553) and Andrea avagero (1483-1529) (figs. l, 2). Usually attributed to Giovanni da Cavino, they were commissioned by Giovan Battista Ramusio (1485-1557), humanist and secretary to the Venetian Council of Ten, to honor the memory of these two men of letters and to celebrate his friendship with them. Until the early nineteenth century, the medallions were set into the Porta San Benedetto in Padua (fig. 3), above an ancient votive inscription from the ruins of the Roman city of Salona in Dalmatia (today Solin, Croatia). The portraits seem to have been installed following Fracastoro's death in 1553路 amed San Benedetto because of a neighboring church, the gate was constructed in 1551 or 1552 in the ancient wall of Padua which runs along the perimeter of the fluvial island.

Opened in connection with the restoration of a bridge over the Bacchiglione River, Porta San Benedetto was at the end of Via Patriarcato in an area known as San Pietro, where Ramusio owned a house famous for its collection of antiquities.' The bridge collapsed around 1808 and the gate was destroyed soon afterwards. In 1810 or l8II, the two medallions were moved to the hall adjoining the Sala del Podesta in the Palazzo Municipale, and then in 1872 entered Nicolo Bottacin's numismatic museum. 2 Meanwhile, the ancient epigraph from Salona was deposited by Giuseppe Furlanetto in the lapidary collection (which opened in 1825) of the Palazzo della Ragione; in 1880 it entered Padua's Museo Civico Archeologico, where it is now kept in storage.3 I propose to establish a precise typological genealogy for the arrangement of two medallions above an inscription.

The commission of the Fracastoro and Navagero monument will then be situated in a wider historical and cultural context.

I also hope to challenge the attribution of 102

the medallions to Giovanni da Cavino, which is not documented but based on a critical tradition going back only to 1765.

Finally, I will reconsider the fifteenthcentury figurative sources for Ramusio's commission in order to connect it to a historicizing modality that, although

all-transforming classical ideal that did not preclude individual portrayal.6 However, we should not discount the occasional occurrence of medallion portraits of writers in fifteenth-century manuscript illumination. Such models I seem particularly relevant for portraits Andrea Mantegna's famous, now-de- of a famous philologist like Navagero stroyed fresco in the Ovetari Chapel of and a Latin poet like Fracastoro .7 the Church of the Eremitani in Padua included a pair of medallions with effi- In the graphic apparatus of the sixgies facing each other. Saint James judged teenth-century printed book, portraits

by Herod Agrippa (fig. 4) showed two of writers gradually appropriated clasemperors, one with a laurel crown, the sicizing formulas in an effort to elevate other with a crown of six points, placed writers in Italian to the status of anabove an inscription in capital letters, on cient heroes. The splendid woodcut porthe triumphal arch in the background. trait of Ludovico Ariosto after a design Mantegna did not base the medallions by Titian that was inserted into the 1532 and inscription directly on an ancient edition of Orlando Furioso (published by model, but was inspired instead by a Francesco de' Rossi in Ferrara) already page inJacopo Bellini's drawing book in presents a half-length portrait in profile the Louvre (fig. 5). This sheet includes (fig. 6). 8 However, when the Giolitina a representation of the funerary stele of edition of the poem appeared a decade Metellia Prima, then in San Salvatore, later, in 1542, the opening portrait shows Brescia. Bellini modified the original by Ariosto in a wholly classicizing conventransforming the imagines clipeatae (liter- tion - that is, within an appropriate cirally "shield images" or ancient portraits cular frame, crowned with laurels, and surrounded by circular frames) into me- wearing a pallium (fig. 7). 9 dallions with facing portraits and placed them above an inscription - an arrange- I believe that this development ong1ment followed by Mantegna. The half- nates from Pietro Aretino, whose books hidden inscription in Mantegna's fresco included his effigy in the form of a medal, may have been copied from the same for example, the frontispiece of the Vita page in Bellini's drawing book. This in- di San Tomaso signor d:Aquino, published scription appears in the funerary altar of in Venice by Farri in 1543路 Moreover, the sevir auguflalis Titus Pullius Linus, Aretino made extensive use of medals an image adjacent to that of the stele of to diffuse his portrait. 10 Portrait medallions possessed a highly commemMetellia Prima.s orative function, comparable to that of Like Mantegna's frescoes, Giovan published correspondence. Bearing witBattista Ramusio's commission included ness to this is a letter from Aretino to two facing effigies, but unlike the fres- Alessandro Vittoria of January 1553 in coes, the roundels portrayed contempo- which Aretino expressed a strong interrary personalities. Classicizing portraits est in accompanying his "carte messagin the Renaissance can be traced to gere" with medals: Tullio Lombardo, whose variations on BaSl:ami che nel ritornar voi qui the theme of the double marble porme ne fate improntare parecchi trait represented the expression of an fully ascribable to the maniera moderna, remains particular to the Veneto of the third quarter of the sixteenth century and has not yet been fully explored.

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1. Danese Cataneo (here attributed to), Medallion of Andrea

Navagero,

ca. i553. Bronze, diameter 48 cm.

Museo Bottacin [inv. i9], Musei Civici, Padua

De amicitia The Reception 1n the Veneto of Two Facing Effigies

2. Danese Cataneo (here attributed to), Medallion of Girolamo Fracastoro, ca. i553 . Bronze, diamater 48 cm.

Museo Bottacin [inv. i8]. Musei Civici, Padua

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3. Monument to Girolamo Fracastoro and Andrea Navagero in the Porta San Benedetto, Padua. Woodcut from: Fracastoro, Opera omnia (Venice: Giunti, i554), fol. [vi]v Andrea Mantegna, Saint James judged by Herod Agrippa, i454-56 (detail) . Cape lla Ovetari, Chiesa degli Eremitani, Padua (destroyed) 4.

5. Jacopo Bellini, Studies of Roman Tombs and Altars, i45os.

Pen in brown ink on parchment, 42.5 x 29 cm. From Bellini's drawing book, fol. 48r. Musee du Louvre, Paris (RF i512)

ro6

Deamicitia The Reception 1n the Veneta of Two Facing Eff'g1es

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6. After Titian, Portrait of Ludovico Ariosto. Woodcut, 9.9 x 6.9 cm (portrait). From: Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando furioso (Ferrara: Francesco de' Rossi, i532}, fol. h1r.

7. Portrait of Ludovico Ariosto. Woodcut from: Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando furioso (Venice: Giolito, i542}, fol. 26ov.

107

of the famous philosophical pair introduced what is perhaps the most characteristic aspect of Ramusio's commission, namely that the portrait medallions are made in metal. Privileging bronze rather than stone or marble shows a desire to reference the celebratory and commemorative functions of numismatics, and more generally, ancient metalworking or toreutics. 14 Pliny in Natural Hiflory codified such functions: "Effigies hominum non solebant exprimi nisi aliqua inlustri causa perpetuitatem merentium" Upon your return make sure to (It was not the custom in former times to prepare many examples in copmake the likeness of individuals, except per and in silver, so that they those who deserved to be held in lastmay immediately recognize me ing remembrance on account of some ilin Rome and elsewhere; this lustrious deed. 34.9). "Sunt alii centum would please me as it would benumero in eandem urbe [Rhodo] colosSl:ow greater glory on you than si minores hoc, sed ubicumque singuli on me. That which is owed to me fuissent, nobilitaturi locum, praeterque in terms of fame is much apprehos deorum quinque, quos fecit Bryaxis" ciated by old age, but that which (In the same city [Rhodes] there are is owed to your genius, youth other colossal statues, one hundred in is little intereSl:ed or does not number, but though smaller than the underSl:and. one already mentioned, wherever erectIt is not by chance that Ariosto's por- ed, they would, any one of them, have trait, newly engraved by Enea Vico, re- ennobled the place. In addition to these, appeared in 1550 in the most significant there are five colossal statues of the gods, and successful attempt to rethink this which were made by Bryaxis. 34.18). figurative type along classical lines: In contrast to the wide diffusion of the Anton Francesco Doni's Medaglie. all'antica medal in the Veneto, s I know Between portrait roundels in prints of only two surviving examples of bronze and classical marble effigies like those medallions. One was made in 1505 of carved by Tullio Lombardo stand the Doge Leonardo Loredan, and placed on famous portrait reliefs of Plato and the shaft of the central standard base in Aristotle. Extant in several versions, Piazza San Marco, Venice. 16 1he other the best known are in the Palazzo was in Padua, on Andrea Riccio's funerArcivescovile in Trento and the Museo ary monument that was once on the fadel Prado, Madrid. Ramusio must have cade of San Giovanni di Verdara (and is been aware of them, especially if they now in the novices' cloister in the Santo). had Paduan origins. Charles Davis has The medallion in Riccio's monument recently associated the reliefs with the was attributed to Giovanni da Cavino by enigmatic Simone Bianco and above Leo Planiscig. The choice of bronze is all with Valerio Belli and artists under also explicit homage to the great Paduan Belli's influence, that is, with artists in tradition, epitomized by Riccio's Paschal Pietro Aretino's circle. 'J The portraits Candleflick that Bernardino Scardeone in rame e in argento, perche da Roma e d'altrove mi si dimandano con iSl:antia solecita, del che mi rallegro piu toSl:o per gloria di voi che di me. Impero che quello che mi si debbe in la fama, la vecchiezza se lo ritiene appresso e lo guSl:a, ma cio che conviensi al voSl:ro ingegno nel nome, la gioventu peranco n' e scars a e no 'l sente.

11

12

1

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Deamicitia The Reception 1n the Veneta of Two Facing Effigies

celebrated in De antiquitate Urbis Patavii, et claris civibus Patavinis. 18 The patron of the Porta San Benedetto himself, Giovan Battista Ramusio, was portrayed in a medal (fig. 8). Its reverse shows a map of the New World with the western coast of Europe . This medal has been attributed to the Veronese lawyer and patrician Giulio Della Torre. 9 No mere dilettante, he was the brother of Giovan Battista's friend Raimondo Della Torre (remembered also in the dedication of the :J..&:ugerius to the same Ramusio). While at university in Padua, Giulio Della Torre frequented the workshop of Riccio from whom he commissioned, in 1517, the mausoleum in honor of his father Girolamo and his brother Marcantonio in San Fermo. 20 1

II Leaving typological comparisons, we should now enlarge the field of reference to other commissions that, in the same time and place, also had as their principal goal the celebration of literary figures to commemorate friendships as well as spiritual and cultural affinities . A volume of poems by Janus Pannonius (1434-1472), the Hungarian humanist, is significant in this regard.

Published in Venice in 1553 by Hilarius Cantiuncula, this book contained the famous Elegia in praise of a lost double portrait of Pannonius and his friend Galeotto Marzio da N arni, painted by 1458 by Andrea Mantegna. In this text, Pannonius praised Mantegna by comparing him to another famous Paduan, the Roman historian Livy: "Lastly, you are as much the prime glory of painting as Titus is the prime glory of history.'" ' Hilarius Cantiuncula (1535-1556) was the son of the better-known Claude

8. Portrait Medal of Giovan Battista Ramusio. Bronze.

Diameter 5.7 cm. Museo Civico, Brescia

Cantiuncula, a lawyer in Basel and a friend of Erasmus. Hilarius's edition of Pannonius's poems originated from the Paduan milieu where he was a student. 22 Cantiuncula also included a preface written by Beatus Renanus for the prestigious Froben edition of Pannonius's Epigrammata, which appeared in 1518.23 But the textual tradition which Cantiuncula followed was quite different from the earlier edition: for example, the description of Mantegna's double portrait only appeared in the new edition, which also included Carmina nonnulla by Lazzaro Bonamico, who had probably been Cantiuncula's teacher and had died a few months earlier.

Bonamico in turn is the protagonist of a commemorative event that constitutes the direct precedent for Ramusio's commemoration ofFracastoro and avagero, as we shall see.

If Mantegna's painting, described as "tabula ... in una," had in fact been a diptych with facing portraits, it would have anticipated Qyentin Metsys's paradigmatic example of 1517 celebrating the famous literary friendship between Erasmus and Pieter Gillis (Hampton Court Palace and a private collection).

Were this the case, Mantegna would already have been the first to create not only a double portrait of humanists, but also two all'antica medallions with facing effigies (as seen in the Ovetari frescoes). However, it was left to Ramusio to combine the two forms.

Lazzaro Bonamico and Pietro Bembo

9. Danese Cataneo, Portrait Bust of Lazzaro Bonamico (detail).

Bronze. Museo Civico di Bassano del Grappa [inv. S 42]

no

Deamicitia The Reception in the Veneta of Two Fac.ng Effigies

The Museo Civico of Bassano preserves a bust of Lazzaro Bonamico (fig. 9), the only bronze bust that can be plausibly attributed to Danese Cataneo (ca.

1512-1572).25 A famous professor of Greek

and Latin at the Padua Studio from r530, Bonamico died in Padua on ro February r552. The following day his body was buried in the Basilica of the Santo, "in a tomb in the vicinity of the entrance of the church facing west," as recorded in a contemporary chronicle. But in r554, according to this same source: Volendo poi li Commissari et eredi sui far un oneยงto et ornato sepulcro conveniente ad un tanto uomo fecero intagliar pietra simile a quella di Pietro Bembo cardinale, sperando porre esso Lazaro ivi a rimpetto suo, ma li Deputati della Citta et i Signori dell'Arca di S. Antonio a cio mai acconsentir volsero.2 6 The commissioners and his heirs then wanted to make an honorable and elegant sepulcher fitting for this man, carved in ยงtone, similar to that of Cardinal Pietro Bembo, and hoped therefore to place Lazaro there opposite him, but the Deputies of the City and the Signori of the Arca di Sant'Antonio never wanted to approve this.

Bonamico's monument (fig. ro) was erected not in the Santo, but in the left nave of the Church of San Giovanni di Verdara, which from the beginning of the r55os was the mausoleum of rectors and jurists of the Studio .27 Danese Cataneo was once again called to execute the portrait bust in bronze. 28 It is likely that Bonamico's heirs faced the opposition of the Consiglio cittadino, which was intent on pleasing more influential patrons who had their sights on the pilaster opposite Pietro Bembo's cenotaph, which was adorned with a bust by Cataneo and an epitaph written

by Paolo Giovio (figs. n, r2).

10. Sepulchral monument to Lazzaro Bonamico, with

a stone copy of the portrait bust, carved by Felice Chiereghino after Danese Cataneo. Chiostro del Noviziato, Basilica del Santo, Padua (originally in San Giovanni di Verdara, Padua) III

11. Monument to Pietro Bembo. Basilica del Santo, Padua 12. Danese Cataneo, Portrait Bust of Pietro Bembo. Marble.

Monument to Pietro Bembo, Basilica del Santo, Padua II2

Deamicitia The Reception n the Veneto of Two Facing Effigies

Indeed, in 1553, one such powerful figure died: Alessandro Contarini was a procurator of Saint Mark's, chief admiral of the Venetian fleet, and a leading protagonist in conflicts with the Turkish navy.

In his testament, Contarini left instructions for the construction of a tomb in black marble in the Basilica of the Santo.

On the monument was to be placed his portrait, which had already been carved in marble, again by Danese Cataneo. 9 Contarini's tomb was built across from Bembo's.

2

It is worth examining how Bembo's monument precipitated the reconfiguration of the central nave of the Santo.

After Bembo's death, three anonymous eclogues were published in Venice in 1548, In Petri B embi cardinalis mortem ac laudem Eclogae tres. They were in fact written by Paolo Ramusio (1532-1600), son of Giovan Battista, who dedicated the volume to Giovanni della Casa. In the second poem, addressed to Menalcas (Bembo himself), Girolamo ~erini, the patron of the cenotaph, laments in Virgilian guise ("sub Thyrsidis persona") the loss of his venerated friend and announce the erection of commemorative works: ic, ego bina tibi niveo fulgentia saxo Conflituam gratus solemni altaria ritu: et nnua praebebo Jeflis speEtacula ludis. ic, manus arti.ficum te pulchro doEta co/ore 8xprimet: ac Pario vivum de marmore ducet: 8t notos fulvo vultus imitabitur aere.3掳 ere I buildfar you two beautiful solemn altars in gleaming white flone: and offer annually a commemorative celebration. ere, an artful hand portrays you in beautiful apearance: brings forth life in living marble: cAs well as a ruddy face rendered in metal.

Thanks to Aretino's correspondence, we can trace the events of 1548 and 1549

that led to the construction of at least one of the two altars (bina altaria) in the Paduan Basilica, as announced by ~erini. This was on the side of the second pilaster on the right, facing the central nave. Bembo's bust was installed there sometime after January 1549路 The overseers of Lazzaro Bonamico's tomb therefore seem to have taken seriously what appeared to be Ramusio's seemingly rhetorical exaggeration. They commissioned a portrait in bronze for one of the altaria intended for Bembo, and moreover chose the same artist who had portrayed Bembo, Danese Cataneo.

They were perhaps motivated by another issue: Bonamico had been strongly averse to the elevation of vernacular literature. Sperone Speroni, for example, had contrasted him to Pietro Bembo (with whom Bonamico had a certain familiarity in Padua during the 1530s) in his famous Dialogo de/le lingue, published by the Aldine press in 1542.31 Turning to the program conceived to commemorate Bembo, I believe that Ramusio's verses echo the prophetic words of Anchises in the Aeneid with regard to Greek artists ("excudent alii spirantia mollius aera . . . vivos <lucent de marmore voltus," 6.847-48),32 combined with another classical suggestion from a funerary canto by Statius: the decision of Abascantus, freed slave and secretary of Domitian, to have his deceased wife represented in both marble and metal ("in omni metallo") .33 If Bembo's silver medal with Pegasus on the reverse is by Cataneo, and if it is posthumous, it seems to me that the celebration of Bembo both "in every variety of metal" and in "marble" had been realized.34 Giovan Battista Ramusio's commission for a monument to Fracastoro and avagero was clearly influenced by the project to commemorate Pietro Bembo rr3

of the city of Salona in Dalmatia, through the construction of two altars with which he brilliantly em(bina altaria). As we have seen, in 1548 bellished [the archway] for the Giovan Battista's son Paolo Ramusio comfort of posterity. So that the mentioned the plan for two altars in memory of the men who had been the Santo, and in 1555, Paolo first reconneiled by ties of close friendcorded his father's commission in print ship when living, and whose joint(fig. 3).35 That same year Paolo publy published literary monuments lished Fracastoro's Opera omnia tohave been read together, in the fugether with two funerary speeches 6 ture will be looked at in the same written by avagero.3 These texts are place together. preceded by an unsigned biography of Fracastoro, which is however also by Paolo Ramusio,37 that focuses on the en- Fracastoro had dedicated to Giovan Battista Ramusio the unpublished tirely humanistic virtue of amicitia.38 Naugerius sive de Poetica dialogus, 40which opens with an declaration of friendship Aenea illius et Andreae N auger ii and a profession of the entirely humaneffigies scite expressa Patavii in istic faith in the power of memory: "Ut fornice portae iuxta pontem D . tantorum amicorum memoriam quanBenediB:i, a patavina iuventute tum passim ab oblivione defenderem." 41 atque universo Gymnasia saluThis mirrors the dedication to Fracastoro tatur. Qyam, Ioannes Baptista that opened the first book of Ramusio's Rhamnusius supremum amiciNavigazioni e viaggi (1550), which celetiae munus persolvens, addibrated the "dolci ragionamenti" shared ta antiquorum Arae pervetusta with Raimondo Dalla Torre. The pubdicatione ex ruinis Salonae urlication of this work was entirely motibis Dalmatiae eruta, ad posvated by the author's desire "to leave to teritatis solatium luculenter our descendants with this my labor a exornavit. Ut eorum memoria, testimony of our long and sacred friendqui arBa viventes inter se neship."42As for Andrea avagero, he was cessitudine coniunBi fuerant, et the editor together with Ramusio of quorum ingenii monumenta in luthe Qyintilian published by the Aldine cem aedita coniunBa legerunt, a press in 1514. 43 posteris quoque eodem in loco pariter speB:aretur.39 It therefore seems to me that Giovan Battista Ramusio as patron of the Porta The portrait of that Aeneas San Benedetto expressed the senti[i.e. Fracastoro] and Andrea ments of Cicero's famous passage from avagero, expertly portrayed De amicitia (r.5) in which friendship is in the archway of the gate by described as seeing oneself reflected in the bridge of San Benedetto the writings and image of one's friend. 44 of Padua, is welcomed by the Ramusio thus updated an ancient monyouth of Padua and the whole umental type, as becomes immediately University. How greatly Giovan evident when we turn to the woodcut Battista Ramusio offered a tribincluded in Paolo Ramusio's publicaute to [the two men's] friendship, tion of Fracastoro's oeuvre . This wooda very old inscription having cut (fig. 3) is indeed the only evidence of been added to the altar of the the monument's original appearance. 45 ancients, saved from the ruins

De amicitia The Reception in the Veneto of Two Facing Effigies

1he parallels between the two medal- widely praised in the sixteenth century, lions placed above the restored ancient as Bernardino Scardeone wrote in 1560: inscription from Salona and the stele amicus noster, incisor auri, of Metellia Prima from Bellini's drawargentei, aerisque praestanting book (the inspiration for Mantegna's fresco, from which the monument deissimus: qui antiquam illam caelandi cudendique artem unus scends) are particularly striking, owing omnium revocavit in lucem: cui to the similarity of the media. Ramusio modo (nisi me fallat amor) et cumay have known of the inscription of the dendi nova, et recudendi antiqua altar of Monte Buso and had recognized it as the source for one of the elements of numismata parem magishum in tota Italia ad similitudinem anMantegna's antiquarian pastiche. 46 tiquorum vix alterum censeo re1he second edition of Fracastoro's periri. Recudit omnes Caesares ex antiquis numismatis ita siOpera omnia of 1574 included neither Navagero's orations nor the woodcut of miles, ita expressos, ut nequeant omnino discerni ab antiquis, nisi the monument found in the 1555 ediquad suspetl:i ex sua praeshntia tion. The print was replaced by a more ac nitore haberi possint.s4 faithful reproduction of Fracastoro's medallion alone .47 The third edition of the our friend, a moSl: able engravOpera omnia of 1584 mentions the marble statue of Fracastoro, 48 commissioned in er of gold, silver, and bronze, who moSl: of all revived the an1555 from Danese Cataneo by the Verona cient art of engraving and Strikcity council and erected in the Piazza dei ing coins: whose manner (ifl am Signori four years later. 4 91he monument not deceived) in his new work as devised by Giovan Battista Ramusio well as in his pieces after the anto honor his two friends is only one of many instances of interrelated artistic cient, is equal to any maSl:er in Italy.

He Struck coins of all the commissions and literary enterprises Caesars based on ancient exampromoted by men of letters connected by ples, so similar and so close that ties of friendship and shared intellectual passions.s0 In this network, the sculptor they could not be differentiated from the ancient, and thus can Cataneo played a significant role, and it be admired for his excellence is to him that we now turn in order to and brilliance. discuss the question of the authorship of the two medallions .51 However, up to the present, the only direct evidence that Giovanni da Cavino was a "most able engraver" or was (in III the words of Costanzo Landi) "the first Giovan Battista Rossetti in his to have truly restored and revived anDescrizione di Padova of q65 first attrib- cient Roman and Greek coinage" (priuted the portrait medallions of Girolamo mus hac aetate veterum Romanorum Fracastoro and Andrea Navagero (figs. l, Graecorumque numismatum mirus re2) to Giovanni da Cavino (1500-1570) .52 formator, ac renovator),ss is a medallion Confirmed by Leopoldo Cicognara in that had already disappeared by the end 1813, the attributions have remained un- of the eighteenth century.s6 This mechallenged.SJ Giovanni da Cavino was dallion decorated the tomb of Andrea

rr5

Riccio and may indeed have been Riccio's self-portrait.57 The reconstruction of Cavino's activity as a caster has been based upon the attribution of the medallions of Fracafforo and Navagero to him, but, as we have seen, this assignment was only made in q65. It may be prudent to resist the endorsements of Rossetti, Brandolese, Cicognara, and others, who compared the two medallions to Cavino's more secure numismatic oeuvre. Until now, art historians have not been worried by Giovanni da Cavino's sudden transformation into an exponent of the maniera moderna.58 Moreover, no one seems to have noticed that the two medallions lack any sort of cold work, something expected of Cavino since the works were made to be displayed outside.

of Cataneo's involvement in Giovan Battista Ramusio's commission in Padua since both projects were devoted to the memory of Fracastoro and involved the Ramusio family as patrons. 62 It should be stressed in this context that Giovanni da Cavino had not been entrusted to make the bust of Lazzaro Bonamico although he was present at the reading of the Bonamico's will. 6J

A reconsideration of attribution is fundamentally linked to both typological and technical analyses. The two medallions exhibit an important marker of their time: the wish to present recognizable portraits of two men, with their different ages clearly represented, which are at the same time highly idealized. In contrast, for someone like Janus Pannonius, idealization would To be sure, the participation of Cavino have sufficed to perpetuate the memory could conceivably have extended only of a friend. 64 Indeed, Fracastoro's physito providing minted models, remod- cal attributes, vividly described by Paolo eling them in wax, and casting them Ramusio, are uniquely respected in the with help of others; if this were the rendering of his hairstyle: case, it would be tempting to considFuit Fracastorius parva quidam er Danese Cataneo as the final execused quadrata corporis statura, tor of the medallions. Jean de Faville latis humeris, nigra coma proconstructed a tentative corpus of medlixaque, facie rotunda, subnials under the label of a Venetian pupil gris oculis, naso, ab diutissime of Andrea Riccio; Hill rounded out this contemplandis stellis contracgroup, which Habich then assigned to to, simoque. Caeterum totius Cataneo.59 More recently, Toderi and oris aspeB:u miram probitaVannel as well as Attwood have recontem sincerique animi candorem structed Cataneo's medallic oeuvre, alreferente. 65 though this is not entirely convincing 60 with regards to chronology. We know Fracastoro was small in stature that from 1555, Cataneo was engaged but stocky, with broad shoulon the statue of Fracastoro for Verona. ders, wild black hair, a round face, Furthermore, Paolo Ramusio himself blackish eyes, and a nose that commissioned Cataneo to make his was upturned and pug-like from medal, which bears on the reverse the long contemplating the stars. As portrait of his wife, Cecilia Vitale; they for the rest, the appearance of his were married in 1554, so the medal must 61 whole face revealed the wonderdate to that year or later. Therefore it ful soundness and sincerity of his is possible that the statue for the Piazza candid spirit. dei Signori, Verona, was the result

n6

Deamicitia The Reception in the Veneta of Two Facing Effigies

On the other hand, the maker of the bronzes seems concerned with a completely different aesthetic in the Navagero, where the portrait is Aristotelian (Poetica l451b) - universale and quale esse deceret - according to the distinction formu lated by the protagonist.66 1his transposition on a sublime register must have been suggested by the funerary aspect of the two effigies which hint at a more intim.ate communication of the soul. And yet there is a notable gap between the antiquarian camouflage of Cataneo's figurative sculptures and their intrinsic qualities. His work seems quite separate from an artistic milieu that stressed the evocation of ancient works of art in the making of medals, coins, bronze statuettes, inscriptions, and plaquettes.

Bembo's "altar" in the Santo followed shortly the erection of a monument to Livy in the Palazzo della Ragione and the restoration (or remaking) of the fourteenth-century frescoes with the portraits of illustrious men from antiquity in the Sala dei Giganti of the Capitaniato. The Bembo monument thus contributed to a celebration of notable Paduans, Bembo having been closely connected with the city. 67 But Cataneo's bust reflects a culture that was essentially that of Aretino and of a Venetian aristocrat like Girolamo Qyerini, the monument's patron. Despite the fact that Cataneo's literary taste (he was also a poet) has nothing to do with the poetics of Aretino, Cataneo should be considered an artist in Aretino's orbit. By this time, the maniera moderna was no longer confined to Venice itself, but had been diffused in the Venetian dominions on the mainland. Hence the artist's public may not have coincided with that of the artist's patrons. If Cataneo was recognized as one of the champions of the most sophisticated and anti-naturalistic

maniera moderna, it remains an open problem how (if he made the San Benedetto medallions) he was able to recover the ancient type of medallions with facing portraits using Mantegna's Ovetari Chapel fresco as a source.

Mantegna's reputation in Aretino's circle can be gauged through a littleknown letter written by icolo Franco in 1538. In an address to Cupid, Franco echoed Aretino's preferences for contemporary works of art: Ma descendiamo a 1 macanici: prima con i Pittari e con i Scultori hai perduta la reputatione fino a Plus ultra. E morto Apelle, che non havea altro pensiero, che di dipingere in mille foggie la forma tua con quella di Monna Venere, quando nascendo usciva dal mare. Non e piu Prassitele, che in pietra ti scolpisca la statua. Non siamo piu, ti dico, al tempo d'Andrea Mantegna, ne di Gioan Bellino.

I pennelli, e gli scarpelli han da fare altro, che colorare, et intagliare il viso d'un Dio d'Amore.

Michelagnolo, Titiano et il Sansovino harebbeno poche faccende, se volessero perdere il tempo per tua cagione. 68 But let us get to what has been lost: First, with painters and sculptors, you [Cupid] have lost the fine reputation of being greater than all others. Apelles is dead, he who had no other thoughts than painting your form in a thousand ways, with that of Lady Venus born from the sea. Praxiteles is no more, he who sculpted your statue in stone.

We are no more, I tell you, in the age of Andrea Mantegna and of

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Giovanni Bellini. The brushes and chisels do things other than paint and carve the face of a God of Love. Michelangelo, Titian, and Savsovino would have little to do if they wanted to waste time on your behalf.

By contrast, as late as 1560 Bernardino Scardeone would claim Mantegna for Padua (although he was by then considered an essentially Mantuan artist), in a book described as "vigilant in its accentuation of the most antique origin that Padua could vaunt, and of the tangible nobility of her illustrious and ageold lineage." 691his explains why Giovan Battista Ramusio became the spiritual heir of Feliciano and Marcanova, and commissioned a project so clearly inspired by the architecture, medallions, and inscriptions represented m Mantegna's Ovetari frescoes.

In a milieu of conflicting cultural traditions, Danese Cataneo was able to produce works where older figurative traditions and local monumental typologies were not erased by the dominant style of central Italy. One example is his monument to Giano Fregoso, completed

n8

De amicitia The Reception n the Veneto of Two Facing Effigies

in 1565 in Sant'Anastasia in Verona (fig.

13). There, the lower register that encircles the altar - which is revealed but at the same time screened by the giant order - is still in dialogue with the subtle classicism of the marble altarpieces and the gilt-framed polyptychs with polychrome stucco or wooden statues - elements otherwise overwhelmed by the new Rome-inspired style of Sansovino, Sanmicheli, and Palladio. This compositional attitude reveals in Cataneo the architect the same capacity as Cataneo the poet, who composed works like Dell'amor di Mar.fisa, for which both the epic genre and Poliziano's Stanze provided frames of reference .7째 Moreover, in the Fregoso monument, Cataneo's lofty and sublime register does not conceal to the educated worshipper strong religious elements expected in what remains an altar of the Sacrament. This type of configuration can be described as a palimpsest.71 In Padua, in the Fracastoro and Navagero monument, the original "text" remains legible in a way similar to the Fregoso monument and the entire architectonic structure is devised so as to disclose its ancient models - and thus to exhibit and stage its own historicity.

13. Danese Cattaneo, The Fregoso Altar, i565.

Sant'Anastasia, Verona

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

Charles D avis

In a sonnet addressed to the thirty-year-old "Benvenuto Cellini scultore," the 1

Perugian sculptor Vincenzo Danti apostrophized Cellini's marble Crucified Chrifl, now in the E scorial, as the true portrait of Christ ("la vera effigie sua che sculto avete"), lifelike even in death: I o certo veggo uscir !'ultimo.fiato CJJai santi labbri; et s'egli ecarne o sasso Chiaro non scorgo, intento a si bell'opra.'

I surely see the lafl breath emitted through the holy lips; and whether he is flesh or Hone, I cannot clearly detert, being engrossed in such a beautiful work.

"Vincentio scultore da Perugia" shared with Benvenuto Cellini beginnings as a goldsmith, a formation which left more than mere surface traces on the works of the two sculptors.J From the moment Vincenzo Danti arrived in Florence in 1557, he appeared to enjoy a distinct advantage vis- a-vis Cellini in the world of Medici patronage, protected as he was, fir st by the ducal fir st chamberlain and cupbearer, Sforza Almeni, also from Perugia, and then by the first painter to the court, Giorgio Vasari, and by the prior of the O spedale degli Innocenti, D on Vincenzo Borghini, luogotenente of the Accademia del Disegno and one 120

of Cellini's most outspoken detractors. The fiery Cellini kept his distance from Vasari and his friends, but when the paths of D an ti and Cellini did cross, it was most often in the arena of literary pastime - in the endless sonnets that Florentines exch anged to display their accomplishments. The paths of D anti and Cellini crossed too at the Florentine Accademia del Disegno, where both were active from the time of its foundation in 1563. 4

In addition to his poetry and other less Vincenzo Danti was primarily a sculpambitious texts, Cellini wrote two treatises, one on goldsmithing and one on sculpture, which were printed in a single volume in 1568. And he left in manuscript form an autobiography, first printed in its entirety in q28 and subsequently published in countless editions. Now a classic of world literature, Cellini's Vita constitutes the foundation for his extraordinary, if belated renomme, which is second only to that of Michelangelo among sixteenth-century sculptors. It is arguably disproportionate to Cellini's actual artistic achievements.s In contrast, Vincenzo Danti published only the fir t book of his projected Trattato delle perfette proporzioni di tutte le cose che imitare e ritrarre si possano con l'arte del disegno (Treatise on perfect proportions of all things than can be imitated and portrayed through the art of design) (Florence: Giunti, 1567), and it was issued just once. In the sixteenth century, Danti's impenetrable text must have found few readers, and today, even when read with dogged determination, Danti's arguments soon fade into forgetfulness. Anatomy and proportion are clearly central to his scheme, and, as is frequent in sixteenth-century treatises on art, disegno plays an important part. In a summary of Danti's projected treatment of sculpture and painting, prepared by his brother, we read that perfection in the three arts of design is achieved, in the first instance, through the "essercitio continuo dello studio del disegno ."6 Through the regular practice of drawing, artists keep in form, just as the musician, dancer, or athlete practices regularly to maintain a high level of proficiency. And indeed all these exercises combine manual or bodily skill with mental proficiency.

tor, but he also practiced architecture and painting. His epitaph begins: "Vincentio Danti Sculpt. Pict., atque Architecto eximio ... " 7 In Dan ti's view, painting, sculpture, and architecture all operate within the "arte del disegno" to imitate (imitare) and to portray (ritrarre) everything, "per mezzo del disegno." 8 Thus Danti could become the master of the three arts of design. In this ambition he was inspired by the example of Michelangelo, whose monument in the Florentine church of Santa Croce celebrates him as painter, sculptor, and architect, as much later, did that in Venice of Alessandro Vittoria,9 whose ambitions were similar in inspiration and in kind . Drawing was the medium that made the three arts one. Danti's lengthy epitaph also contains the words, "Et graphica item arte, et mathematicis doctr. Eruditissimis," which Lione Pascoli made his own when he wrote: "Fu bravo anatomico, perfetto disegnatore, eccellente matematico ... "10 Danti's sculptures, especially his bronzes, often bear incised drawing, but where are his drawings on paper?"

Raffaello Borghini (1584) writes of a now lost architectural drawing by Danti, an oval plan for the church of the Escorial: "Fece un disegno di forma ovale accomodandosi al sito per lo Tempio della Scuriale." 12 And there have been numerous attempts to attribute isolated drawings to him, but as Francesco Santi writes in his brief monograph (Santi 1989), these suggestions have all fallen by the wayside. 3 1

A rather coarsely drawn sketch after two statues now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, which was once part of Giorgio Vasari's drawing collection, Libro de' disegni, has attracted much interest but raised false hopes. This drawing,

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moreover its provenance is demonstrably Italian. "Purigino" refers to Perugia and not to Paris.

together with two others, formerly in the collection of Pierre-Jean Mariette, are by a nearly unknown sculptor from San Gimignano whom Mariette, following Vasari's written indication, identified quite believably as Giuliano Dandi of San Gimignano (see Appendix and fig. 12).

A closer look at the provenance of the drawing demonstrates that there is an exceedingly strong likelihood that the drawing is by a Florentine artist or by an artist working in Florence no later than slightly beyond the end of the A Drawing by Vincenzo Danti sixteenth century. The drawing is one in Christ Church, Oxford of more than two hundred drawings at Unlike these sketche after statues, a Christ Church acquired for John Guise fairly finished, complete oval drawing (d. 1765) in Italy from what had been the at Christ Church, Oxford (fig. l), bears collection of Filippo Baldinucci (1625an old inscription which, if read correct- 1696/97). Further, it numbers among the ly, ascribes it to Danti. The inscription nearly thirty of these drawings that bear dates from the sixteenth century and is a large signet-ring stamp (Lugt 2736) traceable to Florence. Moreover, the ap- belonging to a collector earlier than pearance of this drawing is entirely con- Baldinucci. 5 Of this group, seven drawsonant with Danti's art as we know it ings certainly belonged to a still earlier from his statues and reliefs .1 4 The oval Florentine collector who inscribed his format is common in decorative metal- drawings with artists' names in Greek 16 work, and Danti's reliefs are often oval letters. This mid- or late-sixteenthin shape. 1he Michelangelo-inspired century Florentine collector shared t his forms and demeanor of the seated wom- practice with Vasari's learned friend, an as well as her unusual proportions, Don Vincenzo Borghini.17 The oldest atat once dilated and lengthened, recall tributions of the drawings stamped with Lugt 2736 at Christ Church are seldom Dan ti. wide of the mark, and many are unquesTurning from the image to what is writ- tionably correct or very nearly so. The atten on the drawing, the words, "Vinc tributions of this earliest collector even Purigino," can be read at the left border. record the names of two almost forgotThis is a name which a later, eighteenth- ten Florentine artists: the first (no. 296) century, hand has, on the old backing is Valerio Tanteri, a pupil of Cristofano paper below the drawing itself, inter- Allori, who is mentioned by Baldinucci preted as "Vincenzio Perugino." Byam and known through a Visitation in Shaw, however, read the older inscrip- Sant'Antonio, Pisa. Second (no . 780) tion on the drawing as "Parigino" and is a certain Achille Giansche "(llCXVCTKt, not "Purigino," which led him to sug- whose identity eluded Byam Shaw gest identifying the author, somewhat ("Venetian School"; p. 210: "He may improbably, as an otherwise unknown have been a Greek working in Venice.").

"Vincenzo or Vincent" of Paris, and However, this "Giansche" must be the to place the drawing with the French painter "Achille Gianre" [?] "sta con School. One is reluctant to disagree with Ligozzi," who matriculated in 1602 in Byam Shaw, but the letters of the name the Florentine Accademia del Disegno, clearly read "Purigino" (each i is dotted), where he was intermittently active un18 the drawing is Italian in appearance, and til 1622.

1

0

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Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

7y-. ...

....

1. Vincenzo Danti, Female Figure. Black chalk on paper, 16.3

x 11.9 cm. Christ Church, Oxford [1447 (0731)] 123

1he drawings stamped with Lugt 2736 are all, with perhaps one exception, Florentine or by an artist who worked in Florence, and all date from the late Qyattrocento to just beyond the outer fringes of the Cinquecento: Filippino, Fra Bartolommeo, Andrea del Sarto, Salviati, Empoli, Pagani, Biliverti, Tanteri, et al. This is not a pattern which can include a Vincent of Paris. The inscription "Vinc Purigino" is in the hand of the Greek inscriptions.

the minuteness of the action are reminiscent of representations of goldsmith ateliers .25 The large woman doubtless represents an allegorical personification, conceivably that of Liberalita, although this is far from certain. 26

The drawing at Christ Church is one for which Danti's authorship is attested to by an authoritative sixteenth-century source and one which mirrors the figural world of Danti's statues and reliefs.

What the drawing reveals, not too surIn sixteenth-century Florence, there was prisingly, is an artist who has totally imonly one "Vincenzo Perugino." He ap- mersed himself in the graphic modes of pears as "Vincentio decto il Perugino Michelangelo and his followers. scultore" in the Florentine census of 1562, residing alone in the Qyartiere di San Michelangelo's drawings have been anGiovanni.'9 "Vincenzo scultore" is, of alyzed many times, with greater and course, Vincenzo Danti of Perugia, of- lesser perspicacity.27 The frequent use of ten called by contemporaries in Florence black chalk sometimes to achieve effects "il Perugino," for instance by Vincenzo of density, is one feature of drawings by Borghini, 20 who more often than not Michelangelo and his followers. Among referred to Danti simply as "Vincenzo the traits of Danti's drawing at Christ Perugino," 21 as Vasari also did some- Church with parallels in the drawings times,22 as well as others at the Medici by Michelangelo and his imitators are court. 3 Thus "Vincenzo Purigino" can the following: intensity and density of emphatic, worked-over, and reinforced be no other than Vincenzo Danti. contours; selective finishing of motives; For Byam Shaw the subject of Danti's broad zones of parallel hatching; plaoval drawing was obscure, and no sat- nar shading; contrasting zones of dark isfactory explanation for it has emerged. and light; wavering anatomical conIn the background, the far wall is lined tours, alternately "fleecy," lumpy, knotty, with Ionic columns rising directly from bulging, and often formed with broken, the floor, and to the right a high, grat- intersecting curves; long, thin strands of ed window is sketched. 1he young wom- drapery; construction of the head as an an, seated in a chair with lion-claw feet, ovoid "cage," which defines the volumes similar in type to the so-called sedia of the head, in the fashion of a fencing dantesca, 24 appears to turn away from a mask. recess which contains a furnishing that has the form of a basin sarcophagus. Vincenzo Danti, Above is a shelf or ledge, bearing objects . Flagellation of Christ The figure attends to an action which she undertakes with her hands, but what This constellation of elements - a figshe does remains unclear. Possibly she ure of ample proportions contained in counts something into the bowl-like an oval format and set before a recedvessel that she cups in her left hand, but ing architectural backdrop - recurs ofthe forms are indistinct. The room and ten in Danti's works. The cope of Dan ti's 0

2

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Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Va sari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

figure of Julius III in the papal monument in front of the cathedral in Perugia contain many instances of this configuration.28 Another is found in Danti's beautiful variation on Michelangelo's Medici Madonna in an unfinished oval relief in Milan (Castello Sforzesco) .29 1he figural segment of Danti's relief, Chrifl Driving the Merchants from the Temple (Galleria azionale, Perugia), forms a lunette shape, marked by an arched seam above the figures. 1his relief is a sacred history (ifloria) cast in an extreme Michelangelesque mode.

1he low, broad oval shape of many of the reliefs on Julius Ill's cope in the statue in Perugia recurs in another oval relief

by Danti (fig. 2), where the broadly proportioned figures are dressed in fitted costumes derived from Michelangelo.

This is the marble Flagellation of Chrifl in the elson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City. 3째 While the subject is a sacred event, the scene, an incised architectural perspective, is overpowered by three dominant figures who almost cover the relief surface and who are seen from close by. Here the subject is presented less as an ifloria than as an iconic image of the corpus of Christ, bound to an immense column. Christ's body is the dominant element, conceived as an object of contemplation. The destination of this small relief, mentioned as early as 1559,3' is not known, but it does not appear to have been part of a larger sacred ensemble, and it most likely belonged to the furnishings of a room, or was simply an objet d'art in a study. In 1587, the marble oval was recorded in an inventory of the Medici guardaroba, enclosed in a case: "un christo alla colonna con ornamento di noce in una cassetta d'albero."

Its dimensions, 5r.4 x 43.9 cm, correspond well to those of the inventory, "di braccia uno incirca," a measurement which doubtless included the wooden

frame. Danti's authorship of this work has been long established and cannot be seriously doubted .32

Vincenzo Danti, Resurrection of Christ Both Timoteo Bottonio (1559) 33 and Raffaelo Borghini (1584) associate Danti's Flagellation with another marble bas-relief of this period, the ResurreElion of Chrifl (fig. 3). The present location of this work is unclear, but a photograph made when the relief was in a Parisian collection in 1997 documents the principal aspects of its appearance, which unequivocally bears the imprint of Vincenzo Danti and of his distinctive interpretation of Michelangelo's art.

It would be difficult to think of another name to associate so plausibly with this work. If one did mention Daniele da Volterra, his name would only reflect the elements of Roman michelangiolismo manifest in the ResurreElion relief, a trait characteristic of Danti and one which set him apart in Florence.

The rectangular ResurreElion measures 43.5 by 30 by 4.4 centimeters and dates to 1559 (Bottonio). It first appears in Medici inventories in 1560: "un quadro di basso rilievo d'altezza di braccio uno incirca entrovi la risuressione di Cristo." In 1561, it is listed as "Cristo nostro redemptore ornamento di noce," and in 1570 as "di mar mo di basso rilievo di mano di Vincenzo Perugino."34 The approximate dimension of one braccio (about 58 centimeters) is easily attained for the Paris relief by estimating a frame about five centimeters wide .35

In the R esurreElion, the figure of Christ is the twin of that in the Flagellation (fig. 2). Christ again looms large, here as the Redentore with the Banner of Glory clearly marked with his cross.

2. Vincenzo Danti, The Flagellation of Christ, ca. 1559路 Marble, 5i.4 x 43.5 cm. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City [51-53] 126

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

3. Vincenzo Danti, Resurrection of Christ, 1559路 Marble, 30 x 43.5 cm. Private collection, Paris (1997) 127

The almost immediate appearance of the ResurreClion following its making in the Medici guardaroba and its prolonged presence there speak against an intended integration of the work in a sacred context. It should probably be considered a domestic or courtly furnishing rather than as an element of an ecclesiastic ensemble.3 6

In the ResurreClion many of these same

traits are seen: not simply the repoussoir figures, but also a gigantic Christ, at once massive in breadth and ethereally tall, rises upward, close against the picture plane, surrounded by a void. But around and behind Christ, we enter the turbulent world of Danti's limitless Brazen Serpent. At the sides, lurching figures derived from Michelangelo; beThe hitherto lost Resurrefiion represents low, the gaping sepulcher; behind, an something more than an additional link endless sea of emotional faces, closed in a series of works by a single artist. It in the distance by overgrown, timeless provides a new component that expands, architecture. or at least complements, our vision of Vincenzo Danti's art. It belongs to the As in the Flagellation relief, the iconsame time - 1559 - as Danti's two relief ic concentration on the isolated corpus masterpieces, both now in the Museo of the Redeemer is again noticeable. azionale del Bargello in Florence, the Danti's relief is as foreign to the world bronze Moses and the Brazen Serpent and of Alberti's narrative ifloria as are the the bronze safe-door (sportello). Both vast multitudes and unending actions are modeled in bas-relief, but they ex- painted by Michelangelo in the Lafl hibit two notably divergent stylistic di- judgment and in the Cappella Paolina. In rections .37 Compared to the Kansas City his new Resurrefiion, Danti draws from Flagellation, the ResurreClion is a more Michelangelo's epic universe that trancomplex and densely populated compo- scends the confines of a mere picture to sition that forms a revealing trait d'union become "real" history. between these two nearly contemporaneous yet stylistically distinct reliefs. A Drawing after the The border of the ResurreClion is trimmed Monument to Carlo de' Medici on each of its four sides, flanged to re- in Prato ceive a picture frame, and so too are, at the left and the right, limbs, hands, and Another drawing, one which can be conclothes truncated, or cropped, and thus nected with a known work by Danti, has interrupted by the edges of the window only recently been mentioned in print opened by the frame. This pictorial ap- or connected with Danti. Unlike the proach is the same as that which dom- sketch at Christ Church, this drawinates the central relief of the sportello: ing is, at least in its architectural dethe very close point of view; the explic- piction, highly finished and measured, it framing of the quadro, accentuated by and its function is clearly different from gilding; the figures cropped at the lat- that of the drawing in Oxford. The eral borders by the frame; the reliance drawing, classified as sixteenth-centuon stylistic and iconographic formu- ry, shows a sepulchral monument above las drawn from the art of painting; the a door (fig. 4). It is, in fact, a very preadherence of the figuration to the pic- cise drawing of the monument to Carlo ture surface; the detailed incised surface de' Medici, the natural son of Cosimo drawing; and the framing repoussoir il Vecchio de' Medici and "Preposto di Prato." 38 The monument (fig. 5) is over figures at the bottom edges.

128

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

the door to the sacristy of the Duomo of Prato, and it was commissioned by Duke Cosimo I from Vasari,39 but the execution was largely entrusted to Danti, who was responsible for all of its sculptural elements. 40 The group of the marble Virgin and Child in a Michelangelesque square-headed niche and seated over the sarcophagus constitutes the principal motif, which appears over the framed oval portrait in low relief, and resting against the sarcophagus. 41 Vasari doubtless furnished a drawing for the monument, but the frame of the door, with magnified and heavy triglyphs, displays a Michelangelesque intricacy of interlocking forms which surpasses those usually found in Vasari's architectural designs .42

door rather than a standing Virgin holding the Child in her arms, as in the Louvre drawing.

In project drawings by Vasari, the envisioned sculptures are most often drawn at wide variance with the sculptures that were ultimately executed (obviously not

by Vasari). The figures of his drawings appear to be no more than approximate stand-ins, drawn to convey that there should be a similar statue. 46 What appears to speak most strongly against the Louvre drawing as a project design for the monument in the Prato cathedral is that, accepting the door opening as a pre-existing given dimension, the monument planned in Louvre 2199 would extend beyond the available, over and beyond the lateral pier and well into the In the Farnesina drawing the arched adjacent chapel of the Inghirami.47 contour of the standing Christ Child, clearly derived from Michelangelo's Vincenzo Danti, Bruges Madonna group, is more em- Madonna and Child phatic than it is in the marble Christ Child in Prato, but the drawing is so If the Louvre drawing by Vasari is not faithful to the original monument that for Carlo de' Medici's monument, it may it is clearly a record of the tomb, made, have been conceived for a similar monuas in an architectural survey, to doc- ment, perhaps at the same time as the ument the completed monument, as monument to Michelangelo in Santa the scale in braccia suggests, and not a Croce, 48 as is indicated by its filiations project drawing. No left-right alterna- with the latter monument. At the centives are indicated. There is no compel- ter of the Louvre sheet Vasari has drawn ling reason to seek Danti's hand here. 43 a standing statue of the Virgin, dressed 1he lightly sketched figures, which are in voluminous draperies and holding faithful to Danti's finished marble stat- an erect Child in her arms. The group ues at Prato, do not seem so distant from is set, as a statue, on a projecting plinth.

Vasari's drawn Virgin and Child group is Vasari himself 4 4 not dissimilar to Danti's standing Virgin In her monograph on Vasari as an ar- and Child group (fig. 7), which also has chitect, Claudia Conforti identified a ample drapery, and was rediscovered drawing in the Louvre as an early project around 1800 in the Baroncelli Chapel in for the monument to Carlo de' Medici the church of Santa Croce in Florence. (fig. 6) .4s The looseness of the architectural conception is typical of Vasari, but Alois Griinwald's handsomely prothe composition differs from that of the duced Florentiner Studien (1914) is alPrato monument, where a seated Virgin most universally overlooked in studies and standing Child are found over the of Vincenzo Danti, but it contains

129

..•• .J.' • •• ~·

•

: . , ••

!'

4. i6th- or i7th-century artist, Measured Drawing of the Monument to Carlo de' Medici in Prato. Penci l on paper, 3i.5 x 23-4 cm. lstituto Nazionale per la Grafica, Rome [FN 7752] 5 . Vincenzo Danti and Giorgio Vasari, Monument to Carlo

de' Medici in the Cathedral at Prato 130

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

an elegant essay, "Zur Plastik nach the little angels appear to steady sheets Michelangelo: Danti und Rossi," where, upon which they write.ss That the angels on facing fold-out plates, the Virgin in do not show what they write, as a putto Santa Croce is compared with the Virgin bearing an epitaph-tablet must, and that of the monument of Carlo de' Medici in what they write could never be seen, givPrato. 49 Here we see how many qualities en the high position planned for the sarthe two Virgins share: the veiled head; cophagus, which is set over and into a the oval face and features; the raised broken pediment, suggests that the acridges of drapery on the "gloved" forms; tions of the two angels seek to commuthe rings of drapery that encircle the nicate the idea of writing itself, as befits forearms; the arc-shaped forms that act a monument to a man of letters.s6 as an external frame of the volumes; the muted emotive tenor; the high waist; the Knowledge of the early history ofDanti's Madonna in Santa Croce derives from long, planed fingers. a single source, Vasari's brief notices As suggested above, the Santa Croce about Vincenzo Danti in his Vite. Vasari Madonna represents a mystery in Danti's writes, not later than 1566, "Danti is at oeuvre.s0 She cannot be associated with work, and is well advanced, on a marble any known commission. The work was Madonna, larger than life-size, standnot finished when Vasari wrote, and the ing, with her son, the three-month-old statue seems never to have arrived at its Jesus, in her arms. Once completed, it intended destination.5' An established will be a most beautiful work" (Ha anco sixteenth-century sculptor was, as a rule, fra mano e condotta a bonissimo terlittle inclined to undertake a large mar- mine una Madonna di marmo maggioble statue, well over two meters tall (zo7 re del vivo, ritta e col figliuolo Giesu di centimeters), in the absence of a patron tre mesi in braccio, che sara cosa bellissiwilling to take on the costs of the marble ma.) .57 Just previously, Vasari has implied that Danti is still waiting to complete and its transport.52 the last component for his Uffizi teflaAdverse to stillness, painter-archi- ta (cortile degli Uffizi), and he writes tects like Vasari were perhaps more in- that Danti is making these works in the clined than others to introduce actions monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli or quasi-narrative elements into their in Florence, where Danti is staying sepulchral designs. Closer examina- peacefully in the company of the friars, tion of Louvre no . 2199 (fig. 6) reveals his dear friends, and that he is occupysuch a narrative action in the poses of ing the same rooms which were formerthe two lateral putti.sJ The two winged ly held by messer Benedetto Varchi,58 of angels appear to write upon or inscribe whom Danti is making a portrait in basthe broad upper surfaces of the dou- relief, which will be most beautiful.s9 ble-scrolled volutes of the sarcophagus lid, the form of which is clearly inspired Consideration of the precise indications by those of the Medici Chapel. A pos- which Vasari provides (namely, the pressible initial impression that Vasari has ent time, 1566; the Monastery of Santa drawn conventional up-turned funerary Maria degli Angeli; the Camaldolese torches is vanquished by the recognition monks there; Varchi) probably holds the that the little boys would, in the posi- best promise of discovering the destinations they assume, quickly burn their tion of this large and important work. 60 fingers.54 And with their lower hands These are the only concrete indications

131

-

c!i-ole ~~u-11~11110.

6 . Giorgio Vasari, Project for a Tomb with the Virgin and Child.

Pen and ink and black chalk, with wash, on paper,

14.9 x 12-4 cm. Musee du Louvre, Paris [2199] 7. Vincenzo Danti,

Virgin and Child, ca. 1568. Marble,

height 207 cm. Baroncelli Chapel, Santa Croce, Florence 132

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

I

at our disposition, beyond those yielded by an examination of the sculpture itself.

And, if this exploration yields a possible, if not conclusively demonstrable result, this will clarify several aspects of the Santa Croce Virgin and Child, as well as cast light on related questions concerning Danti and his works.

Vincenzo Danti, Silvano Razzi, and Benedetto Varchi Silvano Razzi was both the friend and the disciple of Varchi. 61 amed as an executor in Varchi's testament of 1560, undersigned in the "Monastero S. Mariae Angelorum Ordinis Camaldulensdium" on 20 ovember, Razzi was subsequently entrusted by Varchi with the provision of his tomb. 62 Following his death, Varchi was provisionally buried in Cappella degli Alberti next to the first cloister of the monastery on 21 December 1565. 63 As Razzi writes in his Vita of Varchi, many months later, on the occasion of Varchi's obsequies organized by the Accademia Fiorentina, his remains were borne into the church of the Angeli and placed provisionally in a simple deposit. 64 Duke Cosimo's promise to underwrite the costs of the initial essequie was obtained from messer Tommaso de' Medici, the duke's maggiordomo and tesoriere. 65 A second celebration was held much later, perhaps as late as July 1566,66 in the church of the Angeli by the Accademia Fiorentina ("presenti tutti gli accademici ed altri, quanti la chiesa e i chiostri ne capiano").67 A solemn mass was said over the image of Varchi ("sopra l'immagine di esso Varchi celebrare un solennissimo ufficio"). 68 There followed Lionardo Salviati's funerary oration. 69 Salviati explicitly remembered "Don Silvano Razzi il suo [di Varchi] piu dolce amico, & il piu fermo, ch'egli havesse giammai."70 Razzi was entrusted with "la

cura d'ogni sua cosa," and "spezialmente ... quella ... del suo sepolchro; sapendo d'haverlo in questo luogo."7' Salviati's oration was printed, as were other occasional compositions written at the time of Varchi's death .72 Among these literary compositions, one by Pietro Angeli da Barga (Bargeo) celebrates the marble portrait of Varchi at the obsequies (in E.ffigiem BenediEli Varchi), and it praises greatly don Silvano Razzi as the patron of the portrait, "per essere ministro del buon ricordo del Varchi".73 Razzi concludes his Vita of Varchi: "E finalmente, tratto di quel deposito quando fu tempo, fu il corpo del Varchi riposto sotto un lapide di marmo nella detta chiesa degli Angeli," and Razzi quotes the epitaph he placed there, which began: "D.O.M. I BE ED. VARCHI POETIE PHILO I SOFO ATQ HISTORICO .. . "74 Bargeo's epigram thus links Razzi to Danti's portrait of Varchi ("di cui fa esso Vincenzio un ritratto di bassorilievo che sara cosa bellissimo"), made in Varchi's former quarters in the Angeli, where Danti was working in 1566, and thus it appears to link the portrait to Varchi's sepulcher, which had been placed in Razzi's charge .75 Danti's 1566 portrait bas-relief of Varchi for his tomb recalls that of Danti's tomb of Carlo de' Medici, completed in the same year, 1566 ("OPTIMI MEMORI M. N. MDLXVI."), which has an oval bas-relief portrait of Carlo de' Medici.

Silvano Razzi On 20 November 1559, Silvano Razzi entered the order of the Camaldolese friars at the Monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli in Florence. By 1566 he resided there and had a studio ("scrittoio") containing some works of art, for example, a relief by Rustici,76 Razzi was instrumental in bringing Varchi into contact with the monastery, where Varchi afterward

134

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, f r and after the cul ptor

had rooms .77 In his later years, Varchi's religious devotion increased dramatically, and, shortly before his death, he was named provost of Montevarchi, the place of origin of his family.

Razzi was close to Don Vincenzo Borghini and Vasari.7 8 He was an important contributor to Vasari's Vite,7 9 and he worked on the revision of the second edition published in 1568 .80 His friendships with many artists are reflected in a number of later commissions, including a series of marble busts of prominent members of the Camaldolese Order for the Monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli; several have donor inscriptions mentioning Razzi. 81 His brother, Serafino, a Dominican friar, wrote in 1588 that Silvano was responsible for "la maggior parte delle Vite de' Pittori, che sono stampate sotto il nome di Giorgio Vasari ." This was doubtless an exaggerated claim, but one which may reflect Vasari's suppression of the extent to which he was helped, a suppress10n repeated by others. 82 The question that remains is, do the pieces of the puzzle, thus far adumbrated, constitute the components of a projected and partially executed, though never fully realized and assembled, monument to Benedetto Varchi in the church or in the monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli? 83 A monumental, over-twometers-tall marble Madonna and Child adrift, neither moored to a patron, nor to a place, nor to a project? A lost portrait of Varchi in bas-relief? A project drawing for a monument to a writer by Giorgio Vasari, who was Silvano Razzi's friend, an academician, and closely associated with almost every prior commission to Danti in Florence, with in each case Danti in a subordinate role? 84 Danti was also close to Silvano Razzi, and Varchi certainly knew Danti and his

brother, Egnazio, although the extent of these relationships is not known. 85 The possible failure of such a plan, owing to delays or to financial or other considerations, or even to Danti's departure from Florence in 1573, may have led to a reduction in scope of an original project or to its abandonment. In any event, unrealized intentions often diminish with the passage of time, and Varchi's meager material legacy ("non si essendo trovato di lui se non certi pochi soldi" 86 ) was not destined for a monument.

A Monument for Benedetto Varchi?

Given Barga's epigram, the connection of Danti's bas-relief portrait with the obsequies for Varchi can scarcely be doubted. The model that inspired Razzi and his friends in this usage of a portrait relief in a funerary context was close at hand. Little more than two years earlier, on 14 July 1564, the now deceased and venerated Benedetto Varchi had delivered the funerary oration at the stately funeral rites held in the church of San Lorenzo in Florence. Here, Michelangelo's catafalque, prepared by the members of the Accademia del Disegno in Florence, bore at its top an obelisk, and on its two lateral faces there was to be seen in two ovals ("in due ovati") a portrait head of Michelangelo ("la testa di Michelangelo di rilievo"), both made by Santi Buglioni. Buglioni's tefle may have been in three dimensions and not in relief, 87 but, as at the obsequies of Varchi, the image of the deceased had an oval format. Danti's portrait of Carlo de' Medici also follows explicitly the precedent of Michelangelo's catafalque. Varchi, in his lifetime, was held in the highest esteem by the leading figures of his day, and as one of the leading 135

literary figures in Florence, was commissioned by the duke to write the history of Florence. At the time ofVarchi's death, following Michelangelo's death little more than a year earlier, the celebration of Varchi's fame must have followed this most recent precedent.

Vasari's drawing for a sepulchral monument to a writer (fig. 6) contains no portrait, although it refers to the pattern of the monument to Carlo de' Medici in Prato, where the oval portrait is simply imposed on the architectural design in a seemingly ad hoc fashion, almost as if an ex voto. There is more than ample space between the volutes of the broken pediment in which to insert an oval portrait, resting against the sarcophagus pedestal block. Possibly relevant is a copy of Varchi's testament, written in Razzi's hand, together with a letter from Razzi to Duke Cosimo I of 6 January 1566 in response to a request for news about Varchi's "ultime volonta" and about the fate of his books and belongings. Surviving letters testify to the concern of Vasari and Borghini that unpublished literary manuscripts of Varchi be printed. 88 The drawing in the Louvre (no. 2199) contains no specific reference to Varchi, although its sarcophagus imitates that of the tomb of Michelangelo in Santa Croce. It might also be noted that the monastery contains within its cloisters many doors and that angels figure frequently in the decoration of its spaces.

At the same time as the notices for the artists of the Accademia del Disegno were being assembled for Vasari's Vite, Annibale Caro responded, on 20 April 1566, to a letter from Leonardo Salviati, who was soon to hold the funerary oration for Varchi. 89 Caro expresses gratitude to Salviati for showing him four things: the two Danti brothers,

Vincenzo and Egnazio, the Saint Jerome of the suora and painter Plautilla elli, a "medaglia del nostro Varchi,'' and these as evidence of Salviati's affection for him. Possibly Salviati has sent drawings ("~attro care cose m'avete fatte vedere quasi in un tempo"). The "due bravi fanti" of Caro's letter are clearly the bearers of Salviati's previous letter to him ("Due bravi fanti m'avete conoscere"): the "fratino" (Egnazio), with whom Caro discussed at length, and Vincenzo, whom Caro met on the street.9째 The "medaglia del nostro Varchi" is a portrait of Varchi, possibly a medal, but given the presence of Danti and his brother, a connection with Danti's medaglione of Varchi appears more probable, perhaps in the form of a wax modello or a sketch documenting its appearance.9' In the preceding months Caro had repeatedly asked his friends in Florence to keep him informed about everything undertaken to honor Varchi's memory.9 Caro's letter of 20 April testifies to Danti's relationship to Lionardo Salviati and to his presence in Rome in 1566, both circumstances hitherto unknown. Caro's letters of this period show that he was in close personal or epistolary contact with all of the primary actors in the events surrounding Varchi's death and posthumous celebration.93 2

The Saint Jerome of the Florentine suora and pittrice Plautilla elli (sometimes Pulisena) may appear entirely extraneous to this context, but the pious Plautilla had connections with almost every name mentioned thus far.94 Razzi's sister, Suor Maria Angelica Razzi, herself a sculptor, belonged to Plautilla's convent, Santa Caterina,95 and his brother Serafino treats Plautilla's vita in a book of 1596. Around 1555, Plautilla painted a Pentecofl, commissioned by Guglielmo Pontano for the Dominican church of San Domenico in

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Seu I ptor

Perugia (the church of the Danti family), where Vincenzo Danti, around 1555-56, was apparently responsible for Pontano's monument.96 Pontano's funeral oration was read by the Perugian Dominican, Niccolo Alessi, who, with his numerous Florentine connections and his presence in Florence, around 1556-59 and earlier, was doubtless responsible for obtaining Plautilla's Pentecofl for Perugia. It has escaped notice that iccolo Alessi, or Girolamo Alessi prior to his ordination, was the brother of the architect Galeazzo Alessi, both sons of Bevignate.97 Galeazzo's connections with Danti, his father, Giulio, and his Perugian patron in Florence, Sforza Almeni, will be noted below. And Serafino Razzi had, in fact, studied with Alessi in Perugia and counted himself Alessi's disciple. This network of relationships and the themes of Caro's letter of 20 April 1566 indicate rather insistently that the mission in Rome for Lionardo Salviati of Vincenzo and his Dominican brother, Frate Egnazio, was, at least as it involved Annibale Caro, related to Razzi's projects to honor the memory of Varchi in Florence.

The fact that the Virgin now in Santa Croce remained for the better part of two and a half centuries at the monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli suggests that its original commission was connected to this church. In 1584 Raffaello Borghini remarks a "Vergine alta quattro braccia col figlio in collo" by Danti in the "Arcivescovado" of Florence,9 8 but the group is never again found there, and it returned to Santa Maria degli Angeli, where it eventually passed into the hands of the Giugni family, the patrons of a chapel in an undetermined location in the church or cloister99 and the proprietors of a palace built by Bartolomeo Ammannati on the opposite side of the Via degli Alfani

at number 48, facing directly onto the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli. 100 Despite the presence of the epitaph inscription for Varchi (which is most likely a later substitution for the original) placed in the former church of Santa Maria degli Angeli by Razzi, 101 there is one - admittedly rather late - source which suggests that something more than the mere inscription (the original location of which is also uncertain) was ever erected. There is no early explicit testimony for a sepulchral monument, Varchi did not provide funds for its erection, and indeed he appears to have accumulated no wealth. In q22, the Jesuit padre Giulio egri, in his Ifloria degli scrittori fiorentini, long in preparation and published posthumously in Ferrara, does cite a monument to Varchi, "una Tomba con busto di Marmo, eretta da Silvano Razzi ivi Monaco con la seguente Iscrizione ."102 My impression is that egri is here re-elaborating written sources, but his knowledge of F lorentine writers and manuscripts was unquestionably vast. Don Gregorio Farulli in his history of the monastery published in 17IO mentions only the "elogio" found in a "lapide di marmo." 1he church interior and particularly its pavement had been subjected to an extensive renewal in the years between 1676/r680 and 1709 under the direction of the architect Francesco Fran chi. 103

It is difficult to know with certainty the extent to which Varchi concerned himself concretely with the question of his sepulcher. What is certain is that Varchi entrusted Razzi with his interment and with his tumulo or sepoltura in Santa Maria degli Angeli. In his Vita ofVarchi, Razzi also relates Varchi's once-expressed wish to be buried "in alcuni tumuli" then found in Fiesole, in the open air, "per esservi pratico per la buona aria."

37

1

Earlier in the Vita, Razzi also reports, as a testimonial to the fact that Varchi was "oltre modo inclinato all'amore e benevolenza," an epitaph that Varchi had written for himself: "Varchius hie iacet, sinceri cultor amoris, I Hoc uno egregius, c~tera p~ne nihil." 104 Varchi's "Sonetti spirituali," all written late in life, after his passionate embrace of the Christian faith (which may appear as a last minute bid for salvation) and published posthumously by Filippo and Jacopo Giunti, disclose further aspects of Varchi's concerns with his approaching death and some of the parameters of the sepolcro that he envisaged for himself. ros White of beard and of diminished vigor Varchi wrote that he awaits death with desire and delectation. '째 6 He wrote to Cellini (87): "Benvenuto, il tempo e che queste cose basse lasciamo a chi dopo noi viene, E tutta ergiamo al ciel la nostra spena [that is, "speme" or "speranza"]." In 1565, the last year of his life, Varchi took holy orders and was ordained as a priest in preparation for assuming the prep ositura of Montevarchi (IX: "Cangiar dopo tanti anni abito") .

Of this turning point late in his life, tantamount to an old-age conversion, Varchi writes that where earlier his heart burned with three loves, now it is with only one, the love of God. 10 7

(ro6): "Cupido dissolvi, e bramo esser con Cristo, I Cui veggo prima in su la croce e poi I a la destra di lui, ch' e padre a Cristo." 110 umerous sonnets are directed to Silvano Razzi and other Camaldulensians . When Varchi comes to his tumulo (grave), he entrusts it to Silvano Razzi and proposes yet another epitaph (J6): 111

cA voi p iaccia, bu on 'R.q zzi, al t um ul rnio I V ergar con large note un carrne solo: f<.!:Jefli contento assai v isse e rnorio. '" Varchi's "Sonetti spirituali" reflect fairly insistently Varchi's concern with his salvation, and indeed with his burial, tomb, and epitaph. The sonnets do not offer explicit indications concerning the form Varchi wished his sepulchre to take beyond the often broached topic of its epitaph, to which Varchi, a "word man," apparently gave continuing thought, returning repeatedly to the question. He likens a sepulchre to a cradle (III): "E 'l sepolcro sia simile alla cuna."

Varchi's poetry contains several indications that a humanist monument celebrating his worldly virtues would not have accorded with the piety of his last years and with his projected burial site at Santa Maria degli Angeli, a church and monastery of the Camaldolese Order of hermit monks, who emphasized penitent isolation, mystical simplicity, and an austere form of monastic community.

In sonnet 14, Varchi writes of his earlier aspirations to fame and glory, now renounced. 11J Writing to the sculptor and medalist Domenico Poggini, Varchi appears to reject the sepulchral monument as an instrument to achieve worldly immortality (XCII):

Varchi's new faith and belief were concentrated entirely on Christ and upon his salvation through Christ's sacrifice on the cross for the salvation of mankind. '째8 Again to Cellini, he wrote (87): "Pigliar la croce addosso e seguire Cristo, I Bisogna, se vorrete ed io salvarmi: I Pigliam dunque la croce, e seguiam Cristo." 10 9 In a sonnet ad- :!(!, le voflre o di rnanno o di bron zo opre, dressed to Girolamo Tanini, Varchi J eben far sanno gl'uomin i imrnortali, wrote of his longing to be with Christ (j iovar puon no {possono} a schifar gl'eterni m ali.

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by. f r and after the cu ptor

Thus Varchi tells Poggini, even if they are able to render men immortal (by preserving earthly memory), works in marble and bronze cannot banish everlasting evil (eterni mali); they cannot protect us from the forces of evil and damnation.

Thus a commemorative monument celebrative of Varchi's terrestrial virtues and his works could scarcely serve to resolve the question of his eternal destiny, the question foremost in Varchi's mind at the end of his earthly journey (n): "Ond 'io senza cura che prosa o rime segni il mio sasso , m'apparecchio andarne ... "

Benedetto Varchi, his sepulcher, and the Madonna in Santa Croce The question of Varchi's tomb remains open. I h ave attempted to represent the circumstances that speak against the hypothesis that Danti was involved without attempting to minimize their implications. If plans for a monument to Varchi do not explain why Danti's Santa Croce Madonna came into being, exploring this hypothesis has clarified aspects of Danti and his works. Further, a concrete proposal may indeed elicit a refutation that succeeds in establishing the destination of one of Danti's mature masterpieces, the Virgin and Child in Santa Croce. That it was produced without a specific commission would imply that it was made without an intended purpose , which appears prima Jacie to be contradicted by the specific charac ter of the representation of the Christ Child and the M other of God.

d'altronde e nato" (9); "l'immaculato Agnel, figliuolo di Dio" (J4). "Per me pregate al figliuol di Maria" (J4).

And of the Holy Mother, he wites to the "molto Rever(endo) M(esser) Antonio Petrei"u4 (XXVII): fgi ricorro um ii, che sofa eCJ)onna CJ)ei cielo e cJV[adre a Chi 'I ciel tempra e valve, 8 per lei spero ch' 'I suo do lee e caro, 8 mai non Ju delle sue grazie avaro; cAvra di me nel mio partire pietate, 8 scamperammi dall'eterno esiglio.

In contrast to a monument honoring Varchi's worldly achievements and virtues, a monument centered on a Chriflus puer in the arms of his mother would have been aligned with Varchi's expressed wishes and requirements by celebrating Christ's sacrifice and recalling a memorial mass for the soul of Varchi (m essa per l'anima)."s The central image i , of course, the same as that of Danti's contemporary monument to Carlo de' Medici, raised over the door to the sacristy of the Cathedral in Prato, and the same as that of Michelangelo's fin al monument to Julius II in Rome, as well as that of the Virgin and Child, which constitutes the liturgical center of the Medici Chapel at San Lorenzo in Florence.

Closer observation of Danti's marble Madonna and Child, viewed in isolation, may afford insight into the meaning of Danti 's specific representation of Christ and his mother, and thereby indicate, limit, or exclude possible functions or destinations for the group . Four general observations can be made without resorting to subjective impressions: Serving almost as a foil for the Christ Child, Danti's marble Virgin at Santa I. Standing before the group, it is diffiCroce holds the Holy Child aloft at her cult not to notice that the largeness of center, demonstratively presenting Him, the Virgin contrasts markedly to the held outward to the beholder. Of Jesus, smallness of the Child, in particular, Varchi writes: "Dal Crocifisso e non the expansive massiveness of the mother 139

as opposed to the slender, near frailness of the Christ Child. The Child differs from most of Danti's "putti," who are full-bodied, 116 and thus reflects Michelangelo's muscular interpretation of the putto.

2. The expressions of both mother and child are inwardly directed, reflective or meditative in character; they can be interpreted as somberly thoughtful, implying apprehension, and, in the case of Christ's mother, a presentiment of pain and death.

3. The character of the head of the Christ Child is atypical of Danti, and unlike, for example, that of the two nearly contemporaneous angels of the monument to Carlo de' Medici in Prato.

4. The body of the Christ Child is at once nude and "dressed" in narrow strips or bands of swaddle, which only loosely wrap around him, the ends held in each of his two hands.

A further observation anses, admittedly, from a distinctly art historical perspective: the beholder may be impressed by the contained contour of the group, which, in a frontal view, forms an elongated, vertical oval.

several levels of his art. He drew upon Michelangelo for formal structures, as for example in Danti's planned "Testata degli Uffizi," where a seated armored duke was to be flanked, below, by two nude allegories, one male and one female, reclining on large volutes, an explicit and inescapable citation of Michelangelo's Medici Chapel.

Similarly, Danti's Virgin and Child of the Carlo de' Medici monument in Prato is clearly patterned on Michelangelo's Despite the apparBruges Madonna. ently restricted access to the Virgin in the few years before its export to Flanders in 1506, Danti evidently did find access to Michelangelo's conception much later and probably through drawings after the work or through three-dimensional replicas, and not through any drawings by Michelangelo presently known. Tolnay lists Danti's Madonna simply under copies after Michelangelo."9 But Danti manifestly intends not that his figures merely embody the formal lessons of Michelangelo's art, but that his group is a new edition of Michelangelo's masterpiece, which had left Italy over a half century earlier; it explicitly pays tribute to its exemplar. As David Summers has noted, the left side of Dan ti's Virgin repeats the disposition of the forms of the Bruges Madonna, but equally telling is: the almost architectonic solemnity of the group; the typology, established by Michelangelo, of the seated Virgin with the Christ Child standing between her legs; 120 and the action of the child who draws his arm aero s his body to hold the hand of the Virgin, as does the child in Bruges.

11 8

If we turn from these elementary observations to read again the single historical source for this work - Vasari's brief, but exactly contemporaneous description of the yet unfinished group - it appears unremarkable, except for the specification that the Virgin holds her son of three months in her arms ("e col figliuolo Giesu di tre mesi in braccio"). 7 The words "tre mesi" appear to find an echo in the points above, suggesting that the infant Christ conveyed a specific meaning and that we are to understand him Large statues of the standing Virgin in his specific capacities as Gesu bambino. with the Child are not numerous in Italian Cinquecento art; most are Danti's many years spent study- found on altars and tombs. Among ing Michelangelo led to results on the latter, to mention the two most 11

121

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Va sari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

prominent examples, are the Madonna de! Sasso placed over Raphael's grave in the Pantheon at his own request 122 and the Virgin and Child above the effigy on the Julius II monument in San Pietro in Vincoli, carved "col modello di Michelangelo." 12 3 1he latter example is clearly Danti's point of reference for the Santa Croce Madonna. In light of Danti's presence in Rome in April 1566 and the impact of the Rachel of the Julius monument upon the stylistic treatment of body, limbs, and drapery of the Santa Croce Madonna, the year 1566 appears to mark a moment of Danti's renewed interest in Michelangelo's grandiose projects for the Julius monument. 1his tomb afforded an example, conceived by Michelangelo, of an over-life-size marble statue, 124 carved in the round, of the standing Mother of God holding her infant son in her arms, an artistic achievement which Danti might have sought to emulate and possibly surpass.

beneath him by angels and is consecrated and purified by two standing lateral figures, who assist with ritual instruments of the Church (censer and aspersorium). 128 The same actions are shown in a damaged drawing by Michelangelo (1513) in Berlin and in a traced contemporary copy of it by Giacomo Rocchetti, also in Berlin. 12 9 Danti's attention to Michelangelo's formulations of these themes can be detected in the shape of the outline of the Santa Croce Madonna, a considerably elongated oval that in its form corresponds quite closely to the oval mandorlas in Michelangelo's drawings in New York and in particular those in Berlin, where the mandorla forms approach a three-to-one proportion of height to width.

A result of the intersection of two circles, the form of the mandorla represents the coming together of Heaven and Earth, of the divine and the human .

Enclosing the Virgin and Child, the mandorla embodies the symbolism of the vescia pisces, 3째 the Virgin as Mother of God and as mediatrix of mercy and grace, 3 the mandorla being the boundary of a liminal space, as a threshold or doorway to Heaven. The general outlines of such an interpretation appear supported by Baccio Bandinelli's project drawing for the tomb of Clement VII (Providence, Rhode Island): within a cappelletta, the naked soul of the expiring pope, enclosed in an oval mandorla, is borne heavenward to Christ and his Mother. 13 2 In all these sepulchral designs the themes of intercession, redemption, and salvation are enacted at the deictic center of the figuration, that is, at the instructive focus of the unfolding action.

The child of the Julius tomb contemplates a finch he holds by its wings. If here the finch represents the human soul, it may be understood that Christ receives the soul of the pope, as has been maintained. 125 Alternatively, the finch may be a reference to Christ's sacrifice and passion. 126 In any case, the Madonna is conceived as an instrument of salvation, intermediary and intercessional, not simply as the Mother of God, but as "Maria Mediatrice di grazia." 1he same idea is present in two of Michelangelo's earlier drawings for the Julius monument, both enlivened by a central action and at least one of which was widely known to other artists, as copies testify. 12 7 Both show the Madonna and Child within a mandorla. In the earlier drawing (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), the Christ If we turn now to examine the specifChild blesses (and also seems to judge) ic characterization of the Christ Child the dead pope's effigy as it is held aloft in Danti's Virgin and Child group, it 1

1 1

is possible to recognize two unsuspected, but explicit references to two prominent Qiattrocento images of Christian art in Florence, both firmly anchored in the collective awareness of the city - this at the level of art as well as at the level of faith. These connections provide a further measure of definition to the referential parameters of purpose and function for Danti's still homeless Madonna and Child. 'Il1ey may also contribute to clarifying what the group was or did, in clarifying the part it played in a more complex context or as a component of a larger ensemble, without which our understanding of the work remains fragmentary.

If the Christ Child exhibits a specific iconographic character, this may in part reflect the fact that he was carved in the Monastery of Santa Maria degli Angeli, where Danti worked peacefully (quietamente) in the company of his close friends (amicissimi), the monks of the Camaldolese Order, and in the rooms formerly occupied by Benedetto Varchi.

That is to say, the Christ was conceived and made in an ecclesiastic world, in the company of learned church men, whose minds were deeply immersed in the Christian word, a description which may apply equally to Vincenzo's brother, the Dominican Egnazio Danti, who also then lived in Florence at the monastery of Santa Maria ovella.

As mentioned above, the Child still wears, as it were, his swaddling bands.

They are loosened, leaving most of his body exposed, possibly to mark his advancing days, a circumstance which provides at least a slight confirmation that Vasari's mention that he is three months old is significant; indeed it suggests an age when an infant begins to free himself from the bondage of his swaddle. The child's own action

explicitly draws attention to his dress, for he holds the two ends of a swaddling band in his hands.

In Florence the most memorable image of swaddling clothes wa to be seen only steps away from the monastery of the Angeli, down the Via degli Angoli (now the Via degli Alfani), where the corner turns to enter the Piazza Santissima Annunziata and a view opens onto the Ospedale degli Innocenti, or, more exactly, the Ospedale di Santa Maria degli Innocenti,'3 4 so named for the innocent infants of Bethlehem killed in Christ's place on the order of Herod, and thus the first martyrs of Christendom. Here on the loggia of the Ospedale are the glazed terracotta tondos of Andrea della Robbia which depict the Innocents, "i putti, che fasciati e nudi sono fra un arco e l'altro ne' tondi." '34 The two neighboring institutions, the Innocenti and the Angeli, were linked not only by their physical proximity, but also by the friend hip of their leading figures, Don Silvano Razzi, later prior of the Angeli, and Monsignor Vincenzo Borghini, the "Priore degli Innocenti," to whom Varchi had, in 1564, dedicated his "Orazione funerale" for Michelangelo. Both institutions had substantial connections with the Accademia del Disegno, of which Borghini acted as capo'35 in place of Duke Cosimo.

Of the ten original Foundling tondos, only in the two at the lateral extremities do the foundlings grasp their bands of swaddle, while the eight other swaddled foundlings are shown with outspread arms and open palms in imitation of Christ and in a pose with gestures related to those of Christ" in Pie ta."

The infants are shown in various states of "bondage"; the rightmost foundling has emerged almost completely from his chrysalis of swaddle.

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, f, 1r and after the ulptor

'foe association of the infants of the Massacre of Bethlehem with the foundlings of the Innocenti was later made explicit in Bernardino Poccetti's vast fresco of the Massacre (r6ro-I2) in the refectory of the Ospedale. In addition to numerous contemporary figures and swaddled babes, there was in the background the living quarters of the foundlings in the hospital itself, with their beds and the foundlings themselves, engaged in the various activities of their daily routine. '36 The sacrality of the foundlings is testified to by representations of "putti fasciati," by foundlings in swaddling clothes, surrounded by a nimbus,'37 as if a "Cristo bambino."

and child. The Mother of God presents her still and standing son, demonstratively holding him up and outward to meet the beholder's view, as an object of veneration and meditation. From this vantage point the swaddling bands of Christ constitute the most immediately present point of reference. Although with less specific references to depictions of Innocenti, the head of Danti's Chrifl Child is refined in execution and rendered with a detailed descriptiveness, and forms a focus of interest. Viewed in the context of 1566, it is almost archaic in its recall of ~attrocento features.

The small and rounded head, self-contained in form; the sharply cut lunette-shaped eyes, with arched lids and downward gaze; the tender, impassive psychology, pensive and withdrawn; the small receding chin; the hair in low relief curls, closely fitted to the head and combed forward, with locks curling over the forehead in the center: all these are traits that give the appearance of Danti's Chrifl Child a singular place among his works. In all of these features Danti's head of Christ so resembles the head of Desiderio da Settignano's marble Chrifl Child standing in a chalice at the top of the Sacramentary Tabernacle in the church of San Lorenzo in Florence that Danti's Chrifl Child must be related to the very many fifteenth- and sixteenth-centuries copies of this cult image, which inspired an extraordinary number of replicas. As Kathleen Brandt noticed, when Danti's Chrifl Child is viewed from the side, it is seen that he holds a circle of cloth in his hand, which corresponds to the crown of thorns held

by Desiderio's Bambino Gesu. 140

The images of the swaddled Innocents of Bethlehem and that of the swaddled Innocents of the Ospedale degli Innocenti are the same as that of the swaddled Christ Child in the manger. And just as the manger is often shown as a sepulcher in representations of the Nativity of Christ, '38 the swaddling bands of the Child born in Bethlehem are the "bende mortuarie" (or "funerarie") that wrap around the dead, as around Lazarus (for example, in Duccio or Giotto), but more so as around the dead Christ, bound in his winding shroud. This concept can be seen early in Byzantine art,'39 and it remains a part of the doctrine of the Roman church until the present time. As the shepherds were given a sign that they would find the babe wrapped in swaddling. As the foundlings of the Innocenti, who took the place of Christ at Bethlehem, assume the role of "Cristo in Pieta" on the loggia facade of the Innocenti, Danti's Chrifl Child assumes the role of an "Innocente," sacrificed in his stead: in both, the dimension of Christ's sacrifice for mankind Such an explicit visual reference (poscomes to the fore. sibly one desired by the patron) to a so In Danti's group there is, uncommonly, celebrated icon would perhaps not have no human interaction between mother been lost on Danti's public - at the r43

Monastery of the Angeli or in Florence at large -where Desiderio's Bambino was embedded in the popular imagination. 1 4 1 Desiderio's Eucharistic Chriflus Puer 1 4 2 blesses, performing the benediction with his raised right hand. In his left hand he holds the Crown of Thorns of the Cross, which numbers among the Arma Chrifli as an emblem of Christ's passion. In the eye of the beholder Danti's Chriflus Puer acquires anew, through the visual association with Desiderio's venerated Eucharistic Chrifl Child, eucharistic, salvational, and redemptive implications which accord with the implications of his swaddling bands, and he would appear to become, himself, an instrument of redemption.

Danti's art. Their heads are all smoothly rounded, inclined as if in thoughtful introspection, their bodies extraordinarily long in proportion, and yet simultaneously of a massive, nearly superhuman monumentality. The high waists, the high small breasts, the open-throat costumes (which confer a note of vulnerability), and the rounded, almost sloping shoulders (almost recessive in character) all contrast with the long arms, particularly distended in their upper segment, and to the very long expanse of trunk and leg, all revealed by a clinging dress .

Together these create standing figures of striking height. In their combination of frontal and turning elements of pose, the two seated figures are sisters. In the instance of the Santa Croce Madonna, The Santa Croce Madonna is almost uni- the emphatic modeling of the marble, versally treated with critical reservations, deeply and dramatically carved with an owing perhaps to a perceived anonymity explorative imagination, reveals anothof the carving and to the ill-lit, unpropi- er chapter in Danti's revelation of sculptious viewing conditions in which it is tural form in marble. found. ' 43 Although the back of the statue remains unfinished, the statue itself ap- If the mystery that surrounds the Santa pears complete in the beholder's view. ' 44 Croce Madonna has not been dispelled, And while a dark vein in the white mar- at least its relationship to Michelangelo's ble mars the face of the Virgin, this not Juliu II monument has emerged with altogether uncommon flaw is a blemish greater clarity, as has its sacred iconogthat does not, for modern eyes, serious- raphy, including its references to iconly compromise the beauty of the face. ' 45 ic Christian images in Florence. These Despite its critical neglect, the Santa considerations have been relevant to Croce Madonna deserves a place among determining the intended purpose of Danti's most accomplished works. the sculpture and its interpretation. It has been possible to demonstrate that Direct observation and good photo- Vasari's drawing, Louvre 2199, for a segraphs reveal an unusual work of con- pulchral monument centered on a standsiderable interest, one which also ing statue of the Virgin and Child (one constitutes a prime document of the which similarly reflects the Madonna of reception of Michelangelo's works in the Julius Monument) is not a design for the art of one of his most dedicated the Monument of Carlo de' Medici in and thoughtful followers. The seated Prato, although it dates only slightly latMadonna of the Prato monument to er than the Prato tomb. Vasari's drawing Carlo de' Medici, the standing Madonna is intended instead for a monument to a in Santa Croce, and the female allegory writer; moreover the facileness of the arof the drawing at Christ Church, all be- chitectural design in the drawing suglong to a single figural ideal in Vincenzo gests that Danti should not be counted r44

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, f路 1r and after the Sculptor

out of the architectural genesis of the Prato monument.

The "patron" of Danti's relief portrait of Varchi, possibly in an oval format, has been identified as Silvano Razzi, and its presence at the obsequies for Varchi held in 1566 at Santa Maria degli Angeli has been established. Thus there is strong reason to connect it with Varchi's sepolcro. In light of Varchi's late spiritual development, the potential parameters of a monument to him have some definition, even if many questions concerning such a project remain open. The significance of Vincenzo Danti's previously unrecognized presence in Rome, in April 1566, and in the company of his brother, Egnazio, has been established. And thus we see that the "medaglia" ofVarchi that the Danti brothers brought to Rome for Annibale Caro to see was probably a work by Vincenzo Danti and doubtless not the medal of Varchi by Domenico Poggini, with its worldly reverse celebrating Varchi's life as a "Garden of Earthy Delights." Poggini's medal, in any event, probably dates no later than the mid-155os.

On 8 May 1573, Don Vincenzo Borghini writes to Vasari in Rome: "Il Perugino se n' e ito a Perugia et non so quelche io m'habbia sentito buzzicare di moglie." 148 Danti did, in fact, soon marry once in Perugia. It may also be relevant that on the last day of 1572 Galeazzo Alessi died in Perugia, where he had, toward the end of 1569, returned to live and work, undertaking in his few remaining years numerous ecclesiastic and public commissions.149 Little more than two months after Danti returned to his birthplace, he was named the "architetto pubblico" of Perugia for a term of five years, an appointment which he did not outlive.

If Danti's prospects had improved in Perugia, the outlook for him in Florence had been dimming since around 1565 for a number of reasons. Danti owed his rise in the patronage network at the court of Cosimo I almost completely to Sforza Almeni, Giorgio Vasari, and Vincenzo Borghini. '5째 In Florence nearly all his completed commissions were very closely associated with Vasari; many were part of Vasari's projects.

But from around 1564, Cosimo's son, Prince Francesco, the future Grand Duke Francesco I, became an increasingly ascendant voice in Medici patronWhen Vincenzo Danti departed age, as his father retreated from many, if Florence for Perugia, shortly before May not all areas of public life. As has long of 1573, he left behind several unfinished been recognized, Francesco's taste was sculptures. 146 Among them are: the very different from his father's: his prefVenus now in the Casa Buonarroti; the erence in sculptors was strongly weightseated figure of Cosimo I for the facade ed in Giambologna's favor. Francesco, of the Uffizi teflata facing onto the piaz- moreover, actively disliked Vincenzo's zale, later transformed into a Perseus for brother, Egnazio, denouncing him as Pratolino (now in the Boboli Garden); early as 1572 for "moral transgressions ."151 the Madonna and Child now in Santa Later, in 1575, Francesco requested sucCroce; and the standing Leda in London cessfully that the Dominican Order (fig. 13).147 send Egnazio away from Florence.

Danti between Florence and Perugia

The reasons for Danti's seemingly abrupt In any event, Vincenzo Danti was first of departure from Florence remain unclear. all a protege of the influential Perugian 145

courtier Sforza Almeni, the long-standing "coppiere" and "primo cameriere segreto" of Cosimo de' Medici. For reasons obscure, Almeni was murdered on 22 May 1566 by Duke Cosimo himself.

Danti's difficulties in Florence probably began at this juncture.152 Vasari's own dominant position at the Medici court began to dissolve toward 1570, and in December of that year he departed for Rome, where he spent most of 1571 and 1572 in papal service. Vasari's remaining Florentine commissions were primarily ecclesiastic - at Santa Croce, Santa Maria Novella, and Santa Maria del Fiore - affording only limited scope for sculptural work that might have been assigned to Danti.

In Vasari's general reorganization of Santa Maria ovella, Danti did receive the opportunity to make one contribution, the "re-installation" of the monument to the Beato Giovanni da Salerno (1571) in an altar-like structure, before a "porta finta" under the organ. '5 3 Danti's involvement in the new monument to the founder of the Dominican chapter at Santa Maria ovella may well have been supported by his brother, Egnazio, a Dominican at Santa Maria ovella.

Danti's effigy of the Beato (fig. 8) replaced an earlier, perhaps Trecento effigy. Danti imparted the new work with a Neo-Gothic appearance, reminiscent of the Trecento or Qiattrocento, most likely, as Francesco Santi observed, with an "intenzione di richiamarsi all'originale scultura." '5 4 This sculpture has also been poorly received by critics,'55 although it had a capital importance for Santa Maria Novella because the sepulcher was of its founder and indeed the founder of the "Religione Domenicana" in Florence. Despite the fact that Giovanni da Salerno had not yet been accorded the status of beato, he

was referred to as such and revered as a saint, and his tomb was the object of cult devotion. '56 Danti's image, in fact replaced the earlier effigy, which accounts for its archaic appearance. The original effigy was damaged in the course of Vasari's renovation of Santa Maria ovella, and it apparently had to be replaced. Not only was the Beato a Domenican hero, but he was also revered throughout Tuscany and had considerable interest for Danti's ecclesiastic friends and supporters. 57 1

The patronage network that had supported Danti at the court in Florence was decimated, if not entirely gone, by this time. If some untoward event prompted Danti's departure from Florence, it has not been recorded or recognized. '58 Perhaps Danti perceived that Perugia, in 1573, offered greater opportunities than Florence to reap the benefits of his Florentine accomplishments, at a time when Giambologna's inexorably advancing dominance as the sculptor to the Florentine court was becoming ever more apparent. Despite the obvious success of such a visible public commission in Danti's last years in Florence as his bronze group of the Decollation of the Baptifl over the south portal of the Florentine Baptistery (completed only around 1570), he was dispatched in 156768 by Prince Francesco on an expedition to Seravezza to quarry marbles and to explore the "Cava dell'Altissimo" for new sources of statuary marble (marmi Hatuarii, marmi Hatuali), '59 partly at the suggestion of "messer Giovan Bologna," Danti's almost exact contemporary, to find marble for "la fiorense del salone" (Giambologna's Florence Triumphant over Pisa) to be carved by the Flemish sculptor for the Salone dei Cinquecento in the Palazzo Vecchio. "Vincentio Perusino" can go there (implicitly, in my stead), Giambologna writes (4 May 1567),

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for. and after the Sculptor

and "tutto fo per non perdere tempo et atendero a laverare." 160 Among the projects interrupted by Danti's departure from Florence were his figures for the loggia facade of the Uffizi, facing onto the Piazzale degli Uffizi. A drawing attributed, perhaps not securely, to Giovanni Antonio Dosio (Uffizi 2128 A recto) shows a large Medici cartouche (without a crown at its apex) affixed to the base of Danti's seated statue of Cosimo I within the "serliana" of the piano nobile. 161 This coat-of-arms was doubtless of Danti's own design and belonged to his initial project. It was perhaps similar to the Medici-Toledo cartouche found on the corner of the Palazzo of Sforza Almeni in the Via de' Servi. 162 The original is now in the entrance androne of the palace (fig. 9). While it might be suspected that Danti was responsible for this sculptural-ornamental-heraldic tribute to the Medici court, which was so prominently displayed by Danti's Perugian sponsor in Florence, the design of this cartouche appears to be not Danti's but that of his compatriot, the architect Galeazzo Alessi. 16J

to replace Danti's cartouche, which had been made and paid for in 1566, only to be subsequently rendered obsolete by political developments and new heraldic requirements.

The two Medici coats-of-arms represent two different worlds, and are emblematic of a shift in Florentine visual culture toward a more courtly, even more international taste. The compact, oval, Michelangelesque and Alessian stemma of Palazzo Almeni embodies references to grotesque masks by Michelangelo similar to that of the Porta Pia in Rome,1 67 much as the finestre inginocchiate of the piano terreno, also designed by Galeazzo Alessi, speak with a weighty Roman accent. 168 Giambologna's grand ducal cartouche, placed over the entablature of the ground level loggia of the Uffizi, and beneath Giambologna's "pedestrian" statue of Cosimo I (which the seated statue of the duke planned by Danti), strikes a new note of stylized ornamental elegance in its verticality and the smooth, mounded and elongated oval of its central field, surrounded by compressed scrolls and curving, swelling, seemingly naturalistic lobed forms. 16 9 Neither Vincenzo Danti nor Giambologna were Florentines. Both brought new tendencies from distant places when they came to Florence, which served as a counterweight to the tendential provincialism of Florentine art.

Where the Medici cartouche of Dan ti's project, as documented in Uffizi 2128 A, is positioned immediately below the seated statue of the duke, the present Medici cartouche of the Uffizi teflata has been moved much lower, into the mezzanine zone, just over the arch of the loggia. The new cartouche clearly Appendix: A Drawing by owes its design to Giambologna, and Giuliano Dandi not to Danti, as is often maintained (fig. ro).' 64 The crown surmounting the 1his sixteenth-century Italian drawing cartouche is the new grand ducal crown, in the Museum of Fine Arts (fig. rr) bears introduced in 1570, and jeweled and on its mount the inscription, "JULIAN! with the Florentine jleur-de-lis in the DA DI I SCULPTORIS [D]E SA center of its points. 165 It thus dates from GIMIG A 0 I Fuit olim G. Vasari, a later period than Danti's work for the nunc P. J. Mariette. 1741," testifying Uffizi facade,1 66 and indeed it was made to its provenance from the collections

147

8 . Vincenzo Danti,

Monument of the Beato Giovanni da Salerno.

Marble, width 200 cm. Santa Maria Novella, Florence

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor

of Giorgio Vasari and Pierre-Jean Mariette. '7째 Who Giuliano Dandi was remains uncertain. Suggestions that he is to be identified either as Vincenzo Danti of Perugia or as Vincenzo's father Giulio are both illogical and wrong.

The interest of the sheet derives less from the unremarkable quality of the draughtsmanship than from its record of the appearance of two sculptures, and, more particularly, from the circumstance that it records two potentially identifiable statues. That the drawing is intended as a graphic record of sculptures is unmistakably indicated by the presence of the most elementary characteristic of such documentary drawings of three dimensional statuary: multiple views aimed at capturing the stereometric form, and thus, ideally, taking into consideration all the parts of the work from more than one side or vantage point. Raphael's drawing after the head of an antique Gaul in Lille illustrates the simplest and most typical form of this approach to the graphic description and documentation of sculptural objects; Raphael's approach is paralleled in many similar drawings by other artists.

Though the Boston drawing does not share the architectonic and systematic rigor of Raphael's drawing, '7' its two views are not selected randomly, but like Raphael, the Sangimignese draughtsman concentrates precisely on the two vantage points most essential to a graphic documentation of the statue, the aim of which is to approximate comprehensiveness. The statue is shown first in a frontal position and then from the side, taken at exactly ninety degrees to one side, to the right (or, alternatively, to the left), that is, ortographia, frontal and lateral. This method parallels that implicit in the use of architectural plans and

9. Design of Galeazzo Alessi, Medici-Toledo Coat-of-arms from the Palace of Sforza Almeni. Stone. Palazzo Almeni, Via de' Servi i2, Florence (entrance vestibule)

149

elevations to document ancient as well as modern buildings, although drawn ground plans of sculptures are quite exceptional, and the documentation of sculpture rarely relied on taking numerous and detailed measurements. 172

In any event, and certainly by the midsixteenth century, the methods (vera ragione) of architectural and archaeological graphic description and documentation as applied to statuary and other three dimensional ornamental and utilitarian objects, with at minimum a frontal and a lateral representation, was one that experienced draughtsmen had at their command (pratica). '73 It is nonetheless notable that Dandi's intent in recording the statues he drew remains documentary; his rendition is neither artistic, fanciful, nor inventive. These and similar intentions have left their traces in many contemporary drawings after ancient statuary, thus betraying how their authors saw the antique.

10. Giambologna, Grand Ducal Medici Coat-of-Arms. Marble.

Testata degli Uffizi, Piazzale degli Uffizi, Florence 150

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by. f r and after the .cu ptor

Two further traits of the Boston drawing which confirm its status as a visual document may be mentioned: first, the study of an isolated detail, repeated, as in the extended left arm and hand of the Virgin, and further the indication of a neutral background, which begins in the repeated diagonal lines along the vertical contours of the female statue shown in the upper half of the sheet. The latter feature is also found in many other kinds of drawings, but its purpose in drawings after sculpture is usually to isolate the figural or sculptural motif by neutralizing, indeed almost canceling, the background. In both the drawings of the Leda and of the Pieta, the bases of the statues are indicated and hence documented .

'.

'\

\

In the Boston drawing, the as-yet-unidentified Pieta group presents a variant of Michelangelo's Madonna delle Febbre,174 first placed in the chapel of the king of France and now in Saint Peter's, a variant which closely resembles the original, as do similar "copies" such as that in Montorsoli's presbytery of San Matteo in Genoa or as that in the lunette relief of Jacopo Sansovino's Venier monument in San Salvatore in Venice, both versions which added years to Michelangelo's too youthful Virgin .

Michelangelo's masterpiece inspired never ending replicas, copies, and imitations, large and small.

s路 -

The connection of the statue of Leda, drawn in frontal and lateral positions, with a standing marble L eda in the Victoria and Albert Museum (fig. 12), now usually recognized as by Vincenzo Danti, must have been known long before the time the statue entered the museum's collection in 1938. 75 In that year, the representation of the statue 11. Giuliano Dandi, Sketches after Statues of a Leda and a Pieto, on a "page of drawings formerly in the with an Ornamental Female Head. Pen and ink on paper, 29 .1 x 20.7 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston [15.1247] Heseltine Collection" was mentioned 1

151

in the museum's publication of acquisitions. 176 The drawing had left England in 1915, when the Boston museum acquired it, evidently from P. & D. Colnaghi & Obach, who in October 1912 had acquired the largest part of}. P. Heseltine's collection of old master drawings, some six hundred sheets for a price said to have been ÂŁI50,ooo. 77 Heseltine's collection, in the estimate of Campbell Dodgson at the time of Heseltine's death at eighty-six in 1929, "had no rival save that of Leon Bonnat, among collections dating from the second half of the nineteenth century." 78 1

1

1he marble Leda was first exhibited at the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1866 as a sensational new Michelangelo discovery following its purchase by John Everett Millais in Florence the year before, when Heseltine was still a young man. The Leda was again deposited on loan at the museum between 1898 and 1901, when Heseltine's collection was still intact, and long before his death, not twenty-four hours after his near contemporary, Wilhelm Bode, with whose name, his, in death, became linked.

"Armed with sketchbooks," Heseltine was "the last great English amateur of the old tradition, who bought relying on his own taste and judgment, not on the advice of dealers." 79 1

By 1938 the Heseltine drawing was only a memory in London, and so it remained until it was recognized in Boston in the early 1960s by Detlef Heikamp.

Heikamp shared his discovery with John Pope-Hennessy for inclusion in the 1964 catalogue of Italian sculpture in the Victoria and Albert Museum, where it was suggested that the drawing might be a study by Vincenzo Danti for the L eda, apparently regarding the inscription on the mount ("Dandi") as a corruption of Danti's name. Others have

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for. and after the Seu I ptor

followed this attribution, for example, Licia Collobi Ragghianti.1 80 In his catalogue of the Boston drawings, Hugh Macandrew left the drawing under the traditional attribution to Dandi, "for want of a better one." 181 In 1985, the present writer suggested that the old attribution, deriving from Vasari, to Giuliano Dandi appeared correct. 182 The catalogue of P. J. Mariette's sale in 1775 and Mariette's Abecedario reveal that the collector owned at least three drawings by Giuliano Dandi from Vasari's collection. 183 In addition to the sheet in Boston, there is a similar pen drawing in Frankfurt, 184 and a sheet described

by Mariette as "un Christ mort, porte sur un linceul," drawn in a vaguely Bandinellian style, which is very likely a drawing sold at Sotheby's, London, 25 November 1971, lot 151 (fig. 14). 185 While Vasari may confuse names, his attribution of drawings was based on three elements: name, place of origin, and profession - a constellation typical of his Libro de' disegni, as for instance, "Desiderio da Settignano Scult" or "Filippo Lippi Pitt: Fior." 186 Vasari could, of course, be wrong on all three counts, but it appears unlikely that he invented a Tuscan contemporary who never existed . Totally improbable appears the possibility that he considered Vincenzo Danti's (often referred to as "Vincenzo Perugino") place of origin to be San Gimignano. Dandi may number among the draughtsmen associated with Giovanni Antonio Dosio of San Gimignano.

The name Dandi numbers among the names of well-established San Gimignano families from the early fourteenth century through the sixteenth century; it is a name traceable through cataffo records from 1332 onward.

Giovanni Vicenzo Coppi'sAnnali of San Gimignano (1695) mentions a "messer

12 . Vincenzo Danti, Leda. Marble, height i38.4 cm . Victoria

and Albert Museum, London

153

13 . Giuliano Dandi,

Deposition of Christ. Pen and brown

ink with brown wash, over black chalk, i9.9 x 28.2 cm.

Sotheby's, London, 25 November i971 (lot i51)

154

Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Seu ptor

Dando Dandi da San Gimignano" in the year 1482, 187 and the Dandi are still found in the quarter known as Contrada di S. Giovanni as late as 1555, in the "Stime dei beni" of the Medici dukedom. 188 Dandi, to judge by his three extant drawings, was not a born draughtsman; the cataloguer of the Boston collection remarks upon the ineptitude of its example.

Unknown as a sculptor, Dandi appears to be forgotten by history, as are countless other stone masons and sometime sculptors. In Vasari's voluminous correspondence, there is recorded a "messer Giulio scultore," who eluded identification by Vasari's editor, Karl Frey, and who, Frey ays, 18 9 traveled to Rome in 1567, charged by Vasari to make a drawing of an ancient tatue there ("far disegnare quella statua"), almost a portrait ("pigliar ritratto"), to show to Duke Cosimo de' Medici, who was interested in acquiring it from its owner, a certain Antonio Vielli, who, like so many owners, dreamed that his fortune lay in this single statue. 9째 If "messer Giulio" is an unknown Florentine agent sent to Rome, he could possibly be our "Giuliano," but if the letters written to Vasari from Rome indicate, as they may, a "messer Giulio" already in Rome, "messer Giulio scultore" is probably the painter and sculptor from Piacenza, Giulio Mazzoni, a faithful former assistant of Vasari and then active at the Vatican, which is where Vasari's correspondent, Guglielmo Sangaletti, "tesoriere segreto," finds himself when he writes. 9 1

1 1

155

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy of Thomas Hoby

Cinzia Maria Sicca

The recent increase in scholarly attention to English post-Reformation tomb sculpture has shifted in emphasis from stylistic analysis to a more comprehensive appreciation of how funerary monuments express a web of particularly English socio-economic concerns. ' Some issues regarding tomb effigies have yet to be fully assessed, namely the close relationship between painting and sculpture, and the influence of continental portraiture on English tombs. A case in point is the funerary monument to 1homas Ho by (fig. l) whose influential translation of Castiglione's II cortegiano was published in 1561 as 1he Courtyer of Count Baldessar Caffilio. I shall seek to demonstrate that the potent gesture of the arm akimbo, borrowed from Italian portraiture, sets the reclining figure of Hoby apart from English tradition. Through this motif, Hoby's effigy transmits to posterity his identity as a gentleman of a new sort, modeled on Italian precedents and connected with the courtly aesthetics being disseminated through canons of portraiture.

2

On 12 July 1566, one day before he died, Sir Thomas Hoby (1530-1566), "Englishe ambassador resident with the Frenche Kinge for the queen majesty of Englande," signed and sealed in Paris, in the presence of Monsieur de Foix and various English gentlemen, his last will and testament which was proved a little more than a month later, on 22 August.3 Writing in a foreign land, without the "learned counsell" of an English lawyer, Sir Thomas was greatly concerned that his wishes might be challenged, so he kept his will short. But he was very punctilious about two points: his bequests to

156

his children and pregnant wife and the place of his burial. 1he document's first paragraph contains instructions regarding the disposal of his body, which he wanted "to be conveyed to [his] parrish churche at Bisham and there to be buried at the discretion of [his] Executors."

Later in the tex t the executor is identified in the sole person of his wife, Lady Elizabeth Hoby.

The Church of All Saints, on the banks of the Thames near Marlow in Berkshire, was the parish church for the manor of Bish am, which Sir Thomas had inherited

"with the scite and demaynes of the monastry [priory]" from his half-brother Philip in 1ss8, together with the manor of Alvington in Worcestershire and a "mansion house with the orcherdes and gardeynes in the precincts of the late Blak freers at London." 4 These were not the only bequests to Sir Thomas; he also received all the furniture and decorations in his half-brother's houses as well as sizable quantities of the deceased's gilt plate. In disposing of his lands and goods, Sir Philip Hoby had evidently taken into consideration the needs of his wife and his numerous brothers and sisters. However the provisions made for Sir Thomas, who was also appointed executor, show special attention to the needs of a courtier who required mansions both in the city and the country to impress and entertain his peers.s

In May ISS3 Philip Hoby was chosen ambassador resident in Flanders and in June ISS4 was again sent to Brussels on a diplomatic mission. Because of failing health, he obtained a leave of absence, and by the following year he was staying with Sir John Cheke at Padua. In this journey Sir Philip was accompanied by his half-brother Thomas who had been a student at the university of Padua and who kept a journal of their travels through the Low Countries, Germany, Innsbruck, Padua and Verona, Mainz, Antwerp, and Brussels. 6 It was only after his retirement from active duty that Sir Philip, around 1ss7, was able to devote his energy to the expansion and embellishment of Bisham Priory. He erected a great dining hall and a suite of rooms to the northwest of the old hall, reduced the Montacute quadrangle, and added the fine bay window to its northern end. After Philip's death, these works were taken over by Thomas who was then only twenty-eight.

Until this juncture Thomas had divided his time between St. John's College, Cambridge, and travel.7 In IS47 he had gone to the continent, studying divinity with Martin Bucer with whom he stayed in Strasbourg. At Augsburg he resided at the imperial court with his half-brother, and in IS49 he went to Italy where he enrolled at the university in Padua. He then traveled extensively throughout Italy, returning to England only in ISSI. Back home, Thomas entered the service of William Parr, marquess of Northampton (fig. 3) and accompanied him on his mission to France. 8 ln ISS7 he moved to Bisham where he supervised the building works in his half-brother's absence.

Bisham Abbey (today the headquarters of the ational Sports Centre), was built by Sir Philip Hoby (1sos-1ss8), a supporter of the Reformation and trusted servant of Henry VIII who employed him in the diplomatic service at the courts of Spain and Portugal in 1s3s-36 (fig. 2). By 1s42 Sir Philip had become one of the gentlemen ushers of the King's Privy Chamber. In 1s44, having taken part in the Siege of Boulogne, he was rewarded for his services with a knighthood, houses in London, and monastic spoils. Appointed Master of the Ordnance in the orth on 12 May IS4S, Sir Philip succeeded Thomas Thirlby three years later as ambassador at the court of the Emperor Charles V, a post which he held until the early 1ssos when he was admitted to the Privy Council and employed in a number of diplomatic negotiations. In 1ss2 the manor of Bisham Abbey was also bestowed on him, much to the disgust of its then- The death of Sir Philip without male owner, Anne of Cleves, who was obliged issue left Thomas a wealthy man, but to swap it for alternative lands in Suffolk. one needing to secure the family's

IS7

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Eff;gy of Thomas Hoby

'"'Leu.Iv JJol1;'>!!

l.

Funerary Monument of Sir Philip Haby and Sir Thomas Haby, after i566. Alabaster.

Church of All Saints, Bisham

(PREv1ous PAGE)

Hans Holbein the Younger, Sir Philip Haby, ca. i536-40. Colored chalks and gouache on pink prepared paper, 30.2 x 22.4 cm. Royal Library, Windsor Castle 2.

(TOP LEFT)

3. (ToP RIGHT) Hans Holbein the Younger, William Parr, Marquess of Northampton, ca. i538-40 Colored chalks, gouache, and black ink on pink prepared paper, 3i.8 x 2i.2 cm. Royal Library, Windsor Castle

Hans Holbein the Younger, Elizabeth Stonor, Lady Haby, ca. i536-40 . Colored chalks and black ink on pink prepared paper, 27.7 x 20.1 cm.

Royal Library, Windsor Castle 4.

(eoTTOM LEFT)

159

continuation through his own progeny.

On 27 June 1558 he married Elizabeth, third daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, a woman renowned for her learning, and fluency in French and Italian. They had met the year before when she visited Bisham with her sister and brother-inlaw.9 Elizabeth Hoby's intellectual skills were certainly meaningful qualities for Thomas, 10 though equally important factors in his choice of a bride must have been additional opportunities to turn a web of courtly relations into even more powerful family allegiances. Sir Anthony Cooke,n with whom the two Hoby halfbrothers had spent the winter of 1554 in Padua, had been a tutor to Edward VI, a position which he had shared with Sir John Cheke, Thomas Hoby's own tutor at Cambridge. Furthermore, in 1545 Mildred Cooke, one of Sir Anthony's five daughters, had married William Cecil, another of Hoby's Cambridge associates and Master of Requests to the duke of Somerset, Edward VI's uncle; from the accession of Elizabeth I, Cecil held the post of Secretary of State. Sir Anthony's second daughter, Anne, married icholas Bacon who was appointed Lord Keeper of the Great Seal under Elizabeth. 12 Thus Thomas Hoby, brother of a courtier and educated to embark upon a career as a courtier, through friendships and marriage firmly ensconced himself within the Elizabethan court.

The social standing of Thomas Hoby was such that even in death it had to be asserted. His own political survival and that of his family was associated with the manor but also with the funerary monuments dedicated to him and to his brother. either erected his tomb in his lifetime. Rather, they seemed ufficiently confident in their heirs to leave only the most generic of testamentary instructions.'J Given the scale of Philip's 160

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Eff;gy of Thomas Haby

generosity to his half-brother, it must be assumed that provisions for his tomb fell upon Thomas, especially after the death of Philip's widow, Elizabeth Stonor (fig.

4), in 1560. 14 We know that Philip's body had been taken to Bisham by boat and buried in the church of All Saints on 9 June 1558, but we know nothing about the shape of this first tomb. It was presumably a provisional arrangement meant to be replaced in due course by a proper funerary monument since at the time Thomas Hoby's attention and money could not be diverted from Bisham Priory. In fact it was only in 1561 that he could proudly note in his "Booke of the travaile and lief of me Thomas Hoby wt diverse things woorth the notinge," "this yere were the new lodgings finished at Bissham." s Successive entries in 1562, 1563, and 1564 reveal that works were still going on, including "the gallery made with noble men's armes, etc.," the garden and orchard planted, "water brought in lead ... to the house," a fountain placed in the garden, and "repairing of outhouses and barnes beyond the stable." 16 For an ambitious courtier such as Thomas Hoby, a magnificent house was necessary for entertainment, as is borne out by the entries in his diary. On 8 September 1560, for example, a who's who of the Elizabethan court dined at Bisham, including the marquess of Northampton, the earls of Arundel and Hertford, Lord Cobham, Lord Henry Seymour, Lady Katharine Grey, Sir Roger orth, Lady Jane Seymour, Lady Cecil, Mrs. Blanche Parry (gentlewoman of the queen's household), and Mrs. Mansfield (gentlewoman of the bed chamber).'7 1

By the time of Sir Thomas's death in 1566, nothing had yet been done on his tomb. However, the proclamation issued

by Elizabeth I on 19 September 1560 suppressing iconoclasm may well have

led to the formulation of plans, which Lady Elizabeth Hoby would implement six years later. 18 It fell upon her to bring her husband's body from Paris, bury it on 2 September, and in due course erect a monument to both her husband and brother-in-law (figs. l, 5).19 To this purpose, and in order to overcome the constraints of space, she took the step of building a new family chapel - considerably enlarging the church and establishing through monuments the family's presence within the community. With the building of the new chapel, the remains of Sir Philip were removed from their original resting place in the main body of the church and laid to rest with Sir Thomas's in an impressive new joint monument.2째 Unfortunately we do not know precisely what the chapel looked like, the overall appearance of the church having undergone major alterations in 1849 and especially 1856, when the church was rebuilt in the Decorated Style, the chancel extended by ten feet, and two roofs replaced the one fl.at-span ceiling. The south aisle was also rebuilt and the south gallery erected. The final major structural alteration was the addition of a north aisle in 1878.

21

Since the mid-thirteenth century, tomb chests with recumbent carved effigies either free-standing or set against a wall beneath a decorated arch - were an established English type. But the Hoby monument departs from this tradition by introducing effigies which appear animated (fig. 5). In the past, the effigy of the deceased was shown laying on the chest or sarcophagus as if asleep or with hands clasped in prayer (as in Dr. Yonge's tomb and in the royal monuments by Pietro Torrigiani).

Here, by contrast, the figures of the two half-brothers are semi-recumbent on simulated rush matting, in a posture unusual for England but widely used in

Italy, Spain, and France. The effigies do not yet prop themselves up by resting on elbows, as in Baldassare Peruzzi's tomb of Adrian VI, Rome, 1523 (fig. 6) or the tomb of Leonardo Tomacelli by Giovan Tommaso Malvito, Naples, 1529 (fig. 7). 1he activation of the Hoby effigies, minimal when compared to these Italian examples, is achieved by propping the heads on their burgonets as well as by playing with the position of the arms and legs. But the real novelty in the Hoby tomb is the use of conventions borrowed from the most innovative full-length portraiture of the time and the consequent understanding that the effigy should be concerned not with accurate capture of physiognomic detail but rather with representing the essence of the individual, that is, his type, so as to make it recognizable in perpetuity.

22

Depicting the men in plate armor was necessary to show that they had been knighted, but already, in the treatment of the armors' surface, a difference is introduced. Sir Philip's armor is plain and seems more functional as befits a man who had seen active service.

On the other hand, Sir Thomas's armor is more elaborate, with heavy, gilded guilloche decoration running vertically down the cuirass and cuisses (fig. 8).

A further decorative pattern is formed by the lines of rivets which are particularly dense over the tassets (armor over the upper legs), giving the impression of a decorative textile motif rather than of metal plate. The ceremonial nature of Thomas Hoby's armor is accentuated by the breeches that can be seen when the effigy is viewed from the bottom of the tomb chest and by the prominent codpiece, visible to an extent unusual in death effigies of men in armor, but a noticeable symbol of masculinity in portraits of princes - as exemplified by Titian's portraits of Federico Gonzaga

161

5. Funerary Monument of Sir Philip Haby and Sir Thomas Haby, after i566. Alabaster. Church of All Saints, Bisham

162

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy of Thomas Haby

6. Baldassarre Peruzzi, Tomb of Adrian VI, i523. Santa Maria dell'Anima, Rome 7. Giovan Tommaso Malvito, Tomb of Leonardo Tomace lli, i5 29. San Domenico Maggiore, Naples 8. Fun erary Monument of Sir Philip Haby and Sir Thomas Haby (detail)

(ca. 1528), Francesco Maria della Rovere (1536), and Philip II (1551) .23 Bronzino's portrait of Ludovico Capponi (155058) is one of the best instances of such treatment in Italian portraiture of gentlemen, which spread to the rest of Europe, as shown, for instance, by Jakob Seisenegger's portrait of Georg Fugger (1541) and the three-quarter-length portrait of Sir Philip Sidney by an anonymous artist (fig. 9) .2 4 In these portraits the sitters are presented as highly fashionable creatures, devoid of military insignia; their masculine prowess is conveyed only by the bulging codpiece at the center of the painting. In the effigy of Sir Philip Hoby, nearer the wall and further away from the viewer (fig. 5), the codpiece is obscured by the broad sword laying in between his crossed legs and held at the hilt by his right hand. If we imagine the effigy of Sir Philip standing, the sword would act as a balancing and supporting element. In contrast to his half-brother, Thomas Hoby's sword lies to his side, unused and unusable, reduced, like his armor, to a ceremonial and heraldic symbol.

9. English, Portrait of Sir Philip Sidney, ca. i576. Oil on wood, 113.9 x 84 cm. National Portrait Gallery, London, NPG 5732

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy of Thomas Hoby

either Hoby wears gauntlets: their hands are unprotected, and ruffs decorate the wrists and necks of both men, much as in Titian's portrait of Philip II. The ruffed cuffs and collars call attention to the gestures of the hands as well as to the exquisitely carved heads.

These have been associated with the style of Pierre Bontemps in the 1557 monument commemorating Charles de Magny formerly in the Eglise des Celestins, Paris (fig. ro). 2s Attractive as this hypothesis may appear, it should be noted that the chiseled noses, deep eye sockets, high foreheads, and closely cropped hair and beards are even more strongly reminiscent of the style of Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli (15061563), a sculptor whose work had caught

Thomas Hoby's attention when he visited Messina in 1550. On seeing the unfinished fountain of Orion, Hoby remarked in his diary, "I saw a fountaine of verie white marble graven with the storie of Acteon and such other, by on Giovan Angelo, a florentine, which to my eyes is on of the fairest peece of worke that ever I sawe." 26 The year before, in 1549, he had had the opportunity to see the Saint Paul carved by Montorsoli for the Florentine church of SS. Annunziata, as well as the portrait busts for which this pupil of Michelangelo was famous. It should also be noted that Hoby might have known of the two busts of Charles V carved by Montorsoli, probably in 1541 during the emperor's stay in Genoa, where the sculptor was employed by the Dorias. 7 We do not know whether Thomas Hoby had any personal contact with Montorsoli or more pointedly whether he commissioned a bust of himself that might have served as a model for the monument. It is significant, however, that the two heads on the monument conform to a Mannerist ideal of noble heads of men in their maturity. The sculptor has not sought accuracy: there is in fact little differentiation between the apparent age of the two portraits, despite the fact that Sir Thoma died aged 36, while Sir Philip was 53 at the time of his death.

2

1he Hoby brothers were well acquainted with continental portraiture through their various diplomatic postings; their knowledge of the genre also involved direct contact with some of the leading European portraitists. Indeed in March 1538, Sir Philip had traveled with Hans Holbein the Younger to Brussels to obtain a portrait of the recently widowed Christina of Denmark, duchess of Milan. Between this time and his death in 1543, Holbein made drawings of Sir Philip, his wife, and his brother

10. Pierre Bontemps, Funerary Monument to Charles de Maigny,

1557路 Stone, 145 x 70 x 42.2 cm. Musee du Louvre, Paris

165

11 . Titian, An English Gentleman, i54os . Oil on canvas, x 96.8 cm. Galleria Palatina, Palazzo Pitti, Florence

111

r66

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy -f Thomas Hoby

(figs. 2, 3, 4), all preserved at Windsor in the book which had originally been assembled by Sir John Cheke, who is also responsible for the sitters' identification. 28 As Maryan Ainsworth has shown, the drawings in the book were patterns for the underdrawings of workshop portraits: it is therefore very likely that they were used to produce painted portraits now lost. 9 Sir Philip had also met Titian in Augsburg; the painter's two stays at the imperial court in 1548 and 1550-51 coincided with Hoby's stay there. A letter of n ovember 1550 from Titian in Augsburg to Pietro Aretino in Venice shows that the painter and the English ambassador were on quite good terms. Titian wrote: "Sir Philip Hoby left yesterday for England by land; he salutes you, and says he will not be content till he does you a pleasure himself in addition to the good offices which he promises to do for your benefit with his sovereign. Rejoice therefore ... "3째 A comparison of Holbein's drawing of Sir Philip (fig. 2) with Titian's English Gentleman in Florence (fig. n), generally dated to the second half of the l54os,3' reveals a remarkable similarity in the sitters' features: the deep eye-sockets, strong nose bridge, longish nose, fleshy lower lip, as well as the mustache and beard are almost identical. The arresting gaze also appears so similar, though rendered by completely different artistic means, as to suggest the possibility that Titian's anonymous sitter might well be identified with Philip Hoby (fig. 12).

The hair in Titian's portrait in the Pitti Palace is equally reminiscent of that in the sculpted effigy of 1homas Hoby at Bisham (fig. 13). Indeed the whole head, with the exception of the thicker and longer beard, appears to be an aged version of Titian's portrait.

2

12 . Detail of fig. 5, showing Sir Philip Hoby

1he English Gentleman faces the viewer in an assertive way, not just because his

13 . Detail of fig. 5, showing Sir Thomas Hoby

gaze fixes us defiantly, but also because the intense expression is accompanied by what was then the preeminent gesture of self-possession: the arm akimbo. This gesture characterizes also the sculpted effigy of Thomas Hoby (fig.

14), and can be seen in all the portraits considered thus far and in many of the portraits the Hobys were likely to have known first-hand.

In an essay published in 1991, Joaneath Spicer traced the appearance of the arm akimbo gesture to fifteenth-century Florence and to statues of the triumphant David by Donatello and Verrocchio, to which should be added the related painted images of Farinata degli Uberti by Castagno (Uffizi) and David

by Antonio del Pollaiuolo (Berlin).3 By the sixteenth century, the assertive posture with one hand on the hip, the other resting on the pommel of a dagger or sword, became widespread in male portraiture with explicitly military associations. Eloquent examples of this practice include Pontormo's Francesco Guardi as a Halberdier (1529-30; ]. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles), painted immediately after the siege of Florence; Baccio Bandinelli's Cosimo I in Parade Armor, engraved in 1544 by iccolo della Casa; and Titian's portraits of Philip II and Federico Gonzaga. The more powerful members of society adopted this body language and favored its use in their portraits as a means of self-assertion. The brashness of military attire was replaced by refined clothes, frequently though not exclusively black, a color which, according to Castiglione, "hath a better grace in garments then any other." 33 2

14. Detail of fig. 5, showing Sir Thomas Hoby

168

The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy f ~homas Hoby

The pose of the arm akimbo becomes, in these transformed conditions, one of hauteur, an expression of sprezzatura, or in Hoby's translation of Castiglione, of

"reckeleness ." The hand on the hip can be open with the palm facing down, or it may be turned in with the back facing up. 1he latter variant of the gesture adds a further nuance of nonchalance which at a later date, in 1644, was singled out for criticism by John Bulwer in his Chironomia. "To set the arm agambo or aprank," he wrote, "and to rest the turned-in back of the hand up on the side is an action of pride and ostentation, unbeseeming the hand of an orator."J4 Bulwer's comment tallies perfectly with the essence of the gesture and its "reckless ness ." Hoby's choice of words suggests behavior that is spontaneous and overt; the gesture conveys the self-assurance and ease of the courtier. It is no surprise then that this gesture was chosen for the Bish am monument.35 Whether the sculptor copied it from a portrait or followed an iconographic program laid out by his patron, he identified Sir Thomas with a gesture that had acquired great significance in male portraiture of the sixteenth century.3 6 It was a powerful symbol of a social elite, particularly suited to the translator of Castiglione's book. The ges ture had not previously been used in funerary effigies and appears not to have set a powerful precedent in England . The only other instance of its use of which I am aware is in the tomb of Henry, Lord Norris (d. 1601) in Westminster Abbey: one of the attendant sons kneels with his left arm akimbo .37 The gesture certainly posed problem s in funerary sculpture, even when a more decidedly dynamic effigy gained acceptance. But its lack of popularity must also be considered evidence of the special meaning the arm akimbo had for the Hoby monument. There it was uniquely appropriate to the deceased.

The long verses in Latin and English, which L ady H oby composed and had carved on the monument, stress the

personal qualities and the endeavors linking Thomas and Philip Ho by to the ideal of the courtier. By extolling the virtues specific to the courtier, they elucidate the unusual iconography of the monument, as well as showing Lady Hoby's understanding of Renaissance culture.

Two worthye K!Jightes, andCJ-!obies bathe by name, enclosed within this marble ff one do reff.

Philip, the fyrff, in Caesar-s Court hatheJame Juch as tofare fewe legates like posseff, cA diepe discoursing head, a noble breff, cA Courtier passing and a curteis Krf ight, :?jlous to g od, whose gospel he projeff When greteff florin es gan dym the sacred light, cA happie man whom death hathe now redeemed Yrom care to Joye that cannot be efteemed.

'Thomas in ?ranee posseff the legate's place cAnd with such wisdom grew to guide the same cAs had increff great honour to his race Y-f sodein fate had not envied hisJame. firm in god's truth, gentle, a faithful/rend, W e! lerned and languaged; nature besyde g ave comely shape, which made ruful his end, Jins in his jloure in Paris towne he died, [gaving with child behind his woful wief, I n farein land oppreff with heapes ofgrief; 7rom part of which when she des charged was 'By fall oftears which faithful wiefes do shead, 'Ihe corps with honour brought she to this place, P erfaurming herre all due unto the dead.

'That doon this noble tomb she caused to make cAnd both these brethern closed within the same, cA memory left here for vertue's sake, I n spite ofdeath to honour them with Jame.

'Th us live they dead, and we lerne we! therby 'That ye and we and all the world muff dye.

The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orvieto Cathedra l

Marietta Cambareri

Benvenuto Cellini may have never gone to Orvieto and many of the works discussed here were created after his death in r57r. onetheless, consideration of the series of statues of apostles for the nave of Orvieto cathedral raises issues that would have been of great interest to Cellini - particularly the art of marble sculpture in the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. At Orvieto, a strong tradition of marble carving set the stage for adherence to ideals embodied in the work and ideas of Michelangelo. Especially important were Michelangelo's insistence on carving his works with his own hands, without relying on a workshop, and his respect for the integrity of the marble block. For Cellini, the example of Michelangelo was of the greatest significance. As Irving Lavin made clear, Cellini's marble Crucifix now in the Escorial, which the artist referred to with pride and affection as his "bel Cristo," was the work that most permitted Cellini to compare himself to Michelangelo. With the Crucifix he achieved something that Michelangelo thought about doing but never carried out - carving a life-size Corpus from a single block of white Carrara marble. Cellini boasted that no one else had ever accomplished this feat, and again and again said that he himself made the figure. There is some uncertainty about just how much of the Crucifix Cellini actually carved. We know that Willem van Tetrode served as a marble-carving specialist while in Cellini's shop and was responsible for the base of the Perseus. Still, Cellini's insistent claims that he carved the Crucifix himself should be taken seriously. They affirm the importance of an ideal set out by Michelangelo and, at the very least, form a key part of the discourse about sculptural ideals and practices in the later sixteenth century.

1

2

1he series of apostles intended to line the nave of Orvieto cathedral was begun in the mid-r55os and became one of the most ambitious programs of marble statuary in central Italy. By r644, ten

apostles had been completed; the last two were carved in the early eighteenth century. The Apoftles were removed to the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo in the last years of the nineteenth century. This

study is based on published and unpublished documents from the Orvieto cathedral archive related to the apostles project. 1hese documents present a vivid record of the commissioning, execution, and evaluation of marble statuary in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

1he story centers around the great cathedral of Orvieto, which, like so many Italian churches, was transformed in the sixteenth century. Projects for the interior and the facade transformed it into a modern church to serve new tastes as well as new liturgical practices.3 The transformation began in the r53os with a bold program of renovation initiated by Pope Paul III Farnese, who had strong personal ties in Orvieto. 4 He ordered the transfer of the choir from the first bays of the nave into the apse of the church; this alteration opened up the high altar to the congregation and cleared the nave. The pope marked the area of the nave where the choir had stood by commissioning a pavement of colored marbles that featured Farnese lilies, and planned to erect a splendid coffered and gilded wood ceiling also decorated with Farnese emblems. The project was too redolent of Farnese presence to have ever been welcomed by the fiercely independent cathedral council, the Opera del Duomo, which oversaw all work on the church. A civic lay council, the Opera was part of the town government.

The bishops of Orvieto and the cathedral canons had very limited roles in patronage at the cathedral. Individual and political influences were restricted by the statutes and traditions of the Opera del Duomo to a degree unparallelled in similar projects elsewhere in Italy. In Florence, for example, the Medici dukes guided comparable projects at the cathedral and the churches of

Santa Maria ovella and Santa Croce.s The Opera del Duomo at Orvieto guarded its independence from both secular and ecclesiastical politics. Only Paul III managed to insert a strong Farnese imprint in the cathedral interior, though only underfoot. He was unable to push forward his plan for the coffered ceiling.

Furthermore, it was his temporal role as head of the Papal States that allowed him to exert influence over the cathedral. As a branch of the civic government of Orvieto, which in turn was part of the Papal States, the Opera's ultimate authority rested with the papacy.

With the nave cleared of the choir, and the high altar accessible to the congregation, the Opera concentrated on regularizing the chaotic medieval interior.

Marble altars with monumental relief altarpieces were created in the crossing of the church, bringing to Orvieto the Tuscan sculptors Simone Mosca and Raffaello da Montelupo. 6 These altars served as the training ground for the next generation of marble carvers at Orvieto, including Mosca's son Francesco Moschino, a prodigy whom Giorgio Vasari described as "practically being born with his chisels in his hands." Also trained as a scarpellino was the great Orvietan marble sculptor and architect, Ippolito Scalza, whose masterpiece can be directly compared to Cellini's be/ Criflo.7 Scalza's Pieta (fig. r), begun in r570 and completed in r578, also met and surpassed the great challenge of Michelangelo: it is a fully realized group of four figures carved in the round from a single block of marble.

Its theme is completely bound up with Michelangelo's devotional and sculptural goals. Scalza devoted eight years to the creation of the piece which he signed in r579: there can be no doubt that he carved it himself. Given the many struggles Scalza faced in asserting his own

1. Ippolito Scalza, Pieta, i570-78. Marble. Duomo, Orvieto

The Eternal Art

Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orvieto Cathedral

worth in his home town - a town which traditionally honored foreign artists over locals - it would probably disappoint but not surprise Scalza that his sculpture is not today widely recognized as one of the masterpieces of later sixteenth-century Italian sculpture. 8 The regularization of the church interior continued along the side aisles where altarpieces depicting the Mission and Passion of Christ painted by Gerolamo Muziano, Federico Zuccaro, iccolo Circignani, and the native Orvietan Cesare Nebbia were installed.9 Stucco frameworks and frescoed fields completed the decorative program which is recorded only in nineteenth-century photographs. In a sweeping late nineteenth-century restoration campaign, this program was destroyed and the altarpieces, which survive, were moved to the cathedral museum.

When the Opera decided in r555 to decorate the side aisles with paintings and stucco work, it abandoned any idea of continuing the program of marble altars begun in the crossing. The sculptors who had been trained there would concentrate instead on carving marble statuary.

Already in r554, Francesco Moschino was sent to Carrara to acquire marble for several projects, including a Pieta and three statues - a life-size Saint Sebaflian and a pair of over-life-size sculptures of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. This was the initial phase of the apostle series, though I believe that at this date, the Opera was not necessarily planning a whole series, but rather had commissioned a pair of statues that asserted Orvieto's traditionally strong ties to Rome and to the papacy, like the pair of sculptures of Saint Peter and Saint Paul that was placed on the Ponte Sant'Angelo by Clement VII as a sign of renewal after the Sack of Rome. '0

In r556, Francesco Moschino completed the Saint Paul, his last work in Orvieto before he left to serve the Medici dukes in Pisa and the Farnese dukes in Parma.

The statue was placed at the head of the nave in I557- Saint Peter was carved by Raffaello da Montelupo, capomaeflro of the cathedral workshop (jabbrica), and was placed in the cathedral in r564. Saint Peter and Saint Paul stood at the crossing piers like cornerstones of the church, bridging the nave to the crossing and apse. 11 In r566, the Opera rejected a proposal to sell the large block quarried a decade earlier for a Pieta in order to obtain a block for a statue of another apostle. This decision is the first indication that a full series was being considered.

12

The foremost precedent for this comission in the sixteenth century was surely the series of apostles planned for Florence cathedral, a project begun by Michelangelo in the early years of the century and revived in r563 with the placement in the cathedral of those statues already carved .'3 The twelve piers in the nave of Orvieto cathedral may themselves be een as a reference to the apostles, commonly described as "pillars of the Church" and provided the ideal anchoring points for the statues . At Orvieto, the commission took on additional significance within the context of the celebration of the feast of Pentecost, a tradition already long established, which made vivid to orvietani the role of the apostles in spreading the Gospel.

Furthermore, by r566, the program for the side chapels was well established and nearly complete, with stories of the Mission and Passion of Christ presenting the gospel stories to which the apostles would testify. 14 These two commissions were inextricably linked. 1he marble apostles, set on pedestals in the nave, would seem to interact and mingle with the faithful.

1

73

Upon Raffaello da Montelupo's death at the height of his powers as a sculptor. in 1566, Ippolito Scalza succeeded him a Trained as a marble carver and architect capomaeflro of the fabrica. 1570 marked under Raffaello da Montelupo, one of a watershed in Scalza's own career as a the very few sculptors to have worked disculptor and in the production of mar- rectly with Michelangelo, Scalza seems ble sculpture at Orvieto in the later to have lived the life Michelangelo cinquecento: he presented a petition to dreamed of - carving marble sculptures the Opera for authorization to contin- more or less at his own pace, with his ue the program for the side chapels in own hands, drawing a regular salary, marble rather than stucco. 15 He argued and directing the cathedral shop. that by commissioning work in stucco, the council was not living up to the In 1580, while working on the clay modstandards and traditions set by their pre- el for his first apostle, Scalza made the decessors. Stucco was not an honorable last of many pleas that his salary be or honored medium and did not last; raised to 200 scudi a year, equal to what spending money on it was like throwing Mosca, Moschino, and Montelupo had his it into the river. He argued that work in all earned as capomaeflro. He sent 18 marble would do honor to the Opera's petition in written form "de casa." The predecessors who had begun the ca- Pieta had recently been placed in the thedral. Marble endured - working in church, in a provisional setting. Scalza marble, Scalza said, was to "make some- wanted to be present to discuss the perthing eternal" (fare la cosa perpetua). manent placement of the work but was at Scalza thus evoked not only the tradi- home in bed, ill because of the efforts he tion of marble carving at Orvieto, epito- expended making the clay model for the mized by the great facade reliefs but also apostle. This tug on the sympathies of the authority of ancient sculpture. The the council may have helped, but surely Opera considered Scalza's suggestion it was the great success of the Pieta and the prospect of the new apostle project but continued with the stucco project. just underway that finally pushed them However - and I suspect that this may to accord Scalza 200 scudi a year, thirhave been Scalza's true goal - his im- teen years after he had taken over the repassioned argument in favor of marble sponsibilities of capomaeflro. sculpture seems to have led, three weeks later, to the Opera's granting him the marble for the Pieta. Furthermore, they agreed that future camerlenghi should proceed with an additional ten marble apostles. 16 The apostle series was now officially on the books, but only upon completion of the Pieta did work actually begin. With the Pieta (fig. l), Scalza would prove himself beyond all expectations as a marble sculptor, and in 1578, at forty-six, he made his first and only trip to Carrara to obtain marble. 17 This was an extremely ambitious trip; blocks for four over-life-size apostles and five lifesize statues were purchased. Scalza was

The first apostle to be carved by Ippolito Scalza was Saint Thomas (fig. 2). 9 The choice of subject may well have been Scalza's own. He presents Thomas as architect, holding a book, his foot on a block that suggests a cornerstone. At his feet are surveying devices; in one hand are square, ruler, and compasses - all rendered with Scalza's typical attention to realistic detail. Both sculptor and architect, Scalza here honored the art of architecture through his skill as sculptor.

A tradition developed early on that the Saint Thomas was a self-portrait, though it should be seen more as an idealized

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1

self-image. A lovely memoria written by the camerlengo of the Opera records the placement of the Saint Thomas in the cathedral. The sense of civic pride elicited

by Scalza's apostle is palpable: Today, Friday the 22nd of May 1587, at five o'clock in the afternoon the apostle Saint 1homas of marble, made by mae$ho Ippolito Scalza, our sculptor and architeCl: and Orvietan citizen, was placed in Santa Maria, and at 8 in the evening it was set on its pedeshl at the third column on the right side toward the high altar. Drums, trumpets, and the organ sounded and bells rang from all the churches in Orvieto in praise of God, the Virgin Mary our patron, the Apostle Saint Thomas, and the entire celestial court.2째 By mid-August 1588, Scalza had the block of marble for the Saint john in his shop, but he seems to have gotten into a bit of trouble with the Opera.

Apparently, in an effort to get the marble quickly to Orvieto - a challenging endeavor - he overspent his budget and laid out 340 scudi of his own money, expecting the Opera to reimburse him. In making his plea for reimbursement the following year, Scalza again stayed home and sent a written petition to the Opera. He described the situation as causing great damage and ruin to his household and explained that it had happened because of his great desire that the marble arrive so that he could work and carry out his duties in the fabbrica in his old age (he was now about sixty-seven). His story went like this: he had heard from some townspeople that the Opera believed he was not working, which was not true. He said, "I have always come to work, created models, and

organized all the work that needs to be done by the other artists working for the fabbrica, who do absolutely nothing unless I tell them to" (che non si fa cosa alcuna senza l'ordine mio). But when he heard that people were saying he wasn't working, he felt he had to get the marble to Orvieto, because if the marble for the apostles was not there, then he could not create them by magic ("non potevo farli nasciere per arte magica")! The marble was supposed to be in Orvieto in August; he was worried that the rains of mid-August would come and if it rained they wouldn't be able to transport marble at all, so Scalza went ahead and gave orders to transport the marble. Scalza reminded the Opera of his long years of service and his many works for the town and the cathedral. The council, after much scrutiny, voted to reimburse him for his expenses. 21 At this time, Scalza was working on the model for the Saint john (fig. 3).

Completed in 1594, it is quite different from the Saint Thomas. The Saint john is Scalza's most inspired single figure; its thoughtful composure and grace presage the smooth classicism of sculptures

by Stefano Maderno and Cammillo Mariani made in Rome in the first years of the seventeenth century. Particularly charming is the animated, striding eagle that accompanies the walking saint and almost mimics his posture in reverse.

With beak open and teeth showing, talons gripping the book that rests precariously on the base, the eagle shows Scalza to be a fine carver of animals . The Saint john took five years to complete -again, a luxurious span of time. Even to Scalza it must have been clear that he himself could not carve all the apostles; certainly the Opera realized this as well. In 1589, when the block for the Saint john was given to Scalza, the other blocks were assigned to different sculptors. One 22

2. Ippolito Scalza, Saint Thomas, i587. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto 3. Ippolito Scalza, Saintjohn, i594. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

q6

The Eternal Art

Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orv1eto Cathedral

went to the Orvietan Fabiano Toti, son of a scarpellino in the shop and protege of Scalza. He had carved a very beautiful marble Sibyl which stands outside the cathedral, as well as a marble Virgin for the crossing, somewhat less inspired .

Toti had to submit a model for his apostle, which was accepted by the Opera which then awarded him the block. 2J It seems that he was not up to the task or that he worked even more slowly than Scalza, because when Scalza finished the Saint John in 1594, the block for Toti's Saint Andrew was turned over to him. Scalza completed it in five years clearly his pace for each apostle; it was placed in the church in 1599路 One block of marble remained. The Opera had traditionally looked outside Orvieto for artists to work in the cathedral and now the apostle series entered what could be called its "glamour" phase.

After the heady, patriotic phase when Scalza seemed to prove to Orvieto that homegrown talent could achieve stupendous results, the Opera began attracting foreign sculptors of the first rank to Orvieto. In ovember of 1589 the Opera discussed a letter from the Florentine sculptor Giovanni Caccini.2 4 In this asyet-untraced letter, Caccini must have expressed himself willing and able to carve one of the apostles. 1he Opera agreed that he was excellent and that they should try to come to terms with him. In January 1590, a council member reiterated the intentions for Caccini in particular and for the series in general: the camerlengo and future camerlenghi should move ahead with Caccini's contract; even if the fabbrica had sculptors on salary, the cathedral could still be adorned by works by other famous sculptors, like Caccini. The final agreement was drawn up in May 1590: Caccini would be paid 500 scudi as well as a bonus if the work was deemed worthy.

He arrived in Orvieto and completed the Saint James the Greater in just nine months, in March 1591, and was awarded a bonus of 30 scudi. The sculpture is imbued with Caccini's quiet ease and classicism (fig. 4). The figure seems to walk forward; his extended left arm and animated drapery bring a new virtuosity to the Apostle series. It is likely that this figure was inspired by Scalza as he developed his walking Saint John, discussed above.

Giovanni Caccini had been praised by Raffaele Borghini in II Riposo (1584) as the most promising young sculptor at work in Florence, so this commission must have seemed a great coup for the Opera.25 Their ambitions for the project grew, and in January 1595, they learned that they might attract the most famous sculptor of the day to carve the next apostle. Echoing Scalza's earlier discourse about marble carving, a member of the council invoked the Opera's past glories. Vincenzo Magonio announced that, in emulation of the illustrious and noble beginning made by their predecessors in adorning the cathedral and especially the plan for the twelve apostles to be carved in marble, it seemed that they might be able to have a work by "Giovanni Bologna most famous sculptor". He exhorted the camerlengo to make the greatest effort so that Giambologna could have a piece of marble and sculpt an apostle for the cathedral. The sculptor would be able to choose which apostle he wished to carve, and the camerlengo should try to arrange the most favorable price possible. 26 This made explicit that the choice of saint could be left up to the artist. His namesake John having already been carved, Giambologna chose Matthew, perhaps in emulation of Michelangelo's unfinished statue for Florence cathedral. The contract, drawn up on rrJuly 1595, required Giambologna

to carve Matthew with the Angel at his feet in two years time, with all the industry, diligence, and study that his reputation called for. 7 The marble would be sent to Giambologna's shop and he should make it according to the model and drawing that he had consigned to the camerlengo. The surviving fragmentary model is in the cathedral museum. 28 The camerlengo would see to the procurement of the marble following the sculptor's measurements. The price would be 600 scudi, the most yet paid for an apostle (and the equivalent of three years' salary for the capomaeflro Scalza). The Opera would pay for packing and transport. Giambologna signed and agreed to all but the time frame, given his other obligations to the Medici but promised to do what he could. Giovanni Bandini obtained the marble for the Saint Matthew, having been sent by Girolamo Seriocopi, agent of Duke Francesco de' Medici. Seriocopi's letter to the camerlengo of the Opera recounts an interesting bargaining ploy: he had told Bandini to buy the best marble available for the best price possible, making the sculptor believe that if the price was not favorable, the sculpture would be made from bronze, not marble .29 2

There is no memoria describing the arrival and uncrating of the Saint Matthew (fig. s) or its placement in the cathedral.

We can only imagine what the members of the Opera felt when they read the inscription on the strap across Matthew's chest reading "Opus Gionis Bolonge" and then to see the much less prominent inscription on the belt at the saint's waist: "Petri Francaville fecit." Pietro Francavilla was the marble-carving specialist in Giambologna's shop at this time. Never in the Orvietan documents or sources until the nineteenth century do we read that the sculpture was actually carved by Francavilla; it was always attributed solely to Giambologna.3째 The two specific signatures acknowledge and thereby recognize and value the distinction between the design and the execution of a work of sculpture .31

The orvietani remained justly proud of this beautiful statue. It was held up as the standard for later sculptors, and its high price set the bar for the next commissions for marble sculpture. However, in all discussions with or about artists in the next phase of the commission, it was required that the sculptor come to Orvieto to work. The stipulation was no doubt a response to the Saint Matthew This was the first time an apostle would having been carved by an assistant rather be carved outside Orvieto, in than by the master.

Giambologna's Florentine workshop.

The Opera could not expect The Orvieto Saint Matthew is closely reGiambologna to come to Orvieto the lated to Giambologna's bronze sculpway Caccini had, especially since ture of Saint Luke for Orsanmichele, Caccini's marble was already in Orvieto. Florence, and has generally been reIn this case, the marble had yet to be garded as a derivative work based on the quarried, and so could be transported earlier model for the Saint Luke, comto Florence; the finished sculpture missioned in the 1580s but executed after would then be delivered to Orvieto. the Orvieto sculpture.3 Keutner fairly This was surely the only condition under evaluated the marble, noting the ways which Giambologna would be able to that it displayed Francavilla's particular accept the commission. The completed qualities and stressing that the Orvieto statue arrived in Orvieto in the summer model was closer to the Orsanmichele bronze, and by Giambologna himself.33 of 1600.

2

The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orvieto Cathedral

4 . Giovanni Caccini, Saint James

the Greater, i59i. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

5. Giambologna and Pietro Francavilla, Saint Matthew, i6oo.

Marble. Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

179

abozzi de detti appostoli") to Simone Maschino, sculptor to the Farnese dukes in Parma. Born in Orvieto, Simone was the son of Francesco Maschino. Ascanio Polidori thought that because Simone wanted to carve an apostle, he should see the plans for the blocks in case he wantSaint M atthew with an Angel is a bril- ed to change anything. othing seems to liant success. It is a two-figured group have come of this plan and Maschino did carved to project into the space around not carve an apostle.3 4 the sculpture, which was intended to be placed on a pedestal set against a nave pier Also in 1601, Pietro Bernini wrote from aples; he too had heard of the comand not in a niche as at Orsanmichele.

1he design includes a powerfully devel- missions and wanted a chance to paroped posture, animated by the sharp ticipate.JS Pietro compared Orvieto to turn of the head, extended arm support- Florence when it came to the appreciaing a open book with pages and binding tion of marble sculpture. He tated ferthat bend under their own weight and vently that competition spurred artists sweeping, deeply undercut folds of drap- to greater heights of creativity and imery - all greater challenges challenges plied that when he and Caccini worked of execution and skill when working in together in Naples at the Monastery of marble rather than in bronze. The angel, San Martino, he was deemed the better holding the saint's inkwell and caught sculptor. He no doubt hoped that since up in the folds of the saint's drapery, is the Opera had already commissioned an serious and seems intent upon engaging apostle from Caccini, they would now viewers approaching the sculpture from commission one from him, with the the direction opposite the saint's gaze. same results: Pietro's would be even betThe development of the figural group in ter.36 Bernini was not invited to submit a the round, a response to its placement in drawing or model at this time. Instead the nave, makes the sculpture a power- the Opera followed the recommendaful portrayal of the evangelist, and a vir- tion of Mario Farnese, duke of Latera, in tuoso example of marble statuary in the support of his young protege, Francesco last decade of the sixteenth century. A s Mochi, who went to Orvieto and then in indicated by the signatures, it displays l6o3 traveled to Carrara in Scalza's place in exemplary fashion Giambologna's in- to obtain marble for an Annunciation and two apostles. Though he was recvention and Francavilla's skill. ommended for the apostle commission, Mochi first carved his great Annunciation, The apostles by Caccini and Giambologna/ Francavilla set the stage for heightened a spectacular sculptural debut.37 competition among artists seeking to participate in the project. In 1601, the Mochi carved the Saint Philip in 1609Opera planned to send Scalza to Carrara 10 and soon left Orvieto for good .3 8 He (despite the fact that he was by now near- argued fiercely with and ultimately ly seventy) to obtain marble for the five sued the Opera for more money for the remaining apostles, but one member of Philip.39 1he sculpture is powerful and the council wanted first to send prelimi- extreme in its expressive qualities (fig. nary drawings by Scalza for the blocking 6). Mochi had clearly studied the Saint out of the marbles ("facci il disegno degli Matthew before developing an animated, However, the opportunity for the workshop to create an over-life-size figure of an apostle, from a splendid block of Carrara marble, for a church as important as Orvieto cathedral, should not be underestimated.

180

The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orv1eto Cathedral

6. Francesco Mochi, Saint Philip, i610. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

r8r

almost exaggerated pose: the saint appears to be in the midst of preaching, forcefully enumerating his points by enumerating on the fingers of one extended hand, transforming a traditional rhetorical gesture. Mochi intensified the animated drapery style introduced in the angel of the Annunciation, and moved towards the greater attenuation that would characterize his later sculptures in Rome.

The Opera still had the marble block for a Saint Bartholomew which had probably been intended for Mochi. In 1610, the Opera sought opinions on the work of Stefano Maderno, who received the warmest of recommendations; one Orvietan described the beauty and fame of the Saint Cecilia, describing it as equaling ancient sculptures. 40 Maderno received the commission but never carved the sculpture, possibly because he did not want to go to Orvieto.

In l6n, the Orvietan painter Cesare Nebbia, who lived in Rome, sent a list of sculptors currently working in Rome. 4' The marble block was still available in 1616. As had been had done in the past, the council sought out reports from Rome. These provide a view of the field of marble sculpture in Rome during these years. We read, for example, that Mochi was considered the best sculptor around, but that he refused to return to Orvieto .42 Nor did Ambrogio Bonvicino want to go to Orvieto, and furthermore, he had a reputation for never finishing his works. 43 Franc;:ois Dieussart, the Flemish sculptor, wrote in response to a request for a model for an apostle saying he would not provide one unless he was paid for it because he had already heard that the Opera favored Ippolito Buzi.44 Models were commissioned from Ippolito Buzi and Pietro Bernini, now working in Rome. Agents in Rome went

around looking at sculptures by the two artists. Ippolito Buzi had a very strong and sometimes ruthless advocate in Francesco de Baschis. He said that Buzi didn't care about how much he was paid: "He didn't need bread, he would sooner work for reputation than for income" (lui non ha bisogno di pane et che piu presto vuol servir la fabricha per reputatione che per guadagno). 4s Francesco tried to strong-arm and even embarrass the Opera into giving Buzi the marble block without his first making a model, saying that in Rome it wasn't done that way, except when dealing with young and untried sculptors; the block, he claimed, was usually awarded to the sculptor first, who then would make as many models as it took to satisfy his patrons. 46 He says he tried to see works by Pietro Bernini in Rome, but he couldn't find any, stating that, obviously, Bernini had not received many public commissions and implying any he did receive must not be very good if one couldn't find them! The harshest blow for Pietro may have been the suggestion that he was getting old, with the not-so-gentle reminder that artists don't usually improve with age. 47 The commission finally went to Buzi. I suppose we cannot blame the Opera for not realizing that old artists sometimes have young sons of great genius, though they did know about Pietro's son. Bernini's supporter with the Opera, Domenico Coelli, had told them in a letter of 12 September 1616 that Pietro had a son of the rarest genius who helped him and who would help him also finish the work quickly. 48 Had Pietro Bernini gotten the commission in 1617, perhaps I would be concluding this paper with a discussion of a Pietro Bernini ApoHle carved by the young Gianlorenzo.

After commissioning an apostle from Giambologna which was carved by Francavilla, perhaps the Opera was

182

The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Series for Orv1eto Cathedral

7. Ippolito Buzi, Saint Batholomew, i617. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

8 . Francesco Mochi, Saint Thaddeus, i644. Marble.

Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto

The Eternal Art Marble Car ng and 1 he Apostle .enes for "rv1et' Cathedra

unwilling to risk that this apostle might be carved by the as-yet-unproven son of Pietro. Only in retrospect do we know that in 1617, Gianlorenzo Bernini worked on the beautiful Saint Sebaflian, commissioned from the father

by Cardinal Maffeo Barberini but clearly carved by the son. 49 Ippolito Buzi carved the Saint Bartholomew (fig. 7), but afterwards the steam seems to have run out of the commission.s0 The Opera turned to a familiar artist in 1630: Francesco Mochi, then working on the Saint Veronica for the crossing of Saint Peter's, agreed to carve the Saint Thaddeus (fig. 8) .5' Realizing finally that they would have to allow Mochi to work in Rome, the Opera relaxed its demands that the statue be carved in Orvieto. This meant, however, that Mochi took much longer than expected: the Saint Thaddeus was finished only in 1644, fourteen years after the commission. 1he final two apostles were

carved in the early eighteenth century by Bernardino Cametti.

The fame of the Orvieto apostles has waned but perhaps they will have their day again . Orvieto has not really changed much since Scalza's day; the Opera del Duomo is still the site for vehement arguments in favor of and against placing the apostles back in the nave. The sculptures have recently been on display at a regrettable distance from the cathedral in the former church of Sant'Agostino in Orvieto. I fear we will never see them in the cathedral in our day, but someone someday will argue as passionately as Scalza did about the Orvietan tradition of marble carving, and the apostles will return to the cathedral, and all the church bells in Orvieto will ring in celebration. As Scalza said, creating a work in marble is to make "la cosa perpetua," something that endures, and the apostles will be ready and waiting when that day comes.

185

NOTES

7 8 9 IO II

FOR PAGES 23-27 Introduction IL nostro bel Cinquecento Di1nitrios Zilws

2

Adolfo Venturi, fg scuftura def cinquecento, parte I-III [Storia dell'arte italiana, vol.

10] (Milan, 1935-37). John Pope-Hennessy, Italian CJ-!igh '%,naissance and '13aroque Jculpture [Introduction to Italian Sculpture, vol. 3] (London, 1963).

Qiambofogna: gfi dei, gfi eroi (Museo azionale del Bargello, Florence, 2006).

I grandi bronzi def '13attistero: £:.arte di Vincenzo CJ)anti, discepofo di c_'JV[ichefangelo (Museo azionale del Bargello, 2008).

CJ?.inascimento e passione per l'antico: cAndrea CJ?.iccio e if suo tempo (Castello del Buonconsiglio, Trento, 2008). cAndrea CJ?.iccio: '%,naissance c_'}V[aster of'13ronze (Frick Collection, ewYork, 2008-9). fjonardo da Vinci and the cArt ofJculpture (High Mu seum of Art, Atlanta; J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, 2009-10).

I grandi bronzi def '13attistero: Qiovanni :J'rancesco 'R!:Jstici e fjonardo (Museo azionale del Bargello, 2010-n). £:.acqua, fa pietra, ifJuoco: 'Bartolomeo cAmmannati, scuftore (Museo azionale del Bargello, 2on).

FOR PAGES 28-41 Leone Leoni & Benvenuto Cellini Difficult Relations Andrea Bacchi

12 13 14

15 16 I7

Pietro Aretino, "Ternali in onore della regina di Francia" in Aretino 1957, vol. 2, pp.

373-8r.

2 Goffen 2002, pp. 341-85.

3 Aretino 1957, vol. l, pp. 46-474 Cellini 1920, p. 249. Cellini 1985, p. 394: "Si disse che questa cura l'aveva avuta un certo Liane aretino, orefice, mio gran nimico. Qyesto Liane ebbe il diamante per pestarlo; e perche Liane era poverissimo e'l diamante poteva valere parecchi decine di scudi, costui dette ad intendere a quella guardia che quella polvere che lui gli dette fusse quel diamante pesto che s'era ordinato per darmi; e quella mattina che io l'ebbi, me lo messono in tutte le vivande ... " 5 Aretino 1957, vol. l, pp. 12930: "ecco l'orecchio di Sua Santita a la ragione de le virtu vostre ... ecco l'uomo che vi perversava in prigione, eccovi in Roma maestra delle arti .. . dovereste pregare il papa per la liberazione de l'aversario vostro. Il poverino e pure di eccellente industria, egli e pur di gran name, egli e pur allievo di cotesta carte; oltre cio sete piu obbligato a lui che al pontefice, peroche la sua Beatitudine non era mai per conoscere il sommo de le vostre qualita, se lo stimolo di si alto spirito non ne faceva fede. E' certo che egli nel vantarsi d'uccidervi ha tolto la fama a se, e datala a voi; se aviene che si stia in forse che non siate unico nei conii, introducete per testimonio l'ansia di cotanta emulazione. " 6 The letter was published by Plan 1883, p. 236 noter.

18

19 20 21

22

23 24 25 26 27 28

29 30

31

32

Vasari 1966, vol. 6, pp. 201-n.

Ibid., vol. 4, p. 413.

Ibid ., vol. 4, p. 628.

Ibid., vol. 6, pp. 245-46.

Ibid., vol. 6, p. 2or.

Helmstutler Di Dio 1999· Muntz 1884.

Casati 1884, p. 18.

Plan 1887.

Attwood 2002, p. 93 noter.

Davide Gasparotto in Burns et al. 2000, pp. 366-68.

Michael Mezzatesta, "Leone Leoni" in 'The CJ)ictionary of cArt, edited by Jane Turner (New York, 1996), vol. 19, p.

200. Helmstutler di Dio 1999, believes that Leone's apprenticeship was done in Arezzo.

Bertolotti 1881, vol. l, p. 26r.

Gualdo 1972, p. 34.

For the medals done by Leone for Charles V, see Cupperi 2002.

Cellini 1985, p. 604; see also PP· 10 3-5, 519-20, 555-56, 6oo-6or.

D avis 1976.

Vasari 1966, vol. 6, p. 2or.

Plan 1887, pp. 26-30.

Plan 1887, p. 302.

Bernini 1996, pp. 399-401, 420.

Middeldorf 1979, vol. 3, p.

2r "On some portrait busts attributed to Leone Leoni" (1975).

Attwood 2002, p. 141 note 125.

For Annibale Fontana: Kris 1930; Agosti 1995; Andrea Spiriti, "Fontana Annibale" in CJ)izionario biografico degfi itafiani, vol. 48 (Rome, 1997), pp. 614-18; Zanuso 2002, p.

322; Attwood 2002, pp. l39-4r.

Weinberger 1945 [as Ammannati]; Duveen 1944, no . 187 [with attribution to Jacopo Sansovino by Georg Swarzenski and R . Langton Douglas]; Levi d'Ancona 1953· Olsen 1955, pp. ln-12; PopeH ennessy 1970, pp. 228-33.

For Antonio Galli: E. del Gallo, "Galli (Gallo) Antonio" in CJ)izionario biograjico degfi itafiani, vol. 51 (Rome, 1998), pp. 602-3. I wish to express my gratitude to Denise Allen of the Frick Collection and

186

Notes for: Introduction Dim1trios Z kos

Notes for : Leone Leoni Andrea Bacchi

&

Benvenuto Cellini

to Giovanni and Lorenzo Morigi with whom I had the chance to examine the bust 111 ovember 2003. We could see that both the base and the lower central section of the bust were later cast additions, a fact which would lead one to think that the bust originally could resemble the reliquary bust type.

33 For Brandani see D. Sigorski, "Federico Brandani," in The CJJictionary ofcArt, edited by Jane Turner ( ew York, 1996), vol. 4, pp. 664-65.

34 Aretino 1957, vol. 1, pp. 61-62.

35 We can find interesting considerations on this subject in a letter written by Leone to Ferrante Gonzaga in 1546: "havendo con saldo giudicio riguardato quanto sia meno eterna la pittura per bella che essa sia, conciossiache' una e' una circonscrizione de l'arte per forza di lumi, et ambe in piena superficie la quale rappresenta la natura in un sol lato, come per lo contrario la scoltura da tutte le bande si vede et si tocca, conoscendo le superficie et piana et solida, et della scoltura non puo' venir meno per molte eta' et tanto maggiormente essendo le scolture fatte in metallo come che V.S,. Illustrissima ha di gia deliberato quasi volendo dire che i marmisiano meno durabili." Campori 1885, pp.

290-91; Plon 1887, pp. 37-38.

36 Plon 1887, pp. 69-7r.

37 Edelstein 2000, pp. 35-45.

38 Mezzatesta 1980, pp. 27-28.

39 Vasari 1966, vol. 4, p. 628: "similmente tali ingegni ha seguiti e segue negli intagli Filippo egrollo milanese, intagliatore di cesello in arme di ferro con fogliami e figure."

40 Plon 1887, pp. 24-26.

41 1he armor in Titian's painting has been identified with the outfit made by Desiderius Colman and still preserved in the Reale Armeria at Madrid.

See Soler del Campo 2oor.

42 Plon 1887, pp. 70, 362.

Cellini 1857, pp. 37-5r.

Cellini's eight chapters on jewelry are titled by Milanesi: IV. Gioiellare; V. Come si debbe acconciare un rubino; VI. Come si debbe acconciare lo smeraldo et il zaffiro; VII. Come si fa la foglia che serve a tutte le gioie trasparenti; VIII. Come s' acconcia il diamante; IX. Come si fa la tinta a' diamanti; X. Come si fa lo specchietto che si da a' diamanti; XI. De' rubini bianchi e carbonculi.

3 Unlike the Trattati, Cellini's Vita has enjoyed a long tradition of literary and contextual study. See, with references to earlier literature, Gallucci 2003. Similar study of the Ti路attati is, by contrast, recent and much indebted to the groundbreaking work of Paolo Rossi . See, with references to earlier publications, Ros i 2004. Although I differ in details of interpretation, my study follows directly upon Rossi's work. For an essential discussion of the concepts and technical language in Cellini's Trattati, see Barocchi 1996.

4 Cellini 1568. For the separate publication histories of the 1568 Trattati and the manuscript finished in 1565 (first published by Milanesi in 1857) see Rossi 2004.

5 For Gherardo Spini, his editing of the manu cript, and the importance of the concept of disegno in the 1568 Ti路attati, see Rossi 2004, pp. 182-83.

6 Rossi 2004, pp. 182-83. Rossi believes the editing of the manuscript to have been a collaborative effort between Spini and Cellini. The differences between the manuscript chapters on jewelry and the 1568 Ti路attati mark such a drastic change to the substance and purpose of Cellini's original text that they lead me to believe the collaboration might not always have been as direct or as harmonious as Rossi states.

2

FOR PAGES 42-61 Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones & Jewelry in his Treatises DeniseAllen

The most recent citations in this essay date to 2005. Much of the research was completed at the Getty Research Institute in 2002. I would like to thank Scott Schaefer, Dawson Carr and my former colleagues in the paintings department at the J. Paul Getty Museum for granting me time and help. I owe a debt of gratitude to the staff at the Research Institute. I am also grateful to my colleagues at The Frick Collection, especially Colin B. Bailey, for allowing me time to write.

Thanks go to Shelley Zuraw, Virginia apoleone, Katie Steiner, and Elaine Koss for reading a draft of this essay. 1he following modern treatments of jewel nomenclature, identification, and history are particularly useful: Benjamin Zucker, gems and 'Jewels: cA Connoisseur's guide ( ew York, 1984; 2003), and Christopher Cavey, gems and 'Jewels: Ji'act and Ji'abfe (Secaucus, N. J., 1992).

Charles Ashbee translated Carlo Milanesi's publication in 1857 of the manuscript version of the Ti路attati (in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice), which Cellini completed in 1565; it was not published during Cellini's lifetime. I have cited Milanesi's edition in this essay (Cellini 1857). Ashbee's translation (Cellini 1898), still the only one in English, is peppered with omissions from and mistranslations of the Italian, and my translations often differ from his.

Note s for : Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

Cellini and Spini may have come to know each other through their contact with Bronzino; see Parker 2000, pp. 45-48.

Battaglia 1961, vol. 6: 7 "Gioiellare: Legare le pietre preziose, incastarle." Battaglia cites Cellini's 1568 Trattati as the first published appearance of this term. The Vocabolario degli cAccademici della [rusca of 1612 (Vocabolario 1612), instead, employs the Latinderived "Gemmare: Mettere la gemma. Lat. gemmare, gemmascere." The verb gioiel!are, however, does appear as an entry in Baldinucci l68r.

8 Vocabolario 1612: "Gioiello: Piu gioie legate insieme"; Battaglia 1961, vol. 6: "Gioiello: Ornamento di metallo pregiato lavorato, ornato per lo piu di una o di piu pietre preziose; monile, vezzo; Per estens . Pietra preziosa, gemma." In Renaissance Italy the medieval Latin termjocalia, the source of the English term, jewelry, was interchangeable with gioiello; see Du Cange 1883, vol.

4: "Jocalia: Monilla, gemmae, annuli, aliaque id genus pretiosa, Gall. Joyaux, Anglis.

Jewells."

9 Cellini 1857, p. 3T "in pendenti, o in maniglie, o in anella, o in regni papali, o in corone."

IO See the indispensable exhibition catalogue, Florence 2003.

II Vocabolario 1612: "Gemma: ome di tutte le pietre preziose in universale. Lat. gemma." In his treatise on gems of 1565, Lodovico D olce, following Pliny, retained the Greek loan word gemma to describe transparent stones and distinguished these from opaque hardstones (pietre dure), generally used for gem carving, which he termed pietre pretiose (D olce 1565, p. 6). Cellini's aggressively non-classical category of the vere gioie referred only to the most important stones which were suitable for setting into jewels.

12

13 14

15

The Renaissance hyacinth (giacinto, iacinto, jacinto, iacyntho) is today called a zircon.

It is a transparent stone with a refractive index that approaches the diamond's, and it is found in both colorless and colored varieties. The spinel is a transparent gem, generally red, that is also found in colorless and colored varieties. It was called spine/lo during the Renaissance and was frequently identified as a ruby. See Venturelli 1999, PP路 75, 128.

Cellini 1857, pp. 38-39: "Per che fuggendo di non ne scandalizzare certi uomini, i quali si hanno acquistato il nome di gioielliere, e la loro professione molte volte e stata o rigattiere, o linaiuolo, o sensale, o pizzicagnolo; e di questi miracoli assaissimi io ne ho veduti in Roma, et in questa nostra eta se ne vede alcuni con grandissimo credito e con poca intelligenzia. " In his tirade Cellini sarcastically equated wildly differing professions such as brokers or agents, sensali, who did handle gemstones during the Renaissance, with purveyors of prepared meats and cheese, pizzicagnoli, who did not.

See, for example, Cellini 1857, p. 60; Cellini 1568, pp. 4, ?V路 Cellini executed the copemorse between 1529 and 1530. Francesco Bartoli made three watercolor drawings of the morse's front, back, and profile (British Museum, London) for the British architectJohn Talman in 1729.

See Pope-Hennessy 1985, pls. 22-24. For the morse see Allen 1997路 The Talman drawings are now catalogued online; see Universira di Pisa, Signum S.N.S, "John Talman, an early eighteenth-century collector of drawings," talman.signum .sns.it.

Cellini 1857, p. 49: "Papa Clemente mi dette da fare il bottone del suo piviale ... e se bene io ne debbo parlare

188

Notes for: Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

16 17 18

19

20

21 22

un'altra volta quando si ragionera del bel modo del cesellare ... impero per ora e' non ci accade ragionare d'altro che delle gioie. " Ibid., p. 42.

Ibid ., p. 40.

For discussion of the different audiences and purposes of the Marciana manuscript and the 'Fratta ti published in 1568 see Rossi 2004, pp. 188-89. See also Cellini 2002, pp. xvii-xix.

Rossi does not mention that Cellini may also have written his chapters for the edification of his fellow jewelers.

Leonardi 1502. Republished in Venice in 1516, Augsburg in 1533, P aris in l6ro, an d Hamburg in 1717; see del Riccio 1996, p. 49路 The 1717 edition of the Jpeculum is now available online: www. bivionline.it. Books one and two of the Jpeculum were first translated into English in 1750: Leonardi 1750.

D olce 1565. 1he second edition of t:J)el!e gemme appeared in 1597 as 'Fratta to delle gemme che produce la natura; nel quale si discorre della qualita, grandezza, bellezza, et virtu loro.

For the influence of D olce's t:J)el!e gemme, particularly on the late sixteenth-century Florentine treatise on stones, hardstones, and gems, the I storia delle Pietre by cAgostino de! 'Rj,ccio, see del Riccio 1979, pp. xvi-xxiii; del Riccio 1996, esp. pp. 49, 229-30; McCrory 1997, pp. 171-72. For Dolce's work as a translator see Roskill 1968, pp. 6-t Cellini 1857, p. 37Cellini 1568, p. J= "Qyi non sara nostro intendimento di ragionare distintamente delle cagioni che producono le Gemme; ma essendo di questo da diversi Filosofi sottilissimamente, e a bastanza trattato, si come furono Aristotile, Alberto Magno, Plinio, Solino, Helimanto, Isidoro; & infiniti altri dottissimi huomini." See Dolce 1565, pp. 5-6v.

to Giovanni and Lorenzo Morigi with whom I had the chance to examine the bust 111 ovember 2003. We could see that both the base and the lower central section of the bust were later cast additions, a fact which would lead one to think that the bust originally could resemble the reliquary bust type.

33 For Brandani see D . Sigorski, "Federico Brandani," in 'Ihe CJJictionary ofcArt, edited by Jane Turner ( ew York, 1996), vol. 4, pp. 664-65.

34 Aretino 1957, vol. l, pp. 6r-62.

35 We can find interesting considerations on this subject in a letter written by Leone to Ferrante Gonzaga in 1546: "havendo con saldo giudicio riguardato quanto sia meno eterna la pittura per bella che essa sia, conciossiache' una e' una circonscrizione de l'arte per forza di lumi, et ambe in piena superficie la quale rappresenta la natura in un sol lato, come per lo contrario la scoltura da tutte le bande si vede et si tocca, conoscendo le superficie et piana et solida, et della scoltura non puo' venir meno per molte eta' et tanto maggiormente essendo le scolture fatte in metallo come che V. ,. Illustris ima ha di gia deliberato quasi volendo dire che i marmisiano meno durabili." Campori 1885, pp.

290-91; Plon 1887, pp. 37-38.

36 Plon 1887, pp. 69-7r.

37 Edelstein 2000, pp. 35-45.

38 Mezzatesta 1980, pp. 27-28.

39 Vasari 1966, vol. 4, p. 628: "similmente tali ingegni ha seguiti e segue negli intagli Filippo Iegrollo milanese, intagliatore di cesello in arme di ferro con fogliami e figure."

40 Plon 1887, pp. 24-26.

41 1he armor in Titian's painting has been identified with the outfit made by Desiderius Colman and still preserved in the Reale Armeria at Madrid.

See Soler del Campo 2oor.

42 Plon 1887, pp. 70, 362.

2

FOR PAGES 42-61 Crafting a Profession Cellini's Discussion of Precious Stones & Jewelry in his Treatises De11iseAlfe.n

The most recent citations in this essay date to 2005. Much of the research was completed at the Getty Research Institute in 2002. I would like to thank Scott Schaefer, Dawson Carr and my former colleagues in the paintings department at the J. Paul Getty Museum for granting me time and help. I owe a debt of gratitude to the staff at the Research Institute. I am also grateful to my colleagues at The Frick Collection, especially Colin B. Bailey, for allowing me time to write.

Thanks go to Shelley Zuraw, Virginia apoleone, Katie Steiner, and Elaine Koss for reading a draft of this essay. The following modern treatments of jewel nomenclature, identification, and history are particularly useful: Benjamin Zucker, Cjems and Jewels: cA Connoisseur's (juide ( ew York, 1984; 2003), and Christopher Cavey, Cjems and 'Jewels: ]<'act and ]<'able

(Secaucus, N. J., 1992). l

Charles Ashbee translated Carlo Milanesi's publication in 1857 of the manuscript version of the Trattati (in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice), which Cellini completed in 1565; it was not published during Cellini's lifetime. I have cited Milanesi's edition in this essay (Cellini 1857). Ashbee's translation (Cellini 1898), still the only one in English, is peppered with omissions from and mistranslations of the Italian, and my translations often differ from his.

Notes for: Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

Cellini 1857, pp. 37-5r.

Cellini's eight chapters on jewelry are titled by Milanesi: IV. Gioiellare; V. Come si debbe acconciare un rubino; VI. Come si debbe acconciare lo smeraldo et il zaffiro; VII. Come si fa la foglia che serve a tutte le gioie trasparenti; VIII. Come s' acconcia il diamante; IX. Come si fa la tinta a' diamanti; X. Come si fa lo specchietto che si da a' diamanti; XI. De' rubini bianchi e carbonculi.

3 Unlike the Ti·attati, Cellini's Vita has enjoyed a long tradition of literary and contextual study. See, with references to earlier literature, Gallucci 2003. Similar study of the Trattati is, by contrast, recent and much indebted to the groundbreaking work of Paolo Rossi. See, with references to earlier publications, Rossi 2004. Although I differ in details of interpretation, my study follows directly upon Rossi's work. For an essential discussion of the concepts and technical language in Cellini's Ti·attati, see Barocchi 1996.

4 Cellini 1568. For the eparate publication histories of the 1568 Ti·attati and the manuscript finished in 1565 (first published by Milanesi in 1857) see Rossi 2004.

5 For Gherardo Spini, his editing of the manuscript, and the importance of the concept of disegno in the 1568 Ti·attati, see Rossi 2004, pp. 182-83.

6 Rossi 2004, pp. 182-83. Rossi believes the editing of the manuscript to have been a collaborative effort between Spini and Cellini. The differences between the manuscript chapters on jewelry and the 1568 Ti·attati mark such a drastic change to the substance and purpose of Cellini's original text that they lead me to believe the collaboration might not always have been as direct or as harmonious as Ros i states.

7

8

9 ro II

Cellini and Spini may have come to know each other through their contact with Bronzino; see Parker 2000, PP路 45-48.

Battaglia 1961, vol. 6: "Gioiellare: Legare le pietre preziose, incastarle." Battaglia cites Cellini's 1568 Trattati as the first published appearance of this term. The Vocabolario degli cAccademici della Crusca of 1612 (Vocabolario 1612), instead, employs the Latinderived "Gemmare: Mettere la gemma. Lat. gemmare, gemmascere." The verb gioiellare, however, does appear as an entry in Baldinucci r68r.

Vocabolario 1612: "Gioiello: Piu gioie legate insieme"; Battaglia 1961, vol. 6: "Gioiello: Ornamento di metallo pregiato lavorato, ornato per lo piu di una o di piu pietre preziose; monile, vezzo; Per estens. Pietra preziosa, gemma." In Renaissance Italy the medieval Latin termjocalia, the source of the English term, jewelry, was interchangeable with gioiello; see Du Cange 1883, vol.

4: "Jocalia: Monilla, gemmae, annuli, aliaque id genus pretiosa, Gall. Joyaux, Anglis.

Jewells."

Cellini 1857, p. 3T "in pendenti, o in maniglie, o in anella, o in regni papali, o in corone."

See the indispensable exhibition catalogue, Florence 2003.

Vocabolario 1612: "Gemma: ome di tutte le pietre preziose in universale. Lat. gemma." In his treatise on gems of 1565, Lodovico Dolce, following Pliny, retained the Greek loan word gemma to describe transparent stones and distinguished these from opaque hardstones (pietre dure), generally used for gem carving, which he termed pietre pretiose (Dolce 1565, p. 6). Cellini's aggressively non-classical category of the vere gioie referred only to the most important stones which were suitable for setting into jewels.

12

13 14

15

The Renaissance hyacinth (giacinto, iacinto, jacinto, iacyntho) is today called a zircon.

It is a transparent stone with a refractive index that approaches the diamond's, and it is found in both colorless and colored varieties. The spine! is a transparent gem, generally red, that is also found in colorless and colored varieties. It was called spinello during the Renaissance and was frequently identified as a ruby. See Venturelli 1999, PP路 75, r28.

Cellini 1857, pp. 38-39: "Per che fuggendo di non ne scandalizzare certi uomini, i quali si hanno acquistato il nome di gioielliere, e la loro professione molte volte e stata o rigattiere, o linaiuolo, o sensale, o pizzicagnolo; e di questi miracoli assaissimi io ne ho veduti in Roma, et in questa nostra eta se ne vede alcuni con grandissimo credito econ poca intelligenzia."

In his tirade Cellini sarcastically equated wildly differing professions such as brokers or agents, sensali, who did handle gemstones during the Renaissance, with purveyors of prepared meats and cheese, pizzicagnoli, who did not.

See, for example, Cellini 1857, p. 60; Cellini 1568, pp. 4, ?V路 Cellini executed the copemorse between 1529 and 1530. Francesco Bartoli made three watercolor drawings of the morse's front, back, and profile (British Museum, London) for the British architect John Talman in 1729.

See Pope-Hennessy 1985, pls. 22-24. For the morse see Allen 1997- The Talman drawings are now catalogued online; see Universita di Pisa, Signum S. .S, "John Talman, an early eighteenth-century collector of drawings," talman.signum.sns.it.

Cellini 1857, p. 49: "Papa Clemente mi dette da fare il bottone del suo piviale ... e se bene io ne debbo parlare

188

Notes for : Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

16 17 18

19

20

2.r 22

un'altra volta quando si ragionera del bel modo del cesellare . .. impero per ora e' non ci accade ragionare d'altro che delle gioie."

Ibid ., p. 42.

Ibid ., p. 40.

For discussion of the different audiences and purposes of the Marciana manuscript and the Trattati published in 1568 see Rossi 2004, pp. 188-89. See also Cellini 2002, pp. xvii-xix.

Rossi does not mention that Cellini may also have written his chapters for the edification of his fellow jewelers.

Leonardi 1502. R epublished in Venice in 1516, Augsburg in 1533, Paris in 1610, and Hamburg in 1717; see del Riccio 1996, p. 49. The 1717 edition of the Jpeculum is now available online: www. bivionline.it. Books one and two of the Jpeculum were first translated into English in 1750: Leonardi 1750.

Dolce 1565. 1he second edition of 'Delle gemme appeared in 1597 as Trattato delle gemme che produce la natura; nel quale si discorre della qualita, grandezza, bellezza, et virtz't loro.

For the influence of D olce's 'Delle gemme, particularly on the late sixteenth-century Florentine treatise on stones, hardstones, and gems, the Istoria delle Pietre by cAgostino def 'Rj_ccio, see del Riccio 1979, pp. xvi-xxiii; del Riccio 1996, esp. pp. 49, 229-30; McCrory 1997, pp. 171-72. For Dolce's work as a translator see Roskill 1968, pp. 6-7Cellini 1857, p. 37.

Cellini 1568, p. 3: "Qii non sad nostro intendimento di ragionare di tintamente delle cagioni che producono le Gemme; ma essendo di questo da diversi Filosofi sottilissimamente, e a bastanza trattato, si come furono Aristotile, Alberto Magno, Plinio, Solino, Helimanto, Isidoro; & infiniti altri dottissimi huomini." See Dolce 1565, pp. 5-6v.

23

Rossi 2004, p. 188, states that the above passage introduces the 1568 Trattati as a whole, but the names listed are all authors who famously wrote about gems, indicating this passage is specific to the chapters on jewelry.

24 Cellini 1568, pp. 3-3v: "a noi basti dire queste, si come tutte l'altre cose dalla natura prodotte sotto'l cerchio della Luna esser composte de' quattro Elementi, & secondo la spezie dette Gemme, di essi Elementi partecipare, et havere maggior virtu; & come essa natura a sommo studio habbia voluto rappresentare i colori di detti Elementi, dipignendogli in quattro principalissime Gioie, le quali sono il Rubino, il Zaffiro, lo Smeraldo, &il Diamante; percioche per mezzo dell'acceso Rubino ci si dimostra a quello del fuoco, per lo ceruleo, & azurrino colore del Zaffiro, quello dell'Aere, per lo allegro colore dello Smeraldo, quello della Terra, quasi di verdi herbe ricoperta, & per lo trasparente Diamante quello dell'Acqua, che in esso chiara, lucida, & ondeggiante si scorge. Di queste adunque intendiamo noi principalmente trattare, si come quelle che infra tutte le altre pietre solamente giudichiamo (mediante la loro finezza, virtu, & bellezza) degne d 'esser chiamate Gioie, & avvenga, che con proposito secondo che ci se ne porgera occasione, intendiamo di parlare di alcuna proprieta, & virtu di esse Gioie, & di altre pietre, che dietro a queste seguiranno."

25 Aristotle's discussions of the elemental composition and formation of stones are found primarily in the cJV[eteorologia, and also in 'De caelo, 'De generatione et corruptione, and 'De partibus animalium . The first three were the main sources on gems consulted during the Renaissance, and Dolce

26

27

28

29 30

31

32

33

quotes from these. Aristotle's pupil, 1heophrastus, devoted a treatise to gems that, in the main, reflected his teacher's views: Theophrastus 1965, PP路 q-1 9.

Dolce 1565, book 2.2, pp. 2ov21v: "Come, e donde siano virtu nelle pietre."

Biringuccio 1959, pp. 121-22; Biringuccio 1977 (1540 ed.), p.

39v. For Cellini's knowledge of earlier treatises, including Biringuccio's, see Rossi 2004, p. 175路 The concordances between Dolce 1565 and Cellini's manuscript chapters on jewelry make it probable that Cellini knew something ofDolce's work, or may have had some knowledge of Leornardi's Jpeculum .

Biringuccio 1977, p. 41: "se Iddio me concedera, a dir tutte le pietre & gemme, & farvene un di un particolar trattato, per esser cosa molto utile & honorevole a un gentilhomo haverne luce & saperne parlare."

Biringuccio's promise to write an independent treatise on precious stones was not fulfilled.

Dolce 1565, pp. 20-21, 60.

For Medici diamond symbolism in general see CoxRearick 1984.

Blom 2002; reviewed by ]. Uglow, in Times JJtera1y Jupplement, 26 July 2002, p. 18.

Vocabolario 1612: "Virtu: Per valore, eccellenza di buona qualita. Lat. virtus, prestantia.

Qyalita: Forma accidentale ...

Lat. qualitas, e vale lo stesso, che natura, condizione, specie, sorta, guisa, e maniera."

Sixteenth-century authorities differed regarding the identification of the carbuncle.

Some, like Cellini; Dolce 1565, pp. 35-35v; and Biringuccio 1977, p. 4ov, placed it among the species of rubies. Others, like del Riccio 1996, pp. 14142, 147-53, 205, 206, considered it to be an independent stone. The Renaissance

Notes for : Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

34

35

carbonchio was most likely not a ruby at all, but a spinel, such as the "Black Prince's ruby," a fiery, deep red cabuchon in possession of the British royal house since the fourteenth century that is now the centerpiece of the imperial crown of England.

Cellini 1857, p. 38: "Gli e ben vero che universalmente quei [spezie di rubini] del mezzodi non hanno tutti questa maravigliosa virtu, ma si bene una gratitudine agli occhi, che i buon gioiellieri dalla differenza degli altri li cognoscono; e quelli si, come io dico tanto rari, che risplendono la notte, questi solamente si domandano carbonculi."

Cellini 1857, p. 66: Cellini is discussing the diamond's ability to sparkle: "di modo che questa nel diamante si e una virtu occulta, e tal segreto di natura, che la immaginazione dell'uomo non vi . arnva.

Boyle 1962. In addition to the 1568 Trattati, Boyle also cites the earlier seventeenthcentury foundation stone of modern gemology, Anselmus de Boodt, Cjemmarum et lapidum historia: qua non so/um ortus, natura, vis & precium, sed etiam modus quo ex iis olea, salia, tincturae, essentiae, arcana & magisteria arte chymica confici possint, ostenditur: opus principibus, dedicis, chymicis, physicis, ac liberalioribus ingeniis utilissimum: cum variis.ftguris, indiceq. duplici & copioso (Hanover, 1609).

Cellini 1857, pp. 39-40.

Cellini estimated the monetary worth of each of the four true jewels by comparing the value of each stone's carat weight relative to its bonta, or degree of perfection.

His formulation for the ruby, the most expensive gemstone, is given here: "il rubino e in maggior pregio di tutte l'altre gioie, perche un rubino che pesi per cinque granella di grano, e sia di tutta quella ))

36

37

bonta che si puo desiderare in es o, questo rubino sara in pregio di ottocento scudi d'oro in circa."

38 Cellini 1857, pp. 38-w "et in questa nostra eta se ne vede alcuni con grandissimo credito e con poca intelligenzia: e perche avendo io lo detto che le vere gioie non sono piu che quattro, avendo rispetto a' detti ignoranti, accio che essi non si scandalizzassero, e con quella arrogante lor voce direbbono che il grisopazio et iacinto e la spinella e l'acqua marina, e forse anche il granato e la vermiglia e la grisolita e la prasma e l'amatista talvolta direbbono che queste fussino tutte gioie diverse l'una dall'altra; diavol anche che ei dicessero che la perla si mettesse fra le gioie! la quale ei si sa evidentemente che l' e un OSSO di pesce."

Cellini believed that these stones were not different from the four true jewels, but rather were lesser versions of them. Adequately identifying some of these unfamiliar stones in both Renaissance and modern terms would make much too long a note, so I shall limit myself to listing the colors Cellini associated with them: the vermiglia was a red stone, the grisopazio and grisolita were yellow, and the prasma, green. Like the purple amethyst, some of these stones were used for ornamental purposes as well a jewelry, and appear as the materials of the hardstone vases and engraved gems so prized by the Medici.

3.9 Cellini 1857, p. J9'. "E perche io non vorrei che gli ignorantoni si scandalizzassero per non avere io ragionato nulla ne del balascio ne del topazio; il balascio si e rubino di poco colore, e nel ponente si domanda rubin balascia, come s'ei fosse femmina, ma e della medesima durezza; impero e gioia come il rubino, e non se gli fa differenza d'altra

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

cosa che del prezzo. Il topazio e gioia: e perche gli e della medesima durezza del zaffiro, con tutto che sia di color diverso, si mette col zaffiro stesso, si come si fa il balascio col rubino; e quanto all'aria, faccisi conto che sia un bel sole."

Spini's editorial change clarified Cellini's allusion to the topaz's color: "il color del qual Topazio e simile a i Serini raggi del Sole" (Cellini 1568, p. 4).

Like Cellini, Dolce 1565, p. 33, also discussed the balascio as a feminine form of ruby. The Renaissance balascio is today identified as a spinel. See "balasso" in Venturelli 1999, p. 33路 Dolce 1565, p. 60, also recorded that sapphires could be both yellow and blue: "Safiro, cioe Zafiro e pietra di color Giallo, overo celeste molto chiaro a guisa di purissimo Azurro." See del Riccio 1996, pp. 156, 207 note cxvi.

For the illogic of Cellini's categories see Cellini 2005, PP路 78-79.

Dolce 1565, pp. l6v-17: "Trovandosi hoggi di molti, che ingannano quelli, che non sanno, e massimamente nell'arte delle Gemme, le quali sono in tanto prezzo; e pochi sono senon gli esperti per lungo uso, che n' habbiano piena cognitione."

Cellini 1857, pp. 39-40, for Cellini's use of the word bonta to mean of highest quality.

See also Battaglia 1961, vol. 2: "Bonta: utilita, valore, pregio (di un oggetto, di una merce: e puo derivare dalla purezza del materiale, dalla solidita, dalla perfezione tecnica, dall' esecuzione, ecc.)."

Cellini 1857, p. 38: "Qyesti rubini del levante hanno un color maturo, pieno e molto acceso."

Cellini said that his discussions of the ruby represented all the colored vere gioie.

Dolce 1565, p. 60: "e quando il color e piu pieno, e piu trasparente, tanto e migliore."

Notes for : Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

47 Cellini 1857, see the following excerpts taken from descriptions of notable diamonds that Cellini saw during his lifetime: p. 51: "gli aveva in se quella virtu del brillare si come hanno gli altri diamante"; p. 51: "se bene il diamante si dice che somiglia all ' acqua, non pensi nessuno che quest'acqua sia senza participare di colore, si come si dice che doverria essere la buona acqua"; p. 66: "che essendo il diamante la piu limpida pietra, e la piu fulgente che tutte l' altre del mondo ... "; p . 51: "et era nettisimo e limpidissimo e brillava che pareva una stella ... "For the diamond's property of dispersion or separating light into its spectrum of colored components, see ew York 1998, pp. 12-17.

48 "lnventario delle gioie di Cosimo I ," 1566-1574; ASF, MP 643; published in full for the first time in Florence 2003, no. 20, pp. 84, l83-2or.

My discussion of evaluative terms is greatly indebted to Sframeli and Contu 2003.

4.9 "lnventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," 1566-1574; Florence 2003, pp. 183-84, item no. l, for colored gems set on the ducal crown.

50 "Inventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," 1566-1574; Florence 2003, p. 184, item no. l, on the ducal crown: "Uno diamante grande lungo in forma di scudo tagliato a facciette mezzo fondo acqua alquanto citrina alquanto fumoso" (A large facetted diamond, long in form, of medium depth, and shaped like a shield; water somewhat like a citrine's and somewhat smoky).

51 Cellini 1857, pp. 65-6752 "lnventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," 1566-1574; Florence 2003, p. 189, item no. 52: "Uno topazio bianco, in forma di punta schericata ... che gia servi per anello et si crede si havessi per diamante" (A white topaz, with

53

54

55 56

a cropped off point ... now used as a ring and that was once believed to have been a diamond).

Vocabolario l6r2: "Bellezza: Conveniente proporzione delle parti, e de' colori. Lat. pulchritudo, formositas."

Natural octahedral diamond crystals have eight fl.at, triangular sides that meet at six points. Literally diamondshaped, they look like two pyramids which have been attached to each other, foursquare base to four-square base. For the diamond's natural crystalline forms see ew York 1998, pp. 5-ro; Parodi and Fritsch 2002.

Cellini 1857, p. 49.

In 1535 when this diamond was retrieved from pawn it was referred to as "punctam illam adamantis que vulgo punta bella adamantis pectoralis nuncupatur ... " (that pointed diamond that in the vernacular is called, the beautiful point ... ); Qyietantia, Philip po Strozzi; ASV: Div.Cam. ro6, fol. 33; cited in Bullard 1980, p. 168. Gems of exceptional size, shape, and perfection, like the punta be/la, were often given signature names that derived from popular verbal description. For the tradition of signature named gems see Patroni Griffi 1984,

PP路

n- 2 5.

57 "lnventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," 1566-1574; Florence 2003, p.185, item no. l, on the ducal crown: "Uno diamante inpunta con sei punte perfette legato a giorno d'acqua perfettisima et nettissimo in tutto legato su quattro branchette smaltate di nero."

58 Cellini 1857, pp. 51-52: "in tavola, a faccette, e in punta."

For these sixteenth-century cuts see Tillander 1995, pp.

99-121 (table cuts); 34-40, 6698 (facetted cuts); and 24-33 (pyramidal point cut).

59 Cellini 1857, pp. 40-41, for setting gems. For Renaissance gem cuts and settings in general see Falk 1975; Cocks and Truman 1984; Lightbown 1992.

60 Brown and Hickson 1997, p.

17, excerpted from the sonnet composed before 1492 by B. Bellincioni, "In laude di quattro uomini famosi nutriti sotto all'ombra del Moro: fatto in occasione che il Caradosso mostrava gioie legate." The other three whom Bellincioni praised were Leonardo da Vinci, Giorgio Merula (a humanist), and Giannino (a bombadier and armorer).

6r Cellini 1857, pp. 46-49, for making colored foils.

62 Cellini 1857, p. 43: "Qyesta sorte di rubino era grosso, e tanto limpido e fulgente, che tutte le foglie che se gli mettevano sotto lo facevan fare un certo modo di lampeggiare quasi somigliandosi al girasole, o all'occhio di gatta, due spezie di pietre quei detti ignoranti danno lor nome di gioie." The girasole can be identified with the heliotrope, a green variety of quartz speckled with red, see Vocabolario 1612: "Eliotropia: Pietra preziosa, di color verde, simile a quel dello smeraldo, ma chiazzata, o tempestata di gocciole rosse ... Lat. heliotropium ... e detta anche Girasole." Dolce 1565, p. 42: "Eliotropia." Cellini's sarcasm is evident in the fact that neither the heliotrope nor the cat's eye is a transparent stone.

63 "lnventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," 1566-1574; Florence 2003, pp. 190, 199路 See also del Riccio 1996, p.

130, where the spinel is said to tend toward "cremisi," or kermis red in color.

64 Cellini 1857, p. 42: "Io presi una piccola matassina di seta tinta in chermisi di grana .. . di poi messovi drento il mio rubino, e' fece tanto bene, e guadagno tanto di virtu da quel che gli era stato veduto in prima."

Notes for: Crafting a Profession De111se Allen

65 Cellini 1857, pp. 49-53, 57-65, for tinting diamonds.

66 E. Brepohl's explanation that Cellini's method of tinting decreased a diamond's brilliance and enhanced its clarity is incorrect as is his assertion that Renaissance diamonds and colored gems lacked bottom facets, see Cellini 2005, pp. 81-83.

67 Cellini 1857, pp. 49-50: "Io lo legai in quattro branchette tutto scoperto, perche in quell modo noi vedemmo che faceva meglio." The modern term for this setting, familiar to us from diamond engagement rings, is aujour. 'The Medici inventory has many examples of stones set in branchette or a giorno, and these, like Clement VII's diamond, are important, high quality gems.

68 Cellini 1857, pp. 65-67, for crystal reflectors.

69 Cellini 1857, pp. 66-6r "quando s' imbratta [il diamante] con la sopradetta tinta nera, egli accresce d'infinita bellezza, et ogni altra pietra bianca sopradetta, subito che tocca la tinta perde il suo splendore, e diventa nera affatto ... che pigliato la sopradetta tinta, et imbrattato l'uno e l'altro, il diamante cresce di vivacita e di bellezza, e l'altro diviene morto senza nessuno splendore ... " 70 Faking and falsely enhancing gemstones were recurrent topics in Cellini's chapters on jewelry, as they were in humanist literature. See Cellini 1857, pp. 42-44, for the forbidden practice of tinting colored gemstones; p. 45, for the practice of securing a thin transparent gem onto a glass or crystal (doublet ettings); p. 66, for the allowed practice of heating pale sapphires and topazes to render them colorless like diamonds.Dolce 1565, pp. l6v-17v, devoted a chapter to fakery entitled, "Come si possono conoscer le Gemme naturali, e le finte."

Dolce's warning that stones

71

72

73 74

like aquamarines and garnets could be falsely enhanced to imitate sapphires and rubies, their more valuable colored counterparts, closely accorded with Cellini's opinion of these gems as lesser stones.

Biringuccio 1990, p. 124; Biringuccio 1977, p. 4ov: "Il suo fratello dicono esser il granato assai simigliante in colore ... & secondo il parer mio non e a un gran pezzo di tanta perfettione, anchor che alcuni dichino chel sopravanza. Credo forse che esser potrebbe in qualche particolar virtu come ancho le specie de gli hiacinti per alcun si crede che non solo prevaglino a rubini, ma ogni altra gioia, nientedimeno ne di prezzo ne di vaghezza, secondo il mio parer non vi s'accostano, la diminutione della bellezza, & prezzo di questi come anchor di tutte l'altre gioie ... " Cellini 1857, pp. 38-39; Cellini 1568, p. 4.

Sframeli and Contu 2003, P路 3o.

Many examples of these gemstones are listed in the Medici inventory; two are given here. In r567, Cosimo ordered his jeweler, Hans (Giovanni) Domes, to remove the balas rubies and colorless sapphires from an extraordinary jeweled belt that Domes previously had made, see Sframeli and Contu 2003, pp. 26-2T "Inventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," r566-r574, item no. 445, p. r98. Domes entered Cosimo's service in 1564, and he must have fashioned this balas ruby and white sapphire belt during the time Cellini was finishing the Trattati. Other gemstones listed in the Medici inventory, like the following remarkable oriental topaz/yellow sapphire, probably prompted Cellini to include this type of stone among the vere gioie; Florence 2003, p. r92, item no. 2r5: "Uno topatio orientale o veramente zaffiro giallo

75

76

77

78 79 80 81

... di grandissimo et perfetto colore, unito et risplendente ."

(An oriental topaz or, in fact, a yellow sapphire ... of superlative and most perfect color, uniform and resplendent.)

In addition to the jeweled belt mentioned in the above note see "Inventario delle gioie di Cosimo I," r566-r574; Florence 2003, p. r93, item no. 230: "Uno zaffiro bianco, tavola ... di bellissima acqua et simile assai al diamante." (A table cut white sapphire ... of most beautiful water and very similar to a diamond.)

Cellini 20oza, p. 305; Cellini r973, p. 39T "Il nostro Duca, che si dilettava grandemente di gioie, ma pero non e ne intendeva."

Baldini was a contemporary of Cellini's. He matriculated as a goldsmith in the cA"rte della Jeta in r527, ran one of the most important goldsmith's shops in Florence, and was head of the Ducal Mint. He is also documented as having engraved gems and set hardstones, and as having acted as an appraiser of important precious stones. In the world of jewelry acquisition and evaluation he was Cellini's rival at Cosimo's court. Cellini passionately hated him as much as he did his successful rivals in other artistic fields. For Baldini see Liscia Bemporad r992, vol. l, P路 393路 Cellini r857, pp. 39-40.

Cellini 20oza, pp. 338-40; Cellini 1973, pp. 436-4r.

Cellini 20oza, pp. 305-7, 3r2r4; Cellini r973, pp. 396-99, 405-7Cellini's described the diamond's flaws in this manner: "Qiesto diamante era stato gia una punta, ma perche e' non riusciva con quella limpidita fulgente, che a tal gioia si doveva desiderare, li padroni di esso diamante avevano ischericato questa ditta punta, la quale veramente non faceva bene ne per tavola ne

N ote s for : Crafting a Profession Denise Allen

82 83 84 85

86

87 88

89

90 91

per punta." Cellini r973, p.

396. "This diamond had already been cut to a point, but since cutting did not result in the brilliant clarity desired from such a jewel, the owners of the diamond had cropped it off, and indeed it was not much good for cutting either fl.at or to a point."

Cellini 20oza, p. 305. 1he last phrase should probably read, "indeed the jewel was neither successful as a table cut nor as a pointed cut." The diamond was probably a "knob cut," a type of cut in which the point of the diamond was ground away to make a small fl.at table. Knob cuts were rare and were generally employed as a means of improving irregularly shaped, pointed diamond crystals. For knob cuts see Tillander I995. pp. 67-68.

Cellini 2002a, pp. 306-7; Cellini 1973, p. 398.

Allen r998.

Bullard 1994, esp. p. 25r.

For the "jocalia Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae," see Allen 1998, p. 29r. King Francis I of France is generally credited with officially establishing the tradition of crown jewels in r530; papal precedent surely was relevant to Italian rulers.

For the position of papal jeweler see Allen r997, pp. n25, with references to earlier sources.

For Caradosso see Brown and Hickson 1997For Giovanni Pietro da Marliano, also known as Gaio, see Bulgari r959, vol. l, part 2, p. 348.

Cellini r857, p. 45: "io non voglio dir nulla dove io non possa provarlo con qualche essempro."

Cellini 1857, pp. 55-57, 6r-65.

Cellini r857, p. 55, Gaio says, "e questo [diamante] e piu difficile ancora che tutti gli altri diamanti, si per esser bellissimmo e di gran valore, e per essere sottile un poco piu che il suo dovere." Cellini was

92

93

94

95

96 97

98

99

thirty-six at the time. He was considered young in experience by Gaio, an expert jeweler at the papal court who was at least fifty-six years old.

For Raffaello di Andrea, also known as Raffaello del Moro and Raffaello Fiorentino, see Bulgari I959, vol. 2, p. 320.

For Gasparre Gallo, also known as Gasparre Romanesco, see Bulgari I959, vol. I, part 2, p. 500.

Cellini I857, p. 6I: "questo diamante era il piu difficile che si potessi immaginare al mondo, per essere lui troppo sottile." Cellini did not describe the cut of this diamond.

Given the problems posed by its "thinness," the diamond was unlikely to have been a pyramidal pointed cut, and it was most probably a table cut. Pope Paul III is shown wearing an impressive table cut diamond ring in Titian's portrait of I543 (Capodimonte, aples) that could be the stone discussed by Cellini.

For the strict proportional relationships between the measurements in degrees of a diamond 's facetted angles and the amount of light dispersed by the stone see New York I998, pp. I5-I6; and Tillander I995, p. 23T "proportions."

Cellini I857, p. 64.

Cellini I857, p. 64: "Qiesto modo a quella sottigliezza di quel diamante, et a quella sorte di acqua di detto diamante e' rispondeva tanto bene, come se egli avessi auto tutte le sue intere grossezze, con le sue appartenenze naturali et accidentali, che si perviene a un diamante che fussi di tutta bonta."

Cellini I857, p. 60: "Cosi di tutte le spezie de' diamanti si debbe fare di quelle diligenzie che merita l'onore del maestro et la qualita della gioia."

Cellini I857, p. 46, for the infamous fake emerald sold to King Henry VIII by an unnamed Milanese jeweler.

roo Cellini I857, p. 62, Cellini identified these as three of the four modes of speaking granted to men: the first, "il ragionare, qual vuol dire la ragione delle cose;" the third, "favellare ... il dire delle favole, e cose con poca sustanzia, ma sono piacevoli alcune volte, e non ingiuriose;" and the fourth, "cicalare, la qual voce usano quegli uomini che non sanno nulla, e vogliono con quella mostrare di sapere assai.. " IOI For discussion of the Boccaccesque stories in the Trattati see Rossi 2004, pp. I87-88.

102 Cellini I857, p. 44: "e della mia sacce nteria derisomi e beffatomi, dissono che un'altra volta io dovessi meglio aprire gli occhi, perche dicevano che quel rubino era stato legato da un grand' uomo da bene, il quale non arebbe fatto una tal cosa, si come evidentemente si poteva conoscere per certo."

103 Cellini 1857, pp. 44-4s: "Et avendo io preso in mano il rubino, con quella mia gran vista subito veddi quello che con la lor piccola vista non avevano potuto discernere ... e dissi loro che fussino avvertiti a comperare un paio d ' occhiali che mostrassino alquanto meglio di quegli che gli avevano."

104 Castiglione 2000, p. III (book 2-40); Castiglione 1965, p. 7r.

Dolce 1565, pp. I37-38. The many concordances between Cellini's chapters on jewelry and Dolce's publications of the I56os make it possible that Cellini had more of an interest in Dolce than has been previously thought. It depends on whether Dolce's publications preceded or followed Cellini's writing of the Trattati, and the timing is very close.

105 For discussion of the status of the goldsmith under the Medici grand dukes see: Rossi 2004, p. I81; Collareta

2003; and Bemporad 1993, vol.

1, pp. 74-82. ro6 For Hans (Giovanni) Domes see Sframeli and Contu 2003, pp. 26-28; and Bemporad 1993, vol. I, p. 408.

107 For "il Fiorentino" see Florence 2003, nos. 67-69, pp. 138-41, and p. 34. The depiction of Medici jewels in Bronzino's portraits was a major theme of this exhibition; see Sframeli and Contu 2003, especially pp. 24-26. ro8 Cellini I973, p. 53; Cellini 2002a, p. 4r.

FOR PAGES 62-81 The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Cellini 's Practice o f Bronze Castin g

Francesca G. Bewer & Molly McNamara

This research could not have succeeded without the collaboration and encouragement of numerous individuals and institutions. We would like to thank Alan Chong and Dimitrios Zikos for creating the context for our technical study and for their encouragement; Anne Hawley of the Gardner Museum and Beatrice Paolozzi-Strozzi of the Bargello for affording us the opportunity to closely examine the works from their respective museums; Giovanni and Lorenzo Morigi for many convivial, generous, and informative exchanges; and Valentine Talland and Chris Aldrich at the Gardner Museum, Henry Lie and arayan Khandekar of the Straus Center for Conservation, David Lange of the Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences, Harvard University, Chris McGlinchey of the Museum of Modern Art, Denise Allen 193

Notes for: The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bindo Altoviti from the Inside Out Francesca G. Bewer & Mo1ly McNamara

of the Frick Collection, and Andrea Cohen and Ellen McNamara for their assistance and support.

Cole 2002, p. 45. In the ongoingparagone debate about whether the art of painting or that of sculpture was superior, there was a certain disparagement of sculptors because of the physicality, sweat, and muck involved in the labor.

2 It is possible that the unpatched round hole in the top of the figure's head that mu t originally have been formed by the armature may also have served a function in mounting the bust.

3 It was displayed in Bindo's "scrittoio" (study) among ancient busts and works of art.

Cellini I97I, vol. 2, p. 525. See Boston and Florence 2003, pp. 8o-8I, 404.

4 The unused large, central hole in the top of the base suggests that it had originally been made for another sculpture.

And the way in which two of the rods break through the drapery that frames the bottom of the bust and are visible from the outer surface is anathema to Cellini's goldsmith sensitivities.

5 Cellini I90I, p. 343: "Et se bene io vedevo che quel mirabil Donatello haveva fatto le sue opere di bronzo, quale haveva gittate con la terra di Firenze; e' mi pareva che l'havessi condutte con grandissima difficulta; et pensando che venissi dal difetto della terra, innanzi che io mi mettessi a gittare il mio Perseo io volsi fare queste prime diligentie; per le quali trovai esser buona la terra, se bene non era state bene intesa da quel mirabil Donatello, per che con grandissima difficulta vedevo condotte le sue opere. Cosi, come io dico di sopra, per virtu d'arte io composi la terra, la quale mi servi benissimo; et si come io dico,

))

6 7 8

9

IO

II

I2

I3 14 I5 I6

I7

con essa gittai la detta testa.

Cellini I97I, vol. 2, p. 494路 Cited by Zikos 2003, p. I58.

Cellini I97I, vol. 2, pp. 409-n.

On the dating of the bust ofBindo Altoviti, see Zikos 2003, p. I43路 Steps a through gin the following outline of the casting of a bronze sculpture are based on Cellini's descriptions in the Treatise on Jculpture (Cellini I898, pp. m-I8). Cellini does not describe what happens after casting.

Cellini described a variation of the method using a gesso mixture instead of clay for the core; Cellini I898, pp. I25-26.

This gesso-based composition, and the idea of casting a quick-setting core into the hollow wax may be based on practice from gold and silversmithing; see Cellini I898, P路 89.

This process is described in Biringuccio I959, p. 230.

For descriptions of the indirect process that Giambologna and his workshop used to cast his statuettes see Bewer I995 and Sturman 2oor.

Cellini I898, p. n4.

For instance, Cellini I898, p. 88.

Cellini I97I, vol. 2, pp. 482-83.

Valentine Talland and Henry Lie are among the conservators who participated in the examination sessions . The Morigis published their conservation treatment and technical findings in Morigi and Morigi 2004.

The average composition of the Bindo bust is approximately 93 percent copper, 5 percent tin, and 0.3 percent lead. Three samples of bronze were taken from the interior of the sculpture and one sample was taken from the interior of the base. The cast-on repairs had minutely more copper and silver, and less tin and antimony. These differences were less than 0.22%.A

I8

large rastered beam of 100 micrometers was used to obtain average compositions.

The base contained r.n% to 2.n% less tin than the sculpture body.

Cellini I898, pp. II? and I25.

Cellini I9oI, pp. 360-6I: "Et fatto che io ebbi la sua tonaca di terra, che tonaca si dimanda in nell'arte e benessimo armatola et ricinta con gran diligentia di ferramenti ...

(And I have made its tunic of clay, tunic being what one says in art, and arming it very well and enclosing in iron with great diligence ... ).

Morigi and Morigi 2004, pp. 2I, 27. In this article the Morigis mention finding wire inside Giambologna's J'ountain of:Njptune in Bologna as well. The wire in the Bindo bust was tested: one sample of wire was determined to be 99% iron with a thin coating of bronze (88% copper, n% tin).

Cellini I97I, vol. 2, pp. 482-83.

Cellini I898, p. n4; and according to his account in the Vita, he modeled the likeness of Cosimo in clay, so we must assume that it was made in some detail.

According to the Morigis, the thickness of the bronze and lack of conformality of the core, the impression of organic materials from the clay in the metal and the presence of the wires are all evidence that the Bindo was cast directly.

Morigi 2004, p. 2r.

25 September I546 payment to a smith named Domenico "per un ferro che ando nella testa di gesso di sua Eccellenzia e lib. n9 di ferro, quale servi per la testa del ducha, che si messe nell'anima di terra per gittarla in bronzo."

Qioted in Trento I984, p. 56 [GA, c. 5r].

August 2I, I546 payment to Giuliano Bettini da Monte Bagni for "gesso auto da lui servito al Preseo [sic] di chamera e a formare la testa di ))

I9

20 2I

22

23

24

194

Notes for : The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bin do Altoviti from the Inside Out Francesca G. Bewer & Molly McNamara

25 26

27

28 29

JO

JI

sua Eccellenzia" (GA, c. 2v; cfr. R., c 25r) . ~oted in Zikos 200J, p. 44r. Zikos erroneously translated "formare" as "to model." In this context it should be interpreted as "to mold."

Cellini 1971, vol. 2, pp. 490, 495, srJ-14.

He describes casting the :J(ymph of:f'ontainebleau lunette by the direct method in the Treatise on Jculpture; Cellini 1898, pp. rn-12. The casting of the two busts is described in Cellini 1971, vol. 2, pp. 409-n, and he mentions the bases on p. 4IJ. Cellini 1971, vol. 2, p. 4n and p. 409: "Se io avessi veduto mettervi innella forma l'anima, con una sola parola io v'arei insegnato che la figura sarebbe venuta benissimo ... " and "Io non credo che il vostro Giove venga, perche voi non gli avete dati tanti spiriti da basso, che el vento possa girare ... " It is tantalizing to speculate that the "one thing that differed from the customary" way in which they cast things, which he refers to in regard to this incident in the Treatise on Cjoldsmithing (Cellini 1898, p. 125) may perhaps be an allusion to the lasagna technique.

Cellini 1898, p. 92.

Cellini also uses the term "lasagna" to describe the thin sheet of wax he lays into a plaster mold to make a casting model for gold and silver masks and other hollow relief elements for vases . Cellini 1898, p. 88.

For descriptions of cannon and bell casting see Biringuccio 1540, book 6.

He mentions the practice of wrapping the cores of cannons with wires in chapter 6, p. 24r.

Regarding his experience with French founders see, for instance Cellini 1898, p. 125, and Cellini 1971, vol. 2, pp.

409-n. The bell and cannon founder, Zanobi di Pagno

Portigiani, helped him cast the Cosimo bust; Cellini 1971, vol. 2, p. 494. Zanobi started "a fondere e formare e rinettare on 17 June and was paid on 17 October "per aver aiutato gittare la testa di bronzo di sua Eccellenzia e nettala" and again on 24 October; Trento 1984, p. 56 [GA, c. 2v and 5r; cfr. R, c. 28v]. Cellini recounts arguing with French founders about casting techniques as they are preparing to cast his bronze 'Jupiter, and telling them how casting is done in Italy; Cellini 1971, vol. 2, pp. 409-1r. But, there is no mention in the Vita of his spending any amount of time with founders in Italy before going to France. It is possible though that he had occasion to see bronze sculpting in the works in connection with the bronze Jpinario that Ippolito d'Este sent as a gift to Francis I. According to the account books oflppolito d'Este's treasurer, Tommaso Mosti, Cellini was sent as an intermediary to pay two designated Florentine sculptors to make this figure in bronze.

(According to other records, the figure was cast in Rome in 1540.) Paris 2000, no. 64.

My thanks to Denise Allen for pointing out this reference.

J2 Cellini 1901, p. J61: "vi mettevo i sua sfiatatoi, i quali erano cannoncini di terra cotta chi si adoperano per gli aqquai et altre simil cose." Cellini 1971, vol. 2, P路 517路 JJ The clay sample was analyzed by David Lange in the Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences, Harvard University using a Cameca MBX electron microprobe.

The sample from the water pipe imprint is 80-90% frit (finely ground, fired material), 80% quartz, ro% rutile.

General clay core samples taken from the interior of the sculpture contained 50% quartz, 25% feldspars, and 15% micas and chlorite.

J4 The composition of the fine first layers is described in Cellini 1898, p. n2, and that of the subsequent layers on p.IIJ .

J5 Cellini 1971, vol. 2, p. 495.

J6 Cellini 1971, vol. 2, p. 495.

J7 Cellini 1901, p. J44路 J8 The Morigis found what looked like identical punch marks on the blood dripping from Medusa's severed head and on Perseus's helmet.

Morigi and Morigi 2004, pp.

22-2J, fig. 12, p. 26.

J9 See note 2.

40 The sculpture body is 9J% copper, 5% tin, and O.J% lead.

1he cast-on repairs had minutely more copper and silver, and less tin and antimony.

41 Zikos 200J, p. 160.

42 Preferential cleaning on the front makes sense since it has been mounted to a wall for most of its life.

4J On II February 1548, payment for "JOO pezzi d'oro auto da Francesco Capassini per dorare detta testa (R., c. 4v).

And on 17 February payment of 7 lire "per fatica del dipintore a dorare detta testa e per lo azzurro della basa e portatura" (R., c. 4v; cfr. GA, c.

6v). The Medici inventory of 155J describes it as "scolpito in bronzo e tocco in oro." Trento 1984, p. 5744 If any of the back areas, which are now still covered with corrosion accretions, had been gilded, it is possible that some trace embedded in the remaining corrosion layer.

45 ~alitative X-Ray Fluorescence analysis of the golden fleece and a few other areas on the front of the bust on which one might expect to find gold revealed none.

References given in Zikos 200J, P路 44r.

46 On the influence of Antico's sculptures on Cellini see Zikos 200J, pp. 147-48. For a striking example of such silvered eyes see Antico's <Bust ofa Y'oungU\/[an in theJ. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles

195

Notes for : The Portrait Busts of Cosimo I & Bin do Altoviti from the Inside Out Francesca G. Bewer & Molly McNamara

(inv. 86.SB.688). For wonderful illustrated examples and descriptions of inlaying and other forms of selective coloration in Roman bronze figures see Lahusen and Formigli 2002.

47 Qyalitative analysis was done

by Chris McGlinchey of the Museum of Modern Art with a Keymaster Technologies portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometer (model XTR35) that utilizes a rhenium tube.

The instrument can confidently be used for semi-quantitative analysis, but here it was used primarily to check for the presence of silver in the eyes. Five spectra were gathered: two from the pupil, three from other areas of the bust. The spectra showed a marked silver peak in the white of the eye, which did not occur in any of the other locations. Other elements found in all of the spectra are (in order of magnitude): copper, tin, a small amount of lead, and iron. This suggests that the alloy used for the bust was a lightly leaded tin bronze.

48 Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS), pyrolysis GC-MS, and Fourier Transform Infrared Spectrometry (FTIR) completed at the Straus Center for Conservation by arayan Khandekar suggest that the material is a composed of a drying oil (of P/S=2.14).

Given the lack of other materials in the sample it was possible to suggest that the oil is linseed oil.

49 Cole 2002, pp. 52-58.

4

FOR PAGES 82-101 Kinship and Art The Patronage of the Soderini & Ridolfi Families in Florence & Rome Antonia Bostrom

1his paper depends in large measure on my doctoral dissertation, Bostrom 1996. I wish to thank Alan Chong, Robert Colby, Wolfram Koeppe, Donatella Pegazzano, Joaneath Spicer, Marjorie Trusted, and Dimitrios Zikos.

For Paolantonio Soderini, see Ammirato 1615, p. 133; and Litta 1819, vol. 9 (Soderini di Firenze). Other biographical information has been taken from the family tree included in Archivio di Stato di Firenze [ASF], Capitani di Parte Guelfa, numeri neri, 796 suppliche, fol.

79; and idem. 813, affare 144· For further information on Paolantonio and his association with Bindo Altoviti, see also Simoncelli 2003, pp. 289, 3n, 313· 2 See Simoncelli 1990, pp. 245, 39, for a discussion of the group of ambassadors sent to Barcelona, and for the sonnets addressed to Soderini by Paolo del Rosso. Simoncelli 2003, pp. 288-89, points out that two groups of ambassadors traveled to appeal to the emperor: one, of "great men" (the Optimates), included Lorenzo Ridolfi, Bernardo Salviati, and Piero Strozzi; the other group included Paolantonio Soderini, Galeotto Giugni, and Antonio Berardi.

3 Paolantonio's exile is mentioned in Pegazzano 2003a, p. 91 note 150, citing ASF, Raccolta Sebregondi, 4979, tav. iii.

r

Parronchi 1971, p. 348 note 3, mysteriously identifies Paolantonio's wife as an Agnioletta Girolama Michelina, whereas both Ammirato 1615, p. 133; and Litta 1819, vol. 9 (Soderini), state that he was married to Fiammetta di Alfonso Strozzi. Paolantonio was also linked to the Strozzi family through his father's first wife, Fiammetta di Filippo di Matteo Strozzi. For Ruberto Strozzi see: Bostrom 1995, pp. 809-20; Simoncelli 2003, pp. 294, 298,301,304,307; Costamagna 2003, pp. 336, 340, 345 [all with further literarure].

5 Laudomia Soderini was married to Piero Strozzi; Litta 1819, vol. 4 (Strozzi di Firenze); and Simoncelli 2003, PP· 313-15, 317.

6 For the activity of Florentine artists in Rome see Costamagna 2003 and Zikos 2003, both with further bibliography.

7 For Michelangelo's affiliation with the republican cause of the fuorusciti, as demonstrated by his bust of 'Brutus, see: Bostrom 1995; Costamagna 2003, p. 337; Simoncelli 2003, p. 300.

8 Ammirato 1615, p. 133 · 9 Giovambattista Busini mentions the mausoleum several times; Busini 1860, pp. 187, 216, 240. When reporting on the gatherings of the fuorusciti at the mausoleum in his letters to Benedetto Varchi, Busini describes it as the "prelibato Mausoleo," and refers to changes the monsignor made to the garden for pleasure and dining; Riccomini 1995, note 5, citing Varchi 1858, vol. l, p. 497 (letter of 1549). I am extremely grateful to Anna Maria Riccomini for generously sharing with me the results of her research on the mausoleum and the antiquities collection there. See also Lanciani 1902, vol. 2,

P· 15·

Notes for : Kin ship and Art Antonia Bostrom

IO

ll

12 13 14

15

16 I7

Archivio di Stato, Rome, Tribunale criminale del governatore, Investigazioni, vol.

26, fol. 73, 6 June 1546; quoted in Rodocanachi 1914, p. roo note 8; Riccomini 1995, note 4.

Busini 1860, p. 233 (27 April 1551): "quello scioccone ... che mai fece la migliore opera che lasciare mille scudi d'entrata a messer Tommaso."

Cellini 1973, pp. 182, 185.

Aldrovandi 1562, pp. 199-2or.

Ligorio refers to the double berm of Homer and Menander (Archivio di Stato, Turin, Ms]. 23, fol. 30); Lanciani 1902, vol. 3, pp. 24041; vol. 4, pp. 39-40. Ligorio also discusses a bronze version of the q{arpocrates in Francesco Soderini's collection (Mandowksy and Mitchell 1963, p. 65). He noted on his drawing of coins depicting the Temple of Pudicitia and another of the Hadrianeum, that they apparently belonged to "Abate Suderino" (Campbell 1990, p. roo). As Riccomini has pointed out to me, some of the epigraphical reliefs from the collection came from the Angelera collection in 1549 (Lanciani 1902, vol. I, p. 103; vol. 2, p. 15).

Scoppola 1987, p. 268, cites a document in the Soderini archive (Archivio Soderini, Rome, 4, fol. 244 ff), dated 21 March 1553, which states that Francesco Soderini, "pro notario apostolico di Giulio III,'' made his will in favour of his brother, Paolantonio. This does not accord with Busini's statement in April 1551 that Francesco Soderini had just died; Busini 1860, p. 233.

Lanciani 1902, vol. 2, p. 15.

Aldrovandi 1562, p. 314; Ferrucci 1588, p. 138; Lanciani 1902, vol. 4, p. 152. Elsewhere, Aldrovandi records, "dinanzi a S. Rocco si vede l'obelisco rotto. L'altro che pure qui presso al mausoleo si scuopre ora da Monsignore Soderini che vi fa cavare perche questo

18

19 20

21

e suo." Aldrovandi (Mero. 38, ed. Fea); cited in Lanciani 1902, vol. 2, p. 15).

Riccomini 1995 has succeeded in identifying some of the sculptures described by Aldrovandi 1562, pp. 199-201, including the Vestal Virgin, C[)iana, and cAesculapius, and relief fragments, an obelisk and sarcophagi placed in front of the entrance. Some of Francesco's collection may also be included in a 1580 inventory of the contents of the Palazzo del Mausoleo, drawn up on the orders of a Monsignor de' Rossi on account of a dispute between Paolantonio's heir, Alfonso, Barone di Collalto (b. before 1568) and Paolantonio's creditors (Rome, Archivio Soderini, Filza 7, fols. 163r169v; Bostrom 1996, appendix IX). Alfonso was married to Antonia Mattei (Ammirato 16r5, p. 133). In 1577 he was cited as a "ribelle Ridolfi" for his part in protecting and helping Piero di Lorenzo Ridolfi after the failed Pucci conspiracy in 1575 (Ricci 1972, p. 232). This is further evidence for the close political links of this group of families.

Coffin 1991, p. 25.

Flaminio Vacca, "Memorie di varie antichita trovate in diversi luoghi della citta di Roma" (1594), in Fea 1790, mem. 97; Haskell and Penny 1981, pp. 295-6; Cristofani 1980, p. 22 note 19.

Aldrovandi 1562, p. 198.

Paolantonio appears to have continued to acquire property in this area, for on 24 May 1559, according to orders from Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza and the Mastri di Strada, Bernardino Duartieri [sic], Vincentio Castelli, and the company of San Rocco were ordered to sell Paolantonio a house " con i suoi membri ... ad effetto di fabrica" (ASR, vol. 7, fol. 153r). This may have adjoined the mausoleum and his

22

23

24

25

own palace, but due to the complete destruction and remodelling of this area under Mussolini, these buildings are now lost. For an idea of where they might have been located, see Du Perac's print (fig. r in this essay) or the photographs of the 1930s destruction in the volumes of the Roman periodical [apitolium.

See note 19 for the inventory drawn up in the dispute between Paolantonio's heir, Alfonso, Barone di Collalto, and his father's creditors in Rome.

Bostrom 1996, appendix IX, fols. 166v-167r. I am gratefol to Anna Maria Riccomini for help in deciphering this passage.

Haskell and Penny 1981, pp.

154-55. This must have been acquired after Aldrovandi's edition of 1556, when it was still identified as in the collection of iccolo Guisa. See Bartalini 1992 for the confusion over the identity of Guisa, and for the appearance of the cArrotino in the Chigi collection as early as 1520.

ASF, Carte Strozziane, serie V, 1214, letter to Ruberto Strozzi in Paris, 20 February 1561, quoted in Parronchi 1971, p. 348. In another letter to Ruberto Strozzi of 18 March 1561 (ASF, Carte Strozziane, serie V, 1214, ins. 5), Paolantonio suggests that he needed the money for dowries for his daughters. The next year, his daughter Fiammetta married Alessandro di Tommaso Soderini (brother of Giovan Vettorio Soderini).

Fiammetta's tutor was Pietro Angeli da Barga, who dedicated a number of poems to her, and was judged by Giovan Vettorio Soderini to be the foremost Latin poet of his century (G. de Sommaia, ÂŁg Jelve, ms. in Biblioteca azionale Centrale di Firenze, Bibl. Magl., cl. VIII, cod. Sr). Alessandro Salicino also dedicated a poem to 197

Notes for: Kinship and Art Antonia Bostrom

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

Fiammetta in Slicino 1566, p. 26.

ASF, Carte Strozziane, serie V, 1214, letter to Strozzi in Paris, 20 February 1561; quoted in Parronchi 1971, p. 348.

Parronchi 1971, p. 348, suggests that the statue may have been initially acquired by Francesco I, but remained in the cardinal's garden of the Villa Medici, where it is mentioned in a later inventory of 1680.

The reference in the letter, "Il mio Villano ando via et no(n) il uo Pasquino," is ambiguous. Riccomini had suggested verbally that it refers to the Pasquino that Soderini sold in 1570 to Cosimo I de' Medici, which by 1561 must have entered the Soderini collection.

On the table, made by Bernardino di Porfirio da Leccio, see Alvar GonzalezPalacios in Boston and Florence 2003, no. 34. It was described by Vasari 1966, vol. 6, p. 242. See Pegazzano 2003a, p. 79 (documents on PP路 448, 449-50), for references to Bindo Altoviti's other tables in inventories of 1591 and 1644. See also Morrogh 1983, p. 63.

See Bostrom 1996, p. 352, appendix IX, fol. l66r. Most of these were valuable ancient marbles, excavated from Roman ruins, thus an extra cachet was added by virtue of their classical associations.

Raggio 1959路 The 1568 inventory of antiquities in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome shows that the Farnese owned more than one such table (Ministero della pubblica istruzione 1878, vol. l, pp. 72-77).

See Gonzalez-Palacios 1988 and Tuena 1988 for a discussion of the character of Roman commesso work.

Raggio 1959, note 38; Robertson 1992, pp. 133, 134 notes 295, 241; and Riebesell 1989, p. 28, 37 ff., for payments

to this French commesso worker. He and Fioretto Franzesi also constructed a garden at the Farnese, vigna in Trastevere. See Ecole Frans;aise de Rome, Jg Palais :f'arnese (Rome, 1980-81), vol.

2, pp. 398-9, for illustrations of other marble tables in the Palazzo Farnese.

34 Tuena 1988, pp. 54-69, who apparently was unaware of the Franzesi's activities for Cardinal Farnese. Clearly Rome was seen as an important centre for such lapidary work, and as an informed arbiter of taste, in 1568 Cardinal Ricci was approached by Franceso I de' Medici to recommend a Roman commesso worker.

35 On 4 May 1560, Soderini wrote to Ruberto Strozzi at the French court appealing for his intervention in arranging financial recompense for some fragments of marble in which Catherine de' Medici had apparently been interested, and for which Soderini had a receipt signed by the Marisciala, Piero Strozzi's wife, Laudomia di Pierfrancesco de' Medici (ASF, Acquisti e Doni, 304, fol. 147). In a letter of 4 October 1560 (ibid., fol. 2n) to Strozzi in Paris, Laudomia refers to the statues and stones that Strozzi had been offering on Soderini's behalf at the French court and she may have been acting at the prompting of the desperate Soderini. She wrote: "a proposito raccomandar queste faccende a Messer Pagolantonio al manco per fino a tanto che V. S. fussila lei che Messer Raffaello oltre a quella sua natura, e poi assai suggetto alle malattie. Non [h]o ancora scritto a Messer Pagolantonio per canto delle statue, et avrei caro saper se li par da offerirli quelle pietre che lui domandava, che a me parrebbe da darle quando le volessi." Unfortunately, the

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36 37 38

39 40

incomplete correspondence makes it impossible to reconstruct the exact circumstances of the sale, if indeed it eventually took place. Apparently in 1558 Cardinal Strozzi had spoken to Paolantonio about a stucco panel ("raccomandovi il quadro di stucho dele quale n'ho scritto a Messer Pagolantonio"; ASF, Acquisti e Dani, 70, fol. 182; letter of 25 August 1558 to his sister Maria Strozzi Ridolfi). It is unclear whether Soderini was acquiring or selling this work.

Acidini Luchinat 1980.

Morrogh 1983; Morrogh l985a, P路 312.

Such wooden and metal globes, and armillary spheres, were popular additions to the patrician and scholarly interior in Rome as well as in Florence (see Thornton 1991, pp. 271-72; Thornton 1997).

In Rome, Mario Cartaro, a designer and engraver, was renowned for his wooden celestial globes of the type described in Paolantonio's inventory, and one in a private collection in New York dated 1577 may resemble Soderini's example (Stevenson 1921, vol. l, pp. 167-9, fig. 69). For the renowned "Giulio Romano globe" (Vatican), in fact made for Cardinal Sittico Altemps around 1567, see Hess 1967.

For the wider question of astrological themes in interior decoration see Lippincott 1990. According to a 1609 inventory, Lorenzo Salviati had a collection of astrolabes, globes, armillary spheres, solar dials, and watches, perhaps inherited from his father, Jacopo di Alamanno Salviati (Fazzini 1989, pp. 288-89).

See Bostrom 1997 for the taste for maps and paesi from the etherlands.

ASR, vol. 7, fol. l65r. This may also reflect the collection after works had been sold and removed from the collections before the 1580 inventory was drawn up.

41 The marchesi Malaspina had property in the area north of Carrara at Fosdinovo.

According to Agostino del Riccio in 1597 (del Riccio 1979, p. 23), they had three caves of mistio near Seravezza.

To add to our impression of the incestuous character of Florentine dynastic liaisons, in 1562 Giovan Vettorio's only surviving brother, Alessandro, married Paolantonio Soderini's daughter, the poet Fiammetta for whom, as we saw, Paolantonio so desperately need to raise a dowry. Giovan Vettorio and Alessandro were also frequently involved in legal matters concerning the Roman property of their great uncles, Piero and Cardinal Francesco Soderini, which they had inherited with Paolantonio and Monsignor Francesco Soderini. See Lowe r9S5, pp.

229, 234-36, 245, for Cardinal Francesco Soderini's estates and their inheritance; and Bostrom 1996, p. rSr, for further information about the ownership and disposal of property in Rome and the surrounding areas by both branches of the family.

42 Martelli 1546, fols. 43r-v.

Ugolino Martelli joined the Florentine Academy after his return to Florence in 1542.

For a di cussion ofUgolino Martelli's career and for further bibliography, see Starn r96S, pp. 159-61, and del Fante r9S4.

43 Del Fante r9S4.

44 Gargani rS7S, p. 64, cites Poesie varie latine e toscane scritte da Cjiovan Vettorio Joderini, and refers to other poems mentioned in Girolamo da Sommaia's fg.

Jelva (Biblioteca azionale Centrale di Firenze, Magliabecchiana., cl. VIII, cod. Sr, II. iv. 252). According to Carter r9S5, p. S6, this is "a collection of poetry copied by Girolamo di Sommaia, February r6n-(r6rS?)." Other

45

46

47

4S

49

versions are in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Magliabecchiana, cl.

VIII, cod. So and 8r.

The poems include Benedetto Varchi's Jonetti pastorali of r55s: "A voi, che l'alto nome, e gran valore I Del saggio, Avolo vostro a Noi tornate ... Mando io quel, che canto DAMO pastore I per collie boschi ... " (Varchi 1555, p. 215). In Salicino 1566, Soderini is addressed as "illustre et magnanimo S. Gio. Vettorio Soderini." Salicino also addresses one of the poems to Soderini's wife, Maria Soderini Nerli: "Di mille anime pie, sante, e devote, I Ch'adorano il bel viso onesto ... " 1he question of the dedication of poems and published collections of letters is discussed by Starn 1968, pp. 6-7, who states that "the letterbook satisfied the longings of an unsettled culture for formal models for its idea, manners, and style."

Gargani r87S, p. 64. This judgment also concurs with the reputation of early members of the Accademia Fiorentina for their facetiousness and bizarre behavior (Heikamp 1957, p. 140). For Sommaia, see notes 25 and 44.

A vindictive poem addressed to Soderini by Matteo Chieli di Anghiari suggests that the former was capable of arousing the most hostile of sentiments in others, even when incarcerated. The poem is reproduced in Soderini 1901, vol.

3, P路 683.

"Diceva di stare nel peggiore luogo di Firenza, perche stave in mezzo delle Stinche e Bargello e dirimpetto a' Salviati; e soggiungeva perche l'amicizia <lei birri non serve ad altro che a esser preso mezza ora prima" (from Sommaia's fg. Jelva, reprinted in Gargani rS78, pp. 73-74.)

ASF, MPDP, 2656, fol. 4rr; Bostrom 1996, p. r7S. A familial connection with

50

51 52

53

54

the Salviati already existed through Soderini's marriage to Maria del Senatore Leone erli (d. 1584) in 1561, whose paternal grandmother was the sister of Cosimo I de' Medici's mother, Maria Salviati (Litta 1819, vol. 9 [Soderini]). The Nerli were also the Soderini family's neighbors at Castel Pulci, their estate near Lastra a Signa (see ASF, MPDP, 23, fol. r4Sv). On 24 October r5S4, Maria erli was murdered by her nephew Anton Francesco di Alessandro Soderini, "con spada e pugnale," at the casa Bianca, a Soderini property near Pontedera. Documents referring to this unexplained murder are in ASR, vol. 7, fol.

339; vol. 34, fol. 167.

Gargani rS78. Giovan Vettorio the elder acquired the property in 1503 from the sons of Valerio di Andrea di Betto detto Gerba (Lucchesi and Bertocci 1984, p. r6.) The villa, now the Centro Civico del Qyartiere 12, is situated between present Via Gioberti and Via S. Ammirato, as they issue onto the Piazza Alberti.

Soderini's treatises appear in Soderini r9or.

Giovan Vettorio's letter of 21 December 1587 is reproduced in Guglielmo E. Saltini, "Della morte di Francesco de' Medici e di Bianca Cappello," cArchivio Jtorico Italiano r8, part 2 (1963), pp. r9-8r. See also Bostrom 1990, p. 833 and notes 23 and 24. De' Ricci 1972, pp. 524-25, reported in r5S8 [1589] that Soderini was pointedly warned by Ferdinando I's ministers to desist in his "temerarieta et maledicentia," a warning he clearly took lightly.

For a discussion of the creation of these gardens, see Chiarugi 1953 and Woodward 1980.

Letter in Martelli 1546, republished in Martelli 1916, pp.

71-72; discussed in Conforti 1987- The letter contains a valuable account of Ciano's 1 99

Notes for: Kinship and Art Antonia Bostrom

55 56

57

58

59

now-vanished garden, which may already have been known to Giovan Vettorio, for according to a document drawn up after his father's death in January 1562, a Soderini property at Poggio a Casciano near Qyarata was situated adjacent to one belonging to "Ciani Profumerij" (ASF, Archivio Compagni, Filza 131, ins. 1, fol. 13r; referred to in Lucchesi and Bertocci 1984, p. 19 note 33, without specific quotations or folio references). Another adjacent property was that of Chiappino Vitelli, who was given half of the Soderini properties here and at the Ponte alla Carraia in Florence

by Cosimo I de' Medici.

Montalenti 196r.

As an example of the links between botanists at that period, in 1549 Aldrovandi met Luca Ghini in Bologna. Teacher of botany in the newly ereated chair at the Pisan Studio, Ghini adopted the younger man and introduced him to the subject. For an account of Aldrovandi's contacts with the Florentine and Pisan botanical gardens, and their formation in general, see: Chiarugi 1953; Tongiorgi Tomasi 1980; and Garbari 199r.

Tosi 1989, pp. 341, 364. It is not clear why he describes most of the collections twice in the same manuscript.

According to Montalenti 1961, p.120, Aldrovandi kept a register, the Catalogus virorum qui visitarunt musaeum nostrum, listing all the visitors to his collection; it is tempting to imagine Soderini's name in the list.

Lowe 1985, vol. 3, note 165, suggests that in Giovan Vettorio the Elder's generation, "most of the nephews' lives revalved around Rome but some more than others." There is little reason to doubt the continuation of this custom.

For Soderini's references to hanging gardens, see Soderini 1901, vol. l, pp. 273-75. For a

discussion of the drawing in the Uffizi, with a transcripti on of Soderini 's detailed annotations, see Morrogh 1985, pp. 73-76, fig. 32. As Morrogh points out (pp. 6972), Soderini had a passionate attachment to the oval form, as witnessed by this passage from his treatise (Soderini 1901, vol. 1, p. 264): "Ma nella forma aovata io m'assicuro che egli sia per corrispondere ottimamente e tutto con grazia, non meno desiderando questo la pittura e scultura che l'architettura, per quanta io ho sperimentato nei modelli assai grandi e parte messo in opera mio avviso." Pirro Ligorio's interest in the oval form in architecture, for instance in his oval plan for the courtyard of Pius I V's Casino, and in his interest in oval Roman naumachiae, may also have been known to Soderini (see Smith 1977> pp. 20-23).

60 Tomei 1939, p. 220; Borsi and Piazzo 1972, p. 43; Frommel 1973, vol. 2, p. 203; Brown 1993, p. 41 note 5. In a document dated 1547 referring to the Palazzo di Montecitorio when it was shared by Cardinal Gaddi and Monsignor Francesco Soderini, there are references to a "giardino secreto,'' a "giardino verso monte citorio, " and a loggia, in which one might imagine ancient and modern sculpture would have been displayed.

61 Aldrovandi 1562, p. 198 . For Garimberto see Brown 1993, with further bibliography.

62 Tosi 1989, pp. 341, 364. This probably refers to a petrified horn of some sort. In the 1633 Ludovisi inventory similar petrified material was described: "Due fonghi impietriti, uno con gamba d'arg'0 e L'altro con gamba di Legno dorato" (Palma 1983, p. 82, nos. 391-92). I am grateful to Gordon Balderston for this reference.

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Notes for : Kinship and Art Antonia Bostrom

63 Caro 1957, vol. l, pp. rn5 ff.; Lanciani 1902, vol. 2, p.

152; Frommel 1973, vol. 1, p. 17; vol. 2, p. 203 note 60.

On Giovanni Gaddi, see Costamagna 2003, p. 333 and notes 27-31; Pegazzano 2003, p. 65.

64 The Gaddi and Strozzi families in Rome had been close from the 1520s (Frommel 1973, vol. 2, pp. 199-200, 203; Rezzi 1982). For Jacopo Sansovino's authorship of the palace, see Boucher 1991, vol. l, pp. 31-32.

65 For the history of the Jiaves, see de Tolnay 1954, pp. 9799; Vasari 1962, vol. 2, p. 316; Jestaz 1963, p. 454; Frommel 1973, vol. 2, pp. 200, 203.

66 Francesco Moschino was the son of Simone Mosca. Vasari states that Maschino went to Rome after 1554路 It would be sensible to date the commission to after Strozzi's return to Rome from Paris around 1561, certainly before January 1564, when Mosca is recorded in Carrara and Seravezza ordering marble (Gaye 1839, vol.

3, p. 126, letter CXX). I am grateful to Roger Ward for providing information about the sculpture in Kansas City.

See also Fromme! 1973, vol. 2, pp. 203-4;vol.3,p. 80.

67 Her Florentine Decima deelarations list her estates in Florence and Tuscany (ASF, Decima Granducale, no.

3578, Campione di S. SJirito, Confalone Drago [1534 , fols.

155-56).

68 Limburger 19rn, p. 63, note 270; Acidini Lu chinat 1980, p.145; Elam 1993, p. 53, note 69; Litta 1819, vol. 2 (Gaddi di Firenze); and Valone 1980, pp. 167 ff. iccolo Gaddi was Giovan Vettorio's distant cousin.

69 Baldinucci states that Giambologna made a head of Jove, " maggiore dell naturale, " for Soderini (Baldinucci 1845, vol. 2, p. 574; Bostrom 1990, p. 834). Apparently the Jove passed at an unrecorded date to the Martelli family (who

were related to Soderini).

Dhanens 1956, pp. 97-9S, has associated a monumental head in the Boboli Gardens with this commission, dating it to "just after 1560 (?)."

See also Avery l9S7, p. 56, pl.

52; and for the restored bust, Medri 2003.

70 Del Riccio 1979, fol. 36r.

71 The table was kept in the Camera nuova (ASF, MPDP, 2656, fol. 3Sr; Bostrom 1996, appendix VII, doc. r). The octagonal table at the Villa il Giardino is probably identifiable with the "tavola grande" mentioned in a document of 3 July 1592 granting permission to Lorenzo Pellieri, Pier Tommaso's new attore, to sell a black marble table measuring 3-2/3 braccia (about 2.19 m) and other unidentified statues for the most advantageous price (ASF, MPDP, 24, fol. l47r; Bostrom 1996, appendix VIII).

1he inventories of the San Salvi villa were drawn up for the Magistrato dei Pupilli del Principato (the Florentine Court of Minors) on 7 February l5SS [n.s. r5S9] (ASF, MPDP, 2656, fols. 37r-48r) and II February 1590 [1591] (ASF, Not. Mod., 1984, notary Giovanni Bambelli, fols.

9v-rrv), on behalf of Giovan Vettorio's minor son Pier Tommaso. For the remaining goods in the gardens and interiors of Soderini's Villa il Giardino at San Salvi and the palaces in Via del Palagio and Via della Vigna Vecchia, see excerpts in Bostrom 1996, appendix VII, docs. l and 2.

72 The Magistrato records state that between 19 January l5S9 [1590] and 3 July 1590, payments were authorised to a "M0 Giulio Balsimelli da Settignano" on account of unspecified work referred to in a receipt signed by Soderini on 17 September l5S4, and for which an outstanding sum of 198 fi.orini was owed the artist (ASF, MPDP, 23, fols. l79v,

73

74 75

76

lS9r, l93r, ror; Bostrom 1996, appendix VI).

In l57S, on behalf of Cosimo I, Soderini was given a license to export a Venus, two columns of marble and mischio, and four alabaster tables from Rome to Florence (Bertolotti lS77, p. 715). In 1579, Giovan Vettorio supplied a half column of black marble from Rome for the "fi.guretta" that "maestro battista Scultore" (probably the sculptor Battista Lorenzi) was restoring for Jacopo Salviati's newly refurbished palace in Via del Corso.

See Valone 1972, pp. 167-91; Morrogh l9S5, pp. 6S-76.

He is referred to as "Maestro Francesco oriccolaio" or "Francesco Palamone oriolaio." The agreement between Soderini and his watchmaker states: "Et veduta la copia della donatione fatta dal detto Giovan Vettorio Soderini al detto Maestro Francesco oriccolaio Franzese di un camera con un letto fornito et un fondo o stanza a terreno a uso di bottega per uso et commodo di detto maestro Francesco posse nella casa o parte di case dove habita allora detto Giovan Vettorio Soderini ... via detta Vigna Vecchia" (ASF, MPDP, 26, fol. l58r, 23 August 1595).

A pentagonal marble clock listed in the inventory of Soderini's Villa il Giardino ("j 0 oriuolo di manno a pentangolj," ASF, MPDP, 2656, l5S8 [15S9], fol. 3Sv; Bostrom 1996, appendix VII, doc. l), is perhaps identical with a marble sphere with a clock recorded in the l590/r591 inventory (ASF, Notarile Moderno, no. l9S4: Giovanni e Pietro Bambelli (1590-1593), fol. rov). At the palace on Via della Vigna Vecchia seven further round and square clocks of various types are listed (ASF, MPDP, 2656, fol.

42v; Bostrom 1996). These included two clocks, one with

77

7S

79 So

Sr

weights, the other oval, which struck the hour and the minutes, another that "mostra e sveglia,'' one that chimed, and one "a mandorlla."

Soderini's connection with Rosselli is evident from an unsettled account of S2 fi.orini owed to "Stef0 di M' Romolo Rosselli spetiali" (ASF, MPDP, 23, fol. 215v, 19 September 1590).

A terracotta bust of Christ measuring one braccia ("Un Cristo di terra altro una bracia") was kept at the Villa di Salvi, and probably related to the type of terracotta busts of Christ produced in the workshops ofVerrocchio, Giovanni della Robbia, and Agnolo di Polo (ASF, otarile Moderno, no. r9S4, Giovanni e Pietro Bambelli [1590-93], fol. 9v; Bostrom 1996, appendix VII, doc. 2).

In a room at the house occupied by Soderini's watchmaker, Giovanbattista Convenevoli, are listed what appear to be classical or classicizing sculptures, including a torso and head of Brutus, a head of "Lucio Silla,'' a torso of" erva Traiana," a bust of"re Priamo di Troia," a head of"Oratio" (apparently sent to the Salviati), a head of the "gigante moro," a figurine of"Giove con Ganimede,'' and a group of three marble putti (r5S8 [r5S9] inventory, ASF, MPDP, 2656, fol. 42r; Bostrom 1996, appendix VII, doc. l).

Bostrom 1990.

For iccolo Ridolfi. see: Bonaffe lS74; Ridolfi. 1929; Ridolfi. 1942; Starn l96S, pp.

53-54; Boston and Florence 2003, pp. S-ro, 300, 35S note 23, 456.

For Lorenzo Ridolfi. see Zikos 2003, pp. 137-9; Bostrom 2003, pp. 155-179, also with earlier literature. See Bostrom 2003, pp. 155-57, for discussion of the patronage of Lorenzo and iccolo Ridolfi..

20!

Note s for: Kinship and A rt Antonia Bostrom

82 In his letters to Varchi, Giovanbattista Busini (Busini 1860, pp. 265-66, letter XXVI from Ferrara, 25 October 1562) confirms Lorenzo's close links with the Florentine Juorusciti: for instance describing a dinner at R affaello da Sommaia's house in Rome, probably dating from 1549, when Lorenzo apparently exclaimed that in Florence there were no noble families other than the Strozzi, Salviati, and Ridolfi, to the evident displeasure of some of his fellow diners who must have riled at his boastful statement.

Giuliano Gondi's risposte was, "dunque noi altri siami furfanti."

83 Berti 1979, p. 709, no. lc687.

84 1hree documents in the Archivio Ridolfi attest to Lorenzo's curial posts in 1539, 1541, and 1550: First, Archivio Ridolfi, Pergamene, 30, 26 April 1539: "ll Cardinale Alessandro Farnese rende noto il contenuto di una bolla di Paolo III che concede a Lorenzo di Piero Ridolfi l'ufficio d'abbreviatore apostolico." Second, Pergamene, 32, 25 ovember 1541: "Lettere patenti di Papa Paolo III a favore di Lorenzo Ridolfi per l'ufficio di Segretario Apo tolico." Third, Pergamene, 32, 13 March 1550: "Lorenzo Ridolfi segretario di Papa Giulio III piglia per inventario l'eredita del Card. iccolo." See also Ridolfi 1929, p. 184 note 4, for Lorenzo's sale of the Cardinal's library after the latter's death.

85 Bostrom 2003.

86 Zikos 2003, pp. 139, 147¡ 87 Including sculptures of "Sila" [Sulla], Antoninus Pius, 'Julius Caesar, "Alla" [Alaha] and f!:1cretia (perhaps the unsigned bronze and alabaster 'Portrait of a Woman in the Musee Jacquemart-Andre, Paris). The difficulty of exacting payment from Lorenzo,

is a notable theme running through the letters.

88 For a partial transcription of the inventories, concentrating primarily on objects of artistic interest, see Bostrom 1996, appendix IV, docs.I and 2. The complete inventory will be examined in a future study.

89 The guardaroba appears to have been situated adjacent to the salone on the second floor): "jâ&#x20AC;˘ tavola senza ornamento dipintovi una Venere di Michelangelo ... I j' tela grande dipintovi e Magi che oferischano al presepio/ j' Leda, con ornamento di nocie con coperta di taffeta" (Archivio Ridolfi, Scritture varie, XI, ins. n, fol. l6v). 1he reference to the painting of Venus in the inventory suggests that it may have been based on Michelangelo's cartoon of Venus and Cupid, made originally for Bartolommeo Bettini and painted by Pontormo, and of which Vasari records he made three versions after Michelangelo's original cartoon (see Florian Harb in Boston and Florence 2003, cat. 24a). Two ofVasari's versions were accompanied by pendant paintings of Leda, and it is tempting to suggest that the two paintings recorded in the Ridolfi inventory were based on the same two compositions. They may have been inherited by Lorenzo from his brother Cardinal iccolo, a close friend of Michelangelo's, if not directly acquired from Vasari, whom we have seen knew Lorenzo.

See Harb in Boston and Florence 2003, pp. 415-16, for the complicated provenance and attribution of the surviving versions.

90 Vasari in 1568 reported that Cardinal Ridolfi and Lorenzo Ridolfi were close friends of Michelangelo; Vasari 1966, vol 6, p. 109.

91 See Bostrom 1996, appendix IV, doc. 2; fols.rov, nv, r4r.

202

Notes for: Kinship and Art Antonia Bostrom

In 1543 Maria Strozzi Ridolfi was in correspondence with her agent Giorgio Dati about the acquisition of paintings from Antwerp (ASF, Acquisti e Doni, 69, fol. 160; 12 January 1543). For this document see Bostrom 1997¡ 92 It is tempting to suggest that this may have been a version of Sebastiano del Piombo's portrait, known in several versions; Hirst 1981, p. n5. For the version in aples, which was originally in Fulvio Orsini's collection before passing to the Farnese, see Parma 1995, pp. 189-91, no. 17, and for earlier literature.

93 Other correspondence from Giambonelli refers to portraits by Jacopino del Conte (ASF, Acquisti e Doni, 67, no. 312, undated), referring to an unidentified portrait in the hands of Ruberto Ridolfi which he apparently wished the painter to copy.

94 Passerini 1871 p. 63; Belloni 1935, pp. 14-15; Stella 1961 (who incorrectly identifies Clarice with Lorenzo's sister of the same name).

Though Passerini 1871 (tav.

II) states that their marriage took place in 1551, a document of l May 1552 (Archivio Ridolfi, Pergamene, 38) records Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese's permission for their marriage to take place. Like his father, Bindo Altoviti, Giovan Battista was one of the foremost bankers in Rome. He commissioned the tomb in memory of his brother Antonio, archbishop of Florence (1521-1573), for SS. Apostoli in Florence, and in 1573 acquired the chapel in S. Trinita dei Monti, where he was buried in 1590. On 20 February 1557, he is mentioned as "procuratore del Ridolfi" in the sale of Lorenzo R idolfi's palace in the Borgo Nuovo, Rome, to Piu V's procuratore, Anti mo Marchesani, for 6,600 scudi (Lanciani 1902, vol. 4, p. 22). This may

be the palace thought to have been purchased by Lorenzo's brother, Luigi. See also Pegazzano 2003, pp. 9-13, fig. ro, for a marble bust in the Liebieghaus, Museum for Plastik, Frankfurt, thought to depict Giovanni Battista.

95 Guicciardini was ambassador at the courts of Charles V, Pius IV, Pius V, and the Venetian Republic, and luogotenente of the Accademia del Disegno in 1567 (for his portrait see Berti 1979, p. 708, no. Ic682). He crops up occasionally in Lorenzo's correspondence, for example in a letter of 9 September 1571 in which he informs Lorenzo that Cardinal Altemps is interested in buying his palace in Via Maggio: "Il Cardinale Altemps ... ha molto voglia di comprare la casa vostra di via Maggio, et credo ne habbia parlato col Cardinale de' Medici" (ASF, Acquisti e Doni, 67, fol. 282). Cardinal Altemps, again on the authority of Cardinal Ferdinando de' Medici, acquired Lorenzo's palace in Via Tornabuoni in the same year (Ginori Lisci 1972, vol. l, p. 231, note 5).

96 Tommaso di Agostino del Nero's sculpture collection at his palace on the Piazza de' Mozzi in Florence (now Palazzo Torrigiani) is discussed by Bocchi 1591, p. 133路 See also C. Giamblanco, "Del ero, Tommaso" in 'Dizionario biogra.fico degli italiani, vol. 38 (Rome, 1990), p. 186.

His uncle Francesco del ero (d . 1563), treasurer to Clement VII and close friend of Filippo Strozzi in Rome (Bullard 1980), also appears to have had a collection in Rome, which was inherited by a decendent, ero del Nero (Archivio Torrigiani, Montecastello, Fondo del Tero, 276, Filza XV, ins. 4, fols. rr-3v [1600]: "Inventario delle robbe e masseritie che sono nella casa del Sr ero

di eri in Piazza Colonna questo di 24 di Giugni 1600.

Statue dell' eredita del ero ... "). Elam 1993, pp. 54-56, discusses Francesco del ero's activities on behalf of Battista della Palla in 1529. See also V. Arrighi, "Del Nero, Francesco" in 'Dizionario biogra.fico degli italiani, vol.

38 (Rome, 1990), p. 175. See Davis l976a, for Giulio Mazzoni's funerary bust for Francesco del ero's tomb in S. Maria Sopra Minerva in Rome. Ammannati 's design for the tomb was approved

by Monsignor Francesco Soderini, in whose apartments at the Mausoleum of Augustus the Juorusciti gathered.

97 Litta 1819, vol. 2 (Gaddi di Firenze); Valone 1980, pp.

167 ff, for biographical details. iccolo Gaddi's paternal grandmother was Antonia Altoviti, making him a distant cousin of his wife's brother-in-law, Giovan Battista Altoviti.

The translations from Latin are

by Pamela Jones and Kenneth Rothwell. l

2

3

FOR PAGES 102...-119

De amicitia The Reception in the Veneta ofTwo Facing Effigies Massimiliano Rossi

I would like to thank Shane Butler for his suggestions and exchange of ideas; Giulio Bodon for having kindly pointed out to me the current location of the inscription from Ramusio's collection above which the medallions ofFracastoro and Navagero were placed and Davide Banzato and Bruno Callegher for their cordial hospitality in the former seat of the Bottacin Museum.

4

Bodon 2005, pp. 173-78.

See also Del Piero 1902, pp. 30-32; Franzoni 1981, p.

229; Franzoni 1984, p. 345; Favaretto 1990, pp. 63-129.

Mancini 2005 is useful for Ramusio's epigraphic collection, for which Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, vol. 5, part l (Berlin, 1872), pp. 265-66, and Cicogna 1824, vol. 2, pp. 31530, remain fundamental. For Ramusio's Paduan residences see Sambin 1992.

For the correct history of the reliefs see Rizzoli 1902. For the display of the reliefs in the Palazzo Municipale see Giannantonio Moschini, Cjuida per la citta di Padova all'amico de/le belle arti (Venice, 1817), pp. 215-16. For the date of their entry in the Museo Bottacin I would like to thank Bruno Callegher, former curator of the museum.

Museo Civico Archeologico, Padua: Lapidario inv. N 219.

Corpus iscriptionum latinarum, vol. 3, part l (Berlin, 1873), pp.

306-7, no. 1933路 According to Cicogna 1824, vol. 2, p. 320, the inscription "esse ndo mutila, fu dal Ramusio coll'aiuto di un antico codice completata facendone scolpire in altra pietra le mancanti porzioni, e unendole coll'antica." See also ibid., note 5: "La inscrizione fu parimenti levata dall'antico sito, ed oggi si legge collocata sul muro di una delle loggie del Salone di Padova con molte altre lapidi antiche"; and vol. 6, p. 302, note 333.

For Mantegna's use of Bellini's drawing a a source see Lightbown 1986, pp.

41, 397; and in more detail, Gallerani 1999, col. l86-9r.

Moschetti 1929, pp . 23236, identified the emperors as Augustus and Vespasian; Blum 1936, pp. 13, 34-35, as Augustus and ero (symbol of Iniustizia). Tamassia 1955, 203

Notes for: De amicitia Massimiliano Rossi

5

6

pp. 222-23, accepts Blum's identification. Knabenshue r959, p. 68, and Meiss r960, pp. ro4-5, add little to the question.

Corpus iscriptionum latinarum, vol. 5 (Berlin, r877), no.

2528; first reported in Cyriac of Ancona's Commentaria and later transcribed poorly by Felice Feliciano in ~aedam antiquitatumfragmenta, commissioned by Giovanni Marcanova, where the inscription is located on Monte Buso, near Este. The connection to the lost inscription of Monte Buso was first made

by Moschetti r929, pp. 232-36, who considered Bellini's and Mantegna's transcriptions after it to be independent from each other (followed in this

by Tamassia, Knabenshue, and Meiss; see previous note).

Ricci r908, p. 70, was the first to assert that Mantegna had combined two different elements of Bellini's drawing, but his observation has remained isolated. See also: Degenhart and Schmitt r990, vol. 5, pp. 203-23, and vol. 6, p. 37r; Brown r996, pp. r22, r30; De Nicolo Salmazo r993, p. 55; Gallerani r999; and Gallerani 2oor. The most beautiful treatment of this argument remains that of Saxl r957, P路 r58.

Luchs r995, pp. 58-59; also p.

62, for the echoes in Tullio's work of the motifs taken from the frescoes of the Ovetari Chapel. See also Washington 2009. By contrast, in the relief attributed to the workshop of Pietro Lombardo, ca. r495-r500 (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna) where the facing effigies of two men of different ages appear, individual features are stressed, according to the reprisal of styles and iconographies treated in contemporary painting. See Luchs r995, pp.

8r-87, fig. I27- However, the Leonardesque implications regarding style and content 204

Notes for: De am ici tia Mass1mil1ano Ross

7 8

9

IO

put forward by Luchs seem weak. See also Washington 2009.

Lazzi 2000, pl. 34.

A letter of r588 from Giovan Mario Verdizzotti (a pupil of Titian) to Orazio Ariosto (the poet's grand nephew) states that in r532 Titian both painted Ariosto's portrait and prepared the drawing for the woodcut (fig. 6).

See Washington r976, no. 4r; Wethey r987, p. r2. The woodcut portrait was copied for later editions of Ariosto's work, for example Il :Jl(jgromante (Venice: Bindoni, r535).

Zappella r988, vol. r, pp. 2r22, vol. 2, pl. 40; but also see pl. 67, a portrait of Boccaccio presented according to the same graphic formula, in the frontispiece of the Giolitino 'Decameron of r542. For the reception of Ariosto's poem see Javitch r99r. More generally on the portrait of the author as frontispiece, note the observations of Burke r998, p. r6o: "The frontispiece may be regarded as a kind of preface. The rise of both the biographical preface and the frontispiece illustrates the rise of the assumption that information about a writer helps us understand his or her works. " Similar observations can be found in Cieri Via r989, pp.

75-76. Finally, see the essays contained in the special issue of Word and Image r9 (2003), JJkeness in a cAge ofUVlechanical ~roduction: Printed and UVledallic Portraits in '%naissance and CJ3aroque 8urope.

For a good, if not exhausrive, inventory of Aretinian iconography in prints, see Aretino r957, vol. 3, book 2, figs. 33-40. To clarify the ambivalence of Aretino's publie image, see Procaccioli r999; also Aquilecchia r980, pp. 72-80. I do not know to what extent Aretino was aware of a similar strategy of self-promotion with which

II

12

13 14 rs r6

17

18

Erasmus had experimented with success; see L. Silver, "1he face is familiar: German Renaissance portrait multiples in prints and medals," Word and Image r9 (2003) pp.

6-8.

Aretino r957, pp. 427-28.

Dani's prints suggested to Paolo Giovio the idea "that in this manner one might engrave all the images that I have in the Museum." See the letter dated "Di Roma, Alli XIIII di Settembre M.D.XLVIII" in the appendix to: Anton Francesco Doni, fg. prima parte de le UVledaglie de! 'Doni, con alcune lettere, d' huomini illustri nelfine, et le risposte (Venice: Giolito de' Ferrari, r550). See Doni r970, p. no.

Davis 2007, pp. 27r-75, figs.

25-26.

Dalucas I995> p. 77Degenhart, Schmitt r990, vol.

5, pp. 214-27. Related to this theme, see Cunnally r994.

This involves, if one wants to be precise, three "fake" medallions, hung illusionistically on the simulated festoon that encircles the shaft; Ferrara r99r, pp. 90-9r, and Wolters r996 (for the reaction incited by the triplicate image, seep.

63 note 3). I am in complete agreement in limiting the role of Leopardi in the work and retaining instead Antonio Lombardo's invention, as does Anne Markham Schulz in II Camerino di alabastro: <:Antonio f.gmbardo e la scultura all'antica (Ferrara, 2004), no. 54路 Planiscig r927, p. 474.

Scardeone, for in ranee, compared the Paschal Candlestick (even mentioned in his epitaph: Salomoni qor, p. r83) to the baptismal font in Saint Mark's by Tiziano Minio: "Tanta arte marmorei fontis aeneum operculum effinxit, ut candelabra aeneo Andreae Crispi nihil prorsus invideat" (Scardeone r560, pp. 376-77).

19 This rather improbable attribution, given the characteristics of Della Torre's signed medallion, is advanced by Armand 1883, vol. l, no. 26, p. 134; but doubted by Hill 1930, no. 582 ["The attribution must therefore remain doubtful"], vol. 2, pl. ro6. See also Voltolina 1998, vol. l, no.

256, pp. 301-2; and Toderi and Vannel 2000, vol. l, no. 537, pp. 192-93 20 Franzoni 1982; Franzoni 1985; furthermore Gorini 1980.

On Della Torre as a treatise writer and as the author of a 'De amicitia that remained in manuscript, see Marchi 1980, pp. 9-n.

21 Pannoniu s 1553, pp. n6-17.

Pannonius's "Laus Andreae Mantegnae, pictoris Patavini" has been republished several times: Kristeller 1902, pp.

489-90; Lightbown 1986, p .

459. See also Chambers et al.

1992, p. 13; and Pommier 2003, PP路 33-34.

22 Hilarius Cantiuncula in 1555 issued a CJ!endecasyllaborum .!Jber (Venice: Petrasancta, 1555), where the theme of friendship was once again central. On Hilarius see Ellinger 1929, pp. 398-406; Kisch 1970, p. 36, note JI. 23 Pannonius 1518. I was alerted to this edition thanks to Laszlo Juhasz, CJ&aestiones criticae de epigrammatibus iani pannonii: accedit tabula coniunctiones codicum illustrans (Florence, 1929).

24 Birnbaum 1990, pp. 42-44.

For the correct identification of the two parts of the diptych see Campbell 1985, pp. 86-89.

25 The basis for this is a statement by Vasari that appears to misidentify the subject of Cataneo's bust in San Giovanni da Verdara; Vasari 1966, vol. 6, p. 193: "E nella medesima citta di Padova, in San Giovanni di Verdara, e di mano del medesimo il ritratto di messer Girolamo Gigante, ,, iureconsulto dottissimo.

26

27 28

29

30

M. Rossi in Padua 2001, no.

84, pp. 3ro-13, discusses the events and attributions involving the bust and the monument. The issue was initially unraveled in Rossi 1995, p. 62; Trento 1999, nos. 19-20, pp.

244-45. Unfortunately D e Angelis 2001 takes Vasari's passage literally and attempts to demonstrate that Girolamo Gigante's tomb was in San Giovanni di Verdara and that the bust mentioned ought to be identified with a marble portrait from the end of the Cinquecento in the collection of Linda Murray.

1hose searching for uncatalogued works of Danese Cataneo would do well to examine a marble bust without a cartellino in the firs t floor gallery of the Royal Abbey in Chaalis. It is a portrait (height 60 cm, width 67 cm, depth 23 cm) of a mature man with beard and cuirass, draped in all'antica fashion.

It was acquired between 1902 and l9IO by elie Jacquem artAndre (inv. 156).

J'ragmenti di cronica di Jamiglie patrizie di anonimo scrittor de! r546 ca. (but evidently continuing further), copied in 1780; Biblioteca Civica di Padova, Miscellanea 149.J.LIV, fols. 355r-382v (363r), cited in Piovan 1988, p. n2: "in un deposito a man manca nell'ingresso della porta verso tramontana di ,, essa Chiesa.

Scardeone 1560, pp. 246-47I doubt that the bust would have been executed before Bonamico's death, as in the case with the bust of Alessandro Contarini; the wish to offer a bronze image mirroring that ofBembo motivated the arrangement there in 1554路 Davis 1995, pp. 180-95, especially p. 180. The testament is dated II March 1553路 In Petri 'Bembi cardinalis mortem ac laudem 8clogae tres (Venice, 1548), fols. B recto-B

31

32

33

34

iii recto (B iii recto), verses n9-29. For the attribution to Paolo R amusio see Cicogna 1824, pp. 332-33. The passage has been cited in Rossi 1995, p. 50.

As one reads in Mario Pozzi, ed., Trattatisti de! (inquecento (Milan, 1978), pp. 585-635.

For the relationship between Bembo and Bonamico, see Piovan 1988, pp. 83-95.

But the Veneto legacy of the topos, tied also to the myth of Pygmalion, is connected to Vittoria's portraiture: Rossi 1999, PP路 177-78.

Statius 1990, book 5.i.1-7 and 231-35; pp. n5-16, 123 . For a contextualization of the verses of Statius in the ambience of imperial art see above all Zanker 2002, pp. 200 ff; also Bettini 1992, pp. 56-w Muret's verses also testify to this multimedia reception in relation to Bembo: "lam si aut depictam in I Tabula aut marmore expressam, aut in /Aere, argentove insculptam Petri I Bembi imaginem prope divino cultu I Afficere solitus sum," in Albius Tibullus, M. c/fntonii cJl/[ureti in eum scholia, ad Torquatum 'Bembum Petri :f. (Venice, 1558), fol. 2v (cited in Gasparotto 1996, inscription on p. 183).

The most articulate and convincing argument in favor of attributing the medallion to Cataneo is Gasparotto 1996.

The medal was assigned to Cataneo for the first time by Rizzoli 1905; this is also the attribution of Philip Attwood in New York 1994, pp. 173-74; and Attwood 2003, no. 217.

Trento 1984, pp. 28-29, raised the problem in relation to the Cattaneo's bust ofBembo in Padua, but wished for more conclusive evidence for the attribution to Cataneo. See also Zikos 2003, pp. 152-54. Along with Davis 2007, p. 244, note 2, I prefer to consider the medallion rather as an object of refined metalwork.

205

Notes for: De amicitia Massimiliano Rossi

35 The later testimony is that of Scardeone 1560, p. 97, that paraphrases the dedicatory inscription from a street passage: "Porta autem ab urbis praesidibus Rhamnusii precibus aperta est, et amnis transitus lapideo ponte datus anno natalis Domini M.D.LI. Verum postea ab eodem Rhamnusio porta ipsa, Andreae avagerii Patriciii Veneti, viri doctissimi, ac Hieronymi Fracastorii Veronensis praestantissimi poetae, aeneis imaginibus una cum antiquorum Arae pervetusta dicatione ex ruinis Salonae urbis Dalmatiae eruta, diligenter exornata est."

Little is added by Angelo Portenari, 'Della felicita di 'Padova (Padua, 1623), p. n2, while Salomonio qo1, p. 549, indicates "M.D.LII" (an erroneous date repeated in Martin 1998, pp. 20-21). Besides Rizzoli 1902, to be read with caution, see also Cessi in Padua 1976, nos. 98-99, pp.

136-37; Verona 1980, pp. 14445 (important however for the reference to the Ciceronian 'De amicitia); and R. Maschio and G. Bresciani Alvarez in Padua 1980, pp. 212-13. A more accurate assessment is found in Giovanni Gorini in Padua2001,pp. 296-99, no.

82-83, even though it is maintained that the ~vagero precedes the :fracastoro and ruminates, against all documentary evidence, on the possibility that "l'arco proposto dal Ramusio si sara certamente ispirato ai vari archi trionfali romani resi noti attraverso i disegni del Rinascimento, per cui ai due lati del fornice centrale dovevano essere inseriti i due medaglioni come ci indicano le vecchie guide della citta." (p. 296).

36 "Hieronymi Fracastorii vita" in Fracastoro 1555, fols. *ii recto-[*v verso].

206

Note s for : De am ici tia Massimiliano Rossi

37 For the attribution of this biography to Ramusio, see Onagro 2006, pp. 32-33.

38 See for example from Fracastoro's biography, Fracastoro 1555, fol. [iv recto]: "In amicitiis porro alendis et conservandis (ut pauci solent) fuit Hieronymus in primis diligens ac circumspectus.

Amabat omnes, omnium semper obsequiis, ac commodis erat intentus."

39 Fracastoro 1555, fol. [vverso]; emphasis added.

40 Composed between 1540 and 1543; see Fracastoro 1924. For bibliography on the treatise, see Ruggiero 2001, p.

90 note 25. For a biographical sketch, see E. Peruzzi, "Fracastoro, Girolamo" in 'Dizionario biograji.co degli ita 1iani, vol. 49 (Roma, 1997), pp.

543-48. For the critical fortune ofRamusio's Porta San Benedetto project in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Mencke q31, pp.

199-2or.

41 Fracastoro 1555, fols. 153r-154r.

42 Ramusio 1978, vol. l, pp. 4-6.

Also useful for the intellectual ties between Ramusio, avagero, and Fracastoro is the editor's introduction, pp.

XI-XXXVI. 43 In Raphael's famous 'Double 'Portrait of around 1516 (Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Rome), the artist cultivated this type of triangulation, together with the Trevigian literary figure Agostino Beaziano, ineludible in the "Paduan" cultural memory for both the patron and the artist. Perhaps it was "painted for avagero as a keepsake portrait, alternatively, it might have been painted initially for Bembo himself as a keepsake of the two friends," as John Shearman had claimed.

After Andrea Navagero's death in 1529, the portrait was in Bembo's house in Padua (around 1532), where it was seen by Marcantonio Michiel; it was subsequently given to

Beaziano in 1538. Here is not the place to rehearse the various interpretations in favor or against identifying the 'Double 'Portrait mentioned in sources with the painting in the Galleria Doria Pamphilj.

For commentary and bibliography on this see Shearman 2003, vol. l, pp. 875-n, 906-7 (who supports such an identification). For the passages on propriety in the ambience of the Roman Curia, see vol.

2, p. 1329, and above all, De Marchi in ~aello: grazia e bellezza (exh. cat. Musee du Luxembourg, Paris, 2001), no.

12, pp. 130-32. On the iconography of avagero, see Cermenati 1912, pp. 166-74.

More general but still fundamental for the biography are the pages in Cicogna 1824, vol. 6, pp. 169-348; also R. Cremante, " avagero Andrea" in 'Dizionario critico de/la letteratura italiana, vol. 2 (Turin, 1974), pp. 666-68. On the "vernacular" Navagero, see Norbedo 2000, pp. 58-73. For a still useful discussion of the typology of the double portrait, see Keller 1967- Also Ballarin 1983 and Paris 1993, no. 23, pp. 709-12.

44 "Tu velim a me animum parumper avertas, Laelium loqui ipsum putes. C. Fannius et Q Mucius ad socerum veniunt post mortem Africani; ab his sermo oritur, respondet Laelius, cuius tota disputatio est de amicitia, quam legens te ipse cognosces" (I,5). And, in the words of Laelius: "Verum etiam amicum qui intuetur, tamquam exemplar aliquod intuetur sui.

Qyocirca et absentes adsunt et egentes abundant et imbecilli valent et, quod difficilius dictu est, mortui vivunt; tantum eos honos memoria desiderium prosequitur amicorum, ex quo illorum beata mors videtur, horum vita laudabilis" (7. 23). Cicero, 'De Jenectute, 'De r./fmicitia, 'De 'Divination e (Loeb Classical

45 46

47

48

Library; Cambridge, Mass., 1979), translation by William Armistead Falconer, pp. ro8-2rr.

Fracastoro 1555, fol. [vi verso]. ot by chance, by 1650 it was already reproduced and catalogued by Scardeone 1560, p.

61 ("In Monte Buso").

Fracastoro 1574, fol. [vi verso].

The :Nf!,vagero medallion was not reproduced in detail until the splendid engraving, occupying the entire page, in Navagero 1718, between pp. viii-ix ("Ex Aenea Effigie posita Patavii in Fornice ad Pontem D . Benedicti").

"Caeterum Veronenses gratissimi cives, quod ad perenne Fracastorii decus vehementer pertinet, ne a Rhamnusio eiusdem amico, pietate in tantum civem superari paterentur, biennio postquam idem Rhamnusius Patavini aeneam Fracastorii imaginem collocasset, iidem communi consensu, uno omnium nobilissimo decreto, marmoream Veronae statuam praeclara maiorum quorum imitatione, qui Catulli Vatis, et C. Plinii, reliquorumque civium quorum memoriam marmoreis imaginibus honestare voluerunt, in publico cum laurea erigendam curarunt. 01Jae hodie Veronae visitur in veteri Arcu lapideo urbis prope Comitium, in Area quae Dominorum appellatur, nee procul ab eodem Catullo, caeterisque illustrioribus civibus Veronensibus, artificio Danesi Catanei Carrariensis ex Lunensi agro, praestantissimi huius aetatis statuarii, non minus pia quam admiranda comparatione conspicitur." "Hieronymi Fracastorii Vita" in Fracastoro 1584, fol. [vi recto]. The passage is inserted at the end of Paolo Ramusio's "Vita." On fols . [vii recto-vii verso] is found "Exemplum ex Actis Consiliorum Magnificae Communitatis Veronae." It would seem therefore that the

49

50

51

52

Ramusio's project was arranged in 1553路 For the commission see Rossi 1995, pp. 67-73. On the statue in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries see Mencke 1731, PP路 l99-2or.

1he same Girolamo 01Jerini who had Bembo's cenotaph built in Padua (and prepared the edition ofBembo's works) also commissioned the tomb ofTrifon Gabriele. Gabriele was, on the other hand, commemorated in a lost funerary oration by Paolo Ramusio (Cicogna 1824, vol. 2, p. 332) and Ramusio had also published, as we have seen, in the year of Gabriele's death (1548) the Sclogae for Bembo's death.

Moreover, Paolo Ramusio edited the works ofFracastoro, commemorated by Giovan Battista Ramusio in a monument inspired by that for Bembo, and so on.

For instance, Bembo seems to have commissioned Trifone's commemorative medal from Cataneo, himself a pupil and executor ofTrifone's will; see Rossi 1995, pp. 47-50, and more recently Morresi 2001, esp. p. 83, for the medallion in question.

Giovambatista Rossetti, CJJescrizione de/le pitture, scufture ed architetture di Padova : con afcune osservazioni intorno ad esse, ed aftre curiose notizie: parte prima (Padua, 1765), p.

98. Followed by Brandolese 1795. pp. 166-67- I would like to correct Myers 1999, who indicated Cicognara as being responsible for the attribution; Myers is the first to have raised the problem of absence of documentation on these two bronzes.

53 Cicognara 1813, vol. 2, p. 429.

54 Scardeone 1560, p. 376.

55 Costanzo Landi, In veterurn

numisrnatum Cf?.g,manorurn misceffanea explicationes (Leiden:

Sebastianum de Honoratis, 1560), pp. 19-20. I thank Margaret Daly Davis for having called to my attention

this rather detailed notice on the artist; Daly Davis 2004, pp. 381-82. See also finally Bodon 2005. For the various grades of imitation in the work of the medallist, from antique models to funeral masks, D avis 1978 remains fundamental; also the section on Cavino by Donald Myers in New York 1994, pp.

182-85 (notes on pp. 386-87), and Franzoni 1981, pp. 239-41; Attwood 2004, pp. 184-97.

56 Gorini 1987, p. 45.

57 He is described as "Cum vultu aeneo, cuius lateribus bis legitur '01Jies"'; Salomoni 1701, p. 183. Furthermore: "Sopra la lapide v'era altre volte il suo ritratto in una medaglia di bronzo quasi al naturale, ma ora manca"; Brandolese 1795, p. 193路 Note that Cavino had been, together with Alessandro Maggi da Bassano, executor for the second will of Riccio in 153 2; for the directions of the testator and relevant events in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see Rigoni 1970, pp. 219-20. The monument has been placed in a typological series of fifteenth-century derivation (Brunelleschi, Mantegna) by SchutzRautenberg 1978, p. 72.

58 For Giovanni Gorini, it would deal with works "concordemente attribuite al Cavino anche se manca un riscontro documentale e ci si deve affidare alla tradizione orale raccolta dai primi storici padovani" (Padua 2001, p.

294); but also see Cessi and Caon 1969, pp. 28-31; and Attwood 2003, p. 185, where the attribution to Cavino is confirmed for all three medallions.

59 Foville 1913; Hill 1913, pp. 2122; Habich 1923, pp. 126-27, tav. LXXXIX; Hill 1930, pp.

122-26.

60 Toderi and Vannel 2000, vol. l, nos. 640-5r. Attwood 2003, nos. 214-28.

207

Notes for: De amicitia Mass1m1liano Rossi

61 The reverse of the medal is inscribed, "CAECILIA VITALIS UXOR." See: Foville 1913, p. 78, pl. VIII, 7; Toderi and Vannel 2000, vol. l, no. 649, p. 240; Attwood 2003, no. 225.

62 It is therefore possible to compare the two profiles of that austere and hieratic face with the bronze effigy and notice obvious similarities: from the wrinkles that incise the forehead to the deep eye cavity that lightly renders the haunting gazes of all the characters of the sculptor, from the splendid invention of that very long and tense nose, in indicating space, to the upper lip hidden by the moustache (this reoccurs in Cataneo's portraiture); and finally, the double "lava flow" of wavy hair and dense mass of beard, both hyperbolic works, which take into account the viewing point dal sotto in su, and both of which are barely superimposed one against the other in proximity to the cheekbone. As far as the :J'.0:vagero, an optimal comparison is furnished by the image of Girolamo Corner (that has on its reverse "HELE A SUA MOGLIE"), captain of Padua from 1539 to 1540. The pulled back hair so as to reveal a forehead without wrinkles, the cylindrical volume of the head, and the commanding and springing gesture of the bu st ch aracterize an ulterior typological ideal perfectly adapted to the full virility, to which the beard confers the necessary heroic prominence, almost like an effigy from the Risorgimento.

63 Piovan 1988, p. 99. This explains Attwood's reductivist observation (Attwood 2003, p. 37): "Cattaneo and Cavino were among those artists who almost invariably dressed their subjects as ancient Romans."

64 Pommier 2003, p. 33.

65 Fracastoro 1555, fol. [*ij verso].

Emphasis added.

66 "Video, o amici, paucissimis illis tanti philosophi verbis illucescere ac patefieri nobis poetae officium ac finem: Alii siquidem singulare ipsum considerant, poeta vero universale, quasi alii similes sint illi pictori, qui et vultus et reliqua membra imitatur, qualia prorsus in re sunt; poeta vero illi assimiletur qui non hunc, non illum vult imitari, non uti forte sunt, et defectos multos sustinent, sed, universalem et pulcherrimam ideam artificis sui contemplatus, res facit, quales esse deceret." Fracastoro 1924, pp.

72-73. Also: Grassi 1961, pp.

481-82; Barocchi 1971, vol. 3, pp. 2705-52 (in particular p.

1273 note 2; and pp. 2742-43 note 7); Pommier 2003, pp. 96 ff.

67 Olivato 1980; Franzoni 1981, pp. 225-34. For the monument to Livy erected in 1547, see Bodon 1988.

68 Franco 1986, fols. 227r-231v (23ov) . On the links between Franco and Aretino, see the introduction, ibid., pp. x-liii.

69 Berengo 1974, vol. l, p. 3r.

Also see Bandini 1995 and, for the relationship with Cornaro's circle, Sambin 1964, pp. 230-3r. For "D e Andrea Mantinea" in Scardeone 1560, pp. 371-73, see Agosti 2005, PP路 277-356.

70 Rossi, 1995, pp. 140-4r.

71 Ro ssi 1996.

FOR PAGES 120-155 Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Drawings by, for, and after the Sculptor Charles Davis

For their kind critical readings of the text, I am grateful to Dorothea Diemer, Michael Hirst, Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, and Detlef Heikamp, and to the last named also for many brief conversations about Vincenzo D anti in years past. Dimitrios Zikos has usefully drawn to my attention a number of recent studies. Portions of this essay have appeared in Florence 2008: D avis 2008 and Davis 2008a. r

Possibly after 1565 when Cellini's marble (rucifi.x was first to be viewed in the Palazzo Pitti in Florence; see Lopez Gajate 1995, p.

334. Paolo del Rosso saw the ( rucifi.x together with Cellini at the Palazzo Pitti on 17 January 1567, "a I ativitate," and immediately addressed a sonnet to Cellini, "sopra uno Crocifisso," which was soon printed at the end of Cellini's 'Due trattati of 1568 (Cellini 1568, fol. Siv, together with another sonnet by Varchi, "sopra la medesima statua", fol. Siir) in an appendix following the Libro secondo, "Poesie toscane, et latini sopra il Perseo statua di bronzo, e il Crocifisso statua di Marmo fatte da Messer Benvenuto Cellini" - a published and hence "public" literary work which accords an equivalent public status to both the Perseus and the (rucifi.x. The sonnet of Paolo del Rosso and Cellini's response (preserved in manu script; Cellini states

208

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Gio rgi o Vasa ri , Benedetto Va rchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

that he made the Crucifi.x "sol per onorare Iddio") is amply analyzed and commented upon by Paolo Simoncelli (Simoncelli 1990, pp. 170-80, esp. pp. 176-78). Cole 2ooza offers an incomplete account of the poetic reception of Cellini's Crucifi.x (the sonnets ofDanti, del Rosso, and Varchi, and Cellini's response to del Rosso are not mentioned) and, as becomes clear from his Trattati, Cellini himself did not differentiate significantly between the public of.hi Perseus (made for the "Offentlichkeit") and the public of his Crucifi.x ("Privatwerk"). This and other distinctions create an exegetic latitude for the author, without entirely reflecting historical realities. See also Cellini 1970, PP路 910, 935路 Many of these texts were kindly drawn to my attention by Dimitrios Zikos .

2 Mabellini 1885, pp. 326-27.

Danti's annotation is essentially an epideitic conceit.

Raffaello Borghini (Borghini 1584, p. 522) writes of Danti, "non poco valse in comporre versi Toscani, e particolarmente in far centoni de' versi del Petrarca, e d 'altri famosi autori." See Summers 1979, pp. 501-12 on Danti 's poetry.

3 For the literature on Vincenzo Danti see Florence 2008. Summers 1969, published as Summers 1979, includes a critical catalogue and assembles the published literature and published sources available in before 1970. It remains, however, a dissertation (see preface in Summers 1979), with provisional aspects. See also Keutner 1958 and Santi 1989. Fidanza 1996 adds insignificantly to the knowledge of Danti. For a survey of the literature on Danti after around 1970, see Davis 1985, pp. 205, 269-70.

4 Zangheri 1999; Zangheri 2000.

5

6 7

See Pope-Hennessy 1985 for a higher estimate of Cellini.

In my view Cellini had many equally gifted contemporaries, and some who were more gifted.

Daly Davis 1982.

For Danti as a painter, see Summers 1979, pp. 438-39, 443-45, 498. Borghini 1584, p.

522, writes of Vincenzo: "Si mise ultimamente a dipignere ... e nella sua casa propria, dove abitava fece ancora molte pitture." Vincenzo Danti was apparently the only teacher of the painter Girolamo Danti, his brother and also a member of the Florentine Accademia del Disegno. For Danti as architect, see F. P. Fiore in CJJizionario biograjico degli italiani, vol. 32 (Rome, 1986),

pp. 667-n; Fidanza 1997路 Barocchi 1960, vol. l, p. 236; also pp. 268 f.: "Le figure," the illustrations to his planned treatise.

9 See Rossi 1999, pp. 170-75.

10 Pascoli 1992, p. 393 [published 1730-36]. rr For incised drawing see Davis 1985, pp. 231 ff Incised drawing in marble, terracotta, wax, and bronze, as well as chiselled drawing in stone, is found in the works of many sculptors and has not escaped notice, but it has received little systematic attention and is poorly documented in photographs. In Danti's works see for example the "Sportello" relief (Bargello), 8

cJ'v'[oses and the 'Brazen Jerpent (Bargello), CJJecollation of the 'Baptist (Baptistery, Florence), Jjda (London), :flagellation (Kansas), CJJeposition (Washington), Virgin and Child (Milan), Cope of'Julius

III (Perugia).

12 Borghini 1584, p. 522. See also Ignazio Danti, "Vita di M. Iacomo Barozzi da Vignola" inJacopo Barozzi da Vignola, Jj due regale def/a prospettiva pratica (Rome, l6rr), pre-

messa: a copy sent by Duke Cosimo to the king of Spain

(also an edition: Rome, 1583, which is reprinted: Alburgh, 1987). r3 For Danti as a draughtsman: Santi 1989, pp. 66-6]= "del tutto vuoto e sinora il catalogo dei disegni del Danti e le molte attribuzioni sono andate via via cadendo."

Summers 1979, pp. 481-84, reviews a number of earlier ascriptions and attributes a small group to Danti, without great conviction. The drawings given to Danti in Popham 1935, pp. 51-53 (nos. l-7), have passed, first wrongly to Tribolo, and now to Jacone (Summers 1979, p. 481; Davis 2002). The head of an old woman in profile attributed to Danti by Bertini 1950, no. 136, holds little interest and is not by Danti (Summers 1979, p. 481). Danti's authentic script does not correspond at all to the writing found on a well-known drawing for the catafalque of Michelangelo in Munich (Graphische Sammlung, inv. 35343b), as Utz 1975 maintains . A drawing ofDanti's over-life-size standing statue of Cosimo I in the Bargello found in the Louvre (Monbeig-Goguel 1972,pp. 243-44,no.444, repr.) was attributed to Danti (Langedijk 1981, vol. l, p. 227, no. 17), following the identification and attribution of Herbert Keutner. While there are numerous differences in detail, the drawing is clearly made after the statue.

Monbeig-Goguel's attempt to attribute this drawing to Giulio Clovio is unpersuasive, as is her reconstruction of the graphic oeuvre of Clovio (C. Monbeig-Goguel, "Drawings

by Vasari and his circle in the Louvre." CJJrawing rr [MayJune 1989], pp. 4-5).

A squared drawing in the Uffizi of Jaul and CJJavid (Santarelli 9402) is inscribed very clearly in a much later hand on the mount, "Vine. Danti," and

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

it appears destined for a painting (Emilio Santarelli, Cata logo de/la CJY;,ccolta di disegni autogra.fi antichi e moderni [Florence, 1870], p. 64]:

"Samuele che unge Davide").

The heavy wash renders the drawing difficult to evaluate, but it is not intrinsically extremely dissimilar to paintings by Vincenzo's brother, Girolamo Danti.

A further sheet in the Santarelli collection at the Uffizi (1025 S verso) attributed to Cristofano Gherardi contains two studies, sketched within drawn rectangular borders, for a:forge a/Vulcan.

It resembles, in its proportion of height to width, in the disposition of the subject, and in the specific forms of the forge, a now unlocated terracotta bas-relief of the same subject, formerly in a villa at Valiano near Perugia (stolen 1976), which Santi 1989, pp. 43-44, pl. 26, plausibly attributes to Vincenzo Danti. Santarelli 9402 and 1025 share some aspects of their approach to figural drawing, for example, the amorphously drawn heads, and a nearly square format. Some of the traits of these two drawings are not so distant from the well-known Michelangelesque drawing, cJV[artyrdom ofJt. Catherine

(Gabinetto nazionale, Villa Farnesina, Rome, FC 125514; see de Tolnay 1975, vol. 3, nos.

365A, 365B). It is not possible to affirm that these drawings have any genuine connection with Vincenzo Danti.

They perhaps warrant further investigation. Towards 1566 Bronzino painted a St. Catherine for Silvano Razzi, but this may not have been a Catherine of Alexandria (Vasari 1962a, vol. 8, pp.

26-27).

Summers 1979, p. 482, tentatively attributed a drawing for a fountain of eptune to Danti (1560, for the eptune Fountain, Piazza

della Signoria, Florence). This drawing was sold at Sotheby's, London, 7 December 1976 (lot 22) with an attribution to Giambologna. Anthony Radcliffe's attempt to attribute a bronze statuette of Neptune (Victoria and Albert Museum, London, inv. A 99-1910) to Vincenzo Danti is very misleading and merits little consideration (M. Leithe-Jasper in Trento 1999, PP路 346, 348).

Aspects of the appearance ofDanti's allegorical equestrian portrait of Cosimo I in the Piazza Sant'Apollinare for the marriage of Francesco I de' Medici in 1565 (Summers 1979, pp. 227ff. and notes 2658; 449) are documented in a drawing which appeared in 1989, inscribed, "In sulla piazza di S. Pullinarj ... "and ascribed to Giovanni Battista Naldini (Peter Fuhring, 'Design into c/frt [Coll.

Houthakker, London, 1989], vol. 2, pp. 658-59, no. 978); see Dorothea Diemer, Wubert (jerhard und Carlo di Cesare def 'Palagio (Berlin, 2004), vol. I,

p. 199, note 476, fig. 148.

14 Byam Shaw 1976, pp. 35051, no. 1447 (0731). I first noticed the connection of the oval black-chalk drawing with Danti many years ago, searching through the plates of Byam Shaw's catalogue for another draughtsman. Later, but still rather a while ago, David Franklin, in a letter, called my attention to Danti's authorship of the drawing, which, I subsequently learned had also been noticed by DetlefHeikamp, and doubtless it has been noticed by others as well. In 2002, I mentioned Danti's authorship in a catalogue entry: Chicago and Detroit 2002, p.

199; Florence 2002, p. 204.

I am grateful to Caroline Elam for arranging to have a color transparency made and sent, and to the Christ Church Picture Gallery and

to the curators there for furnishing it. r5 Lugt 1921, no. 2736. r6 Byam Shaw 1976, introduction and indices.

17 Vasari 1906, vol. 2, p. 426. In the index of previous collections, Byam Shaw 1976, pp.

444-45, under Lugt 2736 (Bell I), lists the following catalogue numbers: 8*, 32*, 34, 37, 40, 46*, 48, 53, 58, 81, 117, 150, 153, 154, 244*, 251, 271, 283, 295*, 302, 533*, 675, 699, 736, 780*, 1447*, S1553. Those numbers here marked with an asterisk are also listed by Byan Shaw under the collection "Greek Inscription H and." o. 1447 is not, however, indicated with this provenance in the catalogue entry (pp.

350-51). Nevertheless, "N掳.

105. I Vinc I Purigino" (clearly in a 16th-century hand) is written in the Greek hand as Byam Shaw indicates; Byan Shaw 1976, vol. r, fig. n8; cf. "Specimens d'ecriture, no. r" in Cordellier and Py 1992, p. 673, no . r. These inscriptions are in a hand not widely dissimilar to that of Vincenzo Borghini or one of his amanuenses. See Borghini's "Selva di notizie" in the Kunsthistorisches I nstitut; Carrara 2000; Borghini 1993; Borghini 2oor.

A further drawing once belonging to this collector, by Bernardino Poccetti, is reproduced in Thiem 1977, pp.

268-69, pl. 9 (Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 1974.367).

Thiem lists other examples of drawings from this collector (not at Oxford) by Vasari, Alessandro Allori, Jacopo da Empoli, Ferrau Fenzoni, and Romolo Cincinnato.

As Byam Shaw noted, Vasari records the use of artist names in Greek in Borghini's drawing collection (Vasari 1906, vol. 2, p. 426: Borghini's drawings by Donatello and Michelangelo, with their names inscribed in Greek).

Although a few drawings 0

2IO

Notes for : Vin ce nzo Danti in the World of Gi orgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvan o Razzi Charles Davis

bearing the Greek inscriptions do appear to postdate Borghini's death in 1582 (see Byam Shaw 1976, pp. rr-12), the initial Greek inscription collector may have been Borghini himself, his practice being continued by a successor collector who came into possession of his drawings. In any event the Greek calleetor hand (or hands) belongs to a Florentine collector, one whose calligraphy was formed by the middle of the sixteenth century. The dual Italian and Greek forms of names reflect an interest in Greek artists awakend by the study of Pliny the Elder and thus appear to represent the ascriptions of a knowledgeable collectorconnoissseur, and hence his attributions deserve to be accorded the status of the presumptive correctness, as in the instance of the ascription to "Vincenzo Perugino," where the appearance of the drawing manifestly coincides with the contemporary ascription. The network of attributions which is one of the primary achievements of the study of old master drawings rests primarily on matching drawings and attributions (often suggested by old inscriptions) with finished works of art in other media.

As A. E. Popham wrote, "it would be reckless to neglect what the knowledge of former owners can contribute" to assembling a corpus of authen tic drawings; Catalogue of the CJJrawings of Parmigiana ( ew Haven, 1971), vol. 1, P· 37· 18 See Zangheri 2000, p. 153· 19 "Descrittione delle Bocche della Citra et stato di Fiorenza fatto l'anno 1562," ed. Silvia Meloni Trkulja, I fiorentini nel I652 (Florence, 1991), p. 93 ver o (indication ofDetlefHeikamp), in the "Populo di san' Lorenzo."

Dan ti himself signed both the Jalome and the [arnefice

20

21

22 23 24

25

26

27

28

29

of the Florentine Baptistery as "VI CENTI VS PERVSINVS." The bronze figure of the Cf3aptist is signed "VINCENTI VS DA TIVS" and dated 157r. These inscriptions are neglected in the literature.

Frey 1923, vol. 1, p. 739; vol. 2, p. 5. In general, see Frey 1923, ,, ad indicem "Danti, Vincenzo.

Frey 1923, vol. 1, p. 739; vol. 2, p. 5. In general, see Frey 1923, ad indicem "Danti, Vincenzo."

Frey 1923, vol. 2, pp. 117, 564, 567; vol. 3, p. rr2 .

See, for example, Frey 1923, vol. 3, pp. 6, 55, 189, 232.

See the 8nciclopedia italiana: "Treccani", ad vocem "sedile" and "curule."

For example, Erich Steingraber, CJJer (joldschmied (Munich, 1966), frontispiece, pls. 1, 3, 20.

See Vasari's zibaldone: Del Vita 1938, pp. 8, 9, 61 f., ro9, 313.

See the comments in Hirst 1988, pp. l-3. Among more recent works that include artists working under the master's influence, see Joannides 1996 and Joannides 2005.

Irrespective of his results, Alexander Perrig's discussion of" drawing" merits consideration: UVlichelangelo's CJJrawings ( ew Haven, 1991), PP· 15-34.

See Giordana Benazzi, "Il monumento a Giulio III di Vincenzo Danti e il suo restauro " in I lunedi della galleria, ed. Rosaria Mencarelli, vol. 5 (1998-99), pp. 189-204, with excellent photographic documentation. Also Carlo Del Bravo, "Ritratto di un artista giovane" in CJ3ellezza e pensiero (Florence, 1997), pp.

155-65. The oval reliefs of the cope of Julius III appear to be designed separately and are self-sufficient compositions.

Summers 1979, cat. XIV, pp.

394-95; Fidanza 1996, fig. 3r.

Cf. another unfinished oval relief of the Virgin, Child, and St. John in the Castello

Sforzesco, Milan: Ernst Kris, "Zurn Werk des Pierino da Vinci," Pantheon3 (1929), pp.

94-98 (as Pierino da Vinci). A further similarly unfinished tondo in marble in the calleetion of the Castello Sforzesco: 'Rrf:pe of 8uropa as Pierino da Vinci (Museo Archeologico 1255, Cat. Vigezzi, no. 615; see Volker Krahn in Die Ve1fuhrung der 8uropa [exh. cat. Kunstgewerbe Museum, Berlin, 1988), pp. 97, fig. ro2). A clearer understanding of the differentiation between the reliefs ofDanti and Pierino da Vinci has not been fostered by the studies of Charles Avery and Ursula Schlegel; the studies conrained in: Pierino da Vinci, cAtti della giornata di studio, ed. Marco Cianchi (Florence, 1995), vary very greatly in value . The recent attribution of an oval relief, of modest quality and very clearly not of the sixteenth century, to Danti has perhaps primarily publicistic aims: Ursula Schlegel, "Ein unbekanntes Relief von Vincenzo Danti," UVlitteilungen des I(ynsthistorischen Institutes in J<'lorenz 45 (2001), pp. 300-3or.

30 C. Davis in Chicago and Detroit 2002, no. 6r. In contradiction to its title, Charles Avery's "The Flagellation of Christ: A clarification of the identity of the reliefs by Pierino da Vinci and Vincenzo Danti" in his Jtudies in Italian Jculpture (London, 2001), pp. 191-200, states that the authorship of this work "has been gratuitously confused as between Pierino da Vinci and Vincenzo Danti," and then adds to a confusion, which had been clarified, by wrongly attributing the work to Pierino da Vinci.

31 Bottonio 1779· 32 First by Middeldorf in 1966 in a letter to the museum (Florence 2008, p. 356).

For further details of the 2II

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varc hi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

provenance (first in Spoleto, 1928); see also Summers 1979, P· 364.

33 First noted by Julius von Schlosser; see Giovanni Battista Vermiglioli, CJ3iograjia degli scrittori perugini (Perugia, 1829), pp. 244-49.

34

35 36

37 38

39

40

Bottoni, a Domenican, spent most of his life in Florence (San Marco; Santa Maria ovella): see Summers 1979, PP· 358, 364, 436-37, 501-2; Bottonio 1779.

Summers 1979, pp. 436-37, no. 30. See also C. Davis in Florence 2008, pp. u9-21, fig. 35· A stone relief requires a strong frame. The Florentine braccio measured about 58 cm.

The Resurrection (rectangular) is clearly not a symetrical pendant to the Flagellation (oval), and arguments based on this assumption are not viable.

Davis 1985, p. 223.

For Carlo de' Medici see Frey 1923, vol. 1, pp. 630-31; Conforti 1993, pp. 123ff., note 126.

See Davis 1985, p. 247 and note 164; Frey 1923, vol. 1, no.

345, PP· 6 29-31; no. 372, PP· 673-75; vol. 2, no. 433, PP· 5152; no. 443, pp. 74-75; p. 260; vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 5-9; no. 7, pp. 16ff.; no. 24, p. 44; and documents from the ducal Depositeria, pp. 167-70.

Monument to Carlo de' Medici: Vasari 1962a, vol. 8, p.

55 (Vasari 1568, vol. 2, p. 877); Borghini 1584, p. 520. Further: Baldanzi 1846, pp. 104-6; Venturi 1901, vol. ro, part 2, p. 527, fig. 428; Marchini 1957, pp. 68-69; and the catalogue entries of Summers 1979, PP· 378-78; cf. PP· 15460; Santi 1989, pp. 48-49; Fidanza 1996, pp. 82-83. An engraving of the monument is found in: Litta 1819, vol. J: Medici di Firenze, fol. 2f: "Monumento di Carlo Medici proposto di Prato esistente nella concattedrale di quella citta, lavoro di Vincenzo

Danti"; "Millini incise"]. On the basis ofMillini's measurements the maximum dimensions of the monument are about 6 meters high and 230 cm wide; the seated Madonna is about 2 meters high, which seems excessive.

See also the "Collezione del Gonelli"' cited in Baldanzi 1846, p. ro6. See Razzi 1580, p. 260, at the end of the vita of Cosimo il Vecchio and in the last words of the book: "Hebbe Cosimo, oltre ai due sopra detti, un figiuol naturale, chiamato Carlo, il quale fu Proposto della Cattedrale Chiesa di Prato, et al quale fece fare non ha molto il Gran Duca Cosimo un'honorato sepolcro di marmo nella detta Chiesa, sopra la porta della sagrestia, da M. Vincenzo Danti Scultore Perugino. I IL FINE." This unnoted text clearly represents an intentional recognition accorded the work of Razzi's now deceased friend,Vincenzo Danti.

Razzi's association with both Danti and Vasari dates to the time of the Prato monument.

He does not mention Vasari.

41 Portrait of Carlo de' Medici: Summers 1979, fig. 39. Also Langedijk 1981, vol. 1, pp. 112, 332. A eries of oval Medici portraits in porphyry on serpentine by del Tadda date to the 1560s. Florentine oval portrait medaillions are not uncommon at this time.

42 Despite Vasari's undeniable merits as an architect, he was in his own view primarily a painter. His approach to architectural design on paper tends toward two-dimensional division and subdivision.

The interlocking conjunction of the large triglyph and the dog-eared doorframe, conceived both in depth and in terms of the binding together of architectural elements, is Michelangelesque (de Tolnay 1975, nos. 550, 554, 555, 589, 612, and it also appears in the designs of Galeazzo Alessi,

to whom Danti was close: Nancy A. Houghton Brown,

The U\l[ilanese cArchitecture of Cjaleazzo cAlessi ( ew York,

1982), figs. 42, 94, 225; Genoa 1975, pls. 160-6r. Borghini 1584, p. 520, assigns the paternity of the door and monument to Danti, and, although here he may be only elaborating on Vasari's earlier text, Borghini does include new information about Danti. The square-head statue niche is an additional Michelangelesque feature . o comparable architectural 43 drawings by Danti are known. or are architectural drawings by Vasari very numerous, although many by him and his workshop must have existed; cf. a small drawing from the workshop ofVasari, mentioned in Alessandro Cecchi and Ettore Allegri, Palazzo Vecchio e i U\l[edici: guida storica (Florence, 1980), p. 124. In

the Farnesina drawing, the variance of the architectural drawing from the execution is extremely slight, the only deviance ocurring as the door jambs meet the threshold.

The church pavement may have been raised, accounting for the absence of the lowest horitontal element of the drawing, which gives definition to the threshold .

44 See for example, Uffizi 572 Orn; 639 F (the curly, shaggy hair and the empty circles of the eyes are two details).

The light underdrawing of Vasari's ink drawings usually escapes notice, but the Farnesina drawing is not inked. Nevertheless the lightly drawn curls of the hair also resemble Danti's drawing at Christ Church, but the two drawings are very different in kind and purpose, and thus difficult to compare.

45 Conforti 1993, fig. 121 at p. u3; see pp. 23 and 28, further pp.

38 notes roo-1; u3-14;123-24, notes 126-27; the entire monument of Carlo de' Medici,

212

Note s for : Vi ncenzo Danti in the Wo rld of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

Prato: ill. on p. 27. Louvre 2199: Conforti 1993, fig. 121 at p. n3. Conforti is the first to draw attention to the interest and importance of this drawing, which had previously been almost completely neglected, with the exception of a small and somewh at indistinct illustration in MonbeigGoguel 1972, p. 200, no. 290, who considers the tomb project as a project for an altar, despite the presence of a sarcophagus and the elevated position.

46 See for example Arezzo 1981, fig. 177, pp. 33-34 (Budapest); and Monbeig-Goguel 1972, no. 201, illus . at p. 155 (good illus. in Conforti 1993, p.

19; Satkowski 1993, pl. r8; Michael Rinehart, "A drawing by Vasari for the Studiolo of Francesco I," CJ3urlington UVT.agazine ro6 (1964), pp.

74-76.

47 Marchini 1957, p. 127; see plan and section (which shows clearly the problem with L ouvre 2199) opposite p. r6; the Christ Child seen from the right is illustrated in fig.

44, p. 73. See also Summers 1979, fig. 36. Baldanzi 1846, pp. ro4-6: "ma le statue furono collocate piu tardi"; cf. pp.

169-81 (Carlo de' Medici).

48 Stylistically the drawing Louvre 2199 appears to belong to ca. 1550 and later, possibly to the 1560s. 1he sarchophagus is, in fact, a laterally stretched version of that of the Michelangelo monument in Santa Croce (1564-68), with minor variations, which provides a clear chronological orientation for Louvre 2199: 1564 or later. This conclusion, not perhaps immediately apparent, becomes obvious upon closer study; see the drawing

by Giorgio Vasari il Giovane after the Santa Croce sarcophagus, in Franco Borsi et al., Il disegno interrotto: tratta ti medicei d 'architettura (Florence, 1980), p. 91, fig. 57. Louvre 2199 shares

further traits with Vasari's design for the monument to Michelangelo: the pedimented tabernacle of the superior zone flanked by double-end scroll volutes; the painted curtain draped behind the tomb (see Monument to Cecchino Bracci, Aracoeli, Rome; Charles de Tolnay, UVT.ichelangelo: Jcu(itor, Painter, ulrchitect Princeton, 1975], fig. 271: anonymous 16th-century drawing, Casa Buonarroti, Florence; and various drawings by Vasari).

This is a fairly widespread feature of Cinquecento monuments (for example, the neglected monument to Angelo Borghini, Vincenzo's brother, in the first cloister of the Santo in Padua). The sarcophagus is notably wide, perhaps indicating a monument of substantial dimensions. The resolution of the area between the sarcophagus supports is infelcitious.

Vasari would doubtless have been puzzled by the concept of "less is more." 1he large, unprofiled stereometric block beneath the sarcophagus also derives from the Medici Chapel. Its presence, in an enlarged format, on the Michelangelo monument is obscured by the seated marble allegories of the arts. See also Lynda Fairbairn, Italian 'R.!,naissance 'Drawings ji-om the Collection Jir John Joane's UVT.useum London, 1998), vol. 2, p. 454, note 66r, apparently attributed to Vasari himself. See the Michelangelesque tomb design: Graphische Sammlung, Munich, inv. 493r.

Gri.imwald 1914, nos. 7, 8.

See Summers 1979, cat.

XVIII, pp. 402-4, and text pp.

175-78, 2ro-r5; Santi 1989, pp.

52-53; D avis 2008; C. D avis in Florence 2008, pp. 316-18.

Paatz 1940, vol. 3, 1952, p.651, note 297.

Michelangelo's marble '1-fercules, four braccia high,

K

49 50

51 52

53

54

55

56

57

later sold by the Strozzi to the king of France, has been thought to be an uncommissioned work, but in 1985 Michael Hirst (Hirst 1985) presented extensive circumstantial evidence to show that it was Fiero de' Medici who commissioned the now lost '1-lercules before Piero's fall in 1494 (ibid., p. 155). Hirst's conclusion has been confirmed by subsequent research which has produced conclusive early documentation: Ou ti Merisalo, lg collezioni medicee nel I495 (Florence, 1999); Caglioti 2000, vol. r, pp. 262-63.

See for example D avis 1991, pp. 70-7r. 1his feature is highly characteristic of Giulio's tomb designs. The "putti" might be called "genii" (and be thought to represent the "genius" of Varchi), but I have chosen to refer to them as angels, which they certainly are .

Vasari's :f'ortuna, Casa Vasari, Arezzo (Rubin 1995, p. 343, fig. 135), shows how a torch must be cautiously held.

I am indebted to Margaret Daly Davis for this observation. Small inkwells may perhaps also be indicated next to the pens. See the frames for Vasari's artist portraits in the Vite: Wolfram Prinz, Vasaris Jammlung von Kjjnstlerbildnissen (Florence, 1966), p. 31, fig. r8, type V. 1here is no overt com memoration of the deceased (i.e., no monument to the virtu), and hence his memory, his posthumous fame, is implicitly entrusted to the pages he has written.

Vasari 1906, vol. 7, p. 633; Vasari r96ia, vol. 8, p.

56; Vasari 1568, vol. 2, p.

Sn That the Lives of the Academicians were finished in 1566 is made clear in Frey 1923, vol. 2, pp. 291-92; it is also evident from the content of Vasari's account of Danti. Danti occupied the

2r3

Notes for : Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

former quarters ofVarchi at Santa Maria degli Angeli only after the latter's death in December 1565; there Danti is making ("fa") Varchi's portrait in bas-relief. Danti's figures of Rigor and Equity, and his ducal coat-of-arms, all for the Uffizi, are complete ("per componimento" before July 1566: Lessmann 1975, p. 324), and he awaits the arrival of the marble block for the seated staue of the duke ("d'ora in ora aspetta il marmo per fare la statua di esso signore duca ... la quale va posta a sedere sopra detta arme, per compimento di quell'opera"), which apparently did not take place much before early October 1566 (Lessmann 1975, pp. 216, 328ff., doc. 165; commission in summer 1566). In Vasari's narration of Dan ti's works, the "tempi" range from the passato prossimo to the passato remoto, from the present to the future ("d'ora in ora aspetta", "va posta", "doverra", "ha anco fra mano", "sara", "lavora", "fa"),

the latter dominating the last parts of the narration; present time clearly appears to refer to mid-1566.

58 Despite Gargani 1870, p. 2, and others, it is not correct to state that Varchi lived at the Angeli at the end of his life; see Razzi 1857, p. 12: "Campaccio" ("aveva . . . a pigione nel Campaccio), and Razzi to Cosimo I on 6 January 1566 (1565 st.f.), "in una tanza nella casa, che abitava messer Benedetto, et n'ha la chiave M. Tomaso de Medici" (Del Vita 1938, p. n9; pp. 120-23: copy of the testament ofVarchi, in hand ofRazzi). Razzi 1857, p. 12: "aveva preso a pigione nel Campaccio (contrada cosi detta in Firenze) una assai comoda casa" (see Limburger 1910, p. 199, Via Campuccio).

Varchi 's testament was witnessed and notarized at Santa Maria degli Angeli much earlier, in ovember 1560.

Among the seven witnesses, the "priore" and "subpriore" of the Monastery. Similarly, it is also not clear that Danti "lived" at the Angeli around 1566, but he did '"work" there.

59 Vasari: "Le quali opere lavora insieme con altre nel monasterio degl Angeli di Firenze, dove si sta quietamente in compagnia di que' monaci suoi amicissimi, nelle stanze che gia quivi tenne messer Benedetto Varchi, di cui fa esso Vincenzio un ritratto di bassorilievo, che sara bellissimo" (Vasari 1962a, vol. 8, p. 56; Vasari 1568, vol. 2, 877).

See Summers 1979, pp. 453-54.

60 It can of course be reasonably objected that the potential context that Vasari's account seems to suggest is not, in fact, relevant to the destination of the work, but this objection does not contribute an alternative line of investigation, beyond leaving all possibilities open. Nevertheless, Danti also wished to cast his figures for the Florentine Batistery at the Angeli, which he, in the event, did not do ("si gettono, dove lavora l'Ammanato e Gio. Bologna, e non negli Angioli dove voleva il Perugino," 5 July 1570; ASF, Carte Strozziane; Summers 1979, p. 406, doc.

2); see also Vasari: "Le quali opere lavora insieme con altre nel monasterio degl'Angeli" (Vasari 196n, vol. 8, p. 56; Vasari 1568, vol. 2, p. 877). In the section. "Degl'Accademici del Disegno," Vasari does not write "vite" of the living academicians but relates only selective notices concerning them ("rimane ora che io dica alcune cose degl'artefici della nostra Accademia di Firenze," Vasari 1962a, vol. 8, p. 13; Vasari 1568, vol. 2, p. 863).

Conclusions can scarcely be drawn based on what he does not write.

61 Farulli 1710, p. 81: Varchi, "molto benevolo di questo monastero, e intimo amico

di Don Silvano Razzi, che da secolare era stato suo discepolo." For Silvano Razzi (his secular name was Girolamo), see: Farulli 1710, pp. 85-88; Negri 1722, pp. 500-2; his brother, Serafino: pp. 498-99), especially for his numerous religious writings, as well as his early dramatic compositions; Scudieri 1997, pp. 23-24, 30, 33-36, 39-40, 45-46, 64ff., 74ff., and the entries for specific works in this very informative study. Razzi and Bartolomeo Torri and Giulio Clovio: Vasari 196n, vol. 5, p. 417; Vasari 1586, vol. 2, pp. 386-87. And Francesco Salviati and Carlo da Loro: Vasari 1962a, vol. 6, p. 532; Vasari 1586, vol. 2, p. 667).

Copies of Sarto's Portrait of Christ (SS. Annunziata) commissioned by Razzi: Vasari 196n, vol. 4, p. 314; Vasari 1586, vol. 2, p. 162). Vasari writes of"messer Alessandro Taddei romano, segretario di detto cardinale [Innocenzo del Monte], e don Silvano Razzi, mio amicissimo, i quali mi hanno di questo quadro e di molte altre cose dato notizia ... " (Vasari 1962a, vol. 7, pp. 94-95; Vasari 1586, vol. 2,

P路 713).

62 "aveva esso Varchi dato [a Don Silvano] cura della sua sepoltura"; Rizzo 1857, p. 17.

Testament: Del Vita 1938, pp.

117-23; Margaret Daly Davis in Arezzo 1981, pp. 193-95; Gargani 1870, p. 2. Farulli 1710, p. 81, writes: " el suo testamento, fatto alcuni anni avanti, aveva ordinato di essere sepolto negli Angioli", but this provision does not seem to appear in the testament as published (Del Vita 1933, pp. n7-23: a copy of the testament written in the hand of Silvano Razzi). For Varchi, see the most recent monograph, which is not exhaustive: Pirotti 1971, as well as later periodical literature.

63 Gargani 1870, p. 3; Paatz 1940, vol. 3, 1952, p. 123; Farulli 1710,

214

Notes for: Vin cenzo Danti in the World of Gi o rgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

p. 81, "come scrive il Mini nella sua Cronaca manoscritta", Cappella Alberti.

64 "fu portato alla detta chiesa degli Angeli, e collocato per allora in uno semplice deposito"; Razzi 1857, p. 18.

65 R azzi 1857, p. 18. An attentive reading of what R azzi writes suggests that the duke offered to pay for the funeral services held at the time of Varchi's burial, apparently on 21December1565, and not for the later obsequies held much later, in 1566 (cf. Caro 1957, vol. 3, p. 257). The date of Varchi's death, in the past often given as 16 November 1566, is subject to ome uncertainty, but it certainly occurred at the end of 1565, perhaps not on 16 December 1565 as R azzi states (Razzi 1857, p. 17), but two days later (Pirotti 1971, p.

42, suggests 18 December, as do Aiazzi and Arbib 1841, vol. l, p. xxix, doubtless correctly; cf. Vasari 1962a, vol. 8, p.

78 and noter.) Vasari's ziba!done: Del Vita 1938, pp. 117-19, contains a letter from Silvano Razzi "Monaco" to Duke Cosimo I (6 January 1566) which states that "M(esser) Toma o de' Medici" holds the keys to a room in the house of the deceased Varchi, where are kept all ofVarchi's "libri d'importanza." This is the house in the former Via del Campaccio, now Campuccio, between Via de' Serragli and Via Romana (Limburger 1910, p. 199). Initially, Silvano Razzi had intended to undertake Varchi's burial himself, together with the Canon Piero Stufa and Lelio Bonsi ("appunto andava pensando, non si essendo trovato di lui se non certi pochi soldi, insieme con esso signor canonico Stufa e cavalier Bonsi, di farlo meglio che si potesse nella chiesa degli Angeli a loro spese sotterrare"); Varchi 1857, p. 18. See CJJizionario biograjico deg!i ita!iani, vol. 12, pp.

387-88.

66 In the last of Caro's letters (d.

21 ovember 1566) treating Varchi's death and its aftermath, Caro is still "censoring" the projected funeral oration of Leonardo Salvia ti (Caro 1957, vol. 3, pp. 283-86; cf. nos.

781, 786, 794, 796). Salviati was only about twenty-four years old (see Vasari 1962a, vol. 7, p. 271; Vasari 1568, vol.

2, p. 796).

67 Razzi 1857, p. 18, writes: " e molto dopo l'Accademia, e per lei Bastiano Antinori, nobile e virtuosissimo gentiluomo allora consolo e oggi del numero de' senatori fio rentini, fece a tutte sue spese nella medesima chiesa, presente tutti gli accademici ed altri, quanti la chiesa e i chostri ne capiano, sopra l'immagine di esso Varchi celebrare un solennissimo uffico . 11 quale fornito, il cavalier Lionardo Salviati recito la da se fatta orazione funerale con pienissima soddisfazione di tutti ... "For Bastiano Antinori: CJJizionario biografico deg!i ita!iani, vol. 3, p. 460.

Varchi's sonnet, "A messer Bastiano Antinori, consolo dell'Accademia" must date from 1565 (Sonetti spirituali, p. 996, no. CXXII), which is quite late in Varchi's life, as most of these sonnets do.

68 The rites were obviously not held literally over the body of Varchi, no longer presentable as he was now many months deceased, but, necessarily, in the presence of an image of Varchi, as Razzi states, "sopra l'immagine di esso Varchi"; cf. the verse of Pietro Angeli da Barga ("Hie ipsum Varchi posuit de marmore vultum"); Angeli 1568, p. 355; Angeli 1585, pp. 340-4r. The exact date has not been clarified.

69 Razzi 1857, p. 18. For Salviati see Brown 1974; this work is not especially illuminating concerning Varchi's obsequies (but see pp. 99-105); it treat many of the relevant persons (see index). For

Varchi's connections with Silvano Razzi see Iegri q22, pp. 502 and 358-60 (Lionardo Salvia ti).

70 Salviati 1566; Salviati 1575, p.

6s: "senza passione, o dolore il Varchi christianissimamente come dormendo e spirato."

See Caro 1957, vol. 3, p. 257.

71 Salviati 1575, p. 65: "suo sepolcro; sapendo d'haverlo in questo luogo [S. M. degli Angeli]," to Varchi above all others "giocondissimo" [most happy] during his life, knowing already to have obtained a place there, "per grazia di Don Antonio da Pisa, Abate di Classe" (who was fond ofVarchi), Varchi died as a Christian and almost as if going to sleep. Don Antonio da Pisa, was Abbot of the church and monastery of Sant'Apollinare in Classe in Ravenna (Vasari 1962a, vol.

7, p. 298; Vasari 1586, vol. 2, p. 803), and then Generale of the "Congregazione di Camaldoli," with connections to Vasari and to Silvano Razzi (Vasari 1962a, vol. l, p.

320; Vasari 1568, vol. l, p. 128).

See also the end ofVarchi's "dialogo delle lingue,": "quando Don Silvano Razzi, gia Messer Girolamo, Monaco degli Agnoli, tutto trafelato comparse quivi, e cosi trambasciato disse che il Reverendissimo Padre Don Antonio da Pisa, Generale dell'ordine di Camaldoli, e il Reverendo Don Bartolomeo da Bagnacavallo, Priore del Munistero degli Agnoli, erano adietro, che venivano per istarsi due giorni con messer Benedetto" [at Varchi's villa della Topaia] (Varchi 1846, p. 497). Cf. Razzi 1857, p. 13.

See Varchi's sonnet XXXIII "Al Rev. Padre D. Antonio da Pisa, Ab. di Classi" in Varchi 1858, vol. 2, pp. 9781001 (p. 98]: "E 'l vostro Razzi e mio ... Fara 'l sepolcro ... ").The "Generale Don Antonio di Camaldoli" also numbered among Vasari's 215

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

correspondents (Arezzo 1981, p. 207).

72 Salviati 1566; and in Componimenti 1566, dedicated to Mons. Lorenzo Lenzi, Bishop of Fermo, "procurata"

by Piero Stufa.

73 See Gargani 1870, p. 15.

Componimenti 1566; Angeli 1568, p. 355; Angeli 1585, pp.

340-41). On Pietro Angeli da Barga: Varchi 1846, p.

434: "come Messer Piero da Barga, mio amicissimo"; 'Dizionario biograjico degli italiani, vol. 3, pp. 201-4; Jacopo Rilli, :J(g,tizie letterarie, ed istoriche intorno agli Uomini illustri dell'cAccademia :f'iorentina (Florence, 1700), p. 156, quotes Angeli's "IN EFFIGIEM BENEDICT! VARCHII" in its entirety ("Sacravit primam, primo qui fl.ore iuventre I JEdibus retatem Ractius hisce suam."; "Hie ipsum Varchii posuit de marmore vultum ... ").

74 Farulli 1710, p. 81: "Benedicto Varchio Poetre, Philosopho, atque Historico ... "According to Gargani 1870, pp. 15-16, the date given in the epitaph (which does not correspond to Varchi's date of death on 16 or 18 December 1565) is the date of the monument: "XVI KAL. DEC MD LXVI" (cf.

Farulli 1710, p. 246: "sexto decimo Cal. Decembris 1566.

Silvanus Raetius sacrae hujus aedis cenobita amico optim. ponendum curavit."). "XVI. Kal. Dec." corresponds to November 16, 1566. Gargani 1870, p. 4, establishes the present inscription as a modern substitution, and, availing himself of manuscript sources, reestablishes the original text, which is the primary aim of his study.

1he epitaph as given by Farulli 1710, p. 81, is: Benedicto Varchio Poetre, Philosopho, atque Historico, qui cum annos 63. summa animi libertate, sine ulla avaritia, aut ambitione jucunde

75

76

77

78

79

80 81

vixisset, obvol. 2t non invitus xvj. Kal. Decembris 1566.

Silvanus Ractius sacra: hujus JEdis Crenobita Amico optimo pon. cur.

Cf. Ferdinando Leopoldo Del Migliore, :f'irenze cittiz 110bilissima illustrata (Florence, 1684), p. 331 (insc.). It should be mentioned that this nicely balanced sentiment is, in its formulation, quite Varchian in character, and corresponds to the epigrammatic, "Qiesto contento assai visse e morio," which Varchi himself suggested as a possible epitaph (Varchi 1858, vol. 2, pp. 983-84, sonnet XXXVI, "Al Reverendo Padre Silvano Razzi, Monaco degli Agnoli").

For Danti's portrait ofVarchi, see Summers 1979, P路 453; Gargani 1870, pp1ff, 15.

See Davis l995a. Also at the Angeli ("nella cella del Maggiore"), a "Crucifisso" by Giotto and a "quadretto" by Raphael (Vasari l962a, vol. l, p. 320; Vasari 1568, vol. l, p. 128). Razzi obtained the Rustici relief from Ruberto di Filippino Lippi (Davis l995a, p. 132).

For Razzi and Varchi: Pirotti 1971, pp. 35-36; Manacorda 1903, pp. 56-57In 1563 and the years that followed Vasari worked closely with Borghini and Razzi on the second edition of the Vite. See Frey 1923, vol. 2, pp.

24ff. (1563), 93, 220, 229ff., 240 (1566), passim.

Vasari l962a, vol. l, p. 320; vol.

4, p. 314; vol. 6, pp. 454, 532; vol. 7, p. 271; cf. vol. 5, p. 417; vol. 7, pp. 94ff; vol. 8, p. 56.

Frey 1923, vol. 2, p. 24; Boase 1979, P路 339路 With the recurring formula, "in gratiam D. Silvani Rae.," 1598, 1599, 1602, etc. (Caccini and Francavilla). Other commissions to Bronzino, Allori, Paggi, Ammannati, Silvani: see Savelli 1983, p. 21 (with useful graphic documention

82

83

84 85

86 87

88 89 90

91

of church and cloister); and Scudieri 1997See for example Farulli 1710, p. 88; egri 1722, pp. 498-99, 501; cf. Boase 1979, appendix A. See also Scapecchi 1998.

Gargani 1870, pp. l4ff, 20, believes that the proscription of Varchi 's J toria jiorentina (first published in 1721) in 1724 may have lead to the removal ofVarchi's monument or portrait from Santa Maria degli Angeli.

See Davis 1985, pp. 247ff.

Lione Pascoli writes ofVarchi, "con cui stretta aveva [Danti] famigliare, et forte amicizia" (Pascoli 1732, p. 139), but beyond one sonnet exchange, little is known. In a sonnet addressed to Vincenzo Danti, Varchi writes, "Voi dunque, Danti, e si chiaro e si pio I Col dolce vostro a me si caro frate [fratello], I Per me lodate e ringraziate Dio." (Varchi 1858, vol.

2, p. 992: Sonetti spirituali, no. XCI). Summers 1981, pp.

23-24, states that it is certain that Varchi and Danti were friends, but this is not certain.

Razzi 1857, p. 18.

See Wittkower 1964, p. 105.

The same idea of a portrait bust inserted into an oblelisk is found only a very few years earlier in Padua (Contarini Monument, Santo); see a second design in Munich for the Catafalque; Wittkower 1964, pl. 9. In December 1557 Buglioni had been paid for a portrait of the "testa" of Michelangelo: "per aver ritratto la testa di michelagniolo buonaroti"; Davis 1975路 Frey 1923, vol. 2, pp. 310-n: 8 March 1567 (st.c.).

Caro 1957, vol. 3, pp. 276-77, no. 796.

The Danti brothers are not identified in Greco's commentary, and this significant reference to them has escaped notice.

Danti's "rittratto di bassorilievo" of Varchi might have been refered to as a

216

Notes for : Vi ncenz o Danti in the World of Gi orgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvan o Razzi Charles Davis

"medaglia" or "medaglione"; cf. Bandinelli ("ho messo mano in uno medaglione di marmo della sua testa"; "uno belo medaglione di marmo de la sua testa ... ") in Waldman 2004, pp. 691, 693, docs. 1258, 1259. Battaglia 1961: "medaglia" and "medaglione."

Attwood 2003, considers the wide range of meanings attributed to the word "medaglia" in sixteenth-century Italy. At exactly this point in time Danti was preparing his relief portrait ofVarchi (Vasari r962a, vol. 8, p. 56).

92 See Caro's letter to Laura Battiferri, 5 January 1566: "Mi sara poi sommamente caro che mi facciate parte di tutto che si fara in onor suo, e specialmente de l'orazione di me sser Leonardo Salviati" (Caro 1957, vol. 3, pp. 25759, no. 781; cf. nos. 783, 784, 785, 786), in particular Caro's role in the "correction" of Salviati's oration (Caro 1957, vol. 3, pp 257-59, 265, 266ff., 273ff., 276-n, 283-86). In the first months of 1566, the death and commemoration of Varchi constitute the dominant theme in Caro's letters.

They document his contacts with Silvano Razzi at this time (nos. 790, 791, 792, 794), and around 2 March 1566 Caro has received, in Rome, a letter from Giorgio Vasari, delivered by the hands of Silvano Razzi ("portatami da don ilvano," see nos. 791, 79 2 ).

Poggini's medal ofVarchi has been identified with this medal mentioned by Caro in 1566 (G. F. Hill and Graham Pollard, ~naissance UVledals from the J amuel CJ!. K[,ess Collection [London, 1967], p.

64, no. 346, the letter mistakenly dated to 1561), but Poggini's medal shows a mature, and still quite virile Varchi. It cannot be so very far removed in time from Titian's somewhat earlier portrait (ca. 1540 or later?, in

Vienna), and certainly does not belong to the la t period of Varchi's life, as suggests its reverse, which shows Varchi lying blissfully beneath a laurel tree and which proclaims the motto, "cosi quaggiu si gode" (clearly characteristic of Varchi, himself; see Varchi's cryptic references to himself in the Sonetti spirituali), a sentiment, however, poorly reconcilable with the religiosity ofVarchi's Sonneti sprituali, and one which is quoted from Petrarca (Ii Canzoniere, "Italia mia": "cosi qua gii.1 si gode, et la strada del ciel si trova aperta"; established by Graham Pollard, 'Burlington UVlagazine 146 [2004], p.

832). Caro doubtless knew Poggini's medal before 1566, if, indeed, he did not own it (which seems likely in light of his close friendship with Varchi and Caro's own interest in coins and medals), and the medal by Poggini would scarcely have been new to him at this late date. For Poggini's medal, see Attwood 2003, no. 817, with correct dating of the letter. Thus the presumption that Caro saw a record of Danti's portrait ofVarchi is strengthened. A drawn portrait, inscribed "Benedictvs Varchivs" within a paper scroll, is clearly based on Poggini's medal (Peter WardJackson, Italian CJJrawings, Victoria and c/flbert CJV[useum [London, 1979], vol. r, no. 241, there assigned to Bartolomeo Passaretti), and does not record Danti's lost portrait of Varchi.

93 Varchi's death is a dominant theme in the letters of the last year of Caro's life: Caro 1957, vol. 3, pp. 257, no. 781 (to Laura Battiferri); 263ff., no.

783 (Battiferri); 264ff., no . 784 (Pietro Stufa); 266, no. 785 (P. Stufa?); 266ff., no. 786 (Lionardo Salviati); 271, no.

790 (Silvano Razzi); 27rff., no. 791 (Vasari); 272, no. 792; 273ff., no. 794 (Razzi); 276ff.,

no. 796 (Salviati); 283-86, no. Sor (Salviati); see also pp.

245ff., 248, 254, 265, 257. The central role of Silvano Razzi emerges very clearly.

94 See Nelson 2000, pp. 5, 4143, 63, 95, 104-5, n5-r6; pls. 9, 12, with studies by J. Nelson, Andrea Muzzi, Catherine Turrill, and others.

95 Paatz 1940, vol. l, pp. 434-39.

96 Fidanza 1996, pp. 71-72; Summers 1979, pp. 352-55. In support of Summers's attributions, it might be mentioned that the somewhat peculiar indentation of the blocks of the sarchophagus mensoles in the Pantano Monument (see elson 2000, p. 136, pl. 12) is strikingly similar to the treatment of various architectural elements ('incassati') in the door and window frames of the facade of Sforza Almeni's villa at Fiesole (Summers 1979, p. 150, fig. 151: these are here described as possibly by Dan ti). What imparts a particular interest to this perhaps minor and certainly little considered architectural work is its patron, Almeni, and his connections with artists and the Medici court, combined with the, for Florence, direct and undiluted "michelangiolismo" of the designs. The latter consists of, in particular, the broken segmental pediment of the door with a block-like rectangular element set into the lunette shaped field (cf. the Laurentian works and drawings such as Casa Buuonarroti 95A, 98A; British Museum, Wilde no. 37 recto; Portoghesi and Zevi 1964, p. 305, fig. 276), and the thin raised borders given to many of the architectural elements (which in the two "peducci" and in the two frieze blocks create an "incassato" effect). This feature derives, again, from the Laurentian works (Portoghesi and Zevi 1964, p. 246, fig. 201; 269, fig. 229). Such traits are not entirely characteristic of 217

Note s for : Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Char'.es Davis

Alessi, but they may be for Vincenzo Danti, in which case these designs might be added to his meager architectural oeuvre, which remains to be assembled.

97 See Adamo Rossi, "Di Galeazzo Alessi architetto perugino, Memorie," Giornale di erudizione artistica 2, fasc. 2 (February 1873), p.

55 ("Alberetto della famiglia Alessi"). For iccolo Alessi, see, for example, Janta Caterina de' P.,j,cci, !Jbellus de Gestis di Ji"r. :Njccolb c.Alessi, part I, ed. Guglielmo M. Di Agresti (Florence, 1964), pp. xxxiv-xxxvi; part 3 (Florence, 1965), p. xxvii; Razzi 1588, pp. 23-2s: " arrazione del molto R. P. Fra iccolo Alessi Perugino. Maesto in Sacra Teologia, et Inquisitore dell'Umbria."

98 See Paatz 1940, vol. r, p. 651, note 297; and Summers 1979, p. 403. The circumstances of the transfer of the group to the Archiepiscopal Palace are entirely unknown. Vincenzo Borghini, who had close contacts with Silvano Razzi and the Angeli, became responsible for the "Arcivescovado" in 1574 (29 January) at the accession of Alessandro de' Medici to the archbishopric: "Messer Vincenzio Borghini ... prese la tenuta dell'Archivescovado di Firenze per Messer Alessandro di Ottaviano de' Medici Vescovo di Pistoia; eletto di Firenze" (see Valone 1972 , pp. 223ff. and note 131).

Medici came to Florence after the death ofBorghini in 1583 (Borghini, CIJiscorsi, ed. Pietro Gaetano Viviani [Florence, 1755], vol. 2, p. 596).

The Madonna statue in a relief by Giambologna in San Marco, Florence, does not portray Danti's statue, but one with the child held to the left (Dhanens 1956, fig.

167), nor does the drawing in the Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Florence, sometimes mentioned in this regard.

Danti had made his model of Neptune for the Florence fountain in the house of Alessando de' Medici (Vasari l962a, vol. 6, p. 82; Vasari 1586, vol. 2, 450).

99 Paatz 1940, vol. 3, p. 128. See also Farulli 1723, pp. 8, 12-14. roo Palazzo Giugni: See Ginori Lisci 1972, pp. 457-62; p. 324, no. 67; Fossi 1967, pp. 93-98; Kiene 1995, no. ro Lwith bibliograhy]; Vodoz 1941, pp.

95ff. The palace passed to the Giugni, ca. 1592, at the death of Simone da Firenzuola; his daughter, Virginia, had married into the Giugni family. The palace was owned by the Giugni until it was sold in 1830 (Ginori Lisci), around the time when the Madonna came to Santa Croce.

IOI "SIL. RAC. SACR.JE HUIUSJEDIS COE OBITA AMICO OPTIMO. P. C." (pon. cur.).

102 "D. 0. M. I Ben. Varchio, Poetre, Philosopho, atque Historico; I qui cum Annos LXIII. I Summa animi libertate, sine ulla avaritia, I aut ambitione, juncunde vixisset; I Obvol. 2t non invitus I XVI. Kal. Decembris I M D L X VI. I Silv. Rae. Sacrre huju s JEdis Ccenobita I Amico Opt. F. C. [n. b. = P. C. ?]." egri 1722, p. 96; also p. 5or. A Settecento observer, Salvino Salvini, has annotated a copy of Negri in the Marucelliana: "non vi e busto di marmo" (Gargani 1870, p. 14).

103 Farulli 1710, p. 87; Gargani 1870, P路 II (1680-1709); Paatz 1940, vol. 3, pp. 107-8; Scudieri 1997, p. 24.

104 Gargani 1870, p. 2.

105 Sonetti spirituali: Varchi r57J. Pirotti 1971, pp.197-2or.

I cite the sonnets in Varchi 1858, vol. 2, pp. 978-roor. In his orazione for Michelangelo, Varchi wrote that "Morre non e male, anzi e fine di tutti i mali, non diro che la morte e fine d'una prigione scura" (p.

60); "la Morre non e altro che

la separazione dell'anima dal corpo" (p. 6r).

106 42: "Or ch'io son giunto quasi al punto estremo della mia vita ... io sudo e trema." 2r "Ond'io ch'aspeto ognor l'audace donna, che tutte umane cose al fine dissolve." 3T "che la morte, Ch'altrui si spiace, a me diletto fora." rn7 3T "Di tre casti amor' arsi un tempo, ed ora I D'un sol, ch' e trino ed una ardo si forte I ... che la morte, I Ch'altrui si spiace , a me diletto for a."

See Pirotti 1971, pp. 47 ff. rn8 Pirotti 1971, pp. 42, 57-61, describes Varchi's late Christian faith as "spiccatamente cristocentrico" and perhaps associable with Juan de Valdes and his followers, and with a doctrine of justification by faith.; cf. also Simoncelli 1990, pp.

178-79.

109 Of Christ's sacrifice, he wrote to Annibale Caro: "Gesu che per noi fu crocifisso" (37); "Chi morir volle sol, perch'io non mora" (33); "Col suo morir morte distrusse, e poi I Risuscitando a noi rendeo la vita ... " (82). uo Compare Philippians r.23: "Coartor autem ex his duobu desiderium habens dissolvi et cum Christo esse multo magis melius." "For I am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and to be with Christ; which is far better." ru; "Caro Silvano" (36): "Spero ...

Trovare pieta dal mio Signor sovrano. Perche con gli occhi econ la mente a Dio I Rivolto, vedo il suo dolce Figliuolo I Prendere in croce mansueto e pio."

112 This corresponds well to Varchi's epitaph, as Razzi had it made, balanced between the here and the beyond.

Similar in tenor is a further possible epitaph that Varchi offers in a later sonnet (72): "E 'l mio buon Razzi in qualche marmo o legno I Segnera: Forestier, quei che qui giace I Tutte ebbe al fine l'umane

218

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Va rchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

cose a sdegno." And, writing to Laura Battiferri, Varchi suggests yet another possibility (70): "Scrivasi del buon Razzi al cener mio: I ~esti per non sentir gli eterni guai, I Tutti al fine volse i suoi pensier a Dio." u3 [Io] Mi giacqui avvolto in questi uman litigi./ Io mi credea ch'acquistar fama e gloria/ Per impedir di verde fronda il crine,/ E lasciar qui di se lunga memoria, .. ./Ma veggio or ch' a maggior e miglior fine/ Ne fece e mando qui l'eterna gloria. n4 Canon at S. Lorenzo, Florence, d. 1570. n5 Compare, for example, Vasari's own plans for his family chapel in the Badia, Arezzo (Louvre drawing, 2196, inscribed, "Ego sum resurretio et vita qui credit in me etiam si mo(r)tuus fuerit vivet"), inscribed with the timeless words of Christ to Martha, "Ego sum resurrectio et vita: qui credit in me, etiam si mortuus fuerit, vivet, et omnis qui vivit, et credit in me, non morietur in aeternum." (I am the resurrection and the life: he which believeth in me, although he were dead, yet shall he live: and everyone which liveth, and believeth in me, shall not die forever; John, n.25), which also find their place in the Office for the Dead, ad fgudes, and are also found on tombs. See Alessandro Cecchi in Arezzo 1981, pp.

308-9. u6 See for example Fidanza 1996, figs. 29, 30. n7 Vasari 1906, vol. 7, p. 633. The

explicit specification "three months" seems to have no obvious significance. 1hree months after the birth of Christ is, however, the Feast of the Annunciation. (Festum Incarnationis), the beginning of the new year, and by some calculations the actual day of Christ's death.

n8 Summers 1979, p. 157 and note 68; de Tolnay 1947, vol. l, p.

159; Keutner 1958; Santi 1989, p. 48. n9 De Tolnay 1947, vol. l, p. 159;

124 The ~chef, of nearly the same size, is about 209 cm in

this list includes, however, free imitations and variations.

120 Another Michelangelo, or Michelangelesque conception of the seated Madonna and standing child between her legs is recorded in the so-called Dosio Codex in Modena: Eugenio Luporini, "Un libro di disegni di Giovanni Antonio Dosio, l," Critica d 'arte 4 (1957), p. 451, fig. 2; cf. Martin Weinberg, U'Vlichelange!o the Jcu!ptor (London, 1967), p. 303 and pl. 94.1 (Uffizi). See also Berhard Degenhart, "Dante, Leonardo und Sangallo," 'J?.!!,rnisches 'Jahrbuch fiir K,ynstgeschichte 7 (1955), p. 281, figs. 379, 382.

121 The child's head resting against his raised right hand echoes the gesture of Lorenzo de' Medici as the expression of thoughtfulness and reflection in the Medici Chapel.

122 Tilman Buddensieg, "Raffaels Grab" in :festschrift CJ-fans IYJujfrnann, ed. Tilman Buddensieg and Matthias Winner (Berlin, 1968), pp.

45-47. The monument is both tomb and altar. That Raphael was buried in the basis of the Madonna and that the altar was intended as the site of masses for Raphael's soul (woo ducats and income from properties were destined for this purpose) indicates the intercessional role of the Madonna statue in the salvation of the deceased (Buddensieg, p. 46). See also Shearman 2003, ad indicem, vol. 2, p. 1677.

123 Vasari 1962, vol. l, p. 73; vol.

3, pp. 1236-37, note 555 ("una Nostra Donna che tiene il figliuolo in collo, condotto da Scherano da Settignano scultore col modello di Michelangelo").

The Jyrnbo!ic Cjo!dfinch (Washington, 1946), esp. pp.

126-35. Legend says that a goldfinch pulled a thorn from Christ's head, and that he retains a mark of the blood of Christ, and is hence a symbol of Christ's passion. As K. Brandt noticed, with its outstreched wings the finch assumes the form of the cross.

127 ote also the so-called first design for Michelangelo's Catafalque in San Lorenzo, in a drawing from the Codex Resta in the Ambrosiana Library, Milan (Wittkower 1964, pl. 8), which clearly reflects these projects for the Julius Monument. Cf. also Florence 2002, p. 292.

128 The angel at the left practices aspersion, dispensing sanctified water in benediction, purification, and consecration of the deceased to God, and, at the right, censer and incense in a sign, again, of purification and consecration.

The twisted candles also belong to the rites of the dead.

Aspersion evokes the opening of the Mass ("Asperges me").

129 Repr. in Karl August Laux, U'Vlichelangelos 'Juliusrnonument (Berlin, 1943), p. n8.

130 Vescia pisces: in the view of some commentators, this vulva shaped space, refers also to the womb of the Virgin.

Mandorla: Kirschbaum 1968, vol. 3, pp. l47ff. Also, the construction by Vasari, in his Transfiguration drawing (British Museum,

height.

125 Vasari 1962, vol. 3, p. 1237.

126 See Herbert Friedmann,

1858-n-13-31).

131 See U'Vlarienlexikon, edited

by Remigius Baumer and Leo Scheffczyk (St. Ottilien, 1992), vol. 4, pp. 487-93 ("Mittlerin der Gnade").

132 Heikamp 1966, pp. 141, 144, fig. ro. Also, the general conception of Verrocchio's 219

Note s for : Vincenzo Danti in th e World of Giorgi o Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

Forteguerri Monument in Pistoia and its modello in London (Victoria and Albert Museum) with Christ in a mandorla: Gunter Passavant, Verrocchio: Jculptures, 'Paintings and CJJrawings (London, 1969), no. 9.

133 Paatz 1940, vol. 2, p. 443.

134 Vasari l962a, vol. 2, p. 147; Vasari 1586, vol. l, p. 266.

35 Varchi 1564, dedication. See also Davis 1995a, pp. 13233. 1he first meeting of the Accademia del Disegno, in 1563, took place at the Angeli (Scudieri 1997, p. 23). For Borghini and artists in relation to the Innocenti: Zikos 2004, pp. 374-78.

136 See Carla Romby in Sandri 1996), p. 40, fig. 15 (Istituto degli Innocenti, Refettorio).

See also Bellosi 1977, pls.

IV-XVII (images of the Innocenti; cf. nos. 8, 25). g7 Sandri1996,p. 66,fi~50 (Museo degli Innocenti). ~38 "Mangiatoia" = "tomba": Kirschbaum 1968, vol. 2: Geburt Christi (pp. 86-n9), pl. I, 1, 3, 4; further: vol.

1, p. 694, fig. 165. See the manger as tomb (sarcophagus) in the Ghirlandaio's cAdoration ofthe UVlagi in the Sassetta Chapel, Santa Trinita, Florence (Enrica Cassarino, Jg. Cappella Jassetta [Florence, 1996], p.

98; Fritz Saxl, "The classical inscription in Renaissance art and politics," 'Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 4 L940-41], pp. 2829; Ronald Kecks, CJJomenico (jhirlandaio [Munich, 2000], pp. 273-75). Also Schiller 1981, vol. 1, pp. 58-n4 (Birth of Christ through Massacre of Innocents).

139 Kirschbaum 1968, vol. 3, Frauen am Grab, p. 323, fig.

37; vol. 2, pp. 54-62, Frauen am Grab; vol. 1, pp. 654-55, Grabtuch, Epitaphios.

140 Ida Cardellini, CJJesiderio da Jettignano (Milan, 1962), pp. 217-35; Leo Planiscig, CJJesiderio da Jettignano

(Vienna, 1942), fig. 78. See the seminal observations of Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt on Michelangelo's metaphoric use of drapery forms: Brandt 1987, pp. 90-93 . Interest in the image continued into the sixteenth century, see for example, Lorenzo Lotto, Ii ÂŁ.jbro di spese diverse, edited

by Pietro Zampetti (Venice, 1969), "puttino de rilievo di Firenze," obtained with the intermediation of Bartolomeo Ammannati (p. 248: "per far venir un putto de gesso da Firenze fu de man de Desiderio scultore"). A very close variation on Desiderio's Sacramentary Altar, including the Christ Child and two angels, is found in a project

by Bartolomeo Ammannati in a drawing (ca. 1560) in his Riccardiana Codex, fol.

34v (repr. in Bartolomeo Ammannati, Jg. citta, appunti per un trattato, ed. Mazzino Fossi [Rome, 1970], p. 318).

Some observers may perceive the correspondences between Desiderio's "putto" and Danti's less than others, and this suggestion is complementary to my considerations rather than essential. Cfr. Paris 2006, pp. 236-51.

I4I See especially Otto Kurz, "A group of Florentine drawings for an altar," 'Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 18 (1955), pp. 48-50. ~42 Hans Caspary, CJJas Jakramentstabernakel in Italien bis zum K.p,nzil von Trient (Munich, 1965) pp.

106-8 ("puer Jesus in specie pulcherrimi infantis"), notes 273-80.

143 Fidanza 1996, p. 86; Santi 1989, p. 53; Venturi 1901, vol. ro, part 2, p. 253= "mal composto." The fullest account of the work, by Summers 1979, pp. 175-83, and no. 18, pp. 402-4, contains many important and valuable observations and, paradoxically, others which bear little concrete relation to the statue

itself, reflecting an extraneous overlay of preconceptions and theoretical concerns. Cf. Grunwald 1914.

144 See Filippo Moise, Janta Croce di :firenze illustrazione storico-artistica (Florence, 1845), pp. 150-51: "non finito."

The unfini hed state of the back of the statue is marked by many diagonal strips. It may be misleading to describe the statue as unfinished as many statues designed to be displayed close against a background are not finished in the parts that remain hidden from view. ,145 The dark vein, at times suppressed in photographs, is clearly visible in Grunwald 1914, pl. n. In his reports to the Medici court concerning the quarries at Serravezza, Danti comments on this problem: Gaye 1839, vol. 3, pp. 251-56, nos. 229, 230 ("marmi statuarii," "marmi statuali"). This feature recurs in some of the works commissioned later by Silvano R azzi for the Monastery of the Angeli. A similar problem led to the abandonment of Michelangelo's first Risen Christ for the Minerva in Rome, and this problem may have seriously impeded Danti's project.

146 Frey 1923, vol. 2, p. 784. Detlef Heikamp has often called this circumstance to my attention .

147 See also the Apollo Pitio in the Bargello, Florence. 1his important and neglected figure was brought to light by D. Heikamp in Florence 1997, no.

17 ["Vincenzo Danti (attribuito)"]; see Florence 2008, no. 5 [Danti?].

148 Frey 1923, vol. 2, p. 874. There is no self-evident reason why Danti's "moglie" should not have followed him to Florence. Considerations similar to those advanced here are treated in: Summers 1979, pp. 315-16.

149 Alessi named magistratum stratarum on 30 January 1570:

220

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Va rchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

Jaur c./fl!gemeines KjjnstlerJjxikon, vol. 2, p. 269: "Alessi."

150 Davis 1985, pp. 247 ff. In 1566 the Danti had sent the bronze Etruscan statue of the "Arringatore" (now Museo Archeologico, Florence) from Perugia to the duke (Berti 2002, chronology, 1566). For Sforza Almeni see Davis 1980, esp. p. 189. l5l Summers 1979, pp. 315, 320; F. P. Fiore, "Danti, Egnazio" in 'Dizionario biograjico degli italiani, vol. 32 (Rome, 1986), p. 660. It is maintained that there were allegations of sodomy raised against Egnazio, a not uncommon complaint raised against adversaries, but these allegations do not seem to have left concrete traces.

1)2 See Waldman 2004, nos.

1247, 1248, 1249, 1250, 1253, 1254, 1285, and pp. 677 ff.

Nevertheless, in 1571, at the completion of his bronze statues of the 'Decollation for the Florentine Baptistery, Danti received the "cittadinaza fiorentina" (Berti 2002, under 1571); cf. Summers 1979, pp .

298, 310, note rr.

153 For Giovanni da Salerno, see 'Dizionario biograjico degli italiani, vol. 56 (Rome, 2001), pp.

202-4. In 1985 Alessandro Cecchi published documents that establish the dismantlement in 1569 and that Danti' work, begun in July 1571, was complete by n February 1572 (1571 st.f.), and he published a drawing by Vasari in Dijon for his new installation of the tomb of the Beata Villana, which clarifies the "porta finta" made as a surround for the monument; Cecchi 1985.

154 Santi 1989, p. 49, attempts a more balanced view. See Summers 1979, pp. 415-16; Fidanza 1996, pp. 92-93; Colin Eisler, "The Madonna o.f the Steps" in Jtil und Uberliejerung in der Kjfnst des c./fbendlandes (Akten des 2r.

Internationalen Kongresses der Kunstgeschichte), (Berlin, 1967), vol. 2, pp. n5-16. See

Stefano Orlandi, ~crologio

di J. UVf.aria :>[g,vella

(Florence, 1955), vol. 2, pp. 397

ff.: "Descrizione dell'interno della Chiesa di Santa Maria ovella come era avanti il restauro vasariana." Vincenzo Borghigiani, [ronaca anal-

istica def ven. conv. di J. UVf.. :>(g,vella (Florence 1760), vol.

3, PP路 330-40, 398: " el piano del 4掳 arco, alto da terra a mezzuomo, succedeva il sepolcro del B. Giovanni di Salerno, Fondatore del convento, con bassorilievo di marrno antico del Beato morto, con molti voti appesi contiguamente qua e la." A very small sketch by Bartolomeo Ammannati (ASF) of a monument may reflect or be related to an earlier state of the Giovanni da Salerno or the Beata Villani monument in Santa Maria Novella (Lamberini 1995, pp.

351, 354, 355 fig.). The sheet also includes what is apparently a study of the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, from which Ammannati drew for the uppermost frieze of the Palazzo Grifoni (Altopascio) in Florence.

155 An excellent color illustration is found in Umberto Baldini, ed., Janta cJV[.aria :>(g,vella: la basilica, ii convento, i chiostri monumentali (Florence, 1981),

p. 258; with the Villana monument on the facing page.

156 On the cult of the "Sepolcro del B. Giovanni," see Fineschi 1790, pp. 21 ff., and Razzi 1588, p. 39, with various miraculous events associated with the sepulcre. Fineschi 1790, pp. 24-25, reports the dismantlement of the sepolcro in 1569 and the translation in the new sepulcre in 1571 (citing "P. Biliotti, Cron.

Can. S.M. . ad an. 1571"), and gives a longer inscription ("A . DOM. MDLXXI ... "; also Richa 1974, vol. 3, p. 50), and a description and woodcut of the "deposito" (p. 26).

At the time ofVasari the

deposit was placed beneath the organ, at the left of the nave; it has subsequently been moved twice, and presently is found on the right wall of the nave (Richa 1754, vol. 3, p. 50; Interno de/la chiesa di J. UVf.aria :>(g,vella dopo i restauri fatti nel I86I [Florence, 1861], p. 6; Luigi istri, <juida de/la chiesa monumentale di Janta cJV[.aria :>[g,vella [Florence,

1884], p. 12).

157 See Razzi 1588, pp. 32-39, "Vita del Beato Giovanni da Salerno" (p. 39: "L'anno 157r. alli 18. di Febbraio fu translatato il corpo di questo beato in un'altro piL1 honorevole sepolcro: & rinovato la divozione de' popoli, vi sta accesa davanti come gia faceva una lampada continuamente."). Silvano Razzi also composed a vita of the Beata Villana, whose monument forms a counterpart to that of Giovanni da Salerno.

Her monument may reflect the earlier one of the Beato Giovanni (Razzi 1593, pp.

850-55), and it is not selfevident that Danti copies Rossellino, rather than the earlier monument. Razzi 1593, p. 855: ''L'anno 157!. facendo il Duca Cosimo, Principe veramente Magnanimo, dar miglior for ma ... alla Chiesa di Santa Maria Novella, fu il detto sepolcro di questa Beata, rispetto al compartimento delle capelle, tramutato dal detto luogo suo, e posto dirimpetto a quello del Beato Giovanni da Salerno." The motto-incription "Corona aurea super Caput eis," as befits a beato, is refected in the crown oflight around, or beneath the beato's head, and it may be drawn from the earlier tomb, as well. It belongs to his iconography; see the similar image ("antichissima immagine dipinta ... prima di Cimabue") reproduced

by Fineschi 1790, p. xxviii, with same "archaic" dress as Danti's effigy. This motive 221

Notes for : Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

may be carried over into the tomb of the Beata Villana.

Schulz r977, p. 60, regards Danti's monument as a copy of Rossellino's. r58 Bandinelli's complaints about the villa of Sforza Almeni being transformed into "una Sodoma e Gamore" by Sforza's brother Vangelista, were much earlier, in r558 (Waldman 2004, pp. 655-79).

159 See Rosselli Del Turco 1995, especially Luigi Zangheri, "I marmi dell'Ammannati" (pp. 321-27); and Corinna Vasic Vatovec, "L'impegno di Cosimo I de' Medici nel riperimento dei marmi e il ruolo dell'Ammannati" (pp . 3294r). Valuable illustrations in II 'l3attistero di Jan <jiovanni a J<'irenze, ed. Antonio Paolucci,

2 vols. (Modena, 1994).

160 Gaye 1839, vol. 3, no. 221, p.

246. See also Gaye 1839, vol. 3, nos. 208 (r566), 219 (1567), 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230 (1568), 23r, 238, 243, etc.

161 Illustrated in Langedijk 1981, vol. 1, p. 475, fig. 27,129; cf. Uffizi 2758 A recto, after the Villa Giulia (Venturi 19or, vol. n, part 2, p. 243, fig. 230, wrongly attributed to Ammannati; see also figs. 217, 218, 2r9, all drawings after the finished architecture); further: Vodoz 194r, pp. 7-8, fig. 4, correctly as an "Aufnahmeskizze." A further drawing in the Uffizi (2r29 A; Satkowski 1993, pl. 76, p. 42) appears to reflect a later stage in the planning, and not the "earliest proposal."

162 Ginori Lisci 1972, vol. 1, fig.

355 ("lo stemma autentico Medici-Toledo" now found in the Palazzo di Sforza Almeni, "androne"). 1he connection of Galeazzo Alessi with the palace of Sforza Almeni is entirely due to Howard Burns, who first established it in a public lecture in 1980, which has remained unpublished. Danti's work at Sforza Almeni's villa in Fiesole (Villa Rondinelli, gia

Le Masse) remains insufficiently explored, and includes (in addition to a role as an architect, cfr. Summers 1979, pp.

150, 372-73), an unpublished marble statue of eptune in the "ninfeo-grotta," which appears to be by Danti.

163 For the Michelangelesque inspiration, stemming from masks by Michelangelo, see Ludwig Goldscheider, JV[ichelangelo's CJJrawings

(London, 1966), pl. 38b; JV[ostra critica de/le opere michelangiolesche: catalogo (Rome,

r964), pl. 83. Compare: Alessi, mask of south portal, cathedral, Perugia, in: <jaleazzo c.Alessi, JV[ostra di Jotografie, rilievi, disegni, ed. Corrado

Maltese (Genoa, 1975), p. 156, fig. 78, very similar to the Almeni stemma and of the same Michelangelesque inspiration; also Genoa 1975, pl.

V, after p. 192; p. 256, fig. 122; p. 379, fig. 182; p. 529, fig. 322; p. 535, fig. 332. Alessi was a friend ofVincenzo's father, and Alessi also designed the Dantis's bronze tabernacle in Assisi. Summers r979, pp.

459-60; repr. in Genoa 1975, tav. VIIIa. Varchi's sonnetti (Varchi 1858, vol. 2) contain sonnets addressed to Almeni (pp. 88r, 920) to as well as to Galeazzo Alessi's brother Girolamo, after ordination iccolo (p .

844), who was also the spiritual father of Sivano Razzi's brother, Serafino, and who was in Florence (1556-59, at Santa Maria ovella).

164 See Summers 1979, cat. XV, PP路 396-97 (1564-66); Crum 1989, esp. pp. 238 (by Danti), 245. Compare Davis 2008, pp.

187-88, fig. 14.

See Lessi:nann 1975, p.

2r8: "Im Ubrigen ist beim Auswechseln der Figuren auch die Position des Wappens verandert worden."

Dan ti's "arme del duca" was clearly executed before Vasari wrote of it (" d 'ora in ora aspetta il marmo per fare la

statua di esso signore duca . .. la qua le va posta a sedere sopra detta arme, per compimento di quell' opera, la quale si doverra murare di corto insieme col resto della facciata, che tuttavia ordina il Vasari che e architetto di quella fabrica" (Vasari 196n, vol. 3, pp.

55-56; Vasari r568, vol. 2, 877).

Giambologna's Cosimo was put in place in 1584 (Agostino Lapini, CJJiario fiorentino, ed.

Giuseppe Odoardo Corazzini [Florence, 1900], p. 239).

165 See Langedijk 198r, vol. 1, pp.

426-28, nos. 40-3; Richelson 1978, pp. 8-9, 42-45, figs. 2-3.

Clearly the desire to display the new grandducal status led to the discarding of Danti's "stemma," which had been paid and was otherwise doubtless satisfactory. It is unclear if this reason played a part in the substitution of Danti's statue of Cosimo.

The form of the previous ducal corona, before 1570, is shown on the title page of Varchi's funerary oration for Michelangelo.

166 Uffizi coat-of-arms, r56466: Fidanza 1996, fig. rr. The most complete treatment of the project is Lessmann 1975, pp. 215-17 ff.; notes 86o-6r; doc. 13r (1563): "una arme ai magistrati"; doc. r45 (1564): "a fare l'arme delle palle con le 2 figure che vanno dalli latj a Vincentio Danti da Perugia"; doc. 161 (1566): "l'arme sua delle palle con 2 statue di mar mo degli la ti ... et atteso detto Vincenzo haver exposto esser finito'', in an appraisal of the work ("a stimare le dette arme et statue ... scudi 700").

See also Keutner r956, pp.

148-49; Frey 1923, vol. 3, pp.

Sr ff., 87, 88 note 5, 89, 200; Langedijk r981, vol. 1, p. 475, fig. 27,r29; Dhanens 1956, pp.

231-32. r67 The mask of the somewhat later Porta Pia belongs to Michelangelo developing a widely influential repertory of masks; see, for

222

Notes for : Vin ce nzo Dan ti in the World of Giorgi o Vasari , Benedetto Varchi , & Silvan o Razzi Charles Davis

example, those of the Medici Chapel: Andreas Prater, cJ\l[ichelangelos cJ\l[edicil(gpe!le: Ordine composto afs Qestaltungsprinzip von cA"rchitektur und Ornament (Waldsassen, 1979).

168 See Gustavo Giovannoni, c.Antonio da Jangallo if Qiovane (Rome, 1959), vol.

2, fig. 3S: U.ffizi Dis. 313 A and JI7 A; cf. pp. 316, 320.

Compare Ginori Lisci 1972, vol. l, p. 64, fig. 50, "finestra inginocchiata," Palazzo Almeni. The correct ascription of the Palazzo Almeni kneeeling windows to Alessi was made by Howard Burns at the 1980 conferences on the Medici, held in Florence; cf. Davis 1980, p. 190, note 22; the illustrations of the Alessi publications of 1974 and 1975 are sufficient to confirm the attribution of this Florentine work of the Perugian architect, commissioned by his Perugian patron. Cf. Belluzzi 2004. A chimney piece in the Palazzo Niccolini, just across the Via de' Servi from the Palazzo Almeni may also be of Alessi's design (illus . after Ruggieri, in Ginori Lisci 1972, p. 448, fig. 361; Curreri and Fabbri 1995> fig. p. 258; Luisa Vertova, "Domenico di Baccio d'Angelo," r:Artista 3 [1991], fig. p. 75, attributed to Domenico). It is un-Florentine in character and displays Alessi's robust architectural forms that speak with a trace of a bombastic accent. ote the doubling (or spliting) of elements, the heavy scaled and lion-footed mensoles, the broad-nosed, bushy maned lion heads with high semicircle ears, etc. Such a neighboring commission indicates Alessi's physical presence in Florence, where possibly he stayed in Almeni's house. ew findings concerning Michelangelo's original " finestra inginocchiata" in Hirst 2004.

169 Cf. "stemmi" by Giovanni Bologna: Palazzo Vecchietti, Florence; Casa di Giovanni Bologna in Borgo Pinti, Florence; Altare della Liberta, Lucca. Giambologna as architect and onamentalist: Venturi 1901, vol. u, part 2, pp. 606-17; Dhanens 1956.

1he study of Giambologna as architect and ornamentalist has been overshadowed by the attention dedicated to his sculpture; in addition to those studies, one must consult specialist studies concerning later Cinquecento and earlier Seicento Florentine architecture. Valuable are the plates illustrating the architecture of Giambologna in Ferdinando Ruggieri, Jtudio di architettura civife, 4 vols. (Florence, 1722-28; 2nd ed. 1755). The only attempt to treat this topic seems to be Mario Scalini, "Giambologna e l'araldica" in Qiambologna tra :f'irenze e I:,curopa (Florence, 2000), pp.

103-16.

170 See the drawing by Giovanni Antonio Dosio in the Louvre from Vasari's collection, "GIOVA( ) MATTEO DOSIO DAS. GIMIG. PITTOR'', in: Franc;:oise Viatte, 'Dessins toscans cXVIecXVIIIe siecles (Paris, 1988), p. u8, note 197路 Dandi possibly belonged to the circle of artists associated with Dosio, also from San Gimignano.

1he Boston sheet also bears a small "testa panneggiata," a frequent decorative motive at the statuary court of the Villa Giulia in Rome. r71 PaulJoannides, The 'Drawings ofCJ\gphaef (Oxford, 1983), p. 200, no. 268 (Lille); Barbara Brejon de Lavergnee, Catalogue des dessins italiens (Lille, 1997), p. 191, no. 544.

172 A drawing by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Uffizi 993 A (cf. Uffizi 1005 A), includes a measured ground plan of a statue base with "footprints" (repr. in Simonetta Valtieri, "La

fabbrica del Palazzo del Cardinale Raffaele Riario, La Cancelleria," ~aderni defl'Istituto di Jtoria def'r:Architettura 27 [1982], fasc.

169-74, p. 14, fig. 34). See further the unusual systematic mensorial "Aufnahmen" of sculptural objects in: Marisa Elisa Micheli, ed ., Qiovanni Colonna da Tivoli, 1554 (Rome, 1982), pp. 28, 29, 38, 42, 43.

Measured drawings of statues constitute by and large a fairly late phenomenon; an early example (Giovan Francesco Susini), in Parronchi 1968, vol. 3 (1981), p. 29. Prior to the advent of computer technology (especially in applications combining new image yielding technologies, including those of medical diagnostics), the complexity and almost infinite number of the measureable dimensions of statues (as well as the limited mensorial capabilities of existing technology) rendered information about statuary dimensions difficult to elaborate, analyze, and utilize. Even Alberti's early attempt to treat this topic in his 'De Jtatua introduces elements of simplification (C. Davis in WolfDietrich Lohr and Michael Thimann, 'Bilder im Wortfe!d, CJV:fdoif Preimesberger zum 70. Qeburtstag [Berlin, 2006].

A work of architecture can, in contrast, be expressed through a vastly more limited set of dimensional coordinates. r73 See Raphael's well-known letter to Pope Leo X; 'IV!Jfaello Janzio: tutti gli scritti, edited by Ettore Camesasca (Milan, 1956), p.

ST "non esserci governati a caso e per sola pratica, ma con vera ragione"; p. 60: "la pianta,'' "la parete di fuora," "la parete di dentro"; p. 62: "E, acioche piu chiaramente ancora si intenda, avemo posto qui di sotto in disegno un solo edificio dissegnato in tutti tre questi modi [di architettura]."

223

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

r74 The drawing may simply be an approximate, somewhat innacurate record of Michelangelo's Pieta (see Brandt 1987); in such an unrefined sketch is is difficult to know what, if any significance should be attached to apparent variations, a consideration relevant to the drawing after the London f.§da as well. Although doubts have often been expressed about the conceptual validity of the idea of the "sculptor drawing," a clear theoretical statement of the topic can be found in Erwin Gradmann, 'Bildhauer:<jichnungen (Basel, 1943). ;q5 Danti's 1:.§da in the Victoria and Albert Museum: PopeHennessy 1964, vol. 2, pp.

456-58, no. 484 [A.1001937], where the Leda is correctly assigned to Vincenzo Danti. Following John PopeHennessy's departure from the Victoria and Albert, there has been some confusion about the correct attribution, which has sometimes been given as Ammanati, following an attribution urged for many years, in conversation , by Ulrich Middeldorf on numerous students of Italian sculpture, including Pope-Hennessy and the present writer. More recently, the museum has apparently retreated to the positions of the museum at the time of acquisition, over sixty years ago (Victoria and Albert 1939, p.

2) . Peta Mature in Florence 2002,pp. 205-6,no. 63:as "follower of Michelangelo," a treatment that essentially concludes only that the work dates 1550-75. There has been an exponential increase in the knowledge and visual documentation of sixteenth-century sculptors in the years since Venturi's publications, and the uncertainty concerning the attribution seems entirely unjustified, as the comparisions with Dan ti's works are very close, often not simply

similarities but ones of a matching nature. An objectively unwarranted desire to contradict may have, at times, played a role in the consideration of this work. A recent proposal for Battista Lorenzi is quite wide of the mark: Waldman 2002, pp. 574-78.

Battista Lorenzi works in a much weightier vein; see Utz 1969. See also Parronchi 1968, vol. 4 (1992), figs. 38, 39, "Sole." The first and last known Florentine owner, Count Angelo Galli-Tassi (1792-1863) had various connections with the Ospedale di Santa Maria Nuova (see Ginori Lisci 1972, vol. 2, pp.

559-64; Savelli 1983, p. 12).

Millais's statement that, in 1865, the Leda had belonged to the deceased count's family for over 300 years" has no evidentiary value whatsoever, beyond that of an occasional gloss to enhance the value of his possession. 1he Galli collection appears to have a Seicento, and later, concentration, and the Leda may even have been acquired by Galli in the Ottocento. The palace in Via Pandolfini was acquired by the Galli Tassi in 1623. r76 Victoria and Albert 1939, preface and p. 2, with a likely attribution to Vincenzo Danti proposed.

177 Lugt 1921, nos. 1507-8; supplement, pp. 212-13.

178 Campbell Dodgson, "Obituary for Heseltine," 'Burlington UVlagazine, April 1929, P· 213. r79 Frits Lugt, "Obituary for Bode and Heseltine," cApollo, April 1929, pp. 263-64. r8o Collobi Ragghianti 1977, pp.

174, 179· Compare: Fidanza 1996, p. 99; Summers 1979, p.

484 ("after"). As by "Giuliano [sic] Danti da San Giminiano [sic]," an "Anonyme florentin, milieu du XVIe siecle" (C. Monbeig-Goguel), in Giorgio Vasari, 1:.§s vies des meilleurs peintres, sculpteurs

et architectes, ed. Andre Chaste! et al. (Paris, 198189), vol. 12, pp. 426-27; the London marble f.§da (illus. p.

426), given to "Giuliano [sic] Danti" (Monbeig-Goguel), in an impressive display of confusion.

181 Macandrew 1983, pp. 24-25 (15.1247). Macandrew stresses the very modest quality of the drawing ("nondescript draughtsman"). The Boston drawing is wrongly attributed to Bartolomeo Ammannati

by Colin Eisler, Jculptors' <Drawings over Jix Centuries, I400-I950 ( ew York, 1981),

no. 9.

182 Davis 1985, postscript.

183 Basan 1775, p. 63: "Dandi (Julien) Sculpteur Florentin," no. 389, "Trois Sujets divers .. ." Copy in Kunsthistorisches Institut, Florence, annotated as sold with lot 376 (Jacopo del Conte). Mariette 1853, vol. 2, pp. 54-55: "Dandi (Giuliano), da San Gimignano." These references were cited by Collobi Ragghianti 1977, pp. 174-75, at my suggestion.

184 Inscribed: "Giuliano Dandi Scultore da San Gimignano"; Lutz Malke, Jtiidel: Italienische :<jichnungen des IS· und I6. 'Jahrhunderts

(Frankfurt, 1980), p. 17, note 10; Macandrew 1983, fig. 2 (16)

at page 25.

185 Mariette 1853, vol. 2, p. 54.

Basan 1775, pp. 54 ff.: "un Christ mart, porte sur un linceul, fait a la plume & savament touche." I recently noticed that this (according to Mariette, somewhat "Bandinellian" drawing) can be, with considerable confidence, identified with a drawing sold at Sotheby's, London, 25 ovember 1971, lot 151, with an attribution to Montorsoli (due to Shearman and not to Mariette): Christ Carried on a Jheet (my title), pen and ink and brown wash, over black chalk, 19.9 x 28.2 cm. Provenance:

224

Notes for: Vincenzo Danti in the World of Giorgio Vasari, Benedetto Varchi, & Silvano Razzi Charles Davis

P. J. Mariette; Sir Jocelyn Knowles, Christie's, 27 May 1908 (lot 200); John Brophy (1965), formerly attributed to Bandinelli. Exhibited: 'Between ~naissance and 'Baroque, 8uropean c/lrt I520I600 (City of Manchester Art Gallery, 1965), no. 344.

The wrong attribution to Montorsoli is based on a general resemblance to a drawing (Uffizi 14524 F), attributed to Montorsoli without explicit justification in Florence 1963, no. 24, fig. 18. See most recently Petrioli Tofani 2003.

In addition to the general Bandinellian character, the specific motive and technique, and the Mariette provenance, the stylistic agreement of the three Dandi drawings is substantial, confirming Vasari's and Mariette's identification of a single master. See D avis 2008a,p. 229,fig1 Dandi appears to be a "michelangelesco." He may have been associated with Giovanni Antonio Dosio of San Gimiginano. See Rubinstein 1993路 L86 Collobi R agghianti 1974, nos.

187, 234.

L87 Giovanni Vincenzo Coppi, c/fnnali, memorie ed huomini illustri di Jan Cjimignano (Florence, 1695), p. 372.

188 Giovanna Casali, Jan Cjimignano: .(evoluzione della citta tra cXIV e cXVI secolo (Florence, 1998), p. 83; see also pp. 41 (1475); 45-47 (1428-29); 66 (1428-29); !IO (1528-29); 128; 147 (1336, 142829, 1555). See further Enrico Fiumi, Storia economica e sociale di San Gimignano (Florence, 1961), appendix on families in San Gimignamo, p. 259 (Gradaloni; also pp.

48, 55ff., 63, 90); pp. 252 ff.

(Dandi; also pp. 180, 183, 186, 199, 202, 207, 229, 252).

189 Frey 1923, vol. 2, p. 341 190 Frey 1923, vol. 2, p. 35T "quanto al prezzo ... sta in su le pazzie."

191Frey1923, vol. 2, no. DCII, pp.

346 ff.; DCVIII, pp. 353ff.; DCX, pp. 356 ff.; DCXI, pp. 357 ff. (cf: Lanciani 1902 l1550-1565], p. 157); note: "fino che il vostro homo, che manderete, no' comparisca la ... "; Messer Giulio; "li havete scritto doY:era venire ."

FOR PAGES 156-169 The Courtier's Image The Tomb Effigy of Thomas Hoby Cinzia Maria Sicca

This essay is part of a wider study devoted to the impact of Italian Renaissance aesthetic notions on Englishmen who studied at Italian universities.

Research has been supported by a series of grants from the Italian MIUR and more particularly by a FIRB grant.

I am grateful to Patricia Burstall for having facilitated my access to Bisham Church, to Peter and Jane Stevenson for their learned comments, and to Bernard and Piers Bursill-Hall for their constant support and good humor. l

2

3 4

Llewellyn 2000; Phillippy 2003.

The Courtyer of Count 'Baldessar Castilio: divided into Jaure bookes. Very necessary and profitable for yonge gentilmen and gentilwomen abiding in court, palaice or place, done into 8nglish by Thomas CJ-[oby (London, 1561; and several editions to 1603).

PRO [Public Record Office, Kew], Prob. n/48.

PRO, Prob. n/40. Thomas Hoby's diary records that on "the xviij of Aprill [1558] my brother Philip went from Bissham to London, there to seek the aide of phisitions, where he made his last will and testament, and

made dispositions of all his lands and goodds." Then: "Whitesonday, the xxix of May [1558] departed my brother out of this lief to a better, at iij a clock in the morning ... "Powell 1902, p.

121 Sir Philip's dispositions about his burial were generic; he commended his soul "unto the merciful hands of allmightie God my creatour only redemer and Saviour and my bodie to be buried after a decent sorte as the tyme and place wherein I shall fortune to dye shall in such cace requir"; PRO, Prob. n/40.

5 The other two executors named in the will were Sir William Cecil and Sir Richard Blount.

6 "Journal of travels in F ranee, the Low Countries, Germany and Italy, with copies of inscriptions and epitaphs, 1547-1550." British Library, London, MS. Eg. 2,148, fols. l44-176a.

7 At Cambridge he had been a pensioner during the Easter Term of 1545; Venn and Venn 1913, P路 349路 8 British Library, Ms. Eg. 2,148: "Journal of travels in France, the Low Countries, Germany and Italy, with copies of inscriptions and epitaphs, 1547-1550" (fols .

5b-96b) and "Account of his entry into the service of William Parr, Marquess of Northampton, on l Jan. 1551, and of his accompanying him to Chateaubriand in May, 1551, on an embassy to present the insignia of the Garter to Henry II. of France" (fols.

97-noa).

9 Warnicke 1988, pp. 42-46.

10 Reporting on his journey to Siena in September 1549, he noted that "Most of the women are well learned and write excellentlie well bothe in prose and verse, emong whom Laudomia Fortiguerra and Virginia Salvi did excell for good wittes"; Powell 1902, p. 19. Hoby was likely 225

Notes for: The Courtier's Image Cinz1a Maria Sicca

influenced by Castiglione's 'Book ofthe Courtier, which praised eloquence amongst the desirable accoutrements of women courtiers. By this time, however, the reputation of Englishwomen for learning had become a matter for national pride and as early as 1516 Thomas More's Latin epigram on choosing a wife endowed women with intellectual, moral, and rhetorical strength. More's own daughters and protegees were gifted with such virtues and praised

by Erasmus as examples of the new idea of companionate marriage in which husbands and wives shared common intellectual interests. See on this subject Stevenson 2005, PP· 255-75.

Marjorie Mcintosh, "Sir II Anthony Cooke, Tudor humanist, educator and religious reformer," 'Proceedings ofthe c.American 'Philosophical Jociety n9 (1975), pp . 233-50. !2 On Cooke's daughters see Roland H. Bainton, "The four daughters of Anthony Cooke" in idem, Women of the 'Reformation, from Jpain to Jcandinavia (Minneapolis, 1977), pp. 100-n5; and Stevenson 2005.

13 Sir Philip commended his "soule unto the mercifull handes of allmightie God my creatour only redemer and Saviour and my bodie to be buried after a decent sorte as the tyme and place wherein I shall fortune to dye shall in suche cace requir"; PRO, Prob n/ 40, fol. 26?¥.

14 Elizabeth Stonor was lady of the bed chamber to Catherine Parr, Henry VIII's last wife; Starkey 1992, p. r4r.

15 Powell 1902, p. 129. The entire diary is published in this source.

16 Powell 1902, pp. 129-30.

I7 Powell 1902, p. 128. See also Charlotte Merton, "The women who served Qieen Mary and Qieen Elizabeth: Ladies, gentlewomen and

maids of the Privy Chamber, 1553-1603" (Ph.D. dissertation: Cambridge, 1992), p. 10.

18 Llewellyn 2000, p. 269.

19 Lady Hoby claimed these traveling expenses from the Exchequer accounts; British Library, London, Ms. Add.18764 (1566, fol. 1): "Bill of travelling and other expenses claimed by Lady Hoby, wife of Sir Thomas Hoby, late ambassador in France, on her husband's account." The burial date is evinced from this document .

20 1he monument is entirely made of orthamptonshire alabaster and not white marble, as stated by Elias Ashmole, The c.Antiquities of 'Berkshire (London, qr9), vol.

2, p. 464. When Ashmole saw it, the monument stood on the south wall of the chapel, a position which apparently never changed. The chest tomb is raised over two steps and set against a shallow relieved round arch, decorated with an egg-and-dart mould as well as rosettes picked in gold, and topped by the Hoby coat of arms. The figures are, as Ashmole noted, full length, measuring 163 cm.

21 Jones 1990, pp. 3-4: "Early in the nineteenth century, the south wall of the Ho by chapel was continued westwards towards the tower. The western wall of the chapel was left standing and divided the new aisle into two portions . .. In 1849 it was decided to reconstruct the church in the early Decorated style. The chancel was extended ten feet, this bringing the east end five feet to the east of the Hoby chapel instead of being five feet to the west of it ... In 1856 the south aisle was rebuilt and the western wall of the Hoby chapel removed."

22 Both figures are shown with open eyes, but Philip's pupils are left blank, those of Thomas, whose figure is placed at the forefront of the

226

Notes for: The Courtier's Image Cinzia Maria Sicca

23

24

25

26 27 28

29

30

chest tomb, are drilled; no evidence survives of their having been colored.

Portraits respectively in the Museo del Prado, the Uffizi, and the Prado.

Bronzino's portrait is in the Frick Collection, ewYork; Seisenegger's is in Schloss Oberkirchberg, near Ulm. White 1992, pp. 34-74. White attributes to Bontemps the monument to Philippe Chabot, comte de Brion (d.

1543) as well; this however is currently attributed to the painter Jean Cousin.

Powell 1902, P-45· Laschke 1993· This information is provided in the 1590 inventory of the possessions of John Lord Lumley, where the volume is described as " a great booke of Pictures doone by Haunce Holbyn of certyne Lordes, Ladyes, gentlemen and gentlewomen in King Henry the 8: his tyme, their names subscribed by Sr John Cheke Secretary to King Edward the 6 wch booke was King Edward the 6." Lord Lumley had acquired the Holbein drawings in 1580 on the death of his father-in-law, Henry FitzAlan, 12th earl of Arundel who, in turn, may have received the drawings in 1553 after the death of Edward VI whom he had served as Lord Chamberlain. On the history of the drawings see Parker 1945, pp. 7-34. Figures 2, 3, and 4 are catalogued as Parker 1945, nos. 50, 57, and 5r.

Maryan Ainsworth, "'Paternes for phisioneamyes': Holbein's portraiture reconsidered," 'Burlington cJ\![agazine 132 (1990), PP· 173-86.

J. A. Crowe and G. B. Cavalcaselle, Titian, his fjfe and Times (London, 1877), p. 199· For Aretino's letters to Philip Hoby see Aretino 1997, vol. 4, no. 109, pp. 8586 (1546), and no. 182, p. 126 (1547); and vol. 5, no. 49, pp.

52-5J (I548), and no. 179, pp.

IJ9-40 (I548). Aretino's correspondence in these same years includes letters to Sir Anthony Denny, Groom of the Stool and like Hoby one of Cromwell's appointees to the Privy Chamber, and to Sir William Paget, the King's Secretary. On the Privy Chamber see Starkey I987JI Joannides 200I, p. 226, offers I522 as a probable date of execution, yet his argument is supported only by perceived stylistic coherence with other male portraits of this period, from which however the English Gentleman departs for its extraordinary beauty and forcefulness . For the widely received dating of I540-50, see Filippo Pedrocco, Tiziano (Milan, 2000), no.

IJI; Tiziano e ii ritratto di corte da ~aello ai [arracci (exh . cat. aples, 2006), no. I6.

J2 Spicer I99L The painting

by Castagno is one of the Uomini famosi from the Villa Carducci at Legnaia, now in the Uffizi; the painting

by Pollaiuolo of arou nd 1470 is in the Gemaldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.

Baldassar Castiglione, The JJ 'Book ofthe Courtier, edited by Virginia Cox (London, I994), p. IJI (book 2).

J4 John Bulwer, [hirologia: or the :J.(J}, turall fg.nguage of the CJ{and ... Whereunto is added [hironomia: or the cArt of cJY[anuall 'R!Jetoricke, 2 vols.

(London I644), section 9, chapter devoted to "Certain prevarications against the rule of rhetorical decorum."

J5 The monument was first attributed to an unidentified French sculptor by White I992, and then to Cornelius Cure in White I999, p. J7This latter attribution has been tentatively accepted

by Llewellyn 2000, p. Sr. Phillippy 2002, p. I84, follows Gladstone's attribution of the tomb to William Cure I: Gladstone I989.

J6 Helen Gladstone (I989) accords Lady Hoby responsibility for importing a sculp tural style then current in France and Italy. Although Lady Hoby planned the funeral ceremonies and the memorial program expressed through the epitaphs and inscriptions, the role played

by William Cecil, Lord Burghley should be more carefully assessed. The choice of sculptor was quite certainly by him; Cornelius Cure had been in the service of the Lord Treasurer, and through his patronage had entered the Office of Works. It seems likely that Burghley had some say in the iconography of the monument as well. On Lady Hoby's role as deviser see Stevenson 2005.

J7 Esdaile 1946, fig. 7J路

I2 IJ 14

I5

I6 17 18 19 20

FOR PAGES 170-185 The Eternal Art Marble Carving and the Apostle Seri es for Orvieto Cathedral Marietta Cambareri

Lavin I977路 Frits Scholten, in Amsterdam 200J, pp. IJ-I6; Cole 2002, pp.

79-n7, I6r-67; Allen 2005.

J For a detailed study of these projects see Cambareri I998.

4 Cambareri I998, pp. 64-66, I42-64.

5 Hall I979 路 6 Cambareri I998, pp. I69-98.

7 Cambareri and Roca de Amicis 2002.

8 Cambareri and Roca de Amicis 2002, pp. 54-64.

9 Cambareri I998, pp. 217-40.

IO Chastel I978.

The sculptures are in the II Museo dell'Opera del Duomo di Orvieto. See Cambareri and Roca de Amicis 2002, p.

50, fig. I7 (Saint Paul); p. 64, fig. JI (Saint Peter); pp. 4952, fig. I6 (Saint Sebastian by Mo chino and Scalza).

I 2

21

Cambareri I998, p. 64I, doc. J79路 See Cinelli et al. 2002, also for further bibliography.

Cambareri I998, pp. 2I7-40, for the development and establishment of the side aisle program by the later I550S. Cambareri I998, pp. 680-SI, and I2I-J4, for translation and analysis of the vivid, colloquial petitions made by Scalza to the council, including the I570 petition discussed and summarized here, as well as a discussion of the debate about the use of marble versus stucco.

Cambareri I998, p. 685, doc.

5o7.

Cambareri I998, pp. 74J-44, doc. 748.

Cambareri 1998, pp. IJO-J4; p.

754, doc. 782.

Cambareri I998, pp. 279SJ; Cambareri and Roca de Amicis 2002, pp. 65-67.

Cambareri I998, pp. 772-73, doc. 855. This and all translations of the documents are mine.

Cambareri 1998, pp. 782-SJ, doc. 896. The letter (published by Bonelli r9J9, pp.

90-9I, but dated incorrectly as I579) i in the AOPSM [Archivio dell'Opera del Duomo, Orvieto], Lettere, busta J [I67], no. 2I5. Excerpts follow : "Hipolito Scalza humilissimo oratore e servitore delle Signorie Vostre espone come alli mesi passati si sono fatti condurre dui pezzi grossi di marmo, come le S.V. san no, con gran'danno e rovina di casa mia, la causa che mi ha fatto cadere in questo inconveniente e stata per il gran' desiderio che havevo che si facessero venire, accio io potessi lavorare e fare il debito mio, in questo poco tempo che ho da vivere ... Oltre di ques to sentivo da alcuni cittadini che si doleveno che io non lavoravo, e in questo haveveno il torto che sempre sono venuto lavorando, disegnando, far modelli, 227

Notes for: The Eternal Art Marietta Cambareri

e dare ordine a tutto quello bisognianva, alli altri artefici che serveno questa Reverenda fabbrica, che non si fa cosa alcuna senza l'ordine mio . ..

Ora sentendomi toccare in questo mi pareva gran' cosa che se non vi ereno i marmi le potessi lavorare, che non potevo farli nasciere per'arte magica ... " 22 Cambareri 1998, p. 353.

23 Cambareri 1998, pp. 784-85, docs. 897-98.

24 Fumi 1891, p. 338, doc. LXI; Cambareri 1998, p. 786, doc.

903; p. 788, doc. 9n.

25 Borghini 1730, p. 530.

26 Cambareri 1998, p. 799, doc. 95r.

27 Fumi 1891, p. 338, doc. LX. 28 Keutner 1955; Volker Krahn, in Florence 2006, pp. 56-57.

29 Fumi 1891, p. 339, doc. LXIII. 30 Filippo Baldinucci attributed the marble to Francavilla in his life of the artist; see Keutner 1955, p. 19. However Luzi 1866, p. 278, is the first writer on Orvieto cathedral to attribute the sculpture to Francavilla. Fumi 1891, however, returns to the traditional attribution to Giambologna.

31 See Patricia Wengraf, in Vienna 2006, pp. 102-39, for a discussion of Giambologna signatures.

32 Avery 1993, p. 198.

33 Keutner 1955路 34 Cambareri 1998, pp. 812-13, doc. 992.

35 Bernini's letter is published in Cambareri 2001, p. 7.

36 See Kessler 2005, pp. 35-36, for a discussion of this letter, setting it into the context of Bernini's work at the Certosa of San Martino, and his competition with Caccini.

37 Cambareri 2oor.

38 Cambareri 1998, pp. 833-84, doc. 1073; p. 836, docs. 1081, 1082; p. 839, doc. 1090. Fumi 1891, p. 340, doc. LXVI. 39 Cambareri 1998, p. 840, doc.

1092. Fumi 1891, pp. 340-42, docs. LXVIII, LXXIII. 40 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 6 [170], no. 15, n January 1610.

Giovanni Battista Crescentio writes: "Hora perche dal Signor Pecorelli orefice mi vien detto che hanno pensiero di servirsi di Maestro tefano Maderno scultore e che desiderano da me haver relatione di detto Maestro Stefano ... Perche dico che qui in Roma e tenuto uno de primi in questa citta ... particolarmente in una statua di Santa Cecilia ... che hoggi sta alla sepoltura di detta Santa adornata di bellissimi marmi la quale in vero e tanto bella che arriva alle belle statue antiche 41 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 6 [170] no. 191: rJanuary 16II. ebbia lists: Silla Longo, Ambrogio Bonvicino, iccolo Cordieri, Pietro Bernino, Stefano Maderno, Pompeo Ferruccio, Ippolito Butio, Gio: Antonio Peracha, Francesco Caporale.

42 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172] no. 144, 9 April 1616, Francesco de Baschis writes: "Il Signore Carlo Barbarino dice che il Mocho assolutamente e il migliore di qualsivoglia che sia in Roma et che se lui fosse qua sarebbe il migliore il che sia ... " o.

150, 16 April 1616, Francesco de Baschis clarifies: "Qyanto al Mochi quello che scrissi io a VS lo scrissi accio lei sapesse che qui in Roma hoggi non ci e cosa esquisita non perche si trattasse di fare venire il Mochi quale ero certo che non sarebbe venuto ne la citta."

43 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172] no. 144, 9 April 1616, Francesco de Baschis writes: "ad Ambrogio Bonvicino alias Ambrogino non gli si e parlato per essersi giudicato vano il parlari essendo certissimo che lui non vuole partire de Roma et oltre di questo dice il Castelli che mai ce la finirebbe poiche non so che che ha in mano del Signore Cardinale Borghese ad accomodare non se li e ancora

228

Notes for : The Eternal Art Marietta Cambareri

potuto in non so quanti anni cavare delle mani." o.

158, 7 May 1616, also from Francesco de Baschis: "Io ho molto buone relationi di quel Ambrogino ma oltre che assolutamente non vi puo venire intendo essere huomo assai capriccioso et tanto luncho che la statua non sarebbe finita a giorni nostri per dir . ,, COSl ...

44 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172], no.191, 8 October 1616, Dieussart writes: "Pero non sapendo si ce favore a un piu che a laltro vi daremo satisfatione de i'modello quando seremo sigura desser pagato non facendo lopera car de perdere diece ou dodice giorne .. ." This would put him in Rome earlier than previously known, and would also indicate that he was born earlier than the circa 1600 date currently noted for his birth. See Charles Avery, "Fran<;ois Dieussart" in 'lhe CIJictionary ofc/!rt, edited by Jane Turner (Oxford, 1996).

45 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172], no. 157, 30 April 1616, Francesco de Baschis writes: "Ho parlato con Hipolito Butii il quale molto prontamente mi si e offerto venire a servire la fabricha dichiarandosi con me che lui non ha bisogno di pane et che piu presto vuol servir la fabricha per reputatione che per guadagno ...

Qyesto e il meglio mastro che sia qua ne con il cerchare credo potevamo migliorare poiche per tutto intendo in scoltura al di d'hoggi essere carestia de valenthuomini ... " 46 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172], no. 158, 7 May 1616, Francesco de Baschis writes: "Il Butio fara il modello conforme al desiderio di VS et si fara venire ancora li modelli di quelli giovini ho durato faticha condurre il Butio a fare il modello dicendomi non esser solito con altri che con giovini fare il modello sin tanto non gli e consignato

il marmo allegandomi che il papa et la Camera hanno tenuto con lui questo stile che si fa con gli altri scultori qui in Roma di consignarli prima il marmo et poi di fare i modelli uno dui et tre sin tanto si da sodisfatione et io mi sono informato che con li scultori celebri cosi e' lo stile. Con tutto cio lui fara il modello quale si mandera subito fatto, quale credo da loro altri signori sera preferito a gl'altri perche lui e huomo di piu valore per commune opinione et noi non potemo far meglio che ci servimo de scultori adoprati dalla Camera et del Papa nelle ,, cose sue.

47 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172], no. 172, 30 July 1616, Francesco de Baschis writes: "Qyanto alle qualita' del Bernini io non posso per questo procaccio dame a VS ragualgio solo dirolli per parlare libero con VS et non con altri. Che havendo cerchato io di veder qualche opera del suo in queste chiese il Signor Domenico istesso non mi seppe indicare cosa alcuna d'opera publica si che dunito vi sia qualche affetto particolare dire che intendendo io che il Bernini e huomo vecchio si puo piu tosto credere che il valore in lui sia per languire che per crescere poiche gli scultori et pittori come sonno in una certa eta' piu tosto deteriorano che altrimente. Il Butio io non l'ho per Prassetile ma appresso tutti e qua nominato fra migliori et l'opere sue si possono vedere per tutto et fin horo appre so di me non credo potiamo far meglio elettione poiche Ambrogino non vuole venire che di questo."

48 AOPSM, Lettere, busta 8 [172], no. 181, 12 September 1616, Domenico Cohelli writes: "Che quando potiamo stabilire con Bernino non se cercha altro poiche tra quelli artefici che oggi lavorano se puo mettere alla prima

classe. E persona discreta matura trattabile et ha un figlio si aiuta ingegno rarissimo dalche nascera anche magior speditione dell'opera."

49 See the documents published

by Sebastian Schutze, in Rome 1998, pp. 78-95.

50 Cambareri 1998, pp. 363-64, with documentary references and further bibliography.

51 Cambareri 1998, p. 365, with further bibliography.

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Index

Abascantus, n3 Accademia del Disegno, 142 Adrian VI, 161, I63 Albertus Magnus, 46 Alessi, Galeazzo, 137, 145, I47, I49 Alessi, iccolo, 137 Allegrini, Francesco, IOO Allori, Cristofano, 122 Almeni, Sforza, I2o, 137, 145-47, 149 dell'Altissimo, Cristofano, IOO Altoviti, Bindo, 23ff, 62ff, 82, 83, 87, 93, 96 bust by Cellini, 24, 62ff, 70-79, 99 Altoviti, Clarice Ridolfi, IOO, IOI Altoviti, Giovan Battista, IOI Ammannati, Bartolommeo, 27, 36, I37 Ammirato, Scipione, 83 Anchises, n3 Andrea del Sarto, I24 Anne of Cleves, I57 Antico (Pier Jacopo AlariBonacolsi), 79 Aretino, Pietro, 25, 28-33, 37, I03, I08, n3, n7, 167 Ario to, Ludovico, I03, I07, I08 Aristotle, 46, 47, I08 Attwood, Philip, n6 d'Avalos, Alfonso, 24, 26, 29, 35 d'Avalos, Francesco Ferdinando, 35,36 Baldini, Bernardone, 55-57, 60 Baldinucci, Filippo, I22 Balsimelli, Giulio, 94, 95 Bambaia (Agostino Busti), 38 Bandinelli, Baccio, 28, 34, 63, 141, 168 Barberini, Maffeo, 185 Barga, Pietro Angeli da (Bargeo), 134, 135 Bartoli, Cosimo, 34 Baschis, Francesco de, 182 Bartolommeo, Fra, 124 Belli, Valerio, 32-34, I08 Bellini, Jacopo, I03, I06, n4 Bellini, Giovanni, n8 Bembo, Pietro, 25, 29, 32, 33, noI3, 117 Bernardi, Giovanni, 34 Bernini, Pietro, 180, 182

Bernini, Gianlorenzo, I85 Bianco, Simone, I08 Biliverti, Giovanni, I24 Biringuccio, Vannoccio, 48, 49,54 Bonamico, Lazzaro, lro-13, n6 Bonnat, Leon, I52 Bontemps, Pierre, I64, 165 Bonvicino, Ambrogio, I82 Borghini, Vincenzo, 120-24, 135, 136, 142, I45 Borghini, Raffaelo, I2I, 125, 137, I77 Bottacin, icolo, I02, I04, ro5 Bottonio, Timoteo, I25 Boyle, Robert, I49 Brandani, Federico, 36, 137 Brandani, Francesco, 29 Brandolese, Pietro, n6 Bronzino, Agnolo, 60, 89, I64 Bryaxis, I08 Bucer, Martin, I57 Bulwer, John, 169 Buzi, Ippolito, I82-85 Byam Shaw, James, 122, 124

Caccini, Giovanni, 26, 177-79, 180 Cametti, Bernardino, 185 Cantiuncula, Claude, no Cantiuncula, Hilarius, I09, no Cappello, Bianca, 9I Capponi, Ludovico, I64 Caradosso (Cristoforo Foppa), 52, 53, 57, 58 Caro, Annibale, 93, I36, I37, I45 Casa, Giovanni della, n3 Casa, iccolo della, 168 Castiglione, Baldesar, 25, 60, 156, 168, I69 Cataneo, Danese, 104, 105, no-19 fgzzaro 'Bonamico, no Pietro 'Bembo, n2 Cavino, Giovanni da, 34, 102, 108, n5, n6 Cellini, Benvenuto 'Bindo cAltoviti, 24, 62, 65, 69, 70-79, 99 Cosimo de' Uvledici, 23-25, 62ff medals, 34, 39 :J(ymph oJJ<'ontainebleau, 63, 72 Peace Victorious over J<'u1y, 38,39 Perseus, 24, 31, 38, 41, 63, 69, 71, 72, 76, 80 Charles V, 34-41, 58, 83, 99, 157, 165 Cheke, John, 157, I6o, I67

Christina of Denmark, I65 Cicero, n4 Cicognara, Leopoldo, n5, n6 Circignani, iccolo, 173 Clement VII, 33, 34, 38, 39, 45, 52-56, l4I, 173 Coelli, D omenico, 182 Collobi Ragghianti, Licia, 152 Conforti, Claudia, I29 Contarini, Alessandro, n3 Cooke, Anthony, I6o

Dandi, Giuliano, 122, 147, 150-55 Danti, Egnazio, I35-38, I44-46 Danti, Vincenzo, 25-27, l20ff J<'lagellation of Christ, 124-28 Virgin and Child, 132, I34, I39, I4I, I45 Monument of the Beato Giovanni da Salerno, I48 .(gda, I45, I51-53 '%surrection of Christ, 125, I27, 128 Dieussart, Fra111;:ois, I82 Dodgson, Campbell, I52 Dolce, Lodovico, 46, 47, 50, 51, 60 Domes, Hans, 60 Domitian, n3 Donatello, 38, I68 Doni, Anton Francesco, 108 Doria, Andrea, 32, 34 Dosio, Giovan Antonio, 95, 147, 153, Du Perac, Etienne, 84, 85 Edward VI, I6o Egnazio, Frate, I37 Eleonora ofToldeo, 55 Elizabeth I, 160 Empoli, Jacopo da, I24 Erasmus, no

Farnese, Alessandro, 87, 88, 89, l7I Farne e, Mario, I8o Farnese, Pier Luigi, 32, 38 Farulli, Gregorio, I37 Ferranti, Orazio, 96 Fiorentino, Raffaello, 58 Fontana, Annibale, 24, 29, 35, 36 Foville, Jean de, n6 Fracastoro, Girolmo, 25, 102-5, no, n3-I8 Francavilla, Pietro, 178-80, I84 Franco, icolo, n7 Fregoso, Giana, n8

Frey, Karl, I55 Fugger, Georg, I64 Furlanetto, Guiseppe, 102

Gaddi, Giovanni, 93 Gaddi, iccolo, 88, 9I, 94, 95, IOI Gaio (Giovanni Pietro da Marliano), 57-59 Gambara, Veronica de, 89 Garimberto, Gerolamo, 9I, 93 Ghini, Luca, 9I Giambologna, 94, mo, I44-47, I50, I77, 178, ISO, I85 Giansche, Achille, I22 Gillis, Peter, no Giovanni Franzese, 87 Giovannoli, Alo, 84 Giovio, Paolo, III Giunti, Jacopo, I38 Goffen, Rona, 28 Gonzaga, Federico, I6I, I68 Gonzaga, Giulia, mo Gonzaga, Vespasiano, 35, 36 Granvelle, Antoine Perrenot de, 38 Grunwald, Alois, I29 Gualdo, Girolamo, 33 Heikamp, Detlef, I52 Helmstutler, Kelley, 32 Henry VIII, I57 Heseltine, John Postle, I50, I52 Hoby, Elizabeth, I56, I57, I6o Hoby, Philip, I571 I59 Hoby, Thomas, 25, I56ff Holbein the Younger, Hans, I65, I67

Julius II, I39路 I4I, I44 Julius III, 99, 125 Landi, Costanzo, n5 Lastricati, Zanobi, 9I, IOI Lavin, Irving, I7o Leonardi, Camillo, 46 Leoni, Giovanni Battista, 32 Leoni, Leone, 24, 28ff <.Antonio (jalli, 30, 36 Charles V and :f'i1ry ~strained, 4I (}'V1.ary ojCJ-lungary, 37 medals, 33, 34 Leuti, Pellegrino di, 32 Levi d'Ancona, Mirella, 24, 36 Ligorio, Pirro, 85 Livy, 109, I17

Index

Lombardi, Alfonso, 3I Lombardo, Ludovico, 97, 99, IOO Lombardo, Tullio, 103, 108

Macandrew, Hugh, I52 Maderno, Stefano, 175, I82 Magny, Charles de, I64 Magonio, Vincenzo, I77 Malvito, Giovan Tommaso, I6I, I63 Mantegna, Andrea, 103, 106, 109, no, n5-I8 Marcanova, Giovanni, n8 Maria Angelica, Suor, I36 Maria d'Aragona, 35 Mariani, Cammillo, 175 Mariette, Pierre-Jean, I22, I47 Martelli, Luigi, 89 Martelli, icolo, 89, 9I Medici, Alessandro de', 3I, 82, 83, 85, IOO Medici, Carlo de', 128-29 Medici, Catherine de', 28, 83, 86, 88 Medici, Cosimo de' (duke), 82, 85, 86, 95, I29, I341 I36, I42, I45-47, I55 jewelers and gems, 50-56, 58, 60 bronze bust by Cellini, 23-25, 62ff sculpture by Baccio Bandinelli, I68 Medici, Ferdinando de', 43, 86 Medici, Francesco de', 43, 60, 9I, 94, mo, I45, I46, I78 Medici, Tommaso de', I34 Metsys, OJ,ientin, no Michelangelo, n8ff, I35, I36, I39-47, I5I, I52, I65, I70, I741 I78 'Brutus, 98, mo Middeldorf, Ulrich, 35, 37 Millai , John Everett, I52 Mochi, Francesco, I8o, I8I, I82, I84, I85 Montelupo, Raffaello da, 26, I7I-74 Montorsoli, Giovanni Angelo, 25, 34, I5I, I65 Morigi, Giovanni, 24, 69, 7I, 73, So Morigi, Lorenzo, 24, 69, 7I Mosca, Simone, 17I, I74 Moschino, Francesco, 93, I7I, I731 I741 ISO Moschino, Simone, I8o Muziano, Gerolamo, I73

arni, Galeotto Marzio da, 109 Navagero, Andrea, 25, 102, 104, 106, no, n3-I8 ebbia, Cesare, I73 1 I82 egroli, Filippo, 38 elli, Plautilla, I36, I37 Nero, Tommaso di Agostini del, IOI Niccolini, Giovanni, 95

Olsen, Harold, 36

Pagani, I24 Palamono, Francesco, 95 Palladio, Andrea, n8 Pannonius, Janus, 109, no, n6 Parr, William, I57, I59 Pascoli, Lione, I2I Pascucci, Girolamo, 33 PaulIII,32,34, 56,58,59, 99, I7I Perugino, Vincenzo, I22, I24, 125, I451 I53 Peruzzi, Baldassare, I6r, I63 Philip II, 86, I64, I68 Piccolomini, Silvio, 9I Piombo, Sebastiano del, 83 Pius IV, 86 Planiscig, L eo, 108 Plato, 108 Pliny, 46, 47, 108 Plon, Eugene, 35 Poccetti, Bernardino, 143 Poggini, Domenico, I38, I391 I45 Poliziano, n8 Pollaiuolo, Antonio del, I68 Polidori, Ascanio, I8o Polo, Domenico di, 3I Pontano, Guglielmo, I36, I37 Prato, Francesco di Girolamo da, 3I Praxiteles, n7 Qyerini, Girolamo, n3, n7 Ramusio, Giovan Battista, 102, 103, 108-10, n3-I6, n8 Ramusio, Paolo, n3, n4, n6 Raphael, 23, 26, 32, 62, 82, I4I, 149 Razzi, Serafino, I35-37 Razzi, Silvano, 25, 134ff Renanus, Beatus, no Ricci, Giovanni, 87, 88, 94 Riccio, Agostino del, 94, 95 Riccio, Andrea, 27, 108, 109, n6 Ridolfi, Niccolo, 25, 82ff

Ridolfi, Lorenzo, 25, 82ff Rocchetti, Giacomo, 141 Romanesco, Gasparre, 58 Rossetti, Giovan Battista, n5, n6 Rossi, Vicenzo di, 90, 94, 96, 100 Rovere, Francesco Maria della, 36, 37, 164 Salviati, Antonio, 90 Salviati, Francesco, 82 Salviati, Jacopo, 95 Salviati, Lionardo, 134, 136, 137 Sangaletti, Guglielmo, 155 Sanmicheli, Michele, n8 Sansovino,Jacopo, 29,32,34,36, 93, 151 Santi, Francesco, 121, 146 Scalza, Ippolito, 171, 172, 174-78, 180, 185 Scardeone, Bernardino, 108, n5, n8 Seisenegger, Jakob, 164 Seriocopi, Girolamo, 178 Sidney, Philip, 164 Soderini, Francesco, 25, 82ff Soderini, Giovanvettorio, 25, 82ff Soderini, Paolantonio, 25, 82ff Solinus, 46, 47 Sommaia, Girolamo de, 90 Speroni, Sperone, n3 Spini, Gherardo, 24, 43-48, 50, 51, 54-57 Statius, n3 Strozzi, Beatrice Paolozzi, 24 Strozzi, Fiammetta di Alfonso, 83 Strozzi, Maria di Filippo, 99 Strozzi, Fiero, 83, 100 Strozzi, Ruberto di Filippo, 83, 86, 93 Summers, David, 140

Tanini, Girolamo, 138 Tanteri, Valerio, 122, 124 van Tetrode, Willem, 170 Thirlby, Thomas, 157 Titian, 26, 32, 38, 103, 107, n8, 161, 164, English Gentleman, 26, 166-68 Toderi, Giuseppe, n6 Tolnay, Charles de, 140 Tomacelli, Leonardo, 161, 163 della Torre, Giulio, 109 della Torre, Raimondo, 109 Torrigiani, Pietro, 161 Toti, Fabiano, 177 Tribolo, Niccolo, 91

Vannel, Fiorenza, n6 Varchi, Benedetto, l2off Vasari, Giorgio, 28, 31-36, 38, 63, 82-89, 100, 12off, 171 !Jves ofcArtists, 28, 31, 38 Projectfor a Tomb, 132 Venturi, Adolfo, 23 Verrocchio, Andrea del, 168 Vico, Enea, 108 Vitale, Cecilia, n6 Vittoria, Alessandro, 103, 121

Zikos, Dimitrios, 99 Zuccaro, Federico, 173

2 53

Index

Massimiliano Rossi teaches art history at the Universita del Salento. He wrote

Jg poesia scolpita: 'Danese Cataneo nella Venezia def [inquecento.

Authors

Dimitrios Zikos co-curated the exhibition, 'F..(!,phael, Cellini, and a 'R.f,naissance 'Banker: <Jhe Patronage of'Bindo cAltoviti at the Isabella Stewart

Gardner Museum and the Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence (2003) . With Beatrice Paolozzi Strozzi, he has curated exhibitions at the Bargello on Giambologna (2006) and Bartolomeo Ammannati (2on).

Andrea Bacchi teaches art history at the Universita di Trento. He has organized exhibitions on Alessandro Vittoria (Trento), Bernini portrait sculpture (J. Paul Getty Mu eum and the Museo azionale del Bargello), and Andrea Riccio (Trento).

Denise Allen is curator at the Frick Collection, ew York, where she organized the exhibition, cAndrea 'RJ..,ccio: 'R.f,naissance cJv[aster ofCJ3ronze

(2008-9).

Francesca G. Bewer is research curator at the Harvard Art Museum's Straus Center for Conservation and Technical Studies . Her book, CJ!arvard 's :f'ogg cJv[useum and the emergence of Conservation in cAmerica appeared in 2010. Molly

Mc amara was formerly objects conservator at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum.

Antonia. Bostrom is senior curator of sculpture and decorative arts at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles.

She edited <Jhe :f'ran and P..[!,y Jtark Collection of20th-Century Jculpture at the J. Paul (jetty cJv[useum (2008).

254

Charles Davis has written numerous studies concerning Italian Renaissance sculpture. He is an editor of FO TES: ÂŁ-Sources and Documents for the History of Art, 1350-1750 (www.arthistoricum.net).

Ci nzia. Maria. Sicca. is assistant professor of art history at the Universira of Pisa. She is the editor of'John Talman, cAn carly-cighteenth-Ce11tu1y Connoisseur (2008) .

Marietta. Cambareri is curator of sculpture at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

With Augusto Roca De Amicis, she has published a study of Ippolito Scalza in 2002.

255

Authors

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