Camp condition(s): Suspended Existence of Refugees by Giulia Pantò

CAMP CONDITION(s) Suspended Existence of Refugees L’Esistenza Sospesa dei Rifugiati

Politecnico di Milano Scuola di Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni Laurea Triennale in Progettazione dell’Architettura A.A. 2017/2018 Sessione di laurea: Febbraio 2018 Studente: Giulia Pantò 830901 Relatore: prof. Giulia Setti 1

Politecnico di Milano Scuola di Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni Laurea Triennale in Progettazione dellâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Architettura A.A. 2017/2018 Sessione di laurea: Febbraio 2018 Studente: Giulia PantĂ˛ 830901 Relatore: prof. Giulia Setti 3

Abstract........................................................................................................................6 Introduction..................................................................................................................9 Glossary......................................................................................................................17 Nomadism...................................................................................................................31 1.1_People in flow 1.2_Architecture “in flow” .

2. Spaces of Emergency: How and When a place becomes a Camp?.....................37 2.1_Time: instability 2.2_Space: Camp necessity 2.3_Labels: labels in-the-Camp and before-the-Camp 3. Spaces of Immobility: from Refugee Camps to “Refugee Cities”..........................45 3.1_Time: immobility and permanence action on the space 3.2_Space: identity architecture 3.3_Labels: re-writing the Camp 4. Reading Camp Condition(s)..................................................................................53 4.1_Za’atari Camp, Jordan 4.1.1_overview 4.1.2_Camp reading 4.1.3_traces of the Refugee City 4.2_La Linière, France 4.2.1_overview 4.2.2_ Camp reading 5. Conclusion.............................................................................................................91 Identity: City-camp and Camp-city Bibliography................................................................................................................96 Sitography Images Sources

ABSTRACT

The essay addresses the issue of refugees through a reading of the evolution and subsequent spatial permanence of the camp entity, investigating its potential development as a city. The “camp condition” faces indeed the question of the role of the space about a period marked by an expanding tendency to populations’ nomadism. Through a study of the camp-space establishment, it is possible to understand how the shape of the camp is subordinate to its role as space of emergency, that exists to handle a temporary situation of crisis by controlling “the excess”. The spatial and political isolation of the camp entity is accepted under the claimed protection assurance and the temporary dimension in which each action inside the camp-space is inserted. However, when refugees’ aspired destination remains unreachable, the camp’s temporary dimension evolves into a “permanent transience” where the refugees live a suspended existence of waiting. With the reading and comparison of two case studies, Zaatari (Jordan) and La Linière (France), geographically and culturally distant from each other, it is noticeable how the architectural form acts as a manifestation of this identity evolution of the space: the camp, initially established to manage emergency, evolves into a place of immobility, where a blurred temporal definition and a needless spatial confinement, drive the refugees to rewrite their relationship with the surrounding environment. The research, then, aims to recognise the differentiation of the “camp condition”, accordingly to the context in which it is inserted, and its possible evolution as “urban environment”, where the shape of the city is the expression and pronouncement of a community that, in its relationship with the space, is no more a “refugee”.

Il saggio affronta il tema dei rifugiati attraverso la lettura dell’evoluzione e della successiva stanzialità spaziale dell’entità “campo”, interrogandosi sulla sua potenziale progressione in città. La “condizione campo” porta a riflettere sul ruolo dello spazio in un’epoca contrassegnata da un crescente nomadismo di popoli. Attraverso lo studio dello spazio-campo dalla sua nascita, si comprende come la forma stessa del campo si trasformi in spazio dell’emergenza, istituito per gestire una situazione di crisi temporanea attraverso il controllo degli “eccessi”. In questo modo, l’isolamento spaziale e politico dell’entità campo viene accettato sia per assolvere alle promesse di protezione, sia per la dimensione temporanea che caratterizza ogni azione all’interno dei suoi confini. Tuttavia, quando la destinazione dei rifugiati rimane irraggiungibile, la dimensione temporanea del campo evolve in una “transitorietà permanente”, all’interno della quale i rifugiati vivono un’esistenza sospesa nell’attesa. Attraverso la lettura e il confronto di due casi studio, Zaatari (Giordania) e La Linière (Francia), geograficamente e culturalmente molto distanti tra loro, si riscontra come la forma architettonica diventi la manifestazione di questa evoluzione identitaria dello spazio: il campo, inizialmente stabilito per trattare un’emergenza, evolve in luogo sospeso dell’immobilità, dove un’incerta definizione temporale e un superfluo confinamento spaziale, spingono i rifugiati a riscrivere la loro relazione con l’ambiente circostante. L’obiettivo della ricerca è quindi riconoscere la differenziazione della “condizione campo”, contestualmente al luogo in cui si inserisce, e come questa possa evolvere in “contesto urbano”, dove la forma della città è espressione e affermazione di un gruppo che, nella sua relazione con lo spazio, non è più “rifugiato”.

INTRODUCTION

“It is like that for all the emigrants. Where you see one, you see them all. Here is the drama: they are a hole – for the condition, for the anguishes, for the deprivations – but they are dramatically isolated.”1 Uliano Lucas interviewed by Edgardo Pellegrini, 13 December 1976 1 Author’s translation from: “E’ così per tutti gli emigrati. Dove vedi uno vedi tutti. Ecco il dramma: sono un tutto - per la condizione, per le angosce, per le privazioni - ma sono drammaticamente isolati.“ in Lucas U., Emigranti in Europa, Einaudi, Torino, 1977, p. 121

The collective memory around the word “Camp” has been forced, in the last decades, to introduce a new related image: the one of the refugee camp.2 To define refugees’ emergency settlements as “camps” means to accept their definition as free spaces that are physically or ideally confined and present specific and distinctive characteristics.3 Camp’s borders act as physical and temporal separators, by excluding this “other” entity from the system that created it. In this state of a-normality, life deployment refers to a parallel society that exists only within its borders of exceptionality. The camp thus becomes at the same time a place “absolutely real”, for its physical space and confinement are perceivable from the out-ofborders world, and “absolutely unreal”, since each action is inserted into a “virtual space” that “mirrors” a reality outside it.4 The essay evolves around the object camp investigating the action of its real and figurate borders on refugees’ lives, which are suspended in a simulation of existence contained by recurrent reminders of temporariness. Within these abnormal conditions, the relationship with the physical space becomes the unconscious mean for conflicts and paradox denounce, manifesting refugees’ awareness of an imposed suspended life. 2 Boano C., Floris F., Città Nude, F. Angeli, Milano, 2005, p. 88 3 Reference to Enciclopedia Treccani. “Camp: word that assumed (for the evolution from the principal significance in the origin language) a vast variety of meanings and uses, staying always linked to its principal meaning, that is: free space, confined by material or ideal borders, with specific characteristics.” Author’s translation from: “Campo: termine che ha assunto (per evoluzione dai sign. principali che già aveva nella lingua d’origine) notevole varietà di accezioni e di usi, rimanendo però sempre legato alla sua accezione fondamentale, e cioè: spazio libero, contenuto entro limiti concretamente o idealmente determinati e con caratteristiche proprie.” With reference to “camp” definition, consult Enciclopedia Treccani at the link: http://www.treccani.it/vocabolario/ campo/ 4 Shane G. D., Recombinant Urbanism: conceptual modelling in architecture, urban design, and city theory, WileyAcademy, Chichester, 2005, p. 234

The “territorialisation of the space” through the camp’s establishment opposes to the displacement that caused its creation. The camp thus presents itself as a controlled and protected solution that manifests the will to distinguish from the chaotic movement of migratory flows.

From Space to Camp The refugee camp presents the characteristics of a place that “was conceived before it was realized”5. Both when settled on a strategic plan or when it rises “spontaneously”, which means that the settlement is established by the refugees themselves, the camp environment presents a set of characteristics that allows its classification under the “Camp” label. These features are the same that prevent the camp’s temporal and spatial development towards an urban settlement. “Everything is potential but nothing develops”6, affirms Agier Michel. The “Camp” label then acts both as a promoter for spatial settlement and as a limitation for its further development. The camp is indeed conceived as a space for containment and control, representing “the only possible option”7 to provide the assistance refugees require. It is planned as a necessary setting for protection insurance, by moulding the space as guarantee to oppose the disorder caused by immediate refugees’ fleeing. The camp environment is clearly marked by borders that distinguish and divide what is outside and inside, empowering the camp’s centralised control over the spaces. To cross the border of the camp means to enter the space of “uncertainty”: this “passage” signs not only a change in the environment, but also of “the character of the individual” that becomes “stranger, migrant and different not only for the others, but sometimes even for himself.”8 It usual to have, together with the physical planning of the space, also a settled “date of expiration”9 that declares the temporary nature of the camp. Even under the “empirical evidence” of the temporariness’ uncertain significance, the camp in shaped as a space intended to finish, whose ending is not questioned.10 5 Agier M., On the Margins of the World. The Refugee Experience Today, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2008, p. 58 6 Ibidem. 7 Diken, Bagge Lausten, Zone of Indistinction. Security Terror and Bare Life, 2002 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 23 8 “(Varcare la frontiera) Vuol dire uscire da uno spazio familiare, conosciuto, rassicurante, ed entrare in quello dell’incertezza. Questo passaggio, oltrepassare la frontiera, muta anche il carattere di un individuo: al di là di essa si diventa stranieri, emigranti, diversi non solo per gli altri ma talvolta anche per sè stessi.” in Zanini P. Significati del confine. I limiti naturali, storici, mentali, Edizioni scolastiche Mondadori, Milano, 1997, p. 11 Author’s translation: “(To cross the border) It means to exit a space that is familiar, well known, comforting, to enter the one of uncertainty. This passage, crossing the border, changes also the character of the individual: beyond the border, one becomes a stranger, migrant and different not only for the others, but sometimes even for himself.” 9 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, LISt Lab, London, 2017, p.15 10 Stevenson A., Sutton R., There’s No Place Like a Refugee Camp? Urban Planning and Participation in the Camp, Refugee, vol.28, n.1, 2011, p. 143

The resulting spatial configuration is a consequence of thinking the refugee sheltering as camps, so “purpose-based” spaces whose characteristics are pre-figured out from an idea of space.11 As these spaces need to protect “bare life”, they grow as “bare towns”, where the complete meaning of “township” is “amputated”12. But what happens when the initial purpose changes? Is it still correct, then, to call these places “camps”?

11 UNHCR, Policy on Alternatives to Camps, Geneva, 2014, p. 12 http://www.unhcr.org/protection/statelessness/5422b8f09/unhcr-policy-alternatives-camps.html 12 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 94-95

The protracted temporality of the camp duration immobilizes this emergency space into a “permanent transience”.13 Refugees react to this contrasting situation through actions on the space, that thus assumes the role of mediator and manifesto of their needs and aspirations.

From Camp to “City” The refugee camps are conceived as “spaces of protection”14 whose purpose is to manage the “mass displacement”15. The imminent state of emergency that generates these “spaces of exception” reduces refugees’ protection to the physical sustenance of the body16. The resultant space, created to fulfil these requirements, is a “neutral city”17, where “repetition” and “units”18 are the rules that give rhythm to the space. Refugee camps are established and defined by exterior agencies and, as Manuel Herz notes, they are almost never considered as an independent space “category”19. Their definition is always given in comparison with some other existing space: they present the enclave’s characteristics due to the fact of being a camp, but they are also often compared to the cities’ slums. However, the contextual influences and the memory of the individuals sheltered in the camp begin, inside a protracted temporary dimension, to shape the anonymous space in a recognizable manner. The camp thus evolves, and its temporal and spatial connotations change becoming more and more similar to the city environment. The “proto-urban”20 features visible in the physical moulded form of the camp shows a reaffirmation of the denied political life of the individuals. The space reflects how the “Camp” entity is perceived by refugees, becoming the physical manifestation of the conflicts contained in this perception. The reading of Zaatari and La Linière camps allows the acknowledgment of the different developments a programmed space can occur. Zaatari camp, for its proximity to the origin of refugees’ journey, is characterized by spaces 13 Agamben G., Homo Sacer. Sovreign Power and Bare Life, 1998 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 14 “Camps are a form of settlement in which refugees or IDPs reside and can receive centralised protection, humanitarian assistance, and other services from host governments and other humanitarian actors.” in UNHCR, Emergency Handbook With reference to “camp” definition, consult the link: https://emergency.unhcr.org/entry/95800/site-planning-forcamps 15 Malkki, Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory, and National Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania, 1995 quote in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 24 16 Agamben’s concept of “bare life” in Agamben G., Homo Sacer. Sovereign Power and Bare Life (1995), Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1998 17 The “neutral cities” (Sennet, 1990) are spaces that “isolate” and are “isolated”, Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 40 18 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op cit., p. 232 19 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, From Camp to City. Refugee Camps of the Western Sahara, Lars Muller Publishers, Zurich, Switzerland, 2013 20 Ivi, p. 16

pervaded by the memory of the lost homeland. Refugees consider this camp as a temporary departure from their nation and a momentary interruption of their usual life, both of them they wish to reconstruct when the conflict will be over. On the other hand, La Linièere camp settles in the heart of European migratory networks, close to refugees’ destination, a future homeland they are struggling to reach. The camp becomes here the materialization of the impediment that obstacles the end of refugees’ journey. The aim of the essay is to let the camp’s different developments emerge: spaces that are planned following the same guidelines to ensure the “conservation” of refugees “biological existences”21 are mutated to respond to refugees’ regained identities. Space creates multiple Camp Conditions where the control over the physical environment is subtracted to the world that created it. But is the camp really free from the subordination to its “heterotopia” role, that links its reading to what relays outside its boundaries? Can the camp fully develop to become what we define a “city”?

21 Rossignoli E., Kakuma: la Terra Sospesa, in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 85

GLOSSARY

TIME Nomadism To describe the migration flows in terms of “nomadism”, implies a “general deterritorialisation” of the phenomenon, through the crossing of border and nation’s concepts.22 Nomadism, cleared from the constraints embedded in the concept of immigration, allows a free reading of “people in motion”23. Together with describing the movement of population, it can be applied as a reading criterion of the migratory fluxes. From an urban perspective, it becomes the tool to manage the changes of the “kinetic city”: the temporary dimension confined into the camp is in reality pervading also the space outside the boundaries.

22 Blasi C., Padovano G., Petrillo A., Nomadismo: il Futuro dei Territori, Maggioli Editore, Santarcangelo di Romagna, 2011, p. 87 23 Bassoli N., Nastasi M., People in Motion, Lotus, n.158, 2015

Displacement The action of dis-placement implies a former time of place living, from which people are forced to move.24 Persons under displacement come from a situation of given permanence to be sited inside the declared “materialization of temporary architecture”25. The camp is the transitional space between the “place of origin” and the “place of destination” along the migration “routes”26.This place of displacement represents the “waiting” condition of refugees27, having temporariness as justification of existence. Nevertheless, with a stabilization of the initially provisional nature of the camp, the refugees’ actions on the space direct progressively towards a temporary “placement” condition, as expression of “permanent transience” existence. The camp is transformed, by challenging its “temporary dimension”, in the “node” of “temporary destination”28, assuming the roles of temporary sheltering and the faint journey’s end, where its physical space becomes a representation of this conflictual meaning. 24 Reference to Collins Dictionary: “Displacement: the situation in which people are forced to leave the place where they normally live:” 25 Petti A., Architecture of Exile, Campus in Camps, Dheisheh refugee camp, Bethlehem, January 2015 http://www.campusincamps.ps/architecture-exile/ 26 Gritti A., Setti G., Introvert Boundaries and Vulnerable Cities: the design of Public Space as an Opportunity for the Managing of Migratory Flows and Affirmation of Multiculturalism, 2017, p. 2 in A. Gospodini, Changing Cities III. Spatial, Design, Landscape & Socio-economic Dimensions. Proceedings, Gra ma Publications, 2017 27 Petti A., op. cit. 28 Gritti A., Setti G., op. cit., p. 4

Flow To give the idea of a continuous and unbroken process, the migration phenomenon is described with the word “flow”. The migration “flow” implies a large group of people in movement and this name evokes and helps to visualize the image of a dynamic mass. It contributes as well to understand the routes in terms of destination and origin. It is particularly important to give an image to people’s movement, to fix the complexity of the causes of migration, to give a direction and a sense of continuity to the movements. Compared to the image of the camp, the flows are reconnecting the process on a larger scale, opening the boundaries of camp-site to a world scale of connections. When mapped, the camps are represented by points within migrants’ journey. All the flows are forced to move from a starting point, without a clear destination. The flow is subjected to outside forces and can change its turn depending on the outside conditions. Associating migration with flow means to recognize a recurrence of the migration routes and an impossibility to stop it, as if determined by natural causes.

Immobility When refugees’ destinations stay unreachable for a long period of time, the temporary duration of refugee camps is challenged and, with it, its “purposebased”29 raison d’être inside the migratory route. They become contradictory “temporary destinations”, living in a continuous state of precariousness that “prevents the long-term experience”30 of habitability. Immobility does not correspond to stability but to the establishment of a “frozen transience”31 that pervades any action inside camp boundaries. Refugees react to the confused role of the space with conflicting physical interventions that express both the desire for permanence and the demonstration of an after-camp life existence32, thus re-affirming camp’s temporary borders. The limits of camp duration become a way to define and contain the camp identity, preventing its inclusion in the “outside” temporal continuity; they also help to visualize the camp as a momentum of a world moving context from which it is excluded.

29 UNHCR, Policy on Alternatives to Camps, op. cit., p. 12 30 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 31 Bauman, In the Lowly Nowervilles of Liquid Modernity, 2002 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 32 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 14

SPACE Camp The word “Camp” moved from indicating a place “without houses” to a place “where to live”.33 The “Camp” possesses a variety of definitions, nevertheless it is recognizable by specific physical characteristics. Its territory is confined and made recognisable - from the non-camp environment - by the purpose which shapes it. The refugee camp is the “materialization of the state of exception”34 that is assigned to the label “refugee”. The “refugee” is “stereotyped” into “assumed needs”35 that are manifested through the camp-space, starting from the necessity of protection translated into spatial confinement. A generalization of refugees needs corresponds to a standardization of the camp environment that, protracted on a long-term duration, can embody a physical impossibility for the “political life”36 deployment.

33 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 88 34 Agamben, Homo Sacer. Sovereign Power and Bare Life 1998 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 91 35 Zetter R., Labelling Refugees: Forming and Transforming a Bureaucratic Identity, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 4, n. 1, 1991, p. 39 36 Arendt’s conception of “political life” is detached from the physical space as formed by “[…] the only activity that happens between people, without the mediation of things or matter […]”, however Mehrotra reads this theory from an architectural point of view, questioning “what would be the missing component that does not allow urbanism to fully unfold in refugee settlements (or camps) […]” in Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op cit., p. 232-233

Camp-City Under demographic and space values, refugee camps can be compared to cities or to “proto-cities”. However, their duration and growth depend on external factors that take the camp as the only possible solution to cope with an emergency. The temporary validation of the camps loses its control over the spaces, the environment develops “heterogeneity, complexity, gathering, concentration”37, those being features supporting the “political life” of the city. Through the progressive layering and adaptation of the spaces, it is possible to read how refugees become “urban dwellers in the making”38, whose life cannot be anymore reflected by a standardized environment. Can the camp, through the “questioning” of refugees’ “identity”39, get rid of the physical and mental constraints that prevented its evolution as “political space”?

37 Agier M., Managing the Undesirable: Refugee Camps and Humanitarian Government, Polity Press, Cambridge, 2011, p. 134 38 Perouse de Montclos, Mwangi Kagwanja, Refugee Camps or Cities? The Socio-economic Dynamics of the Dadaab and Kakuma Camps in Northern Kenya, 2000 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 91 39 Agier M., Managing the Undesirable: Refugee Camps and Humanitarian Government, op. cit., p. 133

Border The border is a line40 separating a territory from another. It has the composite role to include and exclude, influencing both the areas that it touches. The border can be immaterial or a physical “edge”41 (it could even be a surface which has a specific thickness, like a wall): in any case it acts in a tangible way on the space. In the camp context, the border often materialises though a barbwire fence which prevents crossing but allows “visual relation”42 among the two separated regions. The physical barrier creates particular “side-effects”43 on the space: the edges of the camp are exceptional spaces exposed to the external world from which the camp wants to ensure protection and also offer separation to the "outside" that wants to isolate them. So the border, on top of being a recognised element, often extends to the surrounding area: some historic walls, among which the Berlin one (1961-1989), often determined sensible military areas perceived as a border identity. For this reason, boundaries are usually flanked by pathways or communal services44 that serve as a screening for residential shelters45 and visual protection for the people living outside the camp.

40 Reference to Enclicopedia Treccani: “Border: limit of a geographic region or of a state; transition zone in where the particular characteristics of a region are dissapearing in favour of a perception of the differentiating features.” Author’s translation from: “Confine: limite di una regione geografica o di uno stato; zona di transizione in cui scompaiono le caratteristiche individuanti di una regione e cominciano quelle differenzianti” With reference to “border” definition, consult Enciclopedia Treccani at the link: http://www.treccani.it/vocabolario/confine/ 41 Lynch K.,The Image of the City, The Mit Press, Cambridge, 1960, p. 62 42 Ivi, p. 65 43 The term “side-effects” indicates, according to Collins Dictionary’s definition, something “unplanned” referred to an existing situation. Here, this word is used to indicate both the un-expected outcomes of the confine imposition and the location of the borders on the “sides” of the camp. 44 Hiristova N., Al Zaatari: Fundamentals of the Refugee Camp, University of Strathclyde, 2016, p. 18 45 Look at Zaatari Case Study to see a demonstration of “side-effects”, p.56-57

Shelter As the camp is the expression of needs of protection, the shelter represents the answer to the necessity of a refuge. The “right of shelter” was institutionalized by the United Nations in 1976 as a human right46, and its importance followed an evolution for “survival” as well as for “human dignity”47. The shelter is physically characterized by a general “incompleteness”, due to the temporary and exceptional environment in which it is inserted. The camp context “forces architecture into a reflection on its primary function”48, where the shelter is shaped as an “habitable space”49 characterized by a roof as protection from atmospheric agents and side boundaries as distinction with the outside space. Refugees, after a long permanence in the camp, transform their shelters into “inhabited spaces”, no more defined according to its standard measures, but reflecting the life taking place inside its “walls”. Though, the shelter reflects not only the physical life of the refugees, but also the “private” identification with the “memory of the house”50.

46 UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 993, 16 December 1966, p. 7: “Article 11. 1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing to this effect the essential importance of international co-oper ation based on free consent.” http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b36c0.html 47 The Sphere Project, Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response, Practical Action Publishing, Rugby, UK, 2011, p. 244 48 Bassoli N., Nastasi M., op. cit., p. 17 49 UNHCR, Shelter Design Catalogue, UNHCR Shelter and Settlement Section, Geneva, January 2016, p. 5 https://reliefweb.int/report/world/shelter-design-catalogue 50 Rossi A., Autobiografia Scientifica (1990), Il Saggiatore, Milano, 2010, p. 66

LABEL Refugee To give a name to the people forced to leave their country means to legally recognize their status of need. Nevertheless, there is not a unique definition of the word “refugee”. Even if largely used to describe people under forced migration, the legal status of refugee is not easily recognized, as it implies an analysis of the forces that obliged the fleeing. The urgency of defining the “refugee” status appeared after the WWII, with the Geneva Convention establishing the need of protection after the war. The label refugee, with an increasing of people’s movement outside the national borders, became a mean to regulate the numbers of incomes in hosting countries. People forced to migrate went under a particularization in sub-labels, though which the political and economic privileges accessed by refugees could be confined: refugee’s containment can, in this way, occur through the labels.51 The reasons of refugees’ forced displacement can be generalized in the need of shelter. In architectural terms, then, a “refugee” is each person in need of a shelter.

51 Refugees: Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of Globalization, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 20, n. 2, 2007, p. 177

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Migrant The “migrant” label risks to be often confused with the one of “refugee”. According to UN definition, a “migrant” is “any person who lives temporarily or permanently in a country where he or she was not born, and has acquired some significant social ties to this country”52. This definition refers, then, not to a person in transit, but to someone who stabilized at the end of a migration journey.53 While the phenomenon of “migration” corresponds to movement and flow, the “migrant” is the person during his (permanent or temporary) destination. However, the word “migrant” tends to generalize including all people in transit.

52 UNESCO, Migrant/Migration, Social and Human Sciences, International Migration http://www.unesco.org/new/en/social-and-humansciences/themes/international-migration/glossary/ migrant/ 53 Ambrosini M., Sociologia delle migrazioni, Il Mulino, Bologna, 2009, p. 17

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Inhabitant The definition of “inhabitant” is inextricably linked to the inhabited place. From the Latin habitare, the relationship man-place implied by habitability includes a feeling of ownership over the space (hab-ere)54. This is the “ultimate goal of participation” expressed by the Toolkit, where camp residents feel “responsible” for the camp55. If the shelter acts as temporary house for people in need, so the refugees represent the precarious inhabitants of this outstanding place. The affiliation with habitability, in the camp context, is a fragment that does not expect evolution and is an exceptional moment of refugees’ lives, a theatre where experiment relationships. The total habitability is avoided by the impossibility of a real ownership of the place, through the maintenance of an dependence on external aids56.

54 Reference to Enciclopedia Treccani: “Inhabit: transitive and intransitive verb from the Latin habitare, “to keep”, form habere “to have”” Author’s translation from: “Abitare: verbo transitivo e intransitive, dal latino abitare, propriamente “tenere”, frequent. di habere “avere”” With reference to “inhabit” definition, consult Enciclopedia Treccani at the link: http://www.treccani.it/ vocabolario/abitare/ 55 Camp Management Guidelines quoted in Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 140 56 Barbara Harrel Bonds quoted in Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 140

Citizen Differently from the “inhabitant”, the citizen establishes a sense of belonging with the space and not necessarily a physical ownership. Settlements handbooks and guides, among the different labels given to the refugees living in the camp, never refer to them as “citizens”. To be a “citizen”, the individual must be given rights and obligations under a nation: this goes against the nature of the camp as “exceptional place” outside state legislations. The camp, organized as the space of “bare life”, limits the evolution of refugees’ “political life” and the related feeling of citizenship. The spaces inside the camp are planned for a material sustainment of the body, while they are scarce in society-like relations promotion.

1. NOMADISM

The permanent truth of the Map and ,thus, of the borders are questioned with the inclusion of migratory flows’ movement.

The artist Alighiero Boetti demonstrates, with his series Maps, how the world’s movement and changes ask for a continuous redrawing of the borders.57 The map and its unquestioned truthfulness is investigated through various textile collages that inspire to the tapestry of nomad culture.58 Through these means, map’s certainties are translated into a narration of population’s movement, producing a resulting image characterized by an unknown familiarity. Maps represent the continuous search for a re-equilibrium, without the claim to reach a stable solution, by looking at the world as a network of “analogies, correspondences, interferences, precarious balances and circular collision” and, so, under incessant movement. 57 Bassoli N., Nastasi M., op. cit., p. 4 58 Ivi, p. 14

People in flow It is usual, when referring to people’s displacement, to introduce the migration phenomenon with statistic and numbers. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) around 67.7 million over 7.5 billion are forcibly displaced (“due to conflict, war, persecution and human rights violation”) people worldwide in 2016. Among them, only 22.5 million are recognized as refugees by institutions.59 About 55% of refugees worldwide come from three countries: Syria (5.5 million), Afghanistan (2.5 million) and South Sudan (1.4 million). The common representation of these fleeing phenomena is through maps, that visualise refugees as flows, risking though to neglect people’s individuality and identity. The map as a tool to orient transforms in a tool to “portrait the humanity in transit”60, to understand the continuous movement of migratory flows and its global scale. It is however paradoxical to stop in a frame and reduce to a momentum a situation that is, for its nature, in constant movement. When looking in fact at the ensemble of migrant populations, they appear as fluxes that contribute to the contemporary “creolization” of the world.61 This process is described by “the addition of the unforeseeable” component of a journey where the “landscape ceases to be a conventional backdrop and becomes a character of the drama of the Relation”.62 People “in flux”, in fact, find themselves deprived by any spatial association, and this categorizes their present and future existence as “stateless”.63 Their new identity reference thus bases on the continuous wondering and on the loss of a pre-existing condition of stability.

59 UNHCR, Figures at a Glance http://www.unhcr.org/figures-at-a-glance.html 60 Gritti A., Setti G., op. cit., p. 4 61 Binni L., Arte Contemporanea Regione Toscana, Identità & Nomadismo, Palazzo delle Papesse, Silvana Editoriale, Siena, 2005, p.22 62 Ibidem 63 “At times we are ashamed when people call us stateless people, boat people. And many other names. […] They give us all sorts of names: boat people, drifters, all because of the tyranny of the military junta that has destroyed our future.” Ustaz Rafik, Rohingya Community Leader’s interview from Human Flow, Dir. Weiwei Ai, Amazon Studios, 2017, min 00.20

Architecture in flow The urgency to define the role of the spaces inside a variable context brings architecture to challenge its aspiration toward permanency as the unique solution for the spatial setting.64 Architecture has always tried to survive to time, undertaking a never-ending war against it “until it (architecture) reveals overpowered”. However, the fast world development and movement signed the establishment of temporary occupational patterns. Architecture acquires further possibilities by including the unforeseen as a creator of new possible physical dimensions: in the space, the architect creates a scene that suggests and promotes relationships, but the interactive event in sè is not predictable.65 The “kinetic city” represents the urban response to the context’s “change” and “unexpected” features66, referring to “something in-between an idea and a map”.67 Its innovation relies on the durability of the event’s image instead of the spatial decisions: the urban fabric this thought assumes “reversibility as a priori constraint on development”.68 Space’s temporariness promotes a direct action on the environment. The inhabitants of the space’s momentum contribute to the architecture’s happening through an appropriation of the site: the given context is modified and re-programmed without any claim of permanence. The tangible traces of people on the environment contribute to the construction of a recognizable setting made of relational places. Here, space’s spectacle displays under the freedom from temporal obligations, with a continuous reconfiguration that re-establishes an equilibrium with the variable context. The refugee camp develops some traits of “urban experience”69 during its transitory and exceptional existence. However, the full deployment of “transitory cities”70 features seems to be impeded by its dependency on external sustainment. The camp space is indeed the icon of the contemporary struggle among temporariness and permanence, that reveals its contradictions by means of architectural manifestations.

64 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Reversibility, 720 FunctionLab. Farshid Moussavi (Ed), London, 2013, p. 7 65 Rossi A., op. cit., p. 23 66 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Temporary Flows & Ephemeral Urbanism, Room One Thousand, n.3, UC Berkeley, 2015, p. 163 67 Ivi, p. 173 68 Ivi, p. 165 69 Ivi, p. 172 70 Ivi, p. 164

“A Ersilia, per stabilire i rapporti che reggono la vita della città, gli abitanti tendono dei fili tra gli spigoli delle case, bianchi o neri o grigi o bianco-e-neri a seconda se segnano relazioni di parentela, scambio, autorità, rappresentanza. Quando i fili sono tanti che non ci si può più passare in mezzo, gli abitanti vanno via: le case vengono smontate; restano solo i fili e i sostegni dei fili. [...] Riedificano la città di Ersilia altrove. [...] Poi l’abbandonano e trasportano ancora più lontano sé e le case.”71 Italo Calvino, Le Città Invisibili, Einaudi, Torino, 1972, p. 82 71 “In Ersilia, to establish the relationships that sustain the city’s life, the inhabitants stretch strings from the corners of the houses, white or black or gray or black-and-white according to whether they mark a relationship of blood, of trade, authority, agency. When the strings become so numerous that you can no longer pass among them, the inhabitants leave: the houses are dismantled; only the strings and their supports remain. […] They rebuild Ersilia elsewhere. […] Then they abandon it and take themselves and their houses still farther away.” in Calvino I., Invisible Cities, translated by Weaver W., Vintage Books, London, 1997

2. SPACES OF EMERGENCY How and When a Place Becomes a Camp?

The picture was shoot during a violent fight between the soldiers of Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and Hutu refugees living in Kibeho camp, Rwanda. This brutal episode questions the impassable protection borders of the camp, revealing its frailty in front of the outside world.

There is not a universally accepted definition for the word “Camp”. The “Camp” changes depending on who is considering this space. Paradoxically, it is at the same time the space of protection72 and the one of desperation73. There is a concept embedded in all its definitions, which is the meaning of the camp as “territorialisation of the space”74. If the space is the environment in which the human action takes place, the territory is the space where these actions charge the environment with values.75 These values make the territory - and hence who inhabits it - distinguishable from what is outside its borders. The territory of the camp is though associated with borders and gates, those being a physical recognition of what is inside and what is outside. 72 UNHCR Emergency Handbook, op. cit. 73 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 10 74 Kibreab (1999) quote in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 30 75 Reference to Enciclopedia Treccani: “Territory: […] Territorialisation, activated by man’s presence in any spatial environment, leads to charge with values the single components and the whole spatial environment […]” Author’s translation from: “Territorio: […] La territorializzazione, che la presenza dell’uomo innesca in un qualsiasi ambito spaziale, porta a caricare di valori le singole componenti e l’insieme di quell’ambito spaziale […].” With reference to “territory” definition, consult Enciclopedia Treccani at the link: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ territorio/

Instability Refugee camps rise under the promise of a temporary duration that justifies their existence in a situation of emergency. Under this premise, the space generated is suspended from the evolution into a stable condition. These “transient settlement” are the image of the “temporary nature of the refugee phenomenon”.76The protracted temporary dimension implicates a continuous dependency on external aids. The camp survives as a parasitical organism that relies, for the sustainment of refugees’ “bare” needs, on humanitarian associations and hosting country’s resources. This is a consequence of the precarious duration of the emergency itself that, as its spatial product, is tied to conflicts handled by outer characters. With these premises, powerlessness and uncontrol are eased to pervade refugees’ life in the camp. This is reflected in their actions on the spaces, that are characterized by reversible interventions realized with light materials. Usually they consist in small architectural transformations of the given shelters that help people to cope with the unhospitable environment, as for example, shading devices, fire spots and drying racks running through the tents. Camp temporariness, however, is not only a “technical dimension”77 consequent to the lack of materials’ availability or permissions. Architecture is the “proclamation” of refugee’s other destinations, whether they are personified by a lost homeland or by a dreamed country. The space becomes a manifestation of the temporary situation the camp represents along their journey. Energy and money investment on an unstable housing or commercial activity is weighted on the benefit income and, usually, this is limits to an acceptable present survival. For this reason, camp architecture embodies the emblem of an impermanent and suspended living, from which refugees affirms would depart as their journey unblocks. The space’s form becomes a vehicle for temporariness expression, a will that is aimed at by all the actors present on the scene. The host country, humanitarian associations and refugees want to keep alive the idea of a “date of expiration” over the camp’s existence. Even if undefined and far in time, this ideal ending creates an incomplete scenario that provides an essential background for refugees’ life. The short-time solutions planned to form camp’s environment can, indeed, prolong for a consistent period of human life, through which people grow in a condition of precariousness. In this sense, it is important to be conscious of the consequences of temporariness over the spaces. The adaptations of the anonymous units constitute the built-up space where a generation can grow, as an average displaced life of 25 years is calculated.78 Each reversible 76 Perouse de Montclos M.A., Kagwanja P.M., Refugee Camps or Cities? The Socio-economic Dynamics of the Dadaab and Kakuma Camps in Northern Kenya, Journal of Refugee Studies, Volume 13, Issue 2, Oxford University Press, 1 June 2000, p. 205 77 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., 2013 78 “[…] We tried to play a role in keeping an open door and enabling people to find a refuge here, and to retain some sense of dignity, a home, until they are able to return to their homes. The average stay I think of a refugee is 25 years, or some number like that.” Dana Firas, Princess of Jordan’s interview from Human Flow, Dir. Weiwei Ai, Amazon Studios, 2017, min 00.39

action, that is inserted in the camp’s “open condition of planning”79, creates durable memories of the spaces, and the fragments of this suspension of life contribute to the future. So, inside the camp, each gesture is charged with significance, as a scene for training post-camp life dimension, where “nothing can be casual but, neither, nothing can be forever determined”.80

Camp Necessity Camp as Heterotopia The camps can also be defined, following Foucault’s theory81, as heterotopias of the “surrounding” world. Heterotopias are the surreal and, at the same time, concrete reflections of the external society. They are spaces that handle the “others”, the “exceptions” that are in a “state of crisis in relation to the society”82. The camps are dependent on the outside society that created them and, in their hierarchical organization, they mirror it. Anyway, these spaces are an altered reflection of the world beyond their marked borders: inside their boundaries, the laws valid on the exterior lose significance and the social hierarchy is re-written basing on the “refugee” status. The camps existence is necessary for the external world to manage the “undesirables”83, so all those people whose forced migration would otherwise undermine the balance of the hosting nations. The camps as heterotopias are “chaotic situations of competing systems”84 that are impossible to be controlled by an urban planner or by a masterplan. The awareness of the impossibility to control these complex networks makes the actors to look for an escape in the illusion.

Modular Spaces UNHCR approaches the site through scheme the repetition of a modular system: the standardisation of the action contributes to a shortening of the intervention and provision times and an easier managing of helps and resources. Nevertheless, this practice limits the efficacy of the interventions on the individuals that are not entering the standardised categories. The modular plan takes, indeed, the “family unit” as the basic measure for shelter assignments, thus excluding “individual” refugee85 from the camp “physical device” functioning.86 79 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Temporary Flows & Ephemeral Urbanism, op. cit., p.178 80 Author’s translation from: “Al suo interno niente può essere casuale ma nemmeno nulla essere risolto per sempre.” Rossi A., op. cit., p. 54 81 Foucault M., Of Other Space: Utopias and Heterotopias, 1964 quoted in Shane G. D., Recombinant Urbanism: conceptual modelling in architecture, urban design, and city theory, Wiley-Academy, Chichester, 2005, p. 232 82 Shane G. D., op. cit., p. 234 83 Agier M., Managing the Undesirable: Refugee Camps and Humanitarian Government, op. cit., 2011 84 Shane G. D., op. cit. 85 Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 141 86 Bakewell, Uncovering Local Perspectives on Humanitarian Assistance and its Outcomes, 2000 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 33

This limitation rises from the rigid controlled imposed to the camp spaces: architecture is used to impose an organized system over the chaos of migratory fluxes. It is important to question the raison d’être of the camp as spaces for refugees, by reconsidering for whom these spaces are designed for87, whether for the managing agencies or to guide the refugees through self-sufficiency, as the guidelines declare. As the refugees should participate to the camp management, then the physical layout should be planned to promote a community communication. However, the camp space appears as an empty “desert”88 where vehicular public spaces promoting communication are instead not visible. In its place, in most of the masterplan the camps are organized for a better control from the exterior perspective of the managing agencies. The previous existing hierarchies that ruled the refugee’s communities before-the-camp are then discarded to fit the refugees inside the camp spaces. There occurs the risk to reduce the refugees to needs to numbers and statistics, accustoming a relation based on dependency and subordination. In this way the camp itself becomes a label that adds to the one of refugee.

87 Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 142 88 Arendt, Was ist Politik? Fragmente aus dem Nachlass, 1993 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 94

Labels In-the-camp and Before-the-camp The camp is a “purpose-built” space settled, by external aid organizations or spontaneously, to accommodate refugees.89 To benefit of the protection and services supplied inside the camp borders, the person-in-need undergoes a process of label’s assignment that recognises his status of forced migration. The establishment of an imposed identity produces a separation of the individual from the context and, so, it limits refugee’s action on the surrounding environment. When the association and classification with a stereotyped existence is prolonged, the label “refugee” becomes a “disturbing identity” that prevents an evolution from the state of dependency. From ensuring assistance’s advantages at its establishment, the label becomes an impediment for a free territorialisation of the space. The camp is, then, the image of an imposed status, thus becoming the representation of an imposed space. The physical restrictions and borders found in the camp are a materialization of the confinement of refugee identity to a “bare” life of the body. By entering the camp space, refugees accepted it as the only possible solution and, within it, they went under an identity’s imposition process. Moreover, with an increase of population’s displacement in the recent years, the process of labelling went under a particularization of categories that distinguished “refugees” from the other migrant groups. By “fractioning”90 the label, national governments tried to regulate the income of migratory fluxes, thus transforming “refugee” status from a “right” to a “restricting” mean.91 Labels become not only a way to normalise a world in movement, but they are the vehicle to establish “convenient images”92 around migratory flows. With this mean, the camp’s rigid organization responds to the will of controlling this phenomenon: grid, modules and borders serve to reaffirm the governmental control over a nomad world where confines are gradually losing their sovereignty.

89 UNHCR, Policy on Alternatives to Camps, op. cit. 90 Zetter R., More Labels, Fewer Refugees: Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of Globalization, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 20, n. 2, 2007, p. 174 91 Ivi, p. 189 92 Ivi, p. 173

“[...] we were building camps: storage facilities for people. But the refugees were building a city.” Kilian Kleinschmidt, Refugee camps are the “cities of tomorrow”, interview for Dezeen, 2015

3. SPACES OF IMMOBILITY

From Refugee Camps to Refugee Cities

Israeli West Bank Wall contains peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s movements and lives, pausing their contact with the exterior. Can normalcy really deploy in a border situation?

On the long term, the camps, whose creation was legitimate by a temporary state of emergency, remain “frozen”93 inside this status of “permanent transience”94. Refugees find themselves dependent on external aids and limited, by the label they are assigned, to rebuild their lives in the new country. Furthermore, the limbo that refugees live between temporary and permanent is strengthened by their will to return to homeland. The hope expressed by the refugees to come back home, when the conflict that made them flee their origin country will be over, makes them to establish a temporary relation with the surrounding space. Whenever they decide to intervene on it, they will opt for a reversible or light intervention, strengthening their position of precarious balance between the search for housing and the choice of sheltering, the hope for a life re-building and the will to come back home.

93 Bauman, In the Lowly Nowervilles of Liquid Modernity, 2002 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 94 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42

Immobility and Permanence Action on the Space The apparent temporary dimension which identifies the camp prevents the evolution of these spaces and, consequently, of refugees’ lives into a stable and permanent solution. The only progression that camp planning acknowledges, takes place as spatial enlargement, through a “neutralizing repetition”95 of modules. The physical expansion corresponds to the reaffirmation of need of the camp entity to handle a protracted people displacement, and so to the repetition and prolonging of a temporary dimension. Temporality is thus transformed into a “frozen transience”96, a continuous status of unstable impermanence. However, despite the appearance of a permanent dimension inside this temporary space, the precariousness at the base of camp’s conditions keeps fixed. This prevents refugees from evolving their situation: their existence remains suspended between temporariness and permanence and their life is paused by camp’s physical and temporal boundaries. Nevertheless, the impermanence of the actions promotes an immediate relation of people with the surrounding environment. Refugees find a physical answer to their need and, because of the urgency of these needs, they opt for a direct special action, without waiting for external permissions. By looking at the ways refugees act on the spaces that are created for them, it is possible to understand the conflictual connection between the people in the camp and the surrounding physical context, even if this link is often denied. The fear of transforming this temporary situation into a permanent living pushes refugees to keep the relationship inhabitant-space based on spaces belonging to them and not them belonging to spaces.

Identity Architecture Architecture in the camp is the materialization of a continuous powers’ re-balance over spaces ownership. The “power over life”, imposed by the organization of the camp as a space of control, is challenge by “power of” refugees to “reshape their lives”, that is gradually reestablished by moulding the environment to give it a new form.97 The camp thus becomes the product of political tensions that are animating refugees’ suspended existences. Through the physical dimension, refugees express the political life from where they were deprived and the elements that formed the image of the camp as a space of control are transposed in refugees’ memory with a new meaning.

95 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op. cit., p. 233 96 Bauman, In the Lowly Nowervilles of Liquid Modernity, 2002 quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 97 Katz I., Between Bare Life and Everyday Life: Spatializing Europe’s Migrant Camps, Amps, vol. 12, n. 2, University of Cambridge, October 2017, p. 12-13

Space Images Architecture in the camp is planned to be a “mediator” for services’ access98; however, it is translated by refugees into a “political signifier”99 of their exceptional condition. Refugees gradually refuse spatial impositions to which they were subjected to access facilities by intervening on the environment with physical identity statements. They oppose to the state of “dependency” that fits them in “a place not formed by them but rather that happens to them”100. The physical borders that distinguished the diverse entity of the camp space and separate it from the outside world remain as physical obstacle but start to be crossed by means of cultural and commercial trade. The edge loses, in this way, its control over the spaces and transforms into a stitch that brings the image of a separation but allows cultural and commercial transience. At the same way, space modularity is broken in favour of proximity to services and a decentralization of the power control. The private and public spheres begin to articulate and to contaminate creating “unexplored possibility”101 under the premise of temporariness. It is then appropriate to talk about multiple “camp conditions” and to read the space outside the usual spatial classifications of formal and informal102, to comprehend camp dichotomy of a heterogeneous space in movement confined to the physical and political borders that created it.

Re-writing the Label The “refugee” label is linked with the need of sheltering and protection, and the camp is the last possible answer to these urgencies. However, when a person stops to be a “refugee”, according to the word definition103, the camp loses its initial reason of being. It is no more a space of emergency but, instead, it evolves in what Camillo Boano calls a “space of immobility”104. The label “Camp” changes its meaning of spaces for “bare life”105 when the refugees themselves start to re-write their identities. When “refugees”106 refuse a label imposed from the outside, with all the subsequent political, economic and cultural implications, the camp space which was designed from “above”, starts to be re-figured from the “bottom up”107. The space then, together with refugees living in it, undergoes a process of identity reaffirmation, acquiring a meaning and a recognizable plot. 98 Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 137 99 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 13 100 Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 140 101 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op. cit., p. 12 102 Ibidem 103 Look at the “Glossary” under refugee’s definition 104 Boano C., Floris F., op.cit., p. 42 105 “Bare life”: from Agamben to Arendt conception of biological existence in Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op. cit., p. 232-233 106 Intended as population living in a host country, not as label “refugees” 107 Jane Jacobs quoted in Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 138

Relational Spaces Physically, this process is exhibited through architectural manifestations. The rigid masterplan of the camp starts to articulate in a more complex system of relations, generating in-between spaces that shade the categorisation private-public. Inside the prevalently residential shelters appear spaces of leisure and commerce, as a declaration of the new necessities of inhabitants108. These relational spaces generate a vibrant community system at different levels. Through a spatial action, refugees manifest the acknowledgment of imposed label’s limitations and ask for an environment that reflects their conscious condition. The “individual identity” overpowers the “stereotyped” one by refusing the “absolute”109 and undifferentiated spatial relationships planned in the camp heterotopy. The denied relation individual-context110 is thus gradually re-shaped basing on physical “coping strategies”111 applied on spaces. Relational places become in this way mediators between refugees’ origin and destination, so between the memory of a lost place and the hope for a permanent future outside the camp. The identity before-the-camp, indeed, is claimed through the creation of spaces that embody the image of homeland and re-establish the pre-existing rituals of everyday life. At the same time, these ritual places become the connection with the outside word, to shape “normality” through spaces inside “an abnormal situation”.112 The resulting space resembles a “proto-city”113, where the relationships are trained in sight of an after-camp life: architecture records the signs of “refugee” label’s re-conceptualization and develops as readable materialization of “spiderwebs of intricate relationships seeking a form”114.

108 Look at the “Glossary” under inhabitant’s definition 109 Zetter R., Labelling Refugees: Forming and Transforming a Bureaucratic Identity, op. cit., p. 39 110 Ibidem 111 Toolkit quoted in Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 140 112 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 17 113 Ivi, p. 19 114 Calvino I., Le Città Invisibili, Einaudi, Torino, 1972

4. READING CAMP CONDITION(S)

Zaatari Refugee Camp: commercial street of the Champes ElysĂŠes

La LiniĂ¨re Refugee Camp: principal axis

The next section focuses on two case studies: Zaatari Camp in Jordan and La LiniĂ¨re Camp in France. Through a reading of the relationship refugee-camp space, it is possible to highlight the multifaceted evolution of a space programmed following standardised protection measures. What these examples allow to outline is the crucial relevance of the temporariness as foundational principle of the space creation and definition. The conflict against permanence emerges from the physical modification of the camps that become, in this way, a proof of the spatial possibilities offered by uncertainty. The two case demonstrate the different Condition(s) in which the camp could evolve, always inserted within an environment which is kept temporary under the city control. The final relationship to investigate in the one that occurs between the City and the Camp, both influencing each other.

ZAATARI CAMP

DAARA

Zaatari Camp

AL MAFRAQ

ZAATARI CAMP

OVERVIEW

Location: Jordan, Mafraq Governorate Total Person of Concern: 79.148 Camp Area: 5.3 square km Opening: 28 July 2012 Administration: Jordanian Government and UNHCR

57.250

2012

124.105

2013 84.588

2014

79.357

2015

79.559

2016

2017

79.148 60

Number of refugees living in Zaatari Camp

02.09.2011

15.11.2012

Planning Zaatari Camp represents a crucial point in the Desert that divides Syria from Jordan: it is thought to host Syrians fleeing from the civil war, both for its closeness to the Syrian Border and for the proximity with the Jordanian city of Mafraq. The city of Mafraq counts 75.000 people123, a number that was overcome by refugees in Zaatari camp. Despite the camp was organised following UNHCR’s planning strategies of 20.000 people’s camp, Zaatari is now counting about 80.000 hosted refugees. Even if numerically close, Zaatari grow through a rigid spatial configuration that prevented the public spaces development. Nevertheless, the relation with the city of Mafraq pushed a commercial exchange with the world outside the camp, inserting Zaatari in the market route of the area. The planning phase did not consider the prolonged duration of the settlement and the desert ground demonstrated particularly hostile for a long term staying. The area’s decision moved indeed from the request of an empty land, that open the possibility of further expansion.

Ground Appropriation The “Hanbook of Emergencies” exposes the importance of a “bottom up” plan, with the care of families’ specific needs. However, the urgent need for shelters prioritized, inside Zaatari, the development of an orthogonal grid system: the camp has been organized in districts subsequently subdivided into further blocks by the streets, all to provide humanitarian associations with a better spatial organization. The empty flat land easies the unlimited application of a modular system of shelters, confined only by the enclaves’ boundaries. The wall entity starts to appear from the beginning of the camp construction, under the premise of protection assurance.

123 UNHCR, Syrian Regional Refugee Response, op. cit.

28.07.2014

29.07.2017

Transformation In 2013, Zaatari camp reaches the territorial extension we see right now. The wall becomes a firm establishment and the process of expansion turned to a progressive densification of the blocks, influencing the initial grid disposition. This brought to the definition of spaces with respect to their position to the borders. The blocks located on the “old” part of the camp, thus closer to the main gate, present a denser shelter pattern, because of the valuable proximity to the goods inlet door. On the other side, the “boundary effect” created on the wall acts as a reminder of living in a heterotopia.

Management The long duration of the camp, together a gradual commercial opening toward the exterior, contribute to a service scattering across the camp. With the trade entering the protected enclave, what was predominantly a residential area start to develop specific spaces according to the new needs. This went together with the appearance of unplanned public spaces at different scales. The Street is transformed into the place for social relationships, different from the circulation road system. Streets dedicated to commerce became the directories for the spatial growth: a major density of shelters is noticeable where these services rise, as a demonstration of the value of proximity. Pushed by the commercial activities surrounding it, the street represents the scene for public interaction to take place. In this way the vast outdoor spaces became something more than empty land, acquiring recognizability and purposes.

Camp

District

District 1 District 5

District 12

Street

Shelter

Images showing the progressive organization of the campâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s units.

District 8

District 12

The North-West area of the camp was the first to be settled. For this reason, it is possible to notice a different orientation of the streets because of the fast need of shelter. With the development of the camp, the formerly established districts developed a denser occupation pattern, due to their proximity to services. and of an improvement of the individual shelter condition.

Servicesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; proximity is a determinant factor to read the resultant figure ground. The two directories of the Champes ElysĂ¨e constitute an attraction for their physical (entrance) and commercial (goods exchange) connection with the outside. Spatially, these routes gave a development orientation for the camp expansion, defining and orthogonal growth of the camp.

Camp Image

Blocks Rhythm

Density Pattern

District 1

District 5

District 8

From 2013 on, emergency tents start to be substitute with caravansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; units, as a statement of a prolonged thinking of the camp solution. Nevertheless, tents remained in the camp as available resources to improve shelters through small modifications: space transforms into an heterogeneous catalogue of temporary situation, challenging the standardised image of the camp.

The continuous attacks on Syria alimented a migration flow toward Zaatariâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s safe spot. The initial capacity of the camp was to be reconsidered, and emergency adressed space spread in East direction. The South-East areas of the camp are the ones of most recent settlement, thus presenting a lower density of shelters and less developed living units. 67

TRACES OF THE REFUGEE CITY Housing

At the opening of the camp, all the refugees were living in family tents. This was due both to the high and immediate demand for housing units and to the temporary use that the shelter should have covered. Almost 8 months later, when it came clear that the civil war was not about to conclude, pre-fabricated containers came to substitute canvas. The containers, being more insulated and safer from eventual flooding, offer also a major privacy to their inhabitants. They are usually raised of a step from the ground, and that increases the boundary from interior to exterior. These shelters allow also a personalization of the spaces: it is not unusual for the refugees to take materials from communal facilities to construct some addiction or improvements to their private spaces. It happens in the case of public toilets, that are disassembled to be rebuilt inside self-built partitions outside the caravan. Kilian Kleinschmidt124 talks about a “privatization” of spaces taking place in the camp: by using the materials found inside the camp’s boundaries to improve their own day-life, the refugees recognise their belonging over the space. The label Camp becomes something that is accepted and is developed by the refugees themselves, without the mean of external actors. The refugees, during the process of containers’ allocation, were fitted into the NGOs’ numerical standards and provided with an equal and featureless unit. Nevertheless, it is possible to notice, with the long permanence in the camp, the development of different housing patterns. 124 UNHCR, A Day in the Life: Zaatari. Welcome to Zaatari, ep.1, 2013 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o4OIVW0waEo

4.1-4.8 4.9-5.1 5.2-5.4 5.5-5.8 5.9-6.1 6.2-6.4 6.5-6.9 68

Number of People per Household

The refugees started to move the caravans using fences and wheels for transfer means, generates a disorder in the preliminary masterplan of the camp. The resultant configuration is described as “a nightmare to every site planning in the world”125. The orthogonal disposition of the tents and caravans is in fact challenged by the refugees trying to rebuild the pre-existing social hierarchies of proximity. This happens in the South of the camp area, with the reunion of the refugees coming from Ghouta, who fled Syria with the city chemical attack on 2013.126 Through this action, the space acquires recognisability in the repetition of units inside a deserted space. The transition from the emptiness of the open spaces to the introspection of the private sphere is shaded through the establishment of in-between spaces. These constitute of enclaves created by flanked containers compound, benefiting of the sun shade generated by the shelters’ closeness. The water provision facilities are another pole of attraction around which examples of small community cooperation develop. However, often they are repositioned by refugees to ensure the proximity needed by the users. Each action inside the camp carries the deeper meaning127 of demonstrating refugee’s consciousness outside the applied label. By moving their shelters, the refugees manifest their existence before the camp life. 125 UNHCR, A Day in the Life: Zaatari. Theft or Privatization?, ep. 2, 2013 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6or4ws-tmoo 126 Edstrom M., op. cit. 127 “Every single banal act, from building a roof to opening a new street, becomes a political statement concerning the right of return. Nothing in the camp can be considered without political implications.”, Petti A., op. cit.

Streets Distribution 69

Courtyard

Entrance

Family members: 10

2 Caravans

Family members: 8

4 Caravans

Courtyard The role of the container goes beyond the one of “sheltering” and becomes a way to reconstruct an appearance of a lost homeland. It is usual to find containers assembled in a way to recreate the planimetry of a typical Arabic house. The courtyard represents the imaginary of familiar privacy, that both is excluded from and excludes the outside world. Often, the enclosed spaces obtained through the reasoned disposition of the containers, are shaded with the use of the old tent sheets, to increase the visual and light isolation. The “architecture of the veil”, as the Arabic buildings are defined for their intimate sphere, focuses on the search for privacy and the cure of interiors. The tradition of spaces gravitating around a central core dates back to the nomads of III B.C. and developed through the diffusion of precious and decorated courtyard over the West Bank countries. The characteristics of these constructions are a sobriety of the exteriors and the valuableness, both material and spiritual, of the private “microclimate” created in the interiors.128

128 Al Alabidin M. Z., The Courtyard Houses of Syria, Foundation for Science, Technology and Civilization http://www. muslimheritage.com/article/courtyard-houses-syria

Involvment

Family members: 8

Screening Spaces

5 Caravans

Family members: 10

7+ Caravans

Fountain Another recurrent component in the camp shelters is the fountain: the architectural element is charged of significance and contribute to keep alive the memory of Syria. In a desert environment characterized by water shortage, the fountain existence is not linked with drinking needs, but acts as the core around which the family rituals take place. With the available materials, the refugees work to construct a “landscape of memory” inside their private containers. The position of the fountain, not visible from the outside, underlines its role in the family life. As the fireplace for Frank Lloyd Wright129, the fountain responds to the need of reestablishing roots and stability. This architectural element does not belong to the physical “bare town” created to protect refugees’ lives, going beyond the material needs of man: the fountain becomes an expression of inhabitancy of spaces.

129 ” Vedere ardere il fuoco ben sprofondato entro la solida muratura della casa mi diede una sensazione di conforto e di agio. Una sensazione alla quale non rinunciai più” Wright F. L. quoted in De Rosa P., Biografie: Frank Lloyd Wright, Archimagazine Author’s translation: “To see the fire burden embedded inside the solid masonry of the house, gave me a feeling of comfort and ease. A feeling that I never gave away.” http://www.archimagazine.com/bwright.htm

Conclusion The camp environment gives the possibility to study the capacity of people to act on the surrounding space. Zaatari’s situation is characteristic because of the common background and shared culture of the inhabitants. What happens there is the re-construction of Syria in the peripheries of Jordan. This process of re-appropriation of spaces works together with the detachment of the label “Refugee” from refugee’s identity. The action on the physical space manifests, to the exteriors, the “political statement”131 of the will of return. The community is trying to rebuild a memory of their homeland in the new country: this is a process of acknowledgment of the impossibility to come back to their previous lifestyles in Syria, because of war destruction. This cultural reconstruction is endorsed by a physical rebuilding of the spaces that transmits, in its image, refugee’s cultural belongings.132In this way, the programmed spaces are transformed into recognizable places, where temporariness is never questioned but, on the other hand, pushes for direct interventions on the surrounding environment. Refugees indeed, after the loss of a homeland, acquire a “spatial ease”133 that allows their immediate action on the camp-space. Zaatari forces the outside world to an internal reflection on the “sovereign of the nationalspace” and on the “continuity man-citizen”134, so on the association of the man to a territory or a city that defines his identity: the refugee denies the identification with the camp as an imposed spatial solution representing his uncertain condition. Through the spatial freedom, justified by the exceptionality of the temporary situation, the refugee “refuses the restricted belonging to a limited space”. This results in a space that does not aim at permanence, but that, instead, explores the possibilities of uncertainty. Temporariness offers an adaptable environment favouring relationships and businesses development: this is exemplified by the commercial streets of the Champes Elysées. Here, not only goods are distributed to the camp community, but they are also exported to Jordan’s cities135, thus challenging the meaning of the imposed border. 131 Petti A., op. cit. 132 “Man where are we sitting right now?” “Brother, we are in Syria”, extract of a dialogue during the tea ritual in front of a self-built fountain close to the caravan, in Habash D., Zaatari: Jordan Newest City, Birmingham-Southern College, Birmingham, 2016 133 “Con la loro [degli apolidi] “disinvoltura spaziale” queste figure […] mettono in crisi alle fondamenta l’idea stessa di spazio nazionale, la sua sovranità.” in Zanini P., op. cit., p. 67 Author’s translation: “With their [of stateless people] “spatial ease” these figures […] undermined at the base the same idea of national space, its sovereign.” 134 Agamben G. “Homo Sacer”, 1995 quoted in Zanini P., op. cit., p. 67 135 “We needed to generate an income and in the camp you can make some money.” Refugee’s interview in PBS NewsHour, World’s largest Syrian refugee camp has developed its own economy, 2016 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dzp8pvc1r1c

LA LINIÃ&#x2C6;RE CAMP

La Linière Camp

FOLKESTONE

DUNKIRK

CALAIS LA LINIÃ&#x2C6;RE CAMP

Location: Grande-Synthe, Dunkirk, France Total Person of Concern: 1.3000 Camp Area: 0.5 square km Opening: 7 March 2016 Closure: 10 April 2017 Administration: MSF and Utopia 56

2.500

2015

Basroch makeshift camp

1.300

2016

7.03.2016 Opening of La Linière Camp

1.500

2017

10.04.2017 Fire and destruction of La Linière Camp

Number of refugees living in La Linière Camp 80

La Linière refugee camp represents “France’s first official refugee camp”. Settled by Médecines Sans Frontières (MSF) on the route refugees undertake to reach UK, it represents the sought destination for the people fleeing Iraqi Kurdistan.136 La Linière is a key point along European migration routes and its reading helps to visualize the approach of refugees to the camp space in a different state of emergency, characterized no more by conflicts and persecutions’ escape but - differently - by a tension for the geographically-close end of the journey. In the French camp, the proximity with the overseas destination interferes on refugees’ relationship with the environment, that is constantly maintained on a temporary base. The continuous manifestations of the border’s presence, established through rigid controls and fences raising, transform the camp into an obstacle for stability reaching.137 Even if the camp rises overtly as an institutionalized mean of control, it is the consequence of a previously existing makeshift camp. The unsustainable conditions of refugees settled in Dunkirk forced the city major to the only possible solution of the refugee camp, going against French internal policies for crisis management. The camp, then, raised as an unwanted necessary entity under political conflict among the involved institutions. The area chosen for the settlement reflects the conflictual character which pervades the camp: a narrow strip of land that was cut out between the highway directed to UK and the railway.

136 Alzayani R., The Chill Sets in at La Liniere, France’s First Official Refugee Camp, Refugees Deeply, 18 January 2017 https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/01/18/the-chill-sets-in-at-la-liniere-frances-first-officialrefugee-camp 137 Davis A., Grande-Synthe. The Humanitarian Camp that France Didn’t Want, FRANCE 24, 2016 http://webdoc.france24.com/france-first-humanitarian-camp-grande-synthe/

Basroch Makeshift Camp 19.02.2016

27.09.2015

Planning

Ground Appropriation (Set-up)

The camp is characterized by an ordered spatial organization that proves the intentionality behind its institutionalization. Environment’s formality raised, however, from a former makeshift settlement that it came to substitute. The previous “tent city” was located in the middle of Grande-Synthe park where refugees waited, in precarious self-made shelters, to enter UK’s borders under the eyes of French citizens.138 The formal camp came to relieve both refugees and citizens from an uncomfortable situation: despite the declaration of institutions’ control over the space, the camp settled as an answer to a spontaneous settlement, thus weakening the “formal/informal dichotomy”139 that aims to govern the spatial organization.

Camp solution was determined, as previously in Calais, by refugees themselves who found in the camp the temporary space to wait. However, when MSF and the local government agreed to formally generate a camp physically isolated, refugees found themselves physically and relationally detached from the concrete possibility to get in touch with the people smugglers pushing the illegal transit from France to UK.140 La Linière camp is the result Calais’ “jungle” tested experience. Wooden shelters, previously used in Calais, were adopted to face the stormy weather that characterizes the area. The tents were more likely to materialize the idea of temporality, ensuring a shortterm plan both for refugees and citizens. Anyway, the wooden shelter limits the action on the interior space availability, thus the covered space is limited to a sleeping area.

138 Davis A., op. cit. 139 Katz I., op. cit., p. 10

140 Alzayani R.,

23.08.2016

10.05.2017

Management

Ground Leaving (Destruction)

The governance and daily management of the camp is emblematically assigned to Utopia 56, an association known for the organization of “Vieilles Charrues” music festival.141 This choice implies a symbolic statement of the French camp as an “ephemeral” entity.142 In a sense, the camp is conceived as an event and, as such, the audience is not included. However, in La Linière case, the partecipants are not spectators but the protagonists of the story for which the event should be played.

MSF was involved in the camp mainly during its planning and construction, and it definitely stopped working in the camp in August 2016. Utopia 56 revealed itself frail in front of an undefined temporariness of the camp: it was impossible to keep monitoring the camp’s situation as if it was a shortterm event and – at the same time – there were no premises and the public willingness to develop a longer-term planning and to think the space as a durable condition. In September 2016, and following the dismantling of Calais, 400 people (mostly Afghans) entered the camp, challenging the homogeneity and the precarious equilibrium of the previously created space. Everything conveyed for a highly conflictual and unliveable setting, especially due to overcrowding and tense proximity between different ethnic groups. Indeed, the situation – and the camp with it – collapsed in April 2017 during a fight that ended with a fire that out burned the wooden camp.

141 Neuman M., Esnée F., Sheltering, hosting or receiving refugees: the unresolved ambiguities of the La Linière refugee camp, 5 July 2017 https://www.msf-crash.org/en/publications/campsrefugees-idps/sheltering-hosting-or-receivingrefugees-unresolved-ambiguities-la 142 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Temporary Flows & Ephemeral Urbanism, op. cit.

Conclusion La Linière camp can be considered as an infrastructure that aims to control people’s movement through the “temporary” suspension of the recognized existence of refugees in the “outside world”.143 The impossibility for the city of Dunkirk to improve Basroch informal camp and the subsequent obliged decision for an institutionalized settlement corresponds to the “incorporation of the camp into [our] everyday practices”144 as the forced solution145 even when far from the conflict. La Linière then becomes a necessary member of the “global infrastructure”146 network and enters, despite its “state of exception”147, inside the borders of normalcy. The camp construction corresponded to France’s acknowledgment of its internal refugee crisis. MSF is in fact a French association usually involved into international emergencies; the assistance required inside the national borders marks a crucial change in the migration panorama of the last decades.148 This humanitarian organization is forced to an involution of its services, thus stating a decentralization of the fleeing routes from the nations in conflict and, therefore, the acquired centrality of Europe as migration “node”149. 143 Katz I., The Global Infrastructure of Camps in Insecurities: Tracing Displacement and Shelter, MoMA, 10 January 2017 https://medium.com/insecurities/the-global-infrastructure-of-camps-8153fb61ea30 144 Minca C., Geographies of the Camp, Political Geographies, n. 49, 2015, p. 74 145 When a refugee emergency occurs, the first question to ask is whether or not a camp is the most appropriate settlement option for the displaced population. All other options should be considered as they may be more appropriate to the nature of the displacement.” in UNHCR, Emergency Handbook, https://emergency.unhcr.org/ entry/93180/camp-strategy-guidance-planned-settlements 146 Katz I., The Global Infrastructure of Camps, op. cit. 147 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 9 148 Davis A., op. cit. 149 Gritti A., Setti G., op. cit., p. 2

The borders of La Linière are themselves exceptional and contradictory: refugees are not segregated in the camp, as the major of the city left them free access to city’s services, but they are excluded from another country. The fence has the function to exclude, and not to segregate. Refugees face the exclusion situation during their recurring attempts to cross the borders. The temporariness of the camp becomes a hindrance to the migration flow, transforming its image from space of protection to space of control. La Linière case exemplifies the lack of a broader thinking and planning that poses the camp within a global frame of continuous movement.

Temporal Extension

ZAATARI CAMP Zaatari camp was settled as a temporary answer to the conflicts in Syria more than five years ago. Refugees living in the camp underwent the change from an emergency to immobility situation, toward a progressive suspension of their condition. Life and spaces inside its boundaries are strongly influenced by the unknown duration of the camp and by its planned ending.

Spatial Extension

A compound of containers in Zaatari.

For its closeness to Syrian frontier, Zaatari has been settled on an empty desert land. This location enhanced its initial possibilities for a further spatial expansion. The broaden potential has been anyway limited by borders’ establishment, thus defining a controlled spatiality of the camp occupied ground. Continuous refugees’ incomes started then to be regulated by increasing blocks’ density. Street view on the commercial street of the Champes Elysées.

Context

The proximity of Zaatari with Syria, keeps alive in the refugees the memory of the lost homeland. Despite the cultural integration with Jordan is grounded in pre-war years, the sense of belonging to this place is blocked by the desire to rebuild a national identity. The closeness to the origin of the journey impedes to see in the camp the final destination.

Refugees

Syrian revolutionary flag on the top of an container adapted to shop.

Refugees’ living in Zaatari come from the same cultural background. The space of the camp becomes the mean through which this collective memory is manifested and kept alive: fountains, private courtyards and commercial streets are visual remands used that recreate the image of both individual and national identity, transforming the camp in a fragment of Syria in Jordan. 88

The crowded street of the Champes Elysées with Syrian flag.

LA LINIÈRE CAMP The French camp of La Linière kept faithful to its expiring date: after two years services, the space was destroyed by a fire raised during a fight among refugees. However, no plans were made for a future reconstruction, for the conflicts around the camp forced creation remain still unsolved.

Refugees adapt their containers with light interventions.

La Linière position reflects the disagreements around its creation. The area addressed for the camp was indeed a strip of land (ligne) carved out between the highway and the railway. Its expansion was thus controlled by the infrastructure of the city, acting as a buffering zone that does not allow a contamination between the different environments. Street view of an empty road in La Linière.

La Linière derives from a previous “spontaneous” settlement located inside the city of Grand-Synthe, where refugees were waiting to enter UK borders. The camp is then perceived as a suspension space inside a route toward a defined destination, as the representation of the institutional obstacles that do not allow refugees to reach the journey’s end. American flag manifesting refugees’ will to leave the camp.

The reason of La Linière destruction relies in the heterogeneity of the refugees living in the camp. The ethnical conflicts present in the origin countries were transferred inside the camp, where overcrowding and hard living conditions imploded with a final physical collapse of this heterotopy. 89 The tense situation in the camp often gives rise to physical conflicts.

5. CONCLUSION IDENTITY: CITY-CAMP AND CAMP-CITY

City-camp The questions developed around camp entity are a statement of the acquired impact of these closed environments on the outside world. The “urbanized” world is interrogating itself on the autonomy that the heterotopy spaces seem to have acquired, despite their creation was subordinated to segregation and containment scopes. Even if the spatial action of refugees remains exceptional and embedded into a heterotopia dimension, created by an “outside world”, the effects of the urban aspirations - through which camps develop - cross their impassable borders. The camp becomes a space through which the city itself is questioned. The camp-city mirrors how the city can learn urbanity from the camp environment, the camp being not a monodirectional acknowledgment of the city features into the camp boundaries, but a bouncing reflection on the permanent urban role of the camp in a dynamic environment.150

Temporariness suspends both Camp‘s affirmation as an independent space and Refugees’ existence: they find themselves along a journey with no end and destination.

150 “Understanding the settlements of refuge under the rubric of a urbanism of the ephemeral is fundamental, not only for understanding and improving their condition, but also for understanding and improving current conditions of the contemporary city. What can design do to overcome such a scenario, both in the camp and the city?” in Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op. cit., p. 233

Camp-city The camp rises under the agreements of temporal and spatial constraints and does not oppose to these intrinsic limitations. Even when it develops into more permanent forms of association, the camp keeps ready to be “discarded at any time” whenever refugees are given a safe destination.151 The degree of permanence that pervades camp existence is a further imposition by the outside environment. Therefore, what prevents the camp from being a city is the negation of an “autonomous managing of time and space”152 and of a continuous dependency on the external. “Temporary urban processes” of the camp do not “aspire to be permanent”153 as refugees are not claiming for a stability in the camp. The way the space is moulded is a continuous affirmation of the wished return to homeland or to the vision of destination that moved the journey. The need for space change comes from the “bare” identity of the refugee who is viewed like a sum of physical requirements. Space is transformed to compensate the lack of individuality of the label, both to re-affirm it and to manifest it. However, the camp sets like a “transitory city”154 where the collective memory is created: it is a scenario for relationships deployment to take place. Spaces are moulded to keep a memory of the outside world, an illusion of temporariness of the situation against a possible permanence. The role of the urban inside the camp is to represent “the other”155, the image of the outside world that exists out of the boundaries, the memory of a place that could either be the origin or the destination of refugees. The space thus reinforces the idea of temporariness that defines refugees’ situation, always protracted towards a boundary crossing and a different journey’s end.

151 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 18 152 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 95 153 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Temporary Flows & Ephemeral Urbanism, op. cit., p.165 154 Ivi, p.164 155 Foucault M., Of Other Space: Utopias and Heterotopias, 1964 quoted in Shane G. D., op. cit., p. 232

Learning from Camp Condition(s) The case studies show how the space of the camp is subordinated to its foreseen and limited duration. Even if a temporary conception of the exceptional state of emergency is shared both by refugees and camp-planning guidelines, a long-term duration is the inevitable consequence of the events.156 The prolonged emergency is nevertheless considered as a protracted temporariness and not as a stable solution.157 In this way, the space is suspended in a “condition of immobility” which prevents further evolutions of the camp to a “sedentary” lifestyle.158 This impermanence of the camp spaces is conceived in different ways by the actors involved: the camp is planned to only sustain “bare life”, suspending the political action159 of the individuals, while refugees gradually shape their experience of the camp as a “period of practice”160 where to train relationship in a parallel society. Zaatari brings examples of spaces evolved into stages for public life, as the commercial route of the Champes Elysée: the street section shows the creation of hierarchy of spaces that shades the passage from the private involvement of the shelters and the public ground of the roads. The Champs’ way contributes to the re-establishment of refugees’ political dimension, with its name being a manifesto of the camp’s memory of the outside world. The camp represents a “node” inside migration’s routes161 and, as a momentum of a journey, it assumes an existence of refugees before and after the camp experience. However, by accepting this space of exceptionality, the individual is assigned with the label “refugee” that, as Roger Zetter states, includes both the act of “identification”, through the imposed application of the label, and the “mark of identity”, which is a generalization of the existence into a “bare life” accepted to benefit protection and services.162 In this way entering the camp, that is the space for “refugees”, corresponds to a temporary denial of the political life. The role of architecture inside this conflict between identity and imposed status is the one of being the physical evidence of refugees’ existence as individuals outside the camp. The places shaped by refugees are moulded to create analogies with the world outside the border: the camp becomes a space of memory of the origin of the journey and image of the destination.

156 “In addition to meeting the immediate needs, planning should take into consideration the long-term provision of services even if the situation is expected to be temporary.” in UNHCR, Emergency Handbook, op. cit. 157 Stevenson A., Sutton R., op. cit., p. 143 158 Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 42 159 “[…] the radical transformation of politics into the realm of bare life (that is, into a camp), legitimated and necessitated total domination.” in Agamben G., op. cit., p. 70 160 Herz M., ETH Studio Basel, op. cit., p. 18 161 Gritti A., Setti G., op. cit., p. 2 162 Zetter R., More Labels, Fewer Refugees: Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of Globalization, op. cit., p. 173

Through this process of place-making, the confinement within the space-camp is challenged by a re-established reference with the “outside world”, and consequently by the refugees’ identity re-defined in relation to the place.163 However, the continuous link with the other side of the borders enhances the will to continue the journey to reach its destination. In La Linière, the camp is an impediment that detaches the refugees from the passage to UK. By protecting who live inside its borders, the camp also excludes them by the traffic operations that would bring them to stability. Camp could be viewed as a different city that could “never really reach the city”164 but, at the same time, develops further features that allow the management of a context in movement which the city itself did not manage to handle. The adaptability of the camp space, improved to cope with an unstable and unforeseeable physical and cultural environment, is missed by the “ordinary” city that nonetheless finds itself involved into the migratory flows that tried to control. The “urban features”165 of the camp move from the memory of a lost destination to the establishment of a parallel transitory life. As a final consideration for further researches on the topic, the impermanence learned from the camp experience can reveal its importance in the city realm. Camps are planned and managed according to manuals that generalise the spatial environment, being vague on the contextual conditions in which the emergency settlement is established. These guidelines try to regulate the movement, being settled by the “stable” point of view of the outside world. However, Raul Mehrotra and Felipe Vera remind us how the city itself is “suspended in a constant negotiation between two contrasting conditions”: the will “to maintain” the actual condition and its existence as “kinetic city” that takes part to the global motion.166 From these statements, a mirrored study of the city from the unstable point of view of the camp could open the urban scenario to new spatial possibilities in our living environment. The camp study can thus generate an alternative manual showing how the space could change and adapt under the acceptance of temporariness and of a context in movement.167

163 “Ogni luogo è certamente singolare proprio nella misura in cui possiede sterminate affinità o analogie con altri luoghi; anche il concetto di identità e quindi di straniero, di cui ho parlato, è relativo.” in Rossi A., op. cit., p. 65 Author’s translation: “Each place is characteristic precisely in the measure in which it owns endless affinities and analogies with other places; also the concept of identity and, then, of foreign, that I have talked about, is relative.” 164 “The camp can be compared to the city, but it will never really “reach” it [the city].” in Agier (1999) quoted in Boano C., Floris F., op. cit., p. 94 Author’s translation from: “Il campo è paragonabile alla città, ma non la “raggiunge” mai veramente.” 165 Perouse de Montclos M.A., Kagwanja P.M., op. cit., p. 205 166 Mehrotra R., Vera F., Mayoral J., Ephemeral Urbanism, Does Permanence Matter?, op. cit., p. 11 167 Ivi, p. 13

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IMAGES SOURCES Cover image: Zaatari Camp https://mylearningspace2015.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/zaatari2.jpg p. 10, Introduction: Lucas U., Trasbordo alla frontiera, 1975, Luino http://www.ulianolucas.it/wp-content/gallery/contestazione-lungo/03_1973_immi_sviz_0001copy.jpg p.16-17, Glossary: Nizip Camp, Gaziantep, Turkey, 27.03.2016 https://www.humanflow.com/gallery/ p.18-19, Glossary: Kutupalong Camp, Ukhaia, Bangladesh, 03.10.2016 https://www.humanflow.com/gallery/ p.20-21, Glossary: Piscitelli G., From Here to There, Mediterranean Sea, 2011 http://cdn-elle.ladmedia.fr/var/plain_site/storage/images/media/images/piscitellimigrants_002/56144595-1-fre-FR/Piscitelli-Migrants_002.jpg p.22-23, Glossary: Idomeni Camp, Greece,18.03.2016 https://www.humanflow.com/gallery/ p.24-25, Glossary: Piscitelli G., Harraga. In Viaggio Bruciando le Frontiere, Tunisia, 2011 http://cache.20minutes.fr/photos/2015/08/26/ras-jedir-tunisie-15-mars-30e4-diaporama.jpg p.26-27, Glossary: Khan Yunis, Gaza,11.05.2016 https://www.humanflow.com/gallery/ p.28-29, Glossary: Lesvos, Greece, 02.01.2016 https://www.humanflow.com/gallery/ p.33, Nomadism: Boetti A., Mappa, 1971-72 in Bassoli N., Nastasi M., People in Motion, Lotus, n.158, 2015, p.12 p.38, Spaces of Emergency: Lowe P., Kibeho, Rwanda, 1995, for Magnum Photos for Newsweeks https://www.worldpressphoto.org/collection/photo/1996/spot-news/paul-lowe/12 p.46, Spaces of Immobility: Habjouqa T., Dayr al-Balah, Gaza, Palestinian Territory, 2013 https://www.worldpressphoto.org/collection/photo/2014/daily-life/tanya-habjouqa/06 p.54, Zaatari Camp: Adayleh R., Avenue de Champs-Elysee, Zaatari, 2015 https://abagond.wordpress.com/2016/06/02/zaatari/ 104

p.55, La Linière Camp: Charlet D., Dans le camp de la Grande-Synthe mardi, Grand-Synthe, 2016 http://www.europe1.fr/societe/grande-synthe-fin-du-demenagement-des-migrants-vers-lenouveau-camp-2689345 p. 58-59, Zaatari Camp: Aerial pictures available on Google Earth pro p. 60, Zaatari Camp: Diagram realized by the Author, data available on Syrian Regional Refugee Response at the link: http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/settlement.php?id=176&country=107&region=77 p.62-63, Zaatari Refugee Camp: Aerial pictures available on Google Earth pro p.64-65, Zaatari Refugee Camp: map realized by the Author, original map made by REACH p.64, Zaatari Refugee Camp, Camp: State Department Photo, A close-up view of the Za'atri camp in Jordan for Syrian refugees, 18.07.2013 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zaatari_refugee_camp#/media/File:An_Aerial_View_of_the_Za%27a tri_Refugee_Camp.jpg p.64, Zaatari Refugee Camp, District https://mylearningspace2015.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/zaatari-2.jpg p.65, Zaatari Refugee Camp, Street https://timedotcom.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/zaatari-refugee-campjordan.jpg?quality=85&w=1012 p.65, Zaatari Refugee Camp, Shelter https://s3.amazonaws.com/blog.oxfamamerica.org/firstperson/2013/04/Zaatari-campJordan.jpg p.66-67, Zaatari Refugee Camp: diagrams and maps realized by the Author, original map made by REACH http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/documents.php?page=1&view=grid&Language%5B%5D= 1&Settlement%5B%5D=176&Type%5B%5D=1 p.66-67, Zaatari Refugee Camp: pictures by Strømme Framgard L. G. p.68-69, Zaatari Refugee Camp: Author, original map made by REACH p.70-71, Zaatari Refugee Camp: Author, original drawing and pictures are courtesy of Strømme Framgard L. G. p.72-74, Zaatari Refugee Camp: Author, original map made by REACH

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p.78-79, La Linière Refugee Camp: Aerial pictures available on Google Earth pro p.80: La Linière Refugee Camp: Diagram realized by the Author, datas available at the link: https://www.msf-crash.org/en/publications/camps-refugees-idps/sheltering-hosting-orreceiving-refugees-unresolved-ambiguities-la p.83, La Linière Refugee Camp: Basroch, Grand-Synthe, 19.02.2016 http://www.fredsabourin.com/2016/02/fulgence-the-teatcher-au-camp-du-basroch.html p.83-84, La Linière Refugee Camp: Aerial pictures available on Google Earth pro p.84-85, La Linière Refugee Camp: map realized by the Author, sources available on Open Street Map http://www.openstreetmap.org/way/403302095#map=17/50.99576/2.28509 p.86-87, La Linière Refugee Camp: Charlet D. AFP, Construction du nouveau camp de GrandeSynthe, 03.03.2016 http://www.rtl.fr/actu/societe-faits-divers/en-image-grande-synthe-le-premier-camp-en-franceaux-normes-internationales-accueille-les-migrants-7782233890 p.88, Zaatari Camp: courtesy of Strømme Framgard L. G., Zaatari p.88, Zaatari Camp: Zaatari Refugee Camp, 23 August 2013 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Zaatari_refugee_camp,_Jordan_%289660903303%29.j pg p.88, Zaatari Camp: Hannon M., A Syrian refugee hoists the Syrian revolutionary flag over a makeshift shop, during a strike at Zaatari Refugee Camp, in Mafraq, Jordan http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/25/world/la-fg-refugees-syria-jordan-20130526 p.88, Zaatari Camp: Hamra K., Syrian refugees and aid workers mix on a market street in Zaatari, AP, Press Association Images, April 2014 p.89, La Linière Camp: Alzayani R., Beshwar Hassan, from Iraqi-Kurdistan, waters his plants outside his cabin, 2017 https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/01/18/the-chill-sets-in-at-la-linierefrances-first-official-refugee-camp p.89, La Linière Camp: Sputnik/, Daniel and his friends want to travel to Britain or maybe further on, 2016 p.89, La Linière Camp: Sputnik/, Men and kids play football at the Linière humanitarian camp, 2016

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p.89, La LiniĂ¨re Camp: Sputnik/, Grande-Synthe migrants, 2016 https://sputniknews.com/europe/201603181036509223-migrants-camp-france/ p. 92, Conclusion: Paci A., Centro di Permanenza Temporanea, video, 05.30, 2007 http://www.artribune.com/attualita/2013/09/milano-e-lalbania-adrian-paci-alpac/attachment/007-6/

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