IAR Digital Magazine

Irish Archaeological Research

Digital Magazine

Bringing our local heritage to the world

Autumn 2011

Volume 1 No. 1 Issue No. 1

Distributed For Free

A Vernacular Apocalypse Now

How long have youdiscusses had your trowel?

Dr Rowan McLaughlin how small vernacular housescould be a key to a better understanding of rural settlement through the ages.

Our events guide for Derry ~ Londonderry City of Culture 2013

Bone of contention: the Raynestown ‘idol’ Excavations, the story so far.

A series ofHistory articles on the of 2011.

Living atexcavations Aughnanure Castle

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

Contents *Request for articles 1 *Introduction to IAR 2 *So who are Irish Archaeological Research? 3 *IAR’s Night at the Museum 5 *Living History at Aughnaure Castle 7 *Past Performance: Agendas Ifor experimental Archaeology 13 *Bone of Contention: The Raystown ‘idol’

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*Beyond the Summit: Remote Sensing

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*A Vernacular Apocalypse Now

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*Them Bones… Them Bones need….Examining

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*Swordplay in the 20th Century

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*The Cleaning of a Roman coin using electrolysis 39 *Mystery surrounding strange stone unearthed on Cave Hill, Belfast 42

Request for Articles

We are looking for your help; the IAR Digital Magazine is written by volunteers, people just like you. We are looking for news items and articles about archaeology, history, heritage and culture. Is there a subject here that interests you? You do not have to be an expert; just have a good working knowledge of your subject and a passion to inform the wider world about it. Are you involved with a local historical society or heritage network and want to spread the word about your organisation? If yes why not write a small article and send it in to us.

As the magazine is digital it can reach a large worldwide audience with more ease than a traditional paper magazine. Our website and facebook page receive over 9000 visits each month. The top 5 countries many of these visitors come from are UK, Ireland, USA, Italy and Australia. The size of the article depends on your subject, generally 200‐500 words and it can include as many images and illustrations as are needed to suit the article.

Submit your article to magazine@irisharchaeologicalresearch.com

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

Introduction to Irish Archaeological Research Welcome to Irish Archaeological Research, a non‐profit, member‐supported organisation dedicated to the preservation, protection and promotion of Ireland’s rich heritage. Based in Northern Ireland, IAR was formed by four archaeologists who, after years of working in the commercial sector, realised the need for a medium through which archaeological information could be disseminated to both national and international audiences with relative ease. We aim to do this through our website, blog, online forum and this digital magazine. We will also be organising various events throughout the year ranging from survey days to archaeological experiments.

Our primary focus is the education of local communities about heritage in their area, especially where monuments are at risk. Hidden Heritage will target specific regions where monuments have been neglected or vandalised. By engaging with state authorities, local schools and community groups we hope to highlight the importance of these monuments to their area and establish schemes where members of the community organise the care and maintenance of said monument.

Our first Hidden Heritage scheme will be taking place in Derry~Londonderry as part of the celebrations for the first UK City of Culture which was won by Derry~Londonderry and will take place throughout 2013.

In partnership with Derry City Council, we will be organising a series of events based around St Brecan’s Church in St Columb’s Park, beside Ebrington Barracks on the Waterside area of the city. This project include will a lot of community involvement so we hope to see you in Derry~Londonderry in 2013.

We have already initiated several new and innovative ways to disseminate our results to a wide demographic so watch this space!

We hope that this digital magazine will encourage

both

professional

archaeologists and members of the public to share new discoveries, theories and ideas with a worldwide audience.

This is the ruin of St. Brecan’s Church in St. Columb’s Park, Derry~Londonderry.

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So who are Irish Archaeological Research?

Here is a brief introduction to the four of us who set up IAR.

Christina O'Regan I began my archaeological career at University College Cork in 1998. After graduating in 2001, I went on to work for both V.J. Keeley and Margaret Gowen & Co on a number of projects in the Republic. In 2003, after moving to Belfast, I completed a Masters degree in Environmental Archaeology from Queen's University. This was followed by several years working for Northern Archaeological Consultancy Ltd, four of those as a site director. I have directed numerous intriguing sites, most notably a unique burial cairn in Co. Londonderry (published in Archaeology Ireland and the Ulster Journal of Archaeology). My primary role within IAR is as Fieldwork Director though I can also be found co‐ordinating events for schools and pressing the flesh at archaeology conferences; next stop, annual IAI conference, November 2011, Cork.

Lianne Heaney I graduated from Queens University Belfast in 2000, with a BSc (Hons) in Archaeology and Palaeoecology and in 2001 with a MSc (Hons) in Maritime Archaeology from the University of Ulster, Coleraine. I have worked as a field archaeologist and site director for over 10 years, excavating sites of all periods from Mesolithic to Post‐Medieval. I have worked for Northern Archaeological Consultancy since 2002, first as a field archaeologist, then site supervisor, and site director. Between 2006 and 2008, I managed and ran the post‐ excavation unit at NAC and then in 2009 became NAC’s business manager responsible for the day‐to‐day running of the company and dealing with the financial side of the business. I currently work part‐time for NAC and part‐time for IAR as it's Business Manager.

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So who are Irish Archaeological Research?

Ross Bailey I graduated from Queens University Belfast in 2006, with a BSc (Hons) in Archaeology and Palaeoecology.

Since 2006 I have worked on many sites, both in the field and preparing impact assessments. Currently I work part time for Northern Archaeological Consultancy, and part time for Irish Archaeological Research. My role within IAR is primarily that of Research Director, but I also craft replica artefacts for display, experimental, and demonstration purposes.

Gavin Donaghy I originally studied electronic and computer systems at Jordanstown and after a number of years working in the IT industry I decided to try and follow my childhood ambition to become an archaeologist. I started working with Northern Archaeological Consultancy in 2002 as a general operative and over the years became a site assistant, supervisor, assistant director and finally a site director in 2009. I am IAR’s Technical director, my role in our new social enterprise it to incorporate the latest technological innovations into both archaeological fieldwork and heritage awareness. I develop all of the company’s presence on the web, designing and building our websites, managing our Facebook page and developing our digital magazine.

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IAR’s Night at the Museum

The Tower Museum, Derry

September 23rd was European Culture night and IAR was firmly ensconced in the Tower Museum in Derry.

We had been invited by the museum to showcase our experience as field archaeologists as well as organise a display of artefacts to complement their current exhibit on megalithic monuments (kindly donated by Northern Archaeological Consultancy Ltd).

Throughout the evening it was clear that the display and our presence created the biggest impact on tourists and children; the former being stunned at the richness and longevity of the island’s history while the latter were greatly impressed by the human and animal bone and flint arrowheads. Ross Bailey (IAR) had provided some replica bronze axe heads as well as a barb‐and‐tang arrowhead, hafted onto an ash shaft with imitation sinew.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

As well as answering some frequently encountered queries, ‘How do you know it’s a hammer‐stone and not just a round stone?’ and ‘Is that pot actually worth anything?’, we were able to discuss IAR’s plans for heritage events in Derry city with some of her inhabitants, all of which were greeted with incredible enthusiasm. We look forward to fulfilling all of our ambitions and satisfying the lust for heritage knowledge that was evident throughout the evening.

Members of the public enjoying the display of artefacts and the tour of the Tower Museum.

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Living History at Aughnanure Castle Jenny Young highlights the importance of archaeology to education and industry by describing the successful events at one medieval castle.

There are challenging times ahead for the heritage sector in Ireland. It appears that now, more than ever before, our heritage must take centre stage in the role of national recovery and employment generation by creating sustainable tourism and inward investment. After all, the wealth of archaeological riches we possess and how they are presented and interpreted to the public, has become an increasingly valuable resource through growing public interest and recognition of their tourism and educational value. As obvious as this may appear however, it is our heritage that has endured some sacrifice in the name of fiscal recovery, a contradiction perhaps, to the very industry that has the significant potential to recover our financial stability.

In spite of this, nonetheless, one heritage site in the west of Ireland is confronting the struggle head‐on.

Faced with these current challenges, Aughnanure Castle, in Connemara, Co. Galway, has become a thriving centre of tourism, education and community spirit.

Managed by the Office of Public Works, Aughnanure Castle is a fifteenth‐century O’Flaherty tower house beautifully situated on the banks of the Drimneen river close to the village of Oughterard – the gateway to Connemara. Being the only medieval castle open to the public in the Connemara region, its presence here is a vital one in bringing visitors to the area. A bustling, picturesque village, famed for it’s fishing on nearby Lough Corrib, Oughterard is not unlike most small villages in Ireland, feeling the effects of the economic downturn.

Its greatest asset however, is certainly the castle, responsible for bringing thousands of visitors to the area every season, much to the support of the local village businesses and services who graciously benefit from revenue this brings to the locality.

Guided tours of this superbly restored castle and a dedicated school’s programme, are just some of the attractions offered at the castle – annual events are another, which are now enthusiastically celebrated every year in the local area. The guides at the castle have long realised the potential of such community events and have always been committed to forging positive links within the local community. It is through this commitment to organising events that a real sense of community spirit has developed in the area, something that has contributed to the success of every event held at the castle. From medieval themed festivals for Heritage Week, to showcasing local art, to children’s Halloween themed festivities, these are just some of the yearly events held at the castle, all free of charge to the public.

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Community Involvement The involvement of the local community is vital in raising awareness of the castle as well as maintaining its reputation, especially in terms of the various events held there. The local resource centre, arts and heritage groups and local tourist centre, are all involved in the goings‐on at Aughnanure and have undoubtedly contributed to an increased sense of community within the area.

However small their involvement it, has a lasting impact. For instance, the Oughterard Flower Club has been decorating the castle for Heritage Week for the past number of years, something that has become synonymous with the event, generating interest with a group of people who ordinarily, may not have visited the site. Furthermore, the local resource centre provides volunteers from its youth club to participate in the annual children’s Halloween festivities. These volunteers, who age between 15 and 17, enthusiastically engage with the children in the various games and activities organised for the event. Including the local youth in the organisation of an event not only gives them some sense of responsibility, but is also a very positive step in creating awareness and appreciation of heritage in the youngsters, without them even realising it.

The local Oughterard Heritage Club is another community initiative that has strong links with the castle. In 2009 they showcased their archive of old photos in the castle for the community to view for the first time, projected onto the medieval castle walls. This was a collection they had spent accumulating over many years and had recently digitized and restored the collection. A screening of John Ford’s “The Rising of the Moon” was also shown – a short film shot on location at Aughnanure in the 1950s, starring Cyril Cusack and Noel Purcell.

The Head Guide at Aughnanure Castle, Janet Schley, sees the benefits of such involvement with the community. “The main objective of all the events we organise at the castle is to increase community involvement in their local heritage site.

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Events are aimed to reach everyday families in the local area who maybe have never visited the site before and who could enjoy the benefits of hav‐ing a heritage site on their doorstep, consequently building a positive relationship with the site for the future”, says Schley. Indeed, with high visitor numbers for every event illustrating their popular‐ity, with on average 80% of visitors being local families. The locals wholeheartedly get involved and engage with each other in a relaxed and informal setting, instilling a real sense of community at the site, making multiple visits to the site throughout the season. To the guides of the castle, this is success.

Educational Benefits Moreover, heritage sites, like Aughnanure Castle, have much to offer our educational system. In order to safeguard Ireland’s heritage resource and to use it as an economic advantage it is crucial that society is aware of the wealth of cultural heritage that surrounds them. What better way to raise this awareness than to tap into the natural inquisitiveness of children and open up to them an appreciation of the culture, history and archaeology of their local environment.

This is exactly what the castle is striving to achieve. The promotion of learning that engages children’s interest in their heritage and to broaden their experiences of this heritage is central to the successful school tour programme at Aughnanure Castle. In recent years this importance of school children learning in the ‘real’ environment, outside the classroom, has had widespread attention. In light of this, the OPW introduced the free educational visits for schools scheme whereby school children gain free access to all OPW heritage sites throughout the country, something that has been wholly appreciated by schools in the current climate. The scheme aims to enhance students’ appreciation of their local heritage and surroundings through a visit to a heritage site.

Through participating in school‐based activities at Aughnanure Castle, children learn about historical events in a fun and interactive manner, and it is through eagerly partaking in the many workshops on offer, their interest is engaged with the site. It is no wonder then, that repeat visits by the same schools are seen year after year at the castle.

Both the school tours and events held at the castle shed light on the present and give meaning to the past while linking children to the stories of the generations who were here before them. These are the rewards that heritage sites and their associated events can offer children, and Aughnanure Castle delivers these rewards 100%.

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Children are opened up to an appreciation of the history and archaeology of their local environment. It is important therefore, that this valuable cultural legacy is understood and cherished, and that this appreciation is passed on to future generations.

In this context of schooling, learning about heritage outside and on site is a powerful and creative antidote to the target driven and academic focus of much schoolwork, and can encourage children to develop a sense of ownership and responsibility for their heritage and environment. When working within the confines of the classroom, and taking into account the increasing impact of virtual learning environments, it seems as vital as ever to take school children outdoors as part of their overall education and development. More that just fulfilling a learning outcome, a visit to a heritage site provides exercise, fresh air and a shared sense of place and wonder that will impact upon young people’s values and interests.

But it’s not all serious learning that goes on at Aughnanure Castle. It’s in the summertime during the school holidays that the site really comes alive, especially during the month of August. The guides gear up for what is their busiest week in the season and highlight of the year – Heritage Week. The annual medieval‐themed open day on the first Sunday of Heritage Week is well renowned, with both local and foreign visitors coming in their droves to partake in the FREE fun and frolics on the grounds of the castle. It’s not just the locals however, who recognised the success of the Heritage Week events at the castle.

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In 2010, Aughnanure Castle won Best Children’s Event in the Heritage Council’s inaugural National Heritage Week Awards for the “Medieval Madness” event. The castle grounds were transformed into a medieval spectacle arena for the main event of the day – the Children’s Medieval Tournament. Hundreds of children in full warrior costume took part in “training” workshops and then competed against each other in a series of challenges in order to be inaugurated as Chieftain and Pirate Queen of the Castle. A highly successful event, and as the only OPW Heritage Site in the country to snag the award, it proves that small is mighty.

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The guides are now busy preparing for their annual Halloween event on October 23rd, to finish up the 2011 season with a bang. Storytelling, music, face‐painting, costumes, competitions, treasure‐hunts and games will enchant the local children once again, and once again the doors will be open free gratis. But why do they do it? “To show people that there’s another side to heritage sites; that they’re not just sterile exhibitions but instead, they’re fun and interactive places where history comes alive. They’re for everyone. And we love to show people exactly that”, says Schley.

Living history it seems, is a winning tool in increasing awareness, appreciation and education of our heritage and to highlight its importance in the tourism sector. It is in this context that the importance of our built heritage and the part it plays in both local and international communities must be utilized to its full potential.

It is also worth re‐emphasising that the tourism sector will be of critical importance to the re‐establishment of financial stability in this country in years to come. Aughnanure Castle will keep contributing to this process, through its excellent visitor facilities, educational programme, range of events and the value for money that it represents. And of course, in its unrelenting passion in the name of Irish heritage. As the ancient O’Flaherty motto goes ‐ Fortune Favours the Brave ‐ and fortune has certainly favoured those in this small tower house in Connemara.

(Photos by Caroline Walsh & Jenny Young)

Aughnanure Castle ~ Contact Details

Address: Oughterard, Co. Galway.

Telephone No: +353 91 552214.

Fax No: +353 91 557244.

Email: aughnanurecastle@opw.ie

Opening Times: 21st Apr to 26th Oct Daily 09.30 ‐ 18.00

Admission Fees E Adult: €3.00 Sen/Group: €2.00 Child/Student: €1.00 Family: €8.00

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Past Performances: Agendas for Experimental Archaeology Ross Bailey, Research Director of IAR, describes how we intend to explore and expand the body of archaeological data through exciting and original experiments.

During the course of our professional lives as archaeologists, all of us at IAR have come across artefacts or sites that we would love to understand better. Excavations give us a ‘through the keyhole’ glimpse at the past, and it is all too easy to fall into the trap of extrapolating too much of the bigger picture from that one glimpse, based on general assumptions about how we think things would have worked. Experimental research, if nothing else, at least allows us to have a better idea of what may or may not have been practical, giving us a more realistic understanding of how parts of the bigger picture may have looked. The author, for example, used to be under the assumption that whilst flint arrowheads may be more than sharp and deadly enough to hunt with, they were also rather too fragile to be very durable, particularly if a stray arrow thudded into a tree or embedded itself deeply into bone. Instead, when the matter was put to the test, even arrowheads of quite poor quality chert (and, it must be admitted, not amazing quality knapping) remained intact after burying themselves over half their depth in solid wood or splitting through pig ribs, and also remained perfectly usable for a good quantity of shots afterwards. Likewise, little effective difference was found between deliberately shaped arrowheads and those which were merely pointed pieces of flint or chert opportunistically scavenged from the debitage produced when knapping other objects.

All of the above was noted during a day of fairly elementary testing. The results were informative and there was something particularly fun and satisfying about watching a flint‐headed arrow embed itself in the target; it’s an element of fun and satisfaction that we would like to share with our members. We believe that there is no better way of educating and engaging the public than to actively involve them in events, so it is our hope to run regular experimental days for our members and the public.

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The archery is one activity which we will certainly revisit, during which we plan to finish the proceedings by loosing a set of flint‐headed arrows into a pig carcass, which will then be cremated. Not only do we intend to examine how the arrowheads themselves hold up to the impacts and cremation, but also how much of the damage from the arrowheads remains visible and diagnostically recognisable on the bone fragments left after cremation. We have much more planned for the future – constructing some of the smaller sizes of ring barrows and surveying them immediately, then repeating the survey season after season to at least approximately gauge how quickly such small monuments can disappear back into the landscape if not cared for and maintained; toughened leather shields from the Bronze Age, such as the one found at Clonbrin, have been at times tested against bronze weapons, but never against their resistance to flint‐headed arrows – testing this would be a simple addition to our other research using flint arrowheads, and the construction of these toughened leather shields would make for an interesting activity in itself. These are only the tip of the iceberg. With enough member support we hope to progress to larger and longer term projects.

In addition to experiments such as those mentioned above, we also intend to run other activities which, though they may not lend as much ‘food for thought’ as the results of the experiments, will give our members a feel for parts of the lifestyles of our ancestors – one‐piece leather moccasins, for example, are found in the prehistory of almost every culture in some variation, with little effective difference between them, and we may run an activity session on making them. The sling is another object which appears in many cultures, including our own, which is so simple of construction that it is difficult to trace in archaeological remains, and we may devote another practical session to the making of slings in various ways and allowing members to get a feel for their use.

As already mentioned, it is important to us that these activities are not only useful and informative, but also engaging and enjoyable for our members and the public. As such, we are always open to suggestions for further practical and experimental activities, and look forward to working with as many of our members and the public as possible in the hopefully not too distant future.

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Bone of Contention: The Raynestown ‘idol’ Stuart D. Elder on an intriguing artefact found during the M3 excavations

The site at Raynestown 1, an unbroken concentric double ring ditch, was excavated between July and September 2006, in advance of the M3 Clonee–North of Kells Motorway. Excavation produced over 1200 sherds of late Bronze Age pottery, and a large quantity of animal bone including two antler picks and two antler wedges. Only once excavation had been completed, and cleaning of the animal bone had commenced off‐site, was the enigmatic ‘idol’ discovered.

In early 2008, as the animal bones were being cleaned in preparation for specialist analysis, one bone stood out as being particularly unusual. It was identified by zooarchaeologist Joseph Owens as one of 43 1st phalanges (toe bones) from cattle, and appeared to have been decorated with a series of swirls and wavy lines. The front (anterior) and rear (posterior) surfaces appear to have been polished in preparation for the application of the design, which is visible on both faces but also extends partially around to the sides from the front surface. The rear surface decoration is more worn, and comprises mostly wavy lines, whereas the front surface has mostly circular decoration surrounded by wavy lines.

The bone was passed around the office, and although various theories were put forward, nobody could recall having seen such a decorated bone before, and certainly not from a Bronze Age site.

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Its discovery prompted a flurry of activity, as both the zooarchaeologist and the author scoured the internet, office and personal libraries, and contacted numerous prehistory specialists and researchers looking for references to similar artefacts. The search came up short however, with no comparable bones having been reported from Ireland previously. The search was then, logically, extended to the United Kingdom, where many parallel traditions throughout the prehistoric period are known to have existed, and again, many specialists in the University, Museums and private sector were consulted.

Research has turned up references from Orkney of four inscribed cattle phalanges with Pictish designs, including two from the Broch of Burrian (Iron Age stone tower house) in North Ronaldsay. Another reference from 1889 notes that ‘one or two bones of the foot of an ox are covered with concentric circles, apparently for ornamentation.’ This latter reference relates to a collection of artefacts in the museum at Leewarden in The Netherlands, recovered from local terpen mounds (man‐made mounds situated in wetlands). Aside from cattle toe bones, the decoration on the Raynestown artefact shares a number of similarities to Megalithic (rock) art, particularly the ‘eyes’ and ‘brow lines’ from Stone 5 at Newgrange Site K, and bone and stone artefacts from the Iberian peninsula.

The jury is out, however, on whether the designs are in fact deliberately inscribed on the Raynestown piece, or are the result of either transferred impressions from proximity to another decorated object (no candidate was found during excavation), or is caused by some sort of microbial or root action. Perhaps the only way to definitively answer this burning question is to have the object examined under Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) or possibly by 3D Laser Scanning. The former will be able to determine the depth and profile shape of the incisions, if indeed they are, and possibly help to determine the implement likely to have been used to create them. Laser scanning may help to pick up any decoration not visible to the naked eye, and in doing so deliver a clearer picture of how the decoration may have originally appeared. Also of importance would be the radiocarbon dating of the bone itself; there was no datable material from the soil layer in which the bone was recovered from, but the layer above was dated to 840‐780 cal BC, putting it in the Late Bronze Age period.

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Beyond the Summit: Remote Sensing Susan A. Johnston describes the results of a non‐invasive survey at one of Ireland’s impressive hilltop enclosures One of the most important technical achievements in archaeology in the last few decades has been the development of what is known as remote sensing. This category includes a number of technologies, such as resistivity and ground penetrating radar, which are designed to “see under the ground.” As such, they allow archaeologists to identify features otherwise invisible on the ground surface, which in turn makes excavation more precise and efficient. Most techniques are not a substitute for excavation, since they don’t allow dating (which relies on samples, stratigraphy, and/or associated artefacts) or understanding the exact character of the feature (for example, the presence of postholes, burnt material, etc.), but they nevertheless can add significant information to the interpretation of a site.

Nowhere is this more apparent than in the study of the royal sites of the Iron Age (ca. 600 BCE – 400 CE).

These sites, called “royal” because they were (incorrectly) identified as the residences of kings in Early Christian documents, include Tara, Co. Meath; Navan Fort, Co. Armagh; Rathcroghan, Co. Roscommon; and Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare. While they turn out not to be ancient palaces, they are instead ceremonial places, associated with the religious and political elites at the top of Iron Age society. At these sites, rituals of various kinds were conducted, consolidating elite power, creating a sense of shared community, and forming the basis of regional identity on the eve of the early medieval period.

While there has been excavation to varying degrees at all of the royal sites, some of the most comprehensive work has been carried out through remote sensing. Research at Tara by Conor Newman and Joe Fenwick (Newman 1997, Fenwick and Newman 2002), at Navan by a number of archaeologists (see Lynn 1997 and 2003 for summaries of this work), and, most recently, at Rathcroghan (Waddell, Fenwick and Barton 2009) have all contributed important features to the understanding of both how the sites differ and the characteristics that they share. Because of the success of this work, a project was also carried out at Dún Ailinne between 2006‐2008, funded by the Heritage Council.

This was a joint project which included researchers from George Washington University and New York University, both in the U.S., and the archaeology department at NUI Galway. The formal publication of this project, which is described below, can be found in The Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 34, No. 4, 2009 (please contact the author for electronic copies of this publication).

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Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare The site of Dún Ailinne is on Knockaulin Hill in Knockaulin townland, Co. Kildare, about 2km southwest of Kilcullen (Irish National Grid E282030 N207880). The summit rises to 180m above sea level, giving extensive views of the surrounding landscape, including the central lowlands and the flat pasturelands of the Curragh.

Knockaulin Hill has long been identified as the royal site of Dún Ailinne noted in medieval documents such as the 9th century Félire Óengusso, where it is described, along with the other royal sites, as yielding its pagan power to Christianity (in this case, to the nearby monastery of St. Brigid). This identification led to excavation on the summit of the hill from 1967‐1974 by Bernard Wailes of the University of Pennsylvania. The excavations showed that the hill had been used in the second and third millennia, indicated by scattered debris and one or possibly two small burials from both the Neolithic and Bronze Age, but it was in the Iron Age that it saw its main florescence. Probably in the early centuries CE, a series of timber palisades was constructed, forming the backdrop for ceremonial activity occurring on the hilltop. The artefacts recovered were mostly personal possessions, including an iron sword, a bronze spearhead, glass and bronze jewellery, and other objects of bone and ceramic (Johnston and Wailes 2007). The plan of the various palisades is shown here, with different colours representing different phases of use.

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This excavation necessarily focused on the summit of the hill as the most likely place to recover evidence of ancient activity. This left about 85% of the site largely unknown. As shown in this aerial photo, there are essentially no surface features on the hill. There is the bank and ditch that surrounds the hilltop, now marked by the growth of trees and other plants, and the surface itself undulates, hinting at features beneath the ground. This raises an obvious question ‐ were there other structures within the bank and ditch, or was the site beyond the summit empty of features, perhaps left open for large‐scale ceremonies?

Remote Sensing at Dún Ailinne In order to investigates this question, we began a remote sensing survey of the whole interior of the site in 2006. While other techniques were used, the primary focus was a magnetometer survey. This technology measures the magnetic signature of the ground surface. When people alter the ground, digging up dirt, putting it back, building structures, etc., it changes the magnetic reading of the affected soils, causing them to give different readings than the natural soils. These readings are entered into a computer, which converts them to a greyscale image; the stronger the reading, the darker the colour. In this way, features under the surface show up as dark marks against the lighter background (see Gaffney and Gater 2003 for a discussion of magnetometry and other remote sensing techniques).

Below is the plan of the site’s interior, made during the excavations and showing the area where these were concentrated (a few areas also partially excavated are omitted). Below is the magne‐tometer image created over our three summers of work. The image shows a large number of potential features, which in and of itself answers the question posed before ‐ the interior of the site beyond the summit was heavily used in antiquity.

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It can be difficult to interpret a magnetometer image at first, so there is another image below with what we think are the important features outlined in black (comparing this to the unmarked image shows we didn’t make these up!). These features are numbered to make it easier to discuss them. The first thing that is immediately obvious is the dark inverted L shape to the east of the site, labelled 19. This feature may be natural, since the rock on the hill lies very near the surface in places, and it seems to be continuous with another diagonal line to the northwest. However, given how strong the reading is (and so how dark it appears), this also may be something that has a strong magnetic content, such as a metal or even glass working area. Only further excavation will allow us to know for certain.

Other features that are clearly artificial are the many circles and semi‐circles

that

are

scattered

throughout the site (e.g. 8, 10, 11, 13, 16, and 17). Given that the Iron Age palisades on the summit are circular, it is likely that these smaller ones belong to the same period. Again, excavation will tell us more. One of the most obvious features is the large one that circles the summit of the hill (6 on the marked image). This feature, which we have called the summit enclosure, appears to be part of what was called the Rose Phase in the plan given above (the pink one that resembles a figure‐of‐eight). If this plan is superimposed on the image, the integration is clear. The arms of the entrance feature which were revealed through excavation continue into what is labelled 7 on the marked image, and these end at the summit enclosure.

This was presumably part of a large complex that dominated the summit during this part of the Iron Age. As the earlier excavations revealed, however, this was eventually dismantled and replaced by the structure of the Mauve phase (the one in purple on the plan). Whether the summit enclosure was left in place during this phase or not is still unknown.

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One set of circular features that may prove important is the line of at least three at the southern end of the interior, marked 15. The relationship between these and the summit enclosure is unclear, but some of them may run underneath it or possibly on top of it. Based on the linear arrangement, they may be ring ditches and so may contain burials. An association with burials is characteristic of all four royal sites; some are actually within the site, as with the passage tomb on the hill of Tara (O’Sullivan 2005), and all four royal sites are situated in landscapes which contain a concentration of burials from various prehistoric periods (Johnston 2006).

Another

interesting

feature

revealed in our survey is somewhat more difficult to see, but is definitely there. That is the very large circle that is labelled 9. It can be traced in several places around the interior, and what makes it particularly interesting is that it seems to run underneath the bank and ditch which delimit the interior of the Iron Age site. This is seen on the extra piece of the image which is to the right. This part is outside the entrance to site, through the bank and ditch, and what appears to be a continuation of feature 9 can be seen on it. If it runs under the bank and ditch then it must be earlier than the Iron Age boundary of Dún Ailinne. Does it belong to an earlier phase of the Iron Age, or is it even earlier, perhaps connected to the Bronze Age or Neolithic periods when the site was also in use? Excavation will tell us more.

Another intriguing result of our work concerns what is known as St. John’s Well. This is a small depression that was artificially enlarged sometime in the past. When there has been a continuous stretch of rainy days, the “well” fills with water. This may be significant because wet places are well known to have been important religious places for Iron Age peoples.

Artefacts, food (e.g. butter), and, on rare occasions, people were deposited into bogs, rivers, and streams as part of the ritual life of the Iron Age.

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While it is too small to be shown in the image, there is a strong magnetic reading at the centre of the well, which may come from some kind of structure built there as part of religious ritual. There are not many religious structures known from Iron Age Ireland, so this would be of particular significance to our knowledge of the period.

Finally, it is worth noting the faint lines that are continuous over the interior surface. These are the remains of ploughing, in a pattern called ridge and furrow. They may date to any time from the medieval period to the 19th century, though the close spacing suggests they are post‐medieval. The fact that they go in several different directions

suggests

multiple

phases of ploughing, perhaps due

to

different

field

arrangements at different times.

The later agricultural use of Dún Ailinne is also shown by the field boundaries (the straight lines numbered 1‐4), three of which converge just northwest of the site’s centre. These three appear on the Irish Ordnance Survey maps of the 19th and early 20th centuries, and so date at least to this period (and possibly earlier).

What it all means Even without follow‐up excavation, there is still a great deal of information to be gained from using remote sensing technology. One thing that is obvious is that the space inside the bank and ditch at Dún Ailinne held many structures at any given time and rarely, if ever, was left open and free of buildings. This seems to be true of the other royal sites as well. Descriptions of the ways these structures might have been experienced by ritual participants has been proposed for both Tara (Newman 2007) and Navan (Lynn 2003). At Dún Ailinne, this might also have incorporated the space outside the bank and ditch. The survey outside the original entrance showed a number of features that may have been integrated with those inside in ways we are only beginning to understand.

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The organization of internal space at Dún Ailinne has implications for the activity associated with the site. The interpretations indicated by the excavated evidence are that Dún Ailinne was used for ceremonial purposes ‐ religious, economic, political, or some combination of these ‐ which may have changed depending on time and need. Rising up from the surrounding landscape, the timber structures visible on the summit would have been an imposing sight, making a clearly symbolic statement associated with these ceremonial activities.

Since we don’t have direct dating evidence for most of these buildings, we can’t be certain what would have been visible at the site when the various timber structures were in use, and so it is only possible to speculate what sorts of ritual might have occurred. If there is something at the centre of St. John’s Well, deposits within it would have been part of this activity. Burial ritual was also practiced at Dún Ailinne. The excavations indicated the possibility of two burials there, one from the Neolithic and one from the earlier Bronze Age (Johnston and Wailes: 2007: 76, 82‐3), and there are burials in the surrounding landscape (Clancy 2006).

There is also evidence of burial associated with the other royal sites. The passage tomb at Tara (O’Sullivan 2005), with burials from both the Neolithic and Bronze Age, has already been noted and there are many probable burials in the surrounding landscape there and at Rathcroghan (Newman 1997; Waddell, Fenwick and Barton 2009). Prehistoric burials are also recorded from the surrounding area at Navan Fort and possibly within the enclosure as well (Lynn 1997). If the circular features at the southern end of the summit enclosure at Dún Ailinne are ring ditches and do contain burials then this shows a ritual function shared with the other royal sites.

Other rituals may have involved movement through the internal and external space of the site, choreographed to incorporate whatever structures, past and present, were visible at the time. At Dún Ailinne, depending on the specific phase, this would have included the summit enclosure and the figure‐of‐eight structure of the Rose phase, as well as possibly earlier structures which might still have been visible. Given the number of features identified in this survey, the possibilities for ritual expression at Dún Ailinne were only limited by the imagination of those who constructed and experienced the ceremonies on the hill.

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Acknowledgements This project was a joint effort including Dr. Pam Crabtree and Dr. Douglas Campana from New York University, and Dr. Roseanne Schot and Dr. Gerard Dowling from NUI Galway. Funding for the magnetometer survey was provided by Heritage Council. Frank Coyne, Aegis Archaeology Ltd., provided the aerial photograph of the site. I would also like to thank the Thompson family of Knockaulin, Kilcullen, who allowed us to work on their land; Robert Shaw (the Discovery Programme) and Conor Newman (NUI Galway) who established the initial survey grid; Joe Fenwick and the Department of Archaeology, NUI Galway, who provided technical support; Zenobie Garrett, whose tireless and good‐humoured assistance in the field was invaluable; and the people of Kilcullen and the Kilcullen Heritage Group, particularly Nessa Dunlea, Desmond Travers, Kieran Forde, and Brian Byrne (A Kilcullen Diary), whose warm hospitality, energy, and tireless devotion to promoting public awareness of Dún Ailinne and the work carried out there over many years make it such fun to work there.

References Clancy, Pádraig. 2006. The Curragh: A Prehistoric Landscape. In Kildare: History and Society. William Nolan and Thomas McGrath (eds.), pp. 35‐67. Geography Publicatons: Dublin.

Fenwick, Joe and Newman, Conor. 2002. Geomagnetic survey on the Hill of Tara, Co. Meath, 1998‐ 9.

Discovery Programme Reports No. 6, Royal Irish Academy: Dublin.

Gaffney, Chris and Gator, John. 2003. Revealing the Buried Past. Tempus: Stroud.

Johnston, Susan A. 2006. Revisiting the Irish royal sites. Emania 20: 53‐59

Johnston, Susan A. and Wailes, Bernard. 2007. Dún Ailinne: Excavations at an Irish Royal Site, 1968‐1975.

University of Pennsylvania Museum: Philadelphia.

Lynn, Chris. 1997. Excavations at Navan Fort 1961‐71, by D.M. Waterman. The Stationary Office: Belfast.

Lynn, Chris. 2003. Navan Fort: Archaeology and Myth. Wordwell: Bray.

Newman, Conor. 1997. Tara: An Archaeological Survey. Discovery Programme Monograph 2, Discovery Programme: Dublin.

Newman, Conor. 2007. Procession and symbolism at Tara: Analysis of Tech Midchúarta (The ‘Banqueting Hall’) in the context of the sacral campus. Oxford Journal Of Archaeology 26(4): 415–438.

O’Sullivan, Muiris. 2005. The Mound of the Hostages, Tara. Wordwell: Dublin.

Waddell, John, Fenwick, Joseph and Barton, Kevin. 2009. Rathcroghan: Archaeological and Geophysical Survey in a Ritual Landscape. Wordwell: Dublin.

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A Vernacular Apocalypse Now Small vernacular houses, many in a ruinous state, are a familiar sight on the Irish landscape. In the first of two articles, Rowan McLaughlin discusses how they could be a key to a better understanding of rural settlement through the ages.

What happened? And where does archaeology come from anyway?

Archaeology is everywhere. That is to say, archaeological data are ubiquitous, and interpreting the material remains of people’s activities can tell us a lot about the past—this is what archaeologists do. Archaeology manifests in many different ways, and meaningful results can be obtained by looking at the data at different scales. For example, the distribution of polished stone axes over Western Europe tells us a lot about both international trade during the Neolithic, and the symbolic importance of these stones to that ancient culture.

Or by analysing the design of castles and other medieval buildings, we can infer aspects of both medieval society and the medieval mind.

Figure 1: An Ulster cottage, photographed c.1930

And yet, there is a paradox inherent in all archaeological studies. Despite the ubiquity of data, archaeology is a most imperfect record of the past.

Even

careful

work

is

easily

undermined by factors such as differential

preservation

and

research bias. Therefore, before we can

begin

to

understand

archaeological data, we need to understand something of how and why we have come to encounter those data in the first place. Hence, of course, the interest in taphonomy—the study of the post depositional changes that sites and artefacts endure. We can explain why, for example, acidic soils preclude the preservation of bone, or why prehistoric sites are buried so deeply in valley floors. We can also factor in research biases; it is well‐known that distribution of known sites reflects the interests of archaeologists, and where they work, rather than any ancient geography. So there are real problems, but these problems can at least be partly addressed in our interpretations. The central challenge remains—why was the archaeological record deposited in the first place?

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Archaeology is concerned with things and places that have, at some point, been abandoned, destroyed or lost. From time to time, sites are abandoned due to environmental or societal catastrophes, such as earthquakes, volcanoes, famines and war. Alternatively, artefactual material can be so carefully and deliberately deposited that it almost seems like an archaeological archive, frozen in time directly for our benefit. Sometimes, artefacts appear so haphazardly and randomly that we can only assume that their loss was completely accidental. More often than not, however, archaeological sites contain structured deposits that do not seem to have been involved in any catastrophe or spectacle, and yet some factor must have put an end to their status as foci of human activity. Aside from ancient towns and cities, very few sites persist forever as settlements.

There are many valid ways of investigating the cause of site abandonment using historical and archaeological techniques. In this pair of articles, I wish to concentrate on another approach: the archaeology of contemporary rural settlement and the fate of vernacular houses as a model for understanding abandonment. Below, I argue that these dwellings offer some interesting theories for the interpretation of settlement archaeology of all periods. In the next issue, I will discuss the symbolic importance of these buildings, and what they tell us about our own society.

The Living Cottage The history of the typical Irish rural cottage is well understood. They are relatively simple one‐, two‐or three‐ roomed dwellings built from the 17th Century onwards—although those that survive today typically date from the 19th Century. They originally provided the housing needs for various social classes, functioning as tenant labours’ cabins to small freehold farmhouses. Typically they were bundled with small plots of land whereon the occupants could supplement their incomes using garden produce and small‐scale potato cultivation (Figure 1). Such buildings were carefully sited in the landscape to avoid the worst of the prevailing weather, and their modest proportions have a very high aesthetic appeal.

Changes in the use of these buildings reflect changes in Irish society since the mid‐nineteenth century. A steep decline in rural population, expedited by the Great Famine of 1845–1846 and subsequent emmigration, changed the way in which the landscape was farmed and greatly reduced the demand for such buildings. The numbers of people directly employed in agriculture have been falling ever since. Then, in the 20th Century, many traditional buildings were abandoned as their occupants either died, moved to towns and cities, or decided to “upgrade” to more modern accommodation. The extant structures, or what remains of them, suggest differing modes of abandonment, i.e. how and why they came to be disused. In other words, they present differing archaeological signals of what happened.

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The Abandoned Cottage Buildings can be razed without any trace of them remaining above ground, with the surrounding lands returned to pasture or a use other than building. The fabric of the dwelling can be re‐purposed as building materials for nearby structures, or, in the case of earthen‐walled cottages, it may be ploughed away altogether. However, faint signals of each building’s presence will continue to be seen.

Landscaped features remain, and spreads of left‐over stones and some other fittings can on occasion be found at the edges of fields or amid undergrowth. Therefore, although still faintly detectable, the site’s status as a living space has come to a complete and permanent end. Of all the ways that a site can be abandoned, this is the mode that requires the greatest investment of labour, and it is thus a highly deliberate, personal act. The motives can lie along a broad spectrum; it may be simply that the land had agricultural potential, for example. On the other hand, the building may have been associated with negative experiences or thoughts, and its demolition was hence a catharsis for those who performed it.

Figure 2: Cottage at Ballydown, Co. Down, c.1920, with the author’s great‐great aunt and her family pictured.

The building was replaced with a bungalow in the 1970s.

New houses are quite often built on sites of old cottages. This keeps a site current in the sense that it continues to be a place to live. In recent decades, this has been a popular option in many parts of the countryside, especially in Northern Ireland, where housing executive grants and tax policies on building materials have actively encouraged the practice—leading to a “bungalow blight” in some areas. This practice demonstrates that the traditional cottage is no longer considered as capable of meeting the housing needs of modern families, and is considered neither valuable nor beautiful enough (by both the occupiers and the state legislators) to warrant preservation. Compounding this mindset, occasionally, is the idea that old buildings are associated with the once widespread poverty, and continuing with them is therefore indicating a lack of progress (Figure 2).

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Buildings can be ruined, or allowed to become ruined, but not completely cleared away. Instead, for some reason, they are kept visible in the landscape, but not in a state that permits their primary use as dwellings (Figure 3). This is a widely‐observed phenomenon, once described in New England by Henry David Thoreau: “These cellar dents, like deserted fox hollows, old holes, are all that is left where once were the stir and bustle of human life, and ‘fate, free‐will, foreknowledge absolute,’ in some form or dialect or other were by turns discussed.”

These sites are intermediate between those that have been totally razed, and those that are maintained. It is most unlikely that any will be restored to a habitable condition again, but nor does there appear to be any pressure on the continued existence of the remains. This is perhaps the most challenging mode of abandonment to understand. No doubt, some building remains are retained because of their usefulness in securing planning permission for domestic building projects in the future. Alternatively, vernacular buildings can be emptied, and their fabric kept reasonably intact and weatherproof. A minimal maintenance regime allows the buildings to reach an equilibrium with decay, and they could remain in this stasis almost indefinitely (Figure 4). Such buildings can often find new functions as storehouses and sheds. All these ideas are strongly related to concepts of ownership; the owner of the site maintains an interest in it as a place of value, with the explanations and magnitude of these values varying with individual circumstances.

Figure 3: Highly ruinous cottage site in the Slieve Croob Mountains.

To add further complication, such abandonment can even occur without the dwelling being emptied of its contents.

Portable artefacts of high intrinsic cash value are very unlikely ever to be left behind, but sometimes the majority of chattels and interior fittings can be seen to degenerate in situ, together with the fabric of the house. Conversely, the buildings can be emptied of the majority of their contents, with only awkward and worthless items left behind. Such circumstances illustrate the sometimes fractious relationships that exist between occupiers and the owners of dwellings, or the unsympathetic way in which properties can pass between generations. Finally, it is worth mentioning that a significant minority of vernacular dwellings have not been abandoned; rather they have been maintained and modernised.

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Often this has resulted in significant changes to the fabric or appearance of the building. On the other hand, a small number of buildings have been restored and are kept in near‐original specification, either as museum pieces or functional dwellings to fulfil nostalgic sentiments (Figure 5).

Figure 4: Extant uninhabited cottage, Ballyward, Co. Down.

Figure 5: Cottage from Corradreenan, Co. Fermanagh, rebuilt at the Ulster Folk Museum.

Archaeological Implications So, there are varying modes of abandonment of vernacular dwellings that can be observed in the landscape today, and these phenomena give rise to a number of prompts for the interpretation of more ancient sites.

All sites have three main phases, viz: building, use and abandonment, and these phases each give rise to archaeological signals of differing character. In the case of houses, the abandonment phase generates the most intriguing set of signals, and arguably explains more about social context than the other phases.

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We can also acknowledge that archaeological sites may change their function before they are abandoned, and this presents us with a conundrum. For example, cottages whose function is changed from house to shed will present the future with a challenging set of archaeological data. Change of function may be a factor in the sometimes confusing results obtained when comparing assemblages of artefacts or ecofacts from sites that are otherwise morphologically and chronologically identical.

Clearly, the motivation behind the abandonment mode always reflects wider social and economic factors. For example, we can see that housing regulation and other government‐set policies can lead to abandonment.

The details of these policies are constantly changing, but the state has always had a major role in determining why settlements become abandoned. This is probably true for societies of all levels of complexity, even very small‐scale ones and those that operate with a degree of autonomy from central authorities.

Fashion, culture and tradition play a major role in much of human behaviour, not least in the abandonment of buildings. Buildings are abandoned when they are deemed to be old‐fashioned and incapable of meeting the demands of modern life. They can also be abandoned when they are perceived to be sending out the wrong messages about their occupants; their wealth and success. In turn, these issues are predicated not just by fashion and culture, but by the status of each individual and their real or perceived standing in local communities. Archaeologically, all this behaviour is difficult to resolve, but these are the key issues that lie behind the patterning of much archaeological data. They may be important factors in much of the variability that exists in the archaeological record.

Evidence of settlement does not occur evenly in the archaeological record of Ireland, but does manifest for the Early Neolithic, Late Bronze Age and early medieval periods. The amount of raw data available for these types of site has increased vastly in recent decades, thanks to the archaeological components of infrastructural projects. The various parameters of these ancient buildings’ dimensions, construction styles and landscape settings have been well recorded, and much analysis has been completed for these sites concerning the economic and artefactual evidence of how people lived. But, with some notable exceptions, the interpretation of these sites as abandoned places has received less attention. I think this may be a useful avenue for future work, and, in vernacular dwellings, Irish archaeologists are fortunate to have a home‐grown model of abandonment.

Conclusions The reasons why buildings are abandoned are interesting and important, with personal, social and economic factors all playing their part. These are timeless issues, but their implications for settlement archaeology vary through time with great amplitude. The Irish landscape resounds with information about its occupants, its history and processes of change that are still on‐going. I offer this short essay as a means to collect some thoughts that have occurred to me whilst out‐and‐about, and would welcome comments from fellow sojourners.

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Of course, the application of archaeological method and theory to such modern‐day phenomena could be considered trivial, or even banal, but I argue otherwise on two counts. Firstly, the vernacular is a living link with idioms from the deep past. In addition to a prominence in anthropology the world over, the “rural poor”—those people who live on the interface between nature and culture—are and have been the subjects of much art and literature throughout the ages. These works seek to see beyond the poverty, deprivation, ignorance and fear which once characterised so much of peoples’ lives, and instead celebrate their achievements, integrity and timelessness. In a sense, such works are an acknowledgement of the immortality of the human spirit, contrasted against the transience of personal experience. It is pre‐industrial, pre‐literate or pre‐historic human ingenuity that has given rise to all the world’s languages, religions, food crops and domestic animals, codes of morality and vocabulary of expression. Now, in the early 21st century, trends towards globalisation and urbanisation are nearing their completion. We stand on an event horizon, where the vernacular is quickly sinking from living memory; we shall never again have the opportunity to directly combine personal experience of the vernacular with the interpretation of signals from antiquity. Even if the vernacular fails to provide any useful models for understanding archaeological data, its contribution towards our imaginative understanding of past life ways should not be underestimated.

Secondly, vernacular settlement is inextricably linked with the landscape, which is subtle, delicate and constantly threatening to disappear altogether. The traditional distributed settlement of the Irish countryside—a pattern unique to the island—has resulted in highly characteristic agricultural systems and infrastructural networks. For a great many people, “the countryside” is not a place as such, but a journey through winding country lanes that follow settlement patterns that were originally defined centuries or perhaps millennia ago. Next time, I will look at the interrelationship between settlement distribution and landscape, and discuss why the countryside as we know it is under threat.

Text and images copyright Rowan McLaughlin 2011

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Them bones, them bones need.... examining!

Arlene Matthews describes the importance of human bone to the archaeological record. This is the first of a series of articles by different specialists introducing their field of study.

Osteology is the scientific study of bones; this term is often used to describe the analysis of human and animal bones although animal bone specialists are more commonly referred to as zooarchaeologists. Human bone specialists are called osteologists, osteoarchaeologists or physical anthropologists. The purpose of this article is to give the reader an idea of what osteology is and how this science is utilised to broaden our understanding and interpretation of archaeology.

Osteology is a fairly new science that has grown significantly over the last 30 years into a well recognised specialism which contributes to several diverse disciplines. Osteology is used in archaeology to examine remains recovered from archaeological excavations. It is used in forensic science to aid police investigations and has been invaluable in the recovery and identification of the victims of war crimes. The osteological analysis of early hominid fossils has contributed significantly to the study of evolutionary biology.

The focus of this article is osteoarchaeology, the use of bone analysis techniques in archaeology. The purpose of osteoarchaeology is to create a greater understanding of our past through the scientific study of our ancestors’ biological remains. Previously when human remains were uncovered on site they were, at worst, discarded and at best, their presence was noted, but the bones themselves were largely ignored.

Archaeologists were not aware of how bones could help them to understand intricate details of our biological and social past and instead used artefacts discovered with the remains to infer information about the deceased. For example if a weapon such as an arrowhead or knife were unearthed it was assumed that these were the graves of male individuals. Often this assumption revealed more about the gender perceptions of the archaeologist than truly reflecting the social dynamics of the ancient society under investigation.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011 The correct identification of the sex of a skeleton in conjunction with an examination of the burial environment and its artefacts can therefore contribute to our understanding of the roles of men and women in past civilisations.

The sex of the skeleton is not the only information that can be gained from examining the remains. So what exactly can we find out from the bones that are found on site? Ideally, an osteoarchaeologist would be present at the excavation to record the position of the bones. The position of the bones can tell us what way the body was placed in the grave which can help to date the burial and can suggest to us differing religious and social belief systems. An unusual body position could indicate that the person had a deforming pathology or that their burial was not formal, for example the victim of a crime or even the perpetrator of a crime. The disposal of remains, and how carefully and intricately this is done, can give the archaeologist a wealth of information about the individual and their status in the society where they lived.

The next stage is the careful removal and cleaning of the bones in preparation for the osteological analysis. The first part of the analysis is the inventory, which essentially means that the examiner identifies the bones present to element (i.e. what bone and what part of the body they are from). This is to establish what percentage of the skeleton is present and in the case of comingled remains, Left mandible, showing calculus & periodontal disease.

how many individuals are represented. When

this first task is complete it is then necessary to establish an accurate age estimation. This process is slightly different for children and adults.

Children are usually more accurately assigned an age as their teeth are in the process of erupting and their bones are fusing. The fusion (joining of bone components to make a complete adult bone) of bones and the eruption of teeth take place at about the same age in every person, for example the fusion of the mandible (lower jaw) takes place by 12 months of age.

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Left Ulna Close up of a Fracture.

Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011 These set biological processes are vital in achieving an accurate biological age for each individual. As most fusion and dental eruption takes place in younger individuals it means that additional methods of ageing are employed in the analysis of older people. These methods involve measuring the degree of attrition of the teeth (the erosion of the tooth’s biting surface) and the wear and tear visible in the pelvis and ribs.

The next question that must be answered is what sex was the person? The sex assessment is established by examining the cranium and pelvis. An accurate assessment can only be made in adults as pre‐pubescent male and female children have very similar skeletons. It is only after puberty that the sexes take on their own unique characteristics. We are all familiar with the visible changes associated with puberty, but changes are also taking place in the bones. Another obvious difference between the sexes is size and an additional metric analysis of the bones can help to determine the sex of a skeleton.

This is the most basic information that can be attained from the bones. However, there is a great deal more that can be discovered from examining the skeleton. Diseases such as leprosy and tuberculosis leave characteristic scars and cause deformation on the bone. An examination of these afflictions can tell us about how diseases can change over time and how they become eradicated or can increase in incidence. For example, tuberculosis and syphilis were endemic before the discovery of penicillin. After penicillin became widely available the rates of both of these conditions dropped. However, in recent years we have seen increases in both of these diseases with new tuberculosis strains proving resistant to modern antibiotics.

A lack of vitamin C, D or iron can also leave tell tale marks on the bone and can inform us of the kind of foods that were consumed. Vitamin C deficiency, or scurvy, is a commonly diagnosed condition in Britain and Ireland in the past; this is probably due to the lack of vitamin C rich foods such as citrus fruits, peppers and tomatoes. It can also give us information of social status as certain foods were only available to the richer members of society. Vitamin C rich foods were generally imported and expensive and therefore the poor were far more likely to have suffered from scurvy.

Lastly, traumatic events suffered by the bones such as a fall or an act of violence can be identified. The location and type of fracture recorded on the skeleton can tell us the activity the person was involved in when the injury occurred. Injuries that have resulted from interpersonal violence (fighting and brawling as well as sports such as boxing) have their own patterns, generally displaying facial and rib fractures in conjunction with characteristic defensive brakes. It is also possible to identify weapon types from cut and impact marks on the bone which can tell us a great deal about ancient warfare and weaponry, and the kind of battlefield medical care that was available to the injured.

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Swordplay in the 20th Century Ross Bailey describes the intricate processes in the production of a Japanese sword.

Whilst we at IAR are more or less familiar with the range of, and history of, Irish artefacts from Prehistoric to Post‐Medieval and Industrial, the advent of sites such as eBay, and the contents of second‐hand sales and antique shops, means that on occasion we encounter something from rather further afield. The following article is the result of a brief study of a Japanese sword, a katana, of unknown date, brought to the authors attention by an acquaintance. The katana, as a style of sword, dates from approximately 1200AD, and is historically associated with feudal Japan and the samurai classes. The weapon itself is easily recognisable – a slightly curved, single‐edged blade with a chisel‐like point, a small circular or squared guard, and a long double handed grip. Before discussing the katana itself, we should begin with a brief introduction to the general construction of such a sword.

The Construction of a Katana The creation of a Japanese sword is a slow and careful process, one which has been refined and developed over centuries, blending cultural, spiritual and technical progress and trends. Japanese smiths, traditionally, use a steel produced from smelting iron‐rich sand. The resulting steel is full of impurities and inconsistencies in carbon content. To bring the quality of the steel to usable levels the method of folding the steel multiple times, was developed. First the smith forges several pieces of steel into a single block. This block will form the outer ‘skin’ of the finished blade. Next the block is hammered out and folded back upon itself multiple times. This achieves two important ends ‐ impurities are worked out of the steel and the carbon is dispersed evenly throughout the steel. This process also creates the jihada, or wood grain patterns, in the steel.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011 This steel forms the outer skin of the blade. It is then wrapped around a softer iron core. This combination gives the blade both flexibility and strength. The two layers are heated and hammered out into a long bar, thus welding the layers together and forming the blank from which the finished sword is made. Once the blank has been refined into its final shape all that remains is for the smith to prepare the edge.

The edge‐hardening is the most important part of the forging process; a flaw here will result in a broken or otherwise useless blade. The blade is coated in a mixture of water, clay, ash, and other ingredients. The mixture is applied over the surface, thicker along the spine and thinner at the edge.

As the blade is heated and the temperature rises, the crystalline structures within the metal begin to change.

At around 750°C, the structure of steel changes to a phase where carbon completely bonds with iron. When the blade is quickly cooled by quenching, the swift cooling means smaller, or no, crystals form, resulting in a harder substance. However, where the thick mixture was applied, the blade will cool more slowly, forming ferrite and pearlite, which are softer and more flexible. The hardening of the edge also creates a visible change in the surface of the metal. Depending on the way in which the clay mixture was applied, a variety of effects can be produced. This pattern, which runs along the cutting edge is called the hamon, and is one of the most important aspects in the appearance of the blade.

After the hardening of the edge the blade is then passed on to a polisher who will give the blade its final mirror‐like finish, and other craftsmen who will make the scabbard and sword mountings.

Tang Inscriptions Almost all Japanese swords will carry a signature and/or date inscribed on the tang (the section of the sword which passes through, and is secured to, the handle). The signatures on Japanese swords vary greatly from sword to sword. The absolutely simplest form that a signature can take is a two character inscription which is the smith’s name. If there are three characters, the third is often saku ‐ ‘made this’. If both sides of the tang are inscribed, the reverse side is normally a date inscription stating when the sword was made. The inscriptions normally read from the top down, period; number of years into the period; month and day. A typical date inscription would read: “18th year of Meiji, 2nd month, 8th day”.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

Analysis of the Katana—The steel The hada is the visible design of the grain of the sword steel. It is the result of the way the sword was folded during forging, and can be easily obscured by a poorly polished blade or one which is stained or rusted. This katana, having been repolished on one blade surface, shows a Mokume, or wood burl, grain. Whilst Mokume is potentially less likely to be present in a modern, machine forged blade, the absence of a good visible hamon – the line left by the differential tempering of the blade – is more suggestive of a modern blade. The lack of a visible hamon does not necessarily mean that the blade was never differentially tempered, as different quenchings and polishings can have a substantial effect on the visibility of the temper line.

The Mei (Signature Inscription) The mei, the signature of the smith, is rather complex on this blade. As noted above, a two character mei will usually be the name of the smith. If three are present then the third will generally be ‘made this’. Four are present on the tang of the katana in question – too short for the fully formal ‘X swordsmith of Y province made this’, and none of the characters are ‘saku’ or ‘made this’. Lacking a ‘made this’ or ‘of Y province’ identifier, the balance of probability would seem to suggest that the four character mei is likely a longer rendition of the swordsmith’s name.

The Nengo (Date Inscription) As opposed to the mei, the nengo on this blade is quite straightforward. Like the mei, the nengo does not give the fuller more formal statement of period, year, month, and day, but instead offers only period and year. In this case, the nengo translates to ‘Showa, Second Year’, giving a forging date for the sword of 1928, predating both World War II and the Second Sino‐Japanese war.

The Scabbard (saya) and Hilt Furniture The saya and the associated fittings, and tsuka (handle) present something of a mystery. The saya itself is several inches longer than might be expected for a sword of this blade length, and both saya, tsuka, and other fittings seem a little on the modern side, particularly the same, or rayskin. The tsuka, though, shows no sign of having a previous position for the mekugi – the peg which holds the tang in the handle, suggesting that this tsuka has only ever been used with this katana and that the saya and tsuka have not been scavenged from a larger blade to refit this one. Japanese military katana from the Showa period have a very distinctive and military appearance in the saya and tsuke, seeming almost closer to western military fittings. The date of the katana from 1928 accords well with the lack of military style fittings, the blade being forged in a more peaceful period between wars.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

Conclusion The katana is an interesting specimen of a Showato (Showa period sword), made in the quiet period between military actions and lacking the military style fittings possessed by many Showa period blades which seem to appear for sale. The lack of a distinctive hamon and file markings on the tang suggest a machine made blade, but the lack of a armoury stamp, and the fact that the mei and nengo are hand inscribed, suggest that the final stages of construction and finishing were performed by hand.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

The cleaning of a roman coin using electrolysis IAR’s Technical Director Gavin Donaghy tells us about his experiments with a roman coin.

Please be aware that we are working with low voltage electricity in a controlled environment. We recommend that if you are thinking of trying to recreate anything that you have seen here that you take the highest precautions. Electricity and water are a dangerous combination so please be very careful.

I originally trained as an electronic engineer but left that profession to pursue a childhood dream of being a field archaeologist. For roughly ten years now I have worked on many archaeological excavations and made my way up the ladder to become a site director, but I always wanted to try and merge both skill sets and bring my electronic knowledge to archaeology.

You can find a lot of metallic artefacts on green field sites, anything from nails and agricultural debris to coins and bronze axe heads. The number of metallic artefacts on an urban excavation can be astronomical. By the time we see the majority of these metallic finds they are usually in an unrecognisable heavily corroded state.

This got me to thinking, could there be a way of cleaning these metal artefacts so that they could be quickly and cost effectively identified?

I initially thought that the internet would make a good starting place to see what people used to clean their artefacts and I wasn’t wrong. There is an extensive selection of videos on Youtube alone about every way possible to clean metal, from immersing it in cola or olive oil to boiling it or hitting it (gently) with a hammer.

During my adventures on Youtube I came across a number of “how to” guides to cleaning metallic artefacts that I found incredibly interesting and looked like they would make the foundations for an archaeological experiment.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011 The videos in question were guides to setting up your own electrolysis kit at home; all of these kits were built from the same components and only varied in scale. The kits were made up of the same core components, a stable DC power supply, a selection of cabling, crocodile clips, a stainless steel rod, an electrolyte, a plastic/ glass container and water.

The power supplies and the container in these home kits are the only components that are not standardised.

The container can be as small as a glass tumbler or as large as a small swimming pool (one person used this to clean the rust off a lorry trailer), while the power supply can be anything from an adapted mobile phone charger to an arc welder. The variation in the home kits made me think of my own set up and what exactly would I need?

The first thing I did was to mix the electrolyte and water. I added two table spoons of soda crystals (the electrolyte) per litre of warm water and stirred until dissolved then poured this into my tray. The second thing I did was to connect up my circuit (making sure that the power is switched off at this stage); connect crocodile clips to the ends of the positive (anode) cable and negative (cathode) cable. Next I connected the positive (anode) cable to the stainless steel spoon and placed it within the electrolyte solution. Then I connected the negative cable (cathode) to the coin (making sure that there was a good connection to the metal) and placed it into the electrolyte solution, making sure I placed it an inch away from the stainless steel spoon. Finally I could switch on the power supply and saw the coin start to fizz slightly in the solution.

In order to make sure that the voltages and currents were right for this experiment I initially tested my equipment on rusted metallic fragments and modern coins. I found that the reaction becomes unstable with higher currents and over time strips the surface of the object. For the roman coin I used the voltage and current I found to be the most stable for this process (9V at 620mA) and then I checked the coin and cleaned off any residue with fine gauge steel wool every twenty minutes over a five hour period.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

The results of the experiment were spectacular, over the five hour period the coin had gone from having very little detail to the point where I was able to make out the detail on the face and the text. Initial searches online based on the results of this experiment have been able to give me a rough date for the coin which was exactly what I wanted.

I would personally think of using this on more modern metallic objects where there is a small amount of corrosion and as a rule would not use it again on objects of antiquity. I must also say that this process is not recommended by professional conservators on items were the corrosion has fused with the surface detail of a coin, as electrolysis can strip these layers away. They also state that if the corrosion is light and does not affect the surface detail the electrolysis process can arrest any corrosive degradation of an object and so help preserve an artefact. In conclusion this was an inexpensive really fun experiment and it yielded great results, but if you want to try it yourself I would recommend experimenting with metal objects that you don’t mind damaging and then when you are comfortable with your set up and know the reaction process then try it on whatever you like.

Competition Based on the images of the coin can you tell us the date, place and ruler on the coin? If so you could win it!

Send your submissions to info@irisharchaeologicalresearch.com putting coin competition as the subject. We will assess them based on our discoveries and pick a winner at random from the correct submissions. The winner will be announced in our next issue.

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

Mystery surrounds strange stone unearthed on Cave Hill Andrea McKernon of the Belfast Hills Partnership tells us about the latest discoveries on cave hill Mystery surrounds strange stone unearthed on Cave Hill Archaeologists have discovered what is thought to be a prehistoric ceremonial site on Cave Hill – right on time for Halloween. The discovery is unprecedented and follows a community excavation at the site of Ballyaghagan on Upper Hightown Road, Belfast.

Schools and community groups have been working in the area for the past week and a team of archaeologists from Queen’s University Belfast (QUB) have expressed excitement at what has been found. Over 400 people have visited the Big Dig.

Dr Harry Welsh from QUB’s centre for archaeological fieldwork now says the cashel (a stone enclosure and dwelling) may not be this kind of structure at all.

A team of medieval experts from QUB are now studying the finds and the mysterious inscribed stone.

“Before we started the dig we thought there would be no big mystery. It was a cashel and we would just be in and out again. But after a few days we started to see that this site does not conform to all the features of a cashel. The medieval lecturers at Queen’s are especially excited by what has been found. “Our research is just beginning, but we think this may be a ceremonial site. We have also found the remains of a very old house dating back to the early 17th century.”

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Irish Archaeological Research Issue 1 Oct 2011

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