Albanian Residential Architecture: A Loss of Identity by gashifitore

ALBANIAN ALBANIAN RESIDENTIAL RESIDENTIAL ARCHITECTURE: A LOSS OF IDENTITY ARCHITECTURE: A LOSS OF IDENTITY

FITORE GASHI SUPERVISOR: SUPERVISOR: FITORE GASHI CRISTINA F. COLOMBO 879995 CRISTINA F. COLOMBO 879995

Politecnico di Milano School of Architecture,Urban Planning, Construction Engineering a.a. 2019/20 Three-year degree in Architectural Design Session of graduation September 2019

ALBANIAN ALBANIAN RESIDENTIAL RESIDENTIAL ARCHITECTURE: A ALOSS ARCHITECTURE: LOSSOF OFIDENTITY IDENTITY

FITORE GASHI 879995

SUPERVISOR: CRISTINA F. COLOMBO

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

Introduction

THE PAST The Albanian City

The Albanian City in its Early Stages

The Spontaneity of Albanian Cities

The Albanian City under Ottoman Rule

The Growth of Cities and Their Effect on the Dwelling

The Bazaar as an Element in the City

Relationship Between the Dwelling and the Terrain

The Albanian Dwelling

The House of Fire Along Two Floors

The Dwelling with a Vestibule (Hajat)

The Dwelling with a Porch (Ă&#x2021;ardak)

The Kosovar Tower

109

The Fortified Dwelling of Gjirokastra

115

The Dwelling with a Nook (Qoshk)

127

Construction Materials Stone

139 143

Wood

147

Clay

151

THE PRESENT Regulations Targeting Heritage

155

1940s

159

1950s

159

1978

163

2001

163

2006

166

2009

166

Architecture Today

181

Overcrowding

185

Blocks

186

Symbols

191

Preservation

194

Functional Boxes

201

Survey

205

Conclusion

211

Bibliography

213

Picture Credits

217

Abstract

The thesis will focus on the Albanian dwelling, in particular its journey through time, from the XV century to present day, in Albania and Kosovo. The initial discussion begins with the Albanian city, as key in understanding the dwellingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development and the relationship between dwellings. A clear comprehension of the Albanian city provides the necessary information in acknowledging the change of the dwelling from a multifunction unit to a purely residential one. Moreover, the houses are addressed in six categories based on crucial compositional elements, arranged in a chronological order, which is particularly useful in visualizing the decreasing weight of spaces reserved for multifunction purposes such as those dedicated for treatment of products or domesticated animals. The study of the dwellings of the past is therefore concluded with an explanation of construction materials and methods. The architecture of today including the treatment of traditional monuments varies greatly between Albania and Kosovo, the clarification of which is examined in the second part of the thesis. One of the main reasons responsible for this great difference, is Kosovoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inclusion in Yugoslavia and the war with Serbia. During the Yugoslavian regime, Kosovo fell prey to the attempts of unifying a region of different ethnicities

and traditions under a common architectural language. In turn, this attacked the nucleus of Prishtina in particular, demolishing the bazaar and many dwellings of cultural value. The dwellings, however, continued to be demolished due to a clear lack of attention of a council of only Serbian members who gave priority to the preservation of Serbian Orthodox Heritage. As a result of these and many other regulations, the cities of Kosovo today are defined by massive unregulated growth where the housing is achieved through tall residential buildings of the communist style, leaving little room for creativity and enhancement of the Albanian architectural identity.

Introduction

When looking at pictures of the past and present, one can notice clear differences in the skyline of Albanian cities and their dwellings. Cities in Albania leave a lot to wish for with the relatively well preserved traditional monuments and dwellings, compared to cities in Kosovo which are now defined by a concerning absence of traditional monuments as well as a clear lack of institutional will in preserving what is left. Remembering the uniform traditions, in particular the typologies of dwellings in both Albania and Kosovo, it is indeed a curious matter as to why these two countries took vastly different paths in the last century. In turn this study will provide one with the knowledge of the difference in architecture between the past and present, as well as the pivoting point in between, serving as a crucial element in understanding the vastly different approach in architecture.

THE PAST

The Albanian City XV - XIX Century

Chapter 1

Introduction The topic which will be covered thoroughly during this study is the traditional and contemporary Albanian dwelling and its characteristics. In order to understand the choices made in the composition of the dwelling, it is crucial to have a clear acknowledgment of Albanian cities and the differences between them. The following chapter will unveil some of the most distinctive features of cities which will serve as tools in understanding the dwellings.

The Albanian City in its Early Stages â&#x20AC;&#x153;In history, the dwelling came before the city and both of them were linked to their core, regarding their compositional attributes, to the socio-economic factors affecting the lifestyle and condition of their inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;?.1 The most important characteristic in determining the transition of a settlement to a city was its geographical position, therefore its ability to be protected and guarded from outer threats. It is this militarystrategic function of the city that determined the development and continuation of cities through time. It is no surprise that the oldest Albanian cities were those built on an acropolis.

The presence of an acropolis was synonymous with a rocky terrain, which resulted in dwellings with an improvised plot, due to the scarcity of land, and therefore experienced a development on a vertical scale (Fig.1). Flat cities, on the other hand, were characterized by a lower density of people and built fabric. The dwellings in such cities were defined by big yards, regular plans and horizontal layout (Fig.2). Climate was yet another factor which greatly influenced the composition of dwellings. The warm temperatures of coastal cities along the Adriatic sea encouraged the inhabitants to have more open spaces in their homes and therefore establish a closer relationship with the outdoors. The dwellings of inner cities however, lacked the open spaces due to their inconvenience during winter. The Albanian territory proved to be an efficient linking bridge between the East and West. This link manifested itself in Via Egnatia, an old road linking DurrĂŤs, a coastal city in Albania, to Constantinople.2 This geographical advantage put Albanian territories in the midst of many trades and businesses which would later influence and benefit the Albanian feudal class. The importance of trade and crafts is also noticeable in the vast spaces allocated for markets in cities, where they were used for production and selling, and in turn were the backbone of every cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy. The study of old Albanian cities is made possible on account of documentation and archaeological traces. This information, however, is unfortunately limited due to numerous attacks with the goal of extermination where the main focus was the destruction of civic centers as a way to erase the history and development of the people. Other aspects, different from the lack of information, which complicate the study of the Albanian city are the lack of criteria set for the development of cities and the lack of planning.

Fig.1. Vertical dwellings on the rocky terrain of Gjirokastra.

Fig.2. Horizontal dwellings on the flat areas of Korรงa.

The Spontaneity of Albanian Cities “The mysterious art of planning a city, different from the art of planning a building, was forgotten before it was possible to be theorized”.3 As a result, most Albanian cities emerged spontaneously with no apparent planning, an example of which is the capital city of Albania, Tirana (Fig.3 and 5). The city of Korça (Fig.4 and 6), distinguished itself in terms of planning, as it was the first city in Albania to adopt the Hippodamus urban plan. The city was among the first in the Balkans to obtain this system of planning which marked a precedent for urban planning and enforcing regulations. Such regulations were written down in the form of statuses, among which the most famous was that of the Albanian city of Shkodra and the only one remaining in its fullest form today. Written in 1469 and found in 1997, it serves as a powerful expression during Venetian Castle Rule and provided Castle and insightful knowledge about the life and rule of Shkodra Castle Theater/ Museum Theater/the Museum Castle It demonstrates Albanian citiesTheater/ throughout the country. Museum Educational Facilities presence of courts and describes the relations of Shkodra Theater/ Museum Educational Facilities Castle Educational Facilities Shopping Mall 4 and Albania in its entirety, with the neighboring countries Shopping. Mall Theater/ Museum Educational Facilities Castle Shopping Mall Governmental Institutions

Castle Castle

Theater/ Museum Theater/Museum

Educational Facilities Educational Facilities Governmental Institutions

Shopping Mall Mall Shopping Religious Institutions

Governmental Institutions Governmental Institutions

Theater/ MuseumEducational Facilities

Shopping Mall Religious Institutions Religious Institutions

Governmental Institutions Street Morphology Street Morphology

Religious Institutions

Educational Facilities Shopping Mall

Governmental Institutions Street Morphology

Religious Institutions

Street Morphology

Shopping Mall Governmental Institutions

Religious Institutions

Street Morphology

Governmental Institutions Religious Institutions

Street Morphology

Street Morphology Religious Institutions Street Morphology

Fig.3. Map of Tirana showing the spontaneous street distribution and important monuments.

Fig.4. Map of Korรงa showing the application of the Hippodamus plan.

Fig.5. Top view of Tirana, showing the spontaneous plan of the city.

Fig.6. Top view of Korรงa, showing the rational plan of the city.

Regarding architecture and planning, the Status of Shkodra supports the extensive use of stone and wood as main building materials, and the occasional use of straw to cover the roofs. In addition, an important aspect to be mentioned is the regulation targeting the opening of doors, windows and rebuilding of dwellings. These regulations are of particular importance as they emphasize the initial attempts at planning the city and its units despite the fact that Albanian cities were inherently spontaneous.5 Another important set of regulations was the â&#x20AC;&#x153;building handbookâ&#x20AC;? which provided insight on functional zoning, street network, the relationship between the urban space and the buildings, orientation, number of floors, etc. As such, these rules were mostly applied to dwellings. The city, however, was not able to adapt to all of these regulations, as changing its structure would bring about economic damage. Hence, this is the main reason why many urban plans traced during the Renaissance period, targeting a more rational development of Albanian cities remained just Utopian maps designed on paper and were never realized.6

The Albanian City under Ottoman Rule Among others, the Ottoman Empire targeted Albanian cities due to their strategic positions. The Albanian territory fell under Ottoman occupation after the death of the Albanian national hero, Skenderbeu. While acknowledging the importance of ownership of land, the Ottoman rule crafted the system of timar. This system drastically hurt the Albanian economy and stripped the Albanian feudal class off of their lands, and ensured that all land belongs to the sultan. In doing so, it formed a centralized power in which the Empire

had the final say regarding the use of land. Therefore, the land which was deemed fit for agricultural use was treated as such. This was especially the case in villages, where the people had to cultivate the land and were generally not allowed to buy or sell property. In times when a worker wanted to sell his house, permission had to be requested by an official of the Ottoman Empire, who functioned as a supervisor. In rare cases, the permission was granted under the condition that the one who bought the land should have cultivated it and fulfilled the requirements of the sultan, as well as pay a tax to the Ottoman supervisor.7 This phenomenon forced Albanian towns to part ways with other European cities which began improving and developing. The pressure on Albanians and the inability to decide about their own properties led many persons to migrate, abandoning their properties and heritage behind.

The Growth of Cities and their Effect on the Dwelling The Ottoman interference in the economy of cities temporarily stopped the growth of urban areas outside the fortification walls, however, the process continued under the new and improved conditions. As a consequence, the open city became synonymous with the Albanian city and continuous neighborhoods started to emerge outside the fortification walls, whereas the neighborhoods inside the fortification walls, once the city itself, started to be treated as secondary. With the development of the city certain aspects arose, such as the selection of land to erect the dwelling, security and density of dwellings.8 The cities of the mentioned time share a common function, the clear prevalence of residential buildings over other

Kosovo

30 Berat lbania Elbasan

rokastra Janinë Shkodra Gjakova osovo Peja Prishtina Prizren

Berat Elbasan Gjirokastra Janinë Shkodra Gjakova Peja2500 Prishtina Prizren2000

Peja Prishtina Prizren 0

5000

10000

0 5000 10000 15000 20000 1500 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 0 10000 15000 20000 25000 15000 20000 25000 1000

500

00 0

1431 1501 1570 1650

15000

25000

Berat 1501 1570 Berat Gjirokastra Berat Gjirokastra Peja Fig.7. Chart comparing the number centers. Gjirokastra Pejaof dwellings of four civic Shkodra Peja Shkodra Shkodra typologies. Their growth is best shown through the increasing number of dwellings (Fig.7) as well as a comparison of the population of the most important civic centers in Albania and 1501 1570 1650 Kosovo (Fig.8). 1570 1650 1650 1431

BeratBerat Berat Elbasan Elbasan Albania Albania Gjirokastra Elbasan Gjirokastra Albania Gjirokastra Janinë Janinë Janinë Shkodra Shkodra Shkodra Gjakova Gjakova Gjakova Peja Kosovo Peja Kosovo Peja Prishtina Kosovo Prishtina Prishtina Prizren Prizren Prizren 0

20000

Berat Gjirokastra 1650 Peja Shkodra

20000 25000 0 5000500010000 1000015000 15000 20000 25000 20000 25000

Fig.8. Chart comparing0the population civic centers. 5000 of eight 10000 15000

25002500 2500 20002000

erat

In the early stages the Albanian city was undergoing little development and was characterized by a lack of institutions and most importantly a lack of artisanal centers, as a result we see a reflection of these activities embodied in the dwelling.9 The following diagram illustrates plans of three types of Multifunctional dwellings, 1. the simplest and earliest example, house of fire Residential 2. the more developed, house with a vestibule 3. the most developed and latest example, the house with a nook The blue represents the spaces allocated for the treatment of products and raw materials, which got smaller through time as they were replaced by adequate spaces in the market inside the city. The purple, however, illustrates the spaces solely for residential use which by the end of the XIX century Multifunctional as seen on the third illustration make up the whole dwelling. Throughout time the urban changes were reflected on the Residential residential unit, as an addition in the first meant a reduction in the latter.

Multifunctional 1 Residential

2 Multifunctional

Fig.9. Plans of three types of dwellings, demonstrating the change towards purely residential functions. Residential

The guest room, however, has a deeper story behind it. Having a guest room inside the house was in part due to a lack of proper meeting places within the city, but it also has to do with the position of the guest in the Albanian culture. â&#x20AC;&#x153;The house belongs to the guestâ&#x20AC;?, is a saying most Albanians have heard of at least once, and the reason the guest is valued in an Albanian household. Due to this mentality, every Albanian home had a guest room, as it was always an option that you would be receiving guests during the day. This was the case for most households, however, when considering feudal families who were active in the political spectrum and decision-making processes, the presence of a guest room suddenly received more weight as it carried the function of hosting important meetings that would later contribute to the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s political situation. Therefore, focusing on a chronological order, one can notice the shift of the dwelling from a multi-function space to a purely residential one.

Fig.10. Painting showing the bazaar of Vlora.

The Bazaar as an Element in the City The bazaar, organized on both sides of the street, was the place where both the production and the selling took place (Fig.10). A development in the bazaar meant a development in the city, which would soon be characterized by diffused trade and artisanal work. For the first time, the Albanian city included buildings that were especially constructed to house traders from the village. They were often erected in the periphery of the bazaar at strategic points where the flux of people took place. Moreover, the shops were usually owned by religious institutions, feudal families and generally the upper class, leaving the actual tradesmen and craftsmen with very few shops of their own.10 In terms of their typology, the shops were built in rows with strict divisions based on the materials and products they offered.

Fig.11. Picture, showing the distribution of the bazaar in Prishtina.

Fig.12. Picture, showing the bazaar of Vlora.

Fig.13. Albanian men selling their products in the bazaar of Tirana.

Fig.14. Picture, showing the bazaar of DurrĂŤs.

Relationship Between the Dwelling and the Terrain

Fig.15. Illustrations, showing the narrow streets of Berat.

In the Albanian city of the XV-XIX centuries, there were mainly three categories of streets, main roads, secondary roads and tertiary roads. Main roads included the transit roads that connected inhabited centers with each other and with the main bazaar, they were usually less chaotic in their layout with very few turns. Secondary roads, made up the largest group and provided a good circulation around the city. Tertiary roads, on the other hand, were branches from the first two categories which ended in the front entrances of the dwellings of the city.11 Oddly enough, the less chaotic streets were in steep

terrains as they needed to follow the contour lines of the hills. They were also much narrower due to scarcity of land in those areas. In flat areas, however, the streets were chaotic with many turns, most likely due to the random locations of dwellings. In addition to being less chaotic, the streets of steep areas were also more dynamic and interesting than those of flat areas. This is due to scarcity of land and as a result having most dwellings overlook the street (Fig.15), different from flat areas which were generally characterized by a low density of dwellings with big yards and usually no connection with the street. This is of importance due to the fact that steeper terrains were meant for lower income people, yet they resulted in the more interesting outcome. Certain cities such as, Gjirokastra,

Fig.16 and 17. The determined orientations of dwellings

Kruja, Shkodra, Berat, etc, are characterized by steep terrains where the dwellings and other buildings in the city form a dynamic and picturesque layout offering constantly various views and arrangements. The impact of the terrain is visible especially in Berat and Gjirokastra where the dwellings have a determined orientation (Fig.16 and 17). The houses are

Fig.18. Dwelling with a direct relationship to the street.

generally organized in rows following the morphology of the terrain, whereas the dwellings can be seen respecting a somewhat strict orientation regarding their main facades. The connection of the dwellings to the street is also linked to the social class of the owner. A direct relationship with the street was reserved for people of the lower class with dwellings on steep terrains (Fig.18), whereas the homes of middle class (Fig.19) or wealthy individuals (Fig.20) had little to no connection with the street and were generally erected on flat land.

Fig.19. Dwelling with a minor relationship to the street through a blind wall.

Fig.20. Dwelling with no relationship to the street.

Berat Mostly known for its steep terrain determining the orientation of the dwellings, it is referred by the locals as â&#x20AC;&#x153;the city of 1001 windowsâ&#x20AC;?.12 In regards to the economy ,most of the locals were craftsmen, whereas the others dealt with farming.

Gjirokastra â&#x20AC;&#x153;The top of one house might graze the foundation of another, and it was surely the only place in the world where if you slipped and fell on the street you might well land on the roof of a house...â&#x20AC;?.13 In terms of dwellings it is most commonly known for the fortified dwelling, a type which resulted as a consequence of the internal feuding and the overall threat of the Ottoman Empire. The economy of the city was 84% run by agriculture, whereas the smaller group were craftsmen.

Korça It is identified by a flat terrain and remains the only city in Albania where the dwelling with a nook can be found. Korça’s economy has its foundation on agriculture, and is the only Albanian city in which the Hippodamus plan was applied to its urban structure.

Tirana Announced to be the capital of Albania in 1920, it was home to the simplest type of dwelling, the house of fire, which despite the interior spaces it had open spaces allocated for the treatment of raw materials and products. The choice of the dwelling is explained due to the agriculture economy in the city, whereas the low density of houses, enabled the inhabitants to have big yards.

Elbasan The high density of dwellings inside the fortification walls resulted in smaller spaces occupied by the inhabitants. The geography of the city allowed the construction of horizontal dwellings, in particular the dwellings with a vestibule outside the surrounding walls. This type of housing was preferred in part due to the strong influence of agriculture in the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy. Another important characteristic of the city was the frequent flooding which pushed the inhabitants to elevate the ground floors of their dwellings by approximately 50cm.

Prizren The open city of Prizren is identified by its river, Lumbardhi, which acts as a strong compositional axis in the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban expansion. The economy was highly influenced by agriculture but also trade, as the city was a strategic point for the movement of people throughout the Balkans. In terms of the dwellings, the dwelling with a porch can be found in many parts of the city.

Prishtina The flat areas of Prishtina enabled the construction of big houses encompassed with yards. The most common dwelling found in the city is the dwelling with a nook due to the cold temperatures of winter and the inconvenience of having large open spaces.

notes 1 Emin Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare Shek. XV-XIX [The Civic Albanian City and Dwelling of the XV-XIX Century] (Tirana: Dita 2000, 2009), 15. 2 IntoAlbania, IntoAlbania, https://www.intoalbania. com/attraction/via-egnatia-itinerary/ (accessed July 15, 2019). 3 Leonardo Benevolo, Histoire de la ville [ History of the city] (Paris: Edition Parantheses, 1995), 8. 4 EuroEmigrant, Fjala e LirĂŤ, August 27, 2016,https:// fjala.info/statutet-e-shkodres-historia/ (accessed July 21, 2019). 5 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 20. 6 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 21 7 Shqiperia.com, https://www.shqiperia.com/ Rrjedhimet-e-sistemit-te-timarit.146 (accessed July 4, 2019). 8 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 48-9. 9 Emin Riza, Banesa Popullore Shqiptare [ The Traditional Albanian Dwelling] (Tirana: KRISTALINA- KH, 2010), 25. 10 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 54. 11 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 73 12 MadameMapo.al, Madame, June 1, 2018, http:// madame.gazetamapo.al/qyteti-i-1001-dritareve/ (accessed July 7, 2019).

The Albanian Dwelling XV - XIX Century

Chapter 2

Introduction The previous chapter revealed the Albanian cities from antiquity to the XIX century, and highlighted the economic, social, geographic and political aspects of each. In turn, this chapter will explain how all these aspects work together to influence the type of dwelling, through determining its relationship to the street, overall layout, plot size and character. While keeping the characteristics of cities in mind, it will be apparent that flat cities were home to horizontal dwellings of one or two floors with big yards, whereas cities built on accidental land were defined by vertical dwellings which sometimes reached up to four floors and due to their limited plot size overlooked the street. In addition, the dwellings reflected the economy of cities, as the ones located in cities where agriculture was the main practice had spaces allocated for the treatment and processing of products. Other dwellings, reflected the political aspect and turmoil in the cities they were located in through their defensive and isolating nature. Whereas the social status of the inhabitants is seen in the decorative treatment of the dwelling and its

location, as the lower class generally built their homes on accidental land because the flat areas were reserved for wealthier people. This chapter, will discuss the Albanian dwelling as the most honest unit to represent the Albanian lifestyle through centuries. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Every building inside the yard is attached to the dwelling, because it is under its shadow.â&#x20AC;?14 Following this statement the chapter will focus on the units inside the surrounding walls which includes the residence itself and any other auxiliary building. Therefore, in order to fairly discuss the development of the Albanian dwelling through the XV to the XIX century, the chapter will reveal six typologies and highlight their most distinctive features. Along with this analysis, it will become apparent how the house changed through time to become a purely residential unit, different from its multi-functional nature in the early times. Despite the differences in composition, the two spaces which are the most common in the Albanian dwelling are the fire room, where the food was made, and the guest room (Fig.21).

Fig.21. Guest room in Peja.

Interior spaces of a traditional dwelling, now functioning as Pejaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Ethnological Museum.

Fig.22. Typical furniture in a room.

Fig.23. Wall drawers as the main furniture.

Classification of Dwellings The classification of dwellings (Fig.24) is made possible by analyzing their most definitive features, which play an important role in the composition and function of the house as a whole. As a result four out of the six dwelling types will be classified based on a core element in their design. These core elements are the fire room, vestibule (hajat), porch (cardak) and nook (qoshk) respectively, as they are crucial elements in the composition of the dwelling by serving as spaces on their own and having interconnecting functions. The last two types of residential buildings are defined by their defensive character, which determines the material chosen, the connections between floors and even the functional separation between them.15 By choosing this method of classification and analyzing the dwellings in chronological order, one will notice the differences in composition from one type to the other as the demands of the inhabitants increased through time.16 Throughout our analysis the hierarchy that will be used for each typology will be that of type, variant and sub-variant. Before showcasing the different dwellings it is important to note that each type experienced a peculiar distribution throughout Albania and Kosovo. Tirana is the main distribution center of the house of fire, just as Gjirokastra is the main city where we notice the fortified dwelling and on a larger scale the tower is usually only encountered in Kosovar cities. The dwellings with a vestibule, porch and nook on the other hand were more popular as they have a much larger distribution area. In addition the dwellings such as the house of fire, the one with the porch and vestibule predate the occupation of the Albanian territory by the Ottoman Empire, whereas the fortified dwelling of Gjirokastra, the tower and the dwelling with a nook appeared later, the last two dating from the XVIII â&#x20AC;&#x201C; XIX century.

Albanian

House of Fire

Dwelling with a Vestibule

Dwelling with a Porch

House of Fire with Spaces on One Side

The Vestibule Along the Whole Front

The Porch Along the Whole Front

House of Fire with Spaces on Two Sides

House of Fire with Spaces on Three Sides

The Vestibule in the Center

The Vestibule on the Side

Open Vestibule Closed Vestibule Open Vestibule Closed Vestibule

The Porch in the Center

The Porch on the Side

House of Fire with Fire Room in the Center

Fig.24. Chart showing the classification of dwellings through the type, variant, sub-variant hierarchy.

Open Porch Closed Porch Open Porch Closed Porch

Dwelling

Fortified Dwelling of Gjirokastra

Perpendicular

With One Wing

Two Storeys Three Storeys

Tower

Dwelling with a Nook

With an Open Nook

Ground Floor First Floor

With a Closed Nook

With Two Wings

Type Variant Sub-Variant

Tirana Kavaja

The House of Fire Along Two Floors The fire room or the room of bread is the most definitive space of the dwelling, hosting a variety of activities such as cooking, eating, sleeping and in the dwellingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most simplified version, functioning independently as the dwelling itself.17

Introduction This type of dwelling, typically found in Tirana, is characterized by its originality and its primitive nature, alongside the simple and regular volumetric forms, relatively large proportions and the simplicity of compositional solutions.18 The cases which will be presented are most likely to date around the XVIII and the XIX centuries, after which the house of fire comes to an end as its composition no longer suits the growing Albanian family and the changing economic and social situation of the city. During the time it was built, it was reserved to middle class families whose income depended on agriculture and livestock.

Organization

In terms of its position regarding the plot of land, it is usually characterized by a big yard and finds its place in the center, where the orientation is decided based on the direction of the main entrance and the sun. It usually established no connection with the street, except in rare cases when the only connection between the two was a blind wall. The type of the house of fire branched out in four variants due to the differences in composition. The variants are, the house of fire with spaces on one side, two sides, three sides and the house of fire with the fire room in the center. This addition of spaces around the fire room appeared as a consequence of the

growing family. The fire room was usually square shaped with an area of 25-30m2 and a height of 3.55m. The fireplace, serving as the core element in the fire room, determined the height of the space as well as the lack of ceiling which allowed Mafil the smoke out of the Fig.27. Perspective showing mafil. room (Fig.25). The fire room (Fig.26) is characterized by minimal openings and wall drawers achieved through excavation.19 An important element in the room, which resulted due to an increase in the family size is the mafil, which functioned as an internal balcony and was used for sleeping (Fig.27). When additional rooms started to be constructed, the mafil was used as a connecting element and quickly lost its initial function.

Fig.25. Interior view of the spaces of the house of fire.

Fig.26. Interior view of the fire room.

Fire Room

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Fire Room

Porch

First Floor 0m

The House of Fire, Tirana This dwelling is an example of the simplest variant of the type, because the fire room is the dwelling itself with a height of 4.5m. In addition, it is characterized by a relatively large area for the vestibule and porch, which were most likely planned with an intention of hosting more rooms in the future. The connection of both floors is made possible through the external staircase.

Fire Room

Storage

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Guest Room Fire Room

Porch

First Floor

The House of Fire with Spaces on One Side, Tirana This case presents the house of fire with spaces on one side, both of which are organized against one wall of the fire room due to its height. The storage has one access point, whereas the guest room has two, an internal connection through the mafil and an external one leading to the porch. The logic and functionality of this layout is used throughout the different variants even though the complexity rises through time.

Fire Room

Storage

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Porch

Guest Room

Fire Room

First Floor 0m

The House of Fire with Spaces on Two Sides, Tirana The variant of the house of fire with spaces on two sides marks a noticeable difference, as the vestibule and porch are positioned opposite from each other. In regard to the connection, a similar solution is applied as the guest room is the only one with two connections, an internal one for the inhabitants of the dwelling and an external meant for the guests.

Fire Room

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Fire Room

Porch

First Floor

The House of Fire with Spaces on Three Sides, Tirana The dwelling mentioned is characterized by rooms on three sides arranged in a symmetrical plan. Different from the simpler examples of the type, this dwelling shows a different treatment of the staircases leading to the adjacent spaces on the upper floor, as they are placed on the sides and not inside the fire room as it was the common practice. The staircases led to a transition space equipped with wall drawers and fixed furniture.

Fire Room

Mafil

First Floor

The House of Fire with the Fire Room in the Center, Tirana This next dwelling shows the most advanced variant of the type, the house of fire with the fire room in the center. The connection of the house of fire to the spaces of the first floor is easily executed through the long mafil which is reachable by a pair of stairs. The second pair of stairs allows access to the spaces sharing the wall of the fireplace, however this time there is no mafil serving as a transition space due to its inconvenience to be built on top of the fireplace.

Gjakova

Tirana Kavaja Elbasan

The Dwelling with a Vestibule (Hajat) The vestibule is the key element that connects the indoor spaces with the outside and is the area in which all family activities are carried out during warm weather.

Introduction Regarding the distribution, the type is mostly found in Central Albanian cities due to their economy and terrain. The agriculture economy encouraged dwellings with outdoor spaces due to a need of processing raw materials, whereas the flat terrain of cities allowed for large spaces arranged in a horizontal layout.20

Organization

Functionally, the dwelling is separated in two parts, that of winter and of summer. During winter, the vestibule provides a connection to the outside and is the space in which raw materials are processed, whereas during summer, the vestibuleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s functions increase as it becomes the main space for eating, relaxing, welcoming guests and even sleeping. The vestibule is usually enclosed by walls on the two sides, where a sofa, elevated podium, is situated.21 The sofa allows for a more comfortable stay and is surrounded by balustrades and characterized by wall drawers, further emphasizing the role of the vestibule in the daily life of the inhabitants. The dwelling with the vestibule has three variants, that with the vestibule in the center, side and throughout the whole front. Both the variants of the dwelling with the vestibule in the center and the side are branched out in two sub-variants each, where the vestibule is open or closed.

Sanitary Spaces

Living Spaces

Vestibule

1.3

Range of ratios of the functional strips in Kavaja (a,b) and Elbasan (c,d)

Sanitary Spaces

Living Spaces

2.7

Vestibule

2.5

Sanitary Spaces

Living Spaces

3.6

Vestibule

Sanitary Spaces

Living Spaces

Vestibule

2.8

Fig.28. Chart explaining the ratios of the three functional strips.

In terms of composition it is characterized by three functional strips, the vestibule in the front, the bedrooms and living area in the center and the auxiliary spaces such as bathrooms or storage units in the back. Depending on the cities, these strips have different proportions. The example illustrates the range of proportions in Kavaja and Elbasan (Fig.28). It is usually organized in one floor and is distinguished by its horizontal layout and a lack of relationship to the street as it is surrounded by walls and does not overlook the road (Fig.30).22

Fig.29. Interior view of the fire room.

Fig.30. Perspective of the dwelling with a vestibule and its yard.

Sanitary Space

Fire Room

Guest Room

Vestibule

Sofa

Ground Floor

Dwelling with a Vestibule on the Whole Front, Elbasan The dwelling with the fire room and the guest room, represents the most typical dwelling with the vestibule among middle class families. An important factor to notice here is the size of the vestibule equaling the size of the living unit of the dwelling, showing its clear importance in the activities of the users. On one side of the vestibule there is an elevated platform or a sofa which is covered in wooden planks and represents a good summer living space. The entire dwelling is elevated by 40 cm, due to a risk of flooding.

Sanitary Space

Bedroom

Sofa

Fire Room

Bedroom

Vestibule

Sofa

Guest Room

Ground Floor

Dwelling with an Open Vestibule in the Center, Kavaja This is a two family home, defined by its strictly symmetrical layout which is a common practice throughout the type with the vestibule. The vestibule functions in a similar way to the typical one across the whole front, although here it is closed off on the sides by sanitary spaces which correspond to the guest rooms.

Bathroom

Bedroom

Fire Room

Vestibule Guest Room Sofa

Ground Floor

Dwelling with a Closed Vestibule in the Center, Gjakova The dwelling is elevated by 60 cm, whereas different from other cases it shows a space below the ground floor, the access to which is possible through the door outside. Although following the general layout, the dwelling shows protrusions from the body in attempt to increase the interior space. Such attempts can be seen with the bathroom in the back, the sanitary space on the side adjacent to the guest room, and the sofa of the hajat together with the guest room.

Underground Floor

Bathroom Bedroom

Fire Room

Vestibule

Guest Room

Ground Floor

Dwelling with a Closed Vestibule on the Side, Gjakova The following shows an example where two spaces have been constructed under the ground floor, both of which are uninhabitable and most likely function as storage units. An important element to mention is the strong illumination in the vestibule, which is very clearly divided in the circulation and relaxation parts. The openings in the vestibule result as a consequence of the people not wanting to break away from the main connection the vestibule has with nature.

Bedroom

Fire Room

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Guest Room

Porch

Ground Floor

Dwelling with an Open Vestibule on the Side, Elbasan The dwelling shows an added room on the first floor, which functions as a guest room, and is accessed through a pair of internal stairs which lead to a porch. The other spaces include the fire room and bedrooms.

Prishtina Lipjan Gjakova Shkodra

Prizren

Kruja

Elbasan

Berat Korรงa

The Dwelling With a Porch (Ă&#x2021;ardak) The term Ă§ardak originates from ancient Persian, meaning five pillars.23 It is the main element of this dwelling playing a crucial functional and compositional role. It can be divided in two parts regarding its function, as the largest area is the active one used for circulation, whereas the second part, on the sides, is reserved for relaxation and eating and is commonly referred to as the sofa.24 As a space it is often accompanied by the vestibule on the ground floor of the dwelling, however, it can also stand alone.25

Introduction The dwelling with the porch is among the most standard and yet one of the most developed examples of open dwellings in the late middle-ages across Albanian cities. Due to its wide distribution and use, the dwelling was subjected to many changes and expansions, now classified in its variants. Its first and simplest variant is the dwelling with the porch throughout the entire front, followed by the second and third variants of the dwelling with the porch on the side and the center, respectively. The Ă§ardak in its first stages, the first and somewhat the second variant, played an important role in the life of the inhabitants, as it was the space in which agricultural products were treated, craftsmanship was exercised and in some cases in Shkodra it was the space in which silkworm was processed. However, as the dwelling advanced and new variants led the way, the porch lost its primary function and its center became a circulation point and the sides were often elevated to enable comfortable seating. Its fundamental role in the dwelling shows a great appreciation for outdoor living, which in many Albanian cities, due to the climate, was possible throughout most of the year. In many cities in Kosovo, however, the porch

was closed later on due to harsh winters and a need for a larger indoor space. It is of prime interest to highlight that even when the porch was closed, the envelope had many windows to ensure a similar relationship to the outside as before.

Organization The dwelling with the porch is symbolized by a horizontal layout (Fig.31), broken by the vertical wooden pillars and is commonly found in flat areas such as Shkodra, the field areas of Berat and in many cities in Kosovo.26 Just like the dwelling with the vestibule, this too has only one main faรงade which is oriented towards the sun and lacks a direct relationship with the street. The dwelling is organized in two floors, where the functional separation of the two results in the ground floor not being residential. The composition is repeated in both floors, where the ground floor has fewer separating walls. Its expansive composition highlights the รงardak as the main element having different functions alongside that of circulation. Regarding the proportions, the indoor spaces are made considering the dimension of the most important room, the house of fire, the dimension of which provides the module for the other spaces (Fig.32).

Fig.31. Illustration of a dwelling with a porch.

400

200

160

400

200

400

160

The module is a=400cm

5/2a

1/2a

3/4a

160

400

Fig.32. Illustration showing the module used in plan and elevation.

250

Summer Kitchen

Ground Floor

Bedroom

Fire Room

Guest House

Porch Sofa

First Floor

The Dwelling with the Porch on the Whole Front, Shkodra The dwelling represents one of the most advanced of the variant with the porch on the whole front. The spaces of both floors are distributed on top of each other and the two floors are connected through monumental stairs situated inside the open areas of the dwelling. It is of importance to highlight the better and careful treatment of the guest room in comparison to the other two.

100

Fire Room

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Fire Room

Porch

Guest Room

First Floor

101

The Dwelling with the Open Porch on the Side, Prizren The dwelling shows the broken volume of one of its wings due to a need for a larger interior space. Both floors have an almost identical composition, where the connection between them is made possible through an internal staircase. In comparison to the previous dwelling, this one is characterized by a 40 cm elevated ground floor.

102

Fire Room

Guest Room

Vestibule

Ground Floor

Porch

Sofa

First Floor

103

The Dwelling with the Closed Porch on the Side, Gjakova The connection of both floors, which share the same composition, is made possible through external stairs. The porch on the first floor has the sofa on the side where as the two protrusions on the far ends of the porch are small spaces used to wash your hands. An important achievement of the time is the heating installation and the washroom inside the two rooms of the house, excluding the fire room.

104

Fire Room

Porch Guest Room

Guest Room Sofa

Sofa

First Floor

105

The Dwelling with the Open Porch on the Center, Berat The strictly symmetrical composition hints at the possibility that the dwelling belonged to two families. The spaces of the dwelling encompass the รงardak on three sides, giving it mostly the function of circulation.

106

Portico

Ground Floor

Portico

Fire Room

Sofa

Guest Room

Sofa

Guest Room

First Floor

107

The Dwelling with the Closed Porch on the Center, Berat The dwelling represents the most refined version of the variant and the dwelling with the porch in its entirety. The differences in plan are the detached back spaces from the front wings, the area between which creates two isolated sofas, and the portico on the back of the dwelling. Due to the sloping terrain, the right wing of the dwelling has three floors, the ground floor of which has a water reservoir.

108 Mitrovica

Peja Lipjan Gjakova

109

The Kosovar Tower The dwelling, constructed in stone, gets its name due to its defensive nature, of two, three and rarely four floors with minimal windows and equipped with embrasures for firearms.27

Introduction The type of the tower first arose in villages and afterwards in cities in Kosovo.28 It is a late occurrence as it dates back to the second half of the XIX century. It was mostly built to serve as a guest house by families who were involved in the political life of the country. Unlike other types of dwellings, the Kosovar tower did not branch out in variants but rather stayed the same throughout its use. The captivating look of the dwelling, as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;strong houseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; seems to be the main reason of its distribution throughout cities in Kosovo.

Organization

The floors of the tower have strict separated functions, where the simplest of them were characterized by only one space on each floor. It is important to mention that the cities did not add significant changes to the composition of the tower. The tower of the city was simply an adaptation of the tower of the village.

110

Ground Floor

Guest Room

Bathroom

First Floor 0m

111

Tower nr.1, Peja Built in 1884, the tower has two entrances, one on the ground floor, which has no connection to the floors above, and the other on the first floor, accessed through an external set of stairs which lead to a circulation area inside. The composition is repeated on the second floor accessed through internal stairs on the first floor, where the only difference is marked by a narrow space functioning as the sanitary area.

112

Bedroom

Bathroom

Bedroom

First Floor

Second Floor

113

Tower nr.2, Peja The following tower is the most developed of its type and has a direct relationship with the outside, as its main faรงade and entrance overlook the street. Its main entrance leads to the ground floor which hosts a pair of staircases to the first floor and a door leading to the yard. Both the first and second floor are similar in composition with little to no furniture or internal decoration. Different from other towers where the lighting increases with the floors, this dwelling has a consistent number of openings on each floor.

114

Gjirokastra

115

The Fortified Dwelling of Gjirokastra The characteristic which defines this dwelling most strongly is its defensive nature.

Introduction In terms of distribution, the fortified dwelling is almost exclusively found in Gjirokastra, with some exceptions in southern Albanian cities of Delvina and Libohova. The type of dwelling is characterized by its defensive nature which is a result of the political situation in the city of Gjirokatra. Various tower housings were present in Albanian cities since the Roman times, however this housing typology became common during the rule of the Ottoman Empire due to increased hostilities. In addition to internal conflicts, the city was a point of interest for local and foreign rulers and as such â&#x20AC;&#x153;defense concerns guided the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s morphology and building typology until the collapse of the Ottoman empireâ&#x20AC;?29, after which the construction of the fortified dwelling came to an end.

Organization

Although built on accidental land and as a result having a determined orientation, the fortified dwelling of Gjirokastra always has one, two and rarely three yards.30 The yard is surrounded by tall, strong walls and often two heavy gates, the first one of the latter takes you to a small yard whereas the second, placed in such a way to not be seen from the street, takes you to the second yard. Understanding the defensive nature of the dwelling itself, explains the placement of the second entrance and the presence of embrasures in the surrounding walls as a way to further increase the security.

116

Often times, auxiliary buildings, named odajashta, were situated in the yard or yards of the fortified dwelling (Fig.33 and 34).31 In the case of two or more yards, the odajashta is situated on the first. In composition it is a highly simplified version of the fortified dwelling itself with usually two floors, whereas its function is determined by the social and financial status of the owner. Its functions include but are not limited to hosting distant guests, servants or guards. The additional auxiliary building developed solely on the ground floor, serves as a summer kitchen and is placed in close proximity to the dwelling due to its functional significance to the latter. In terms of its composition, the dwelling branches out in three variants, the perpendicular, one wing and two wings. Throughout these variants, the dwelling was most commonly organized in three floors, where the ground floor was constructed in stone and had few openings to ensure security.32 The functions were organized in a vertical hierarchy where the ground floor was uninhabitable and served as the space to house livestock, store food reserves, rainwater and oftentimes a mill, with the goal of self-sufficiency for a long period of time. The upper floors received more light and included the living and dining areas for both the family and the guests. The perpendicular variant was organized in half a floor, two floors and three floors and was the simplest of the three variants and as a result belonged to the low and middle class of the city, and was often the odajashta of the wealthier families.

Fig.33. Illustration of an odajashta (auxiliary building).

117

Ground Floor

First Floor

Fig.34. Illustration of two different types of auxiliary buildings used.

118 Livestock Shelter

Water Reserve

Ground Floor

Fire Room

Bathroom

Guest Room

First Floor

Guest Room

Fire Room

Livestock

Water Reserve

Section 4m

119

The Perpendicular Fortified Dwelling with Two Floors, Gjirokastra Due to the terrain the dwelling has a stepped volume, as the upper floor is partially on the ground level. The main entrance is on the side and opens to a transition space which is used solely for circulation. It is of important notice to mention the size difference and the presence of furniture of the guest room in comparison to the other spaces of the dwelling.

120

Water Reserve

Livestock Shelter

Ground Floor

Guest Room

First Floor

121

The Perpendicular Fortified Dwelling with Three Floors, Gjirokastra The dwelling is in close functional relationship to the attachment which serves as the shelter for livestock and water reserves on the ground floor and a porch on the first floor. The entrance is on the main faรงade of the building and is accessed through a pair of outdoor stairs. The two inhabited floors are connected through internal stairs.

122

Room

Hallway Room

First Floor

123

The Fortified Dwelling with One Wing, Gjirokastra Dating back to 1816, it is one of the most developed dwellings of its variant. Its layout represents the common practice of protrusions from the main elements where the right porch balances the protrusion of the left wing.

124

Room

Hallway

Guest Room

Second Floor

125

The Fortified Dwelling with Two Wings, Gjirokastra Built in 1823, its composition incorporates the common solution of an interconnecting central core which on the second floor ends with a porch surrounded on three sides. Of particular importance are the external and internal staircases both leading to the middle floor, as it was not common.

126

Prishtina

Peja

Lipjan Gjakova

Korรงa

Gjilan

127

The Dwelling with a Nook (Qoshk) The nook is of prime importance in this dwelling as it plays an important functional and compositional role and it is the main element of the exterior of the dwelling.

Introduction The dwelling with a nook was created and developed due to a rise in bourgeoisie families towards the end of the Ottoman Empire. Different from earlier housing typologies where in the most part there is a clear difference between the detailed treatment of the interior and the modest treatment of the exterior, the dwelling with a nook is known for an equal treatment of the two.

Organization

The dwelling with the vestibule and the dwelling with the porch both predated the one with the nook and were the trigger points of this new housing typology. The wide open spaces of the porch and vestibule, including both the circulation space and the corner for relaxation, were starting to appear inconvenient due to their inability to be used throughout the whole year, on the other hand their functional role in the dwelling and close connection to nature were both reasons for the new typology to not move very far from the first two. As a result, the new typology centers around the element of the nook which is a highly illuminated protrusion from the main body of the dwelling, therefore attempting an even stronger relationship with nature. In terms of its composition, it is a simple solution with three zones, the central of which has an interconnecting function whereas the two sides serve for residential purposes.33

128

Fire Room Bedroom

Hallway

Guest Room

Bedroom

Nook

Ground Floor

129

The Dwelling with an Open Nook on the Ground Floor, Gjilan The dwelling is characterized by two entrances, which lead to the central circulation area. The main entrance is accessed through the nook, which includes the part for circulation and the other for relaxation. Two spaces are organized on both sides, most of which lack any furniture, a common practice at the time.

130

Hallway

Fire Room

Guest Room

Nook

First Floor

0m 1m 2m 3m

131

The Dwelling with an Open Nook on the First Floor, Prishtina This too, has two spaces on each side and a connecting hall in the center. This composition is repeated on both floors, which are connected through external wooden stairs leading to a transitioning space between the closed internal hall and the open nook.

132

Fire Room

Hallway

Guest Room

Ground Floor

Hallway

Nook First Floor 0m

133

The Dwelling with a Closed Nook on the First Floor, Prishtina Both floors have an almost identical layout, as the only difference between the two is the extended central hallway on the first floor to form the illuminated nook. The entrance to the house is on the ground floor, whereas both floors are connected through a pair of internal stairs at the end of the hallway, under which there is a bathroom.

134

135

notes 13 Ismail Kadare, Chronicles in Stone, trans. Arshi Pipa (London: Arcade, 2011) 14 Shtjefën Gjeçovi, Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit [ Code of Lekë Dukagjini] (2001), 30. 15 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 150. 16 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 151. 17 Majola xhaferri, “Aspekte të mënyrës së jetesës në rrethinat e Tiranës (Fillimi i shek. XX - shek. XIX) [Aspects of the way of life in the surroundings of Tirana (Beginning of XV-XIX)], (Akademia e Studimeve Albanologjike, 2013) 18 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 180. 19 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 180. 20 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 184. 21 B Dylgjeri, Arkivi Digjital i Elbasanit, (April, 2014), https://elbasaniad.org/banesat-e-elbasanit/ (ac cessed July 20, 2019). 22 Ilirian Rexho, SCRIBD, (Dec 6, 2016), https:// www.scribd.com/document/333429796/ BANESAT-TIPIKE-SHQIPE (accessed July 21, 2019). 23 European External Action Service, https://eeas. europa.eu/sites/eeas/files/annex_-_traditional_hous es.pdf (accessed July 18, 2019). 24 Mafiadoc, https://mafiadoc.com/house-with-aarda

136

137

k_5b7a1cc5097c4796238b4661.html (accessed July 23 2019). 25 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 208. 26 Gj Petrovic “Narodna arhitektura-doksati i çardaci [Folk Architecture - nooks and porches], (Beo grad:1949). 27 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 270. 28 Fejaz Drançolli, Kulla Shqiptare [Albanian Tower], (Pr ishtina: 2001), 194. 29 Ledita Mezini and Dorina Pojani, “Defence, identity, and urban form: the extreme case of Gjirokastra”, Planning Perspectives, (2014). 30 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 246. 31 L.Suli, Banesa e vjetër tipike e zones së Konispolit në “Munumente historike në vendin tone” [Old, typ ical dwelling of the Konispol zone in “Historical Monuments in our Country”] (Tirana:1978). 32 Gjirokastra, http://www.gjirokastra.org/albanian/ al_sublinks/vizitoni_gjirokastren/vizitoni_shtepia_ze kateve.html (accessed July 27, 2019). 33 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 285.

Construction Materials XV - XIX Century

141

Chapter 3

Introduction In most cases the location determined the materials used in dwellings, as the ones built on mountain areas were typically built with stone, the ones on field areas were defined by their use of mud bricks, whereas the use of wood was common throughout most cities. In addition to the natural materials, the Albanian dwelling used semi processed materials as well, such as lime, tiles, and brick.

143

Stone It is a natural and ancient material used excessively in buildings due to its high durability, ease of providing and possibility of processing it. The stone used in Albanian dwellings was derived from rocky areas, used for paving and covering of roofs, and rivers, used for masonry construction. Due to its resistance to moisture, foundations were always erected in stone. From the dwellings analyzed in the second chapter, the fortified dwelling of Gjirokastra is highly regarded for its use of stone (Fig.35).

Fig.35. Illustration of the fortified dwelling of Gjirokastra constructed in stone.

144

According to data acquired from a study of dwellings of Southern Albania, the construction of walls was made possible due to stone bound with lime mortar and wood (Fig.36), used to reinforce the masonry and make it more elastic and durable to earthquakes.34 The study explains two types of stone construction. The first one is masonry without wooden rails, in which the wall is erected in two parallel structures of stone of equal and regular size with a gap between them. The connection of the parallel layers is made possible with transverse stone, whereas the gap between them is filled with small crushed stone. The widely used second method distinguishes itself through the use of wooden rails, in particular juniper wood, as a method of connecting the two parallel stone structures. The wooden rail is placed longitudinally every 70cm-100cm, whereas transversally it was placed every 80-120cm along the whole height of the wall.

145

Limestone

Wooden rail

Wooden rail Nail

Nail Limestone

Limestone

Lime mortar

Limestone

Wooden rail

First Floor

-9

Nail

Mix of soil and rocks Ground Floor

Lime mortar

Plastering

Fig.36. Method of construction with stone and wooden rails.

147

Wood As for antiquity, wood is parallel to stone and due to its wide distribution across Albanian cities, it is used in abundance in construction and decoration. Regarding decoration, wood was used especially in guest rooms, in attempt to increase the comfort and warmth of the space. Of particular interest is the treatment of the ceiling, floor, and furniture. In the dwellings of the XV to XIX century, wood has been extensively used in the form of pillars and beams, especially in the dwellings with a porch or vestibule (Fig.37). Regarding construction, wood is used in both auxiliary functions, in the form of wooden rails in stone masonry, and primary functions in the form of a wooden skeleton(Fig.38).

Fig.37. Illustration of the dwelling with a vestibule.

148

However, the most important role of wood in the structure of the Albanian dwelling, was the construction of the roof (Fig.39). It’s an assembly of purely timber elements attached to each other Fig.38. Wooden skeleton. through handmade nails, and covered by artisanal tiles. The two typologies of the roof include the double sloping roof and the roof with four slopes, where the slope varies from 20° to 30 ° and extends for about 20cm from the body of the dwelling. The sections are examples of a typical roof in the South of Albania (Fig.40).35 Wood was also used to support common protrusions of rooms to achieve the nook, or simply increase the interior space of the upper floors (Fig.41). In addition it was used exclusively for doors, Fig.39. Wooden roof. windows and stairs.

Fig.41. Wooden protrusion on Albanian dwelling.

149 Top tile Tile

Mortar Top beam

Rafter

Battens 2.5cm (2cm away from each other) Rafter Main beam Wooden rail

Vertical beam

Stone wall bound with lime mortar

Battens 2.5cm (2cm away from each other)

Tile Top tile

Rafter

Lime mortar Chimney

Guest Room

Fig.40. Section of a wooden roof in the south of Albania.

Fire Room

151

Clay As a material, it was widely used in the Albanian dwelling, in its natural or slightly processed state. In its natural state, it was mostly used in uninhabited spaces as pavement, or on top of wooden boards on the ceiling functioning as insulation. Clay was most commonly used in plastering, where it was combined with water. Often times, straw was used in plastering as well to bind the clay together. Another use of clay was in making mud bricks. A wooden formwork was made in order to ensure the size and shape of the brick, and the clay was left to dry in the sun.36

Fig.42. Village of houses using clay as plastering.

152

153

notes 34 Bona Koรงi, issuu, Aug 20, 2018, https://issuu.com/ bonakoci/docs/alb_guidebook__sm (accessed Aug 2, 2019). 35 Bona Koรงi, issuu, Aug 20, 2018, https://issuu.com/ bonakoci/docs/alb_guidebook__sm (accessed Aug 4, 2019). 36 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 386.

THE PRESENT

Regulations Targeting Heritage 1940-2009

159

Chapter 4

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Prishtina was destroyed and built up every time: in the name of war, in the name of peace, in the name of progress and modernity, in the name of the nation, in the name of culture, in the name of colonialism, in the name of UN, in the name of EU, in the name of privatization and globalization, and what else.â&#x20AC;?37

Introduction The previous chapters have discussed the traditional Albanian city, dwelling and materials, therefore the elements that have contributed to a unique identity and skyline of the Albanian city. Unfortunately, the identity of the Albanian city is being lost, as most cities do not pay adequate attention to the historical value of traditional monuments, consequently traditional architecture has been demolished or left in a poor condition. However, this is not the case for all Albanian cities. Cities in Albania, such as Berat and Gjirokastra have been declared

161

“world treasures” and are currently under the protection of UNESCO.38 Cities in Kosovo, on the other hand, have not experienced the same privilege, as most historical centers have changed drastically and had their traditional value stripped away from them. This different treatment of traditional architecture between cities in Albania and Kosovo results as a consequence of the different political lives in both countries. This chapter will discuss the case study of Prishtina, through a timeline of regulations which contributed in the city losing its most valuable assets.

1940s 1947 was the year Prishtina was first considered the political and administrative center of Kosovo and the year which sparked the drastic changes in the city’s identity and skyline. Its inclusion in Yugoslavia called for a new look, which disregarded the spontaneous nature of the city of the past and advocated an urban plan based on standard norms and detailed studies. Despite the many opportunities of experimenting the new urban plan on the flat and empty areas in the outskirts of the city, the government of the time decided to attack the historic nucleus of the city, destroying the old bazaar of great traditional value to the local people (seen on the left), the liveliness of which was replaced with an empty square, “a symbol of the modern town”.39

1950s The 50s hosted two of the most devastating practices regarding the cultural heritage of Kosovo. The first one being the campaign, “let’s demolish the old and build the new”40 and the second being the introduction of cultural monuments

162

under the protection of the law. The campaign encouraged the destruction of the old bazaar, city bath, synagogue, main catholic church, mosques and many dwellings of the Ottoman era which were classified as “old, unstable structures”, as it was proudly announced in 1959: “The shops and old, unstable structures are quickly being demolished and leaving room for the construction of high buildings of the modern style ” 41 The selection of traditional monuments further weakened the history of the city, as prime importance was given to Serbian Orthodox churches leaving Albanian dwellings with minor recognition (Fig.43). As a result, without a law to protect them, Albanian dwellings were prone to destruction and replacement, often times by their owners who could no longer afford the maintenance costs. This unfair treatment of Albanian heritage has caused great harm to cities throughout Kosovo. The following is a list of all 426 monuments currently under protection by Kosovar law (Fig.44).

32% 52%

Serbian Orthodox Heritage Albanian Dwellings

16%

Others

Fig.43. Ratio of protected Serbian Orthodox Heritage compared to Albanian dwellings, out of the 426 monuments.

163

Orthodox Churches and Church Remains Archeological Monuments Dwellings Towers (Traditional Kosovar Dwelling) Orthodox Monasteries Mosques Historical Monuments Clothing, Books, other Objects Tombs Mausoleums Orthodox Iconography Bridges Baths Fountains Catholic Churches Bazaars Clock Towers Mills Complex of Buildings Others

106 96 42 28 23 23 22 19 16 10 7 7 6 4 3 3 2 2 1 6

TOTAL

426

Fig.44. List of protected cultural monuments.

165

1978 The detailed urban plan of 1978, after a thorough evaluation of the value of the old center of Prishtina, determined the border of the historical bazaar, encompassing an area of 26 hectares. The area was left as a “white zone” where nothing was planned in comparison to the other parts of the city which were being constructed. However, despite determining the borders, nothing else was done in preserving the traditional monuments, or enforcing rules to limit the construction of new buildings in the area.

2001 The war and destructive regime of the 1990s caused the interruption of many urban planning processes, alongside the mass destruction of traditional houses and monuments. Postwar cities in Kosovo became the open books for the political, economic and financial situation of their inhabitants. Kiosks, horizontal and vertical additions to buildings, and many other structures started appearing on all corners of Prishtina, further emphasizing its unregulated growth. Whereas, the ‘strategic’ plan of Prishtina was executed by completely disregarding the needs of the public in the name of democracy. Consequently, the anger resulting from decades of being shut down from the decision making processes, encouraged the citizens to interfere in the structure of the city without any consultation with the wider public, all under the justification that they too were never consulted about previous changes in the city.42 The following maps show the change of the old bazaar in Prishtina throughout time, as well as the disappearance of the river which is now underground hiding the true geography of the city (Fig.45).

166

1939 A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR

1 2 3 4 5

A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR 1

Fig.45. Maps showing the destruction of the old bazaar.

1 2

2 3

A FEW MONUMENT FROM THE OLD BA

1 2 3 4

TS AZAAR

167

1960

2001

A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR

A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR1 A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR 1 2

1 A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR

1 2 3 4 5

A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR

1 2 3 4 5

2 3 4 5

3 4 5

A FEW MONUMENTS FROM THE OLD BAZAAR

1 2 3 4 5

168

2006 A regulatory plan was initiated under the name of “The Old City of Prishtina” in which the border of the historic center corresponds to the one determined in the detailed plan of 1978. In addition, 2006 replaced the permanent protection of monuments with temporary protection, meaning that monuments had to be re-evaluated every year, a practice which according to experts in the field only brought more damage to the entire process and the treatment of individual traditional monuments.

2009 The border of the historic center changed, and encompassed a much greater area of 42 hectares, compared to the 26 hectares in 2006. When confronted, the authorities explained that the new, expanded borders were a means of ensuring strict regulations targeting the height of buildings and their distance to each other, in order to maintain a harmony in the historic center. The law called for no more than five floors (ground floor + four floors), in the expanded border. However, no penalties were given to citizens who did not abide by the rules, resulting in a regulation just as useless as the others. The following pages will demonstrate the conditions of a few protected monuments in the historic city center. The following are survey cards portraying a few public and private buildings by providing crucial information such as name, address, type of property and damage level. In order to determine the damage level, the following scale was used: • None - The building is in good structural condition • Low - No visible structural damage. Lack of maintenance. • High - Very serious structural damages. • Destroyed - Only traces of the building are visible.43

Public Buildings

170

Name

Mosque of “Çarshia”

Address St. Iliaz Agushi, Prishtina Property Public Building Damage Low Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

171

Name

Clock Tower

Address St. Iliaz Agushi, Prishtina Property Public Building Damage Medium Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

172

Name

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Emin Gjikuâ&#x20AC;? Complex

Address St. Iliaz Agushi, Prishtina Property Public Building Damage None Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

173

Name

Great Hamam

Address St. Iliaz Agushi, Prishtina Property Public Building Damage Medium-High Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

174

Name

Associaton of Ex-Political Prisoners of Kosovo

Address St. Nazim Gafurri no.18, Prishtina Property Public Building Damage None Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

Private Buildings

176

Name

Residence IPMK

Address St. Zenel Salihu no.9, Prishtina Property Private Building Damage None Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

177

Name

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Hynelerâ&#x20AC;? Residence

Address St. Zenel Salihu,Prishtina Property Private Building Damage Medium Level

Conservated Area

Monument

Building Perimeter

Buffer Zone

178

Fig.46. Map showing the ruined dwellings and those under precaution protection.

179

Legend Outline of the monument Monument under precaution protection Ruined monument under precaution protection Orientation grid

180

181

notes 37 Heritage of Prishtina. Prishtina: CHwB, 2008. Ac cessed Aug 7, 2019. 38 Riza, Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare, 450. 39 Heritage of Prishtina. Prishtina: CHwB, 2008. Ac cessed Aug 7, 2019. 40 ESI and IKS, Një e ardhme për të kaluarën e Prishtinës [A Future for Prishtina’s Past] (Prishtina: 2006) 8. 41 ESI and IKS, Një e ardhme për të kaluarën e Prishtinës (Prishtina: 2006) 3. 42 Zymer Delija, “Hapësira Publike në Prishtinë” [“Public Space in Prishtina”], Arkitektura 1, 2, 2013, 11. 43 Heritage of Prishtina. Prishtina: CHwB, 2008. Ac cessed Aug 7, 2019.

Architecture in Kosovo Present Day

185

Chapter 5

Introduction After an analysis of the urban fabric and dwellings of the past together with the regulations targeting them, it is time to analyze the city of today, which serves as a reflection of the rapid attempts of building the urban fabric after the destruction of the war (Fig.47). In doing so, the final chapter of the thesis will unveil the similarities and differences between the city of today compared to the city of the past, as well as the direction in which it is heading.

Fig.47. Prishtina after the war. June, 1999.

Fig.48. The city center of Prishtina in 2019.

Fig.49. The city center of Prishtina in 1980.

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Overcrowding As described in the previous chapter, Kosovar cities experienced massive unregulated growth after the war, a phenomenon which is greatly pronounced in the architecture of today. It is considered that Prishtina used to be a perceptible city with distinct features and clarity, the presence of which in the past and lack of which in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s architecture is best represented comparing the two pictures on the left.44 The bottom, characterized by an airy design of buildings respecting a general height, therefore giving the city a rational and consistent skyline as well as a clear view of the street, whereas the picture on the top, characterized by an overwhelming addition of dwellings, leading to a lack of clarity in the city center.

Fig.50. Overcrowding of the city center, Prishtina.

Fig.51. High amount of residential buildings, Prishtina.

188

The disregard for the common height, or the minimal distance between buildings, defines Prishtina today. It is typical to notice two storey houses next to nine storey apartment buildings, where every building tries to set up its own rhythm and has no regard for its context. Peja, among other Kosovar cities, is experiencing the same problem (Fig.53), a phenomenon which the locals are particularly frustrated about, one of them even saying he would forbid the construction of high rise residential buildings altogether.45

Fig.52. Low-rise houses next to high-rise apartment buildings, Prishtina.

Blocks The same lack of clarity of the city center is present in most neighborhoods in Prishtina. Despite the attempts of a more ordered development during the time of Yugoslavia, the cities of Kosovo still remain spontaneous in their nature. The blocks have no determined shape or order and different from the past, their rhythm is broken by the varying heights of buildings and vastly different facades. The recent housing complexes, such as Marigona (Fig. 54) and the International Village are the only areas of the city with regular blocks, quickly

189

Fig.53. Residential buildings with extreme differences in height, Peja.

190

noticeable when compared to one of Prishtinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s much older neighborhoods (Fig.55). They function as small cities within a bigger city, as the goal behind such complexes is to offer all services needed to the residents within a walking distance. In doing so, they do not function in accordance with the city but by itself and in turn become closed to the general public. Setting up such complexes around the periphery of the city poses a problem of gentrification as well, as they are inhabited by upper class individuals who have no interaction with other social classes in their Fig.54. Regular blocks in Marigona. immediate surroundings.

Fig.55. Spontaneous blocks and random placement of houses in Muhaxhereve neighborhood.

191

It is apparent that neighborhoods such as Muhaxhereve (Fig.56), are characterized by the narrow streets of many turns, particular solutions of the past due to the spontaneous placement of dwellings. However, the streets of newer neighborhoods of Prishtina, such as Dardania (Fig.57) and Ulpiana are much wider and provide a clearer perception of the neighborhood.

Fig.56. Narrow streets of the older neighborhood of Muhaxhereve.

Fig.57. Open and wide streets of newer neighborhood of Dardania.

193

Symbols “The first experience people have with a building, even before entering it, is its architectural identity. This identity, if interpreted correctly, can aspire confidence and even comfort.”46 However, the building should adapt to the changing conditions of the country and in times when it does not, it is usually forced to undergo refurbishment or renovation. Thus, many buildings experience a loss in original identity which is the case of the building in Prishtina, Rilindja Printing House Press (Fig.58 and 59).

Fig.58. Original design in 1971.

Fig.59. Rilindja, post-renovation.

Other prominent buildings in Prishtina include the National Library, on the left, and the Youth and Sports Center which were built during the 70s and 80s, times when the local context and traditions were either completely disregarded or at most considered on their abstract form.47 The Yugoslavian regime attempted to set the identity of the majority of the population in Kosovo aside, and enforce the concept of “Brotherhood and Unity”, a result of which was the spomenik facing the historical center. Concerning the link of the National Library and the Youth

195

Fig.60. National Library of Prishtina.

and Sports center, numerous hypotheses have been made, ranging from associating the white domes of the library to the Islamic tradition and the traditional Albanian white wool hats (Fig.60). Whereas the Youth and Sports center was associated with the eight Yugoslavian federal regions (Fig.61).

Fig.61. Building of the Youth and Sports center.

196

Preservation Traditional architecture, in particular dwellings, can mostly be seen in villages as in most cities they have been destroyed to make room for high-rise residential buildings. This is also due to the fact that until recently the houses in villages were planned and constructed by the inhabitants themselves, who were the ones that kept the elements of traditional architecture (Fig.62).

Fig.62. Traditional dwelling with a porch in Kukaj village.

Due to its prime importance in Kosovoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s architectural identity, the Kukaj village now organizes a yearly festival as a way of emphasizing the importance of traditional architecture and Albanian culture. It is now highly commercialized and attracts many visitors to expose them to the past way of life, as the dwellings on display have not been altered. However, similar attention is not granted throughout the country, as many dwellings have been left to decay, whereas in Prizren according to the locals, many 300 year old houses have been demolished to free the space for parking lots. Despite all devastating actions towards traditional architecture in Prizren, the city continues to be the cultural hub of Kosovo.

197

Fig.63. Traditional dwelling in Kukaj village.

Fig.64. Traditional structures hosting the activities of visitors.

199

The ground floors of the existing traditional structures have been accommodated to host bars, and thus present a consistent appearance throughout the city center (Fig.65).

Fig.65. Ground floors of dwellings hosting bars in Prizren.

Other centers such as Peja, have utilized the traditional bazaar (Fig.66), which now serves as a central point in the city center. Nevertheless, despite its cultural values, the lack of maintenance caused severe damage to the pavement which was later replaced with non-traditional tiles.

Fig.66. Old bazaar of Peja.

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;We shape our buildings, and afterwards our building shape us.â&#x20AC;?48 After the destruction of the bazaar in Gjakova, the locals decided to rebuild it in the same way it was in the past (Fig.67). According to them, doing so preserves the collective memory of the whole city.

Fig.67. Bazaar of Gjakova.

In addition, little attention is given to the continuity between new and traditional buildings (Fig. 68,69 and 70)

Fig.68. New versus old in Prishtina.

201

Fig.69. New versus old in Gjakova.

Fig.70. New versus old in Peja.

203

Functional Boxes Due to economic reasons, cities in Kosovo are characterized by high-rise residential buildings which leave little room for creativity and surely have no traditional elements embedded. The functional modules of the composition are repeated throughout the city, in an attempt to maximize the use of space. As a result of the ever growing population of Prishtina, the city is now engulfed with tall residential buildings of the communist style (Fig.71), varying very little from each other, thus producing an affect of sameness throughout the city. In addition, due to the limited space within the walls, the inhabitants have little to no connection with the outdoors, which marks a big difference when compared to the importance of open spaces in the dwellings of the past.

Fig.71. High density neighborhoods near the city center.

204

Fig.72. Render of an approved residential building in Prishtina.

Due to their popularity and high demand among Kosovar citizens, these â&#x20AC;&#x153;functional boxesâ&#x20AC;? keep getting built. The following is an approved project of a residential building in Prishtina, where the apartments have little variation among each other, and when compared to the composition in the past, they lack the most definitive elements such as the guest room, strong connection to the outdoors, or distinct functional modules or strips (Fig. 73 and 74).

Fig.73. Perspective plan of the internal distribution of a typical apartment.

205

Fig.74. Perspective plans of two additional apartments in the building.

206

Fig.75. Internal composition of types of dwellings in Marigona Residence.

A similar case is present in residential complexes like Marigona Residence, which despite being reserved for the middle and upper class, demonstrate little variation in both the exterior and interior composition (Fig.75 and 76). A common occurrence in the three types of plans is the transitional area between the inside and outside, which is a key element in the dwellings with a nook, however, despite their extensive use in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s architecture, the transition element is greatly reduced.

Fig.76. The similarity of the exterior of dwellings in Marigona Residence.

Transition Space

207

Survey

208

The survey was carried out in four of Kosovoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s biggest cities: Prishtina, Prizren, Gjakova and Peja. Both surveys illustrate the percentage of positive answers. Fourty people of two different age groups (15-30 and 50-80) were asked two questions related to architecture in Kosovo: 1. Do you think the architecture of today should include traditional elements interpreted in a modern way? 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%

Prishtina

Prizren

Gjakova

Peja 15-30 years old 50-80 years old

2. Do you think Kosovoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s institutions should do more in preserving traditional dwellings and monuments? 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0%

Prishtina

Prizren

Gjakova

Peja 15-30 years old 50-80 years old

209

Quotes from the locals when answering the questions of the survey: “You can find modern architecture anywhere but you can only find Albanian architecture here.” 15-30;

Peja, Kosovo

“Even though we are going towards Europe, we should keep something of our own.” 50-80;

Peja, Kosovo

“When the bazaar was destroyed after the war, we rebuilt it in the same style in order to keep our traditions.” 50-80;

Gjakova, Kosovo

“300 year old houses have been demolished to free the space for parking lots.” 50-80;

Prizren, Kosovo

“By not including traditional elements in the architecture of today, people will forget how our cities looked like and they will also not want them anymore.” 15-30;

“Forget traditions, Europe.”

let’s

15-30;

Prishtina, Kosovo

towards

Prishtina, Kosovo

The survey shows a higher percentage of adults who express a disinterest in maintaining a continuity between traditional and modern architecture, different from the willingness of older people regarding the same issue. This poses a big problem, as the country’s future is on the hands of the younger generation, and could continue losing its architectural identity.

210

211

notes 44

Zana Sokoli, “Imazhi Lynch-ian i Prishtinës”[Lynchian Image of Prishtina], Arkitektura 1, 2, 2013, 8-9. 45 Interview with a local in Peja, August 25, 2019. 46 Teuta Jashari-Kajtazi and Arta Jakupi, “Interpretation of architectural identity through landmark architecture: the case of Prishtina, Kosovo”, Frontiers of Architectural Research 6, 7 (2017): 480-486. 47 Jashari-Kajtazi, “Interpretation of architectural identity through landmark architecture: the case of Prishtina, Kosovo”, 480-486. 48 “Churchill and the Commons Chamber”, parlia ment.uk, https://www.parliament.uk/about/ living-heritage/building/palace/architecture/palace structure/churchill/ (accessed Aug 20, 2019).

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213

Conclusion

Kosovar cities serve as an accurate reflection of the problems that arise in architecture, when a people is strongly detached from its cultural monuments and dwellings. The architecture of today is a result of the mass destruction of traditional Albanian dwellings as well as the attempt of building a city in conformity with the Yugoslavian ideals. â&#x20AC;&#x153;By not including traditional elements in the architecture of today, people will forget how our cities looked like and they will also not want them anymoreâ&#x20AC;?, said one of the interviewees in Prishtina, which greatly stresses the issue of today. Due to a lack of exposure and appreciation towards traditional architecture, there is an increasing amount of people, particularly young adults, who clearly express a lack of interest in maintaining a continuity between traditional and modern architecture, many associating it with a move towards Europe.

214

215

Bibliography

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Heritage of Prishtina. Prishtina: CHwB, 2008.

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Journal Articles: Jashari-Kajtazi, Teuta and Jakupi, Arta.“Interpretation of architectural identity through landmark architecture: the case of Prishtina, Kosovo”, Frontiers of Architectural Research 6, 7 (2017): 480-486. Mezini, Ledita and Pojani, Dorina. “Defence, identity, and urban form: the extreme case of Gjirokastra”, Planning Perspectives, (2014).

Magazine Articles: Delija, Zymer. “Hapësira Publike në Prishtinë” [Public Space in Prishtina]. Arkitektura 1, 2, 2013, 11. Sokoli, Zana. “Imazhi Lynch-ian i Prishtinës”[Lynch-ian image of Prishtina]. Arkitektura 1, 2, 2013, 8-9.

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Shqiperia.com. https://www.shqiperia.com/Rrjedhimet-esistemit-te-timarit.146.(accessed July 4, 2019).

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Fig.1

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 2, 2019).

Fig.2

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 2, 2019).

Fig.3

own illustration.

Fig.4

own illustration.

Fig.5

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 4, 2019).

Fig.6

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 7, 2019).

Fig.7

own illustration.

Fig.8

own illustration.

Fig.9

own illustration.

Fig.10

Mitrojorgji, Maksim. Pazari i Vjetër i Vlorës. Illustration. Tirana: SIGAL, 2017. Traditional Architecture in Watercolor. Book.

220

Fig.11

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 5, 2019).

Fig.12

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 2, 2019).

Fig.13

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 4, 2019).

Fig.14

Photograph. https://www.flickr.com/groups/11 49247@N21/pool/page2. (accessed July 3, 2019).

Fig.15

Mitrojorgji, Maksim. Banesa me Erker në Berat. Illustration. Tirana: SIGAL, 2017. Traditional Architecture in Watercolor. Book.

Fig.16

Galli, Diego. Photograph. https://invest-in-alba nia.org/albanian-cities/gjirokaster-county/.

Fig.17

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Fig.18

Mitrojorgji, Maksim. Banesa me Erker në Berat. Illustration. Tirana: SIGAL, 2017. Traditional Architecture in Watercolor. Book.

Fig.19

Mitrojorgji, Maksim. Banesa qytetare në Shkodër. Illustration. Tirana: SIGAL, 2017. Traditional Architecture in Watercolor. Book.

Fig.20

own illustration based on Emin Riza’s “Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare Shek XV-XIX “.

Pg.40

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Pg.50

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Pg.52

Zharku, Flakon. Photograph. https://www. instagram.com/flakon.zharku/.

Pg.60

own picture.

Fig.21-23 own pictures. Fig. 24

own illustration based on Emin Riza’s “Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare Shek XV-XIX “.

Fig. 25-7 Xhaferri, Manjola. Illustrations. Tirana, 2013. http://qsa.edu.al/images/Manjola%20Xhaferri. pdf Fig. 28

own illustration.

Fig.29-30 Riza, Emin. Illustrations. Tirana: Dita 2000, 2009. Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare Shek XV-XIX. Book. Fig.31

Mitrojorgji, Maksim. Banesë në Berat. Illustration. Tirana: SIGAL, 2017. Traditional Architecture in Watercolor. Book.

Fig.32

own illustration based on “Reinterpretation of the house with cardak, of the city of Berat, in the Albanian contemporary urban context”.

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Fig.33-34 Riza, Emin. Illustrations. Tirana: Dita 2000, 2009. Qyteti dhe Banesa Qytetare Shqiptare Shek XV-XIX. Book. Pg.142