Map the Gap: Visualizing Sociospatial Inequity in the U.S. by GSD African American Student Union

MAP THE GAP

Visualizing Sociospatial Inequities in the Built Environment Visualizing Sociospatial I n e q u i t y in the U.S. Research by students at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design Fall 2015 1

In Response

In the wake of recent events â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which have brought about an erosion of social justice

and racial equity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; designers and planners must find a voice. As responsible contributors to the development of urban environments, we must stand accountable for our part in generating the communities we see today. With that being said, accountability also presents opportunity. We have unique resources and capacities to dismantle, reimagine, and reconfigure institutionalized systems to reflect inclusive, resilient, equitable places to thrive.

2014 New York, NY

1965 New York, NY

Executive Summary

Established by the African American Student Union at Harvard University’s Graduate

School of Design (GSD AASU), “Map the Gap: Visualizing Sociospatial Inequity in the U.S.” is a research project that explores the link between design and social justice in the built environment. Offered as a for-credit seminar in the fall 2015 semester, the project is rooted in current events and situated within larger efforts led by the AASU. “Map the Gap” investigates socioeconomic, spatial, and political inequities across four categories in several U.S. cities that have been impacted by recent police shootings. Analyzing these fatalities within their specific context, as well as within citywide, state, and federal policy is central to “Map the Gap.” Investigations are structured around a fatal encounters atlas that develops narratives around three Black victims of fatal encounters from Baltimore, Boston, and St. Louis. Baltimore and St. Louis were chosen in response to the fatalities of Freddie Gray and Michael Brown respectively, and Boston because of its contentious and well-known history of race relations. In an attempt to humanize each of the victims, our work moves through a dot referenced on a map, to a narrative of a human life, to a detailing of each victim’s community fabric. By contextualizing fatalities within their individual environments, the project offers a new lens with which to better understand the climate of police brutality in the United States.

Data Point as fatality

Victim as human life

Context as community fabric

Following the atlas, a set of categorical studies follows that deepens our understanding of the dynamic and unjust forces in impacted cities. The project primarily examines the three cities across (1) their histories of urban renewal, (2) the stark racial divisions in their educational systems, and (3) their public transportation networks and job mobility. As inequities are analyzed, overarching national trends may surface, which unearth systemic injustice latent in U.S. cities.

Timeline of Related Responses

Contents

“Map the Gap: Visualizing Sociospatial Inequity in the U.S.” originated in the Fall of 2014

2014

2015

Chapter 1

Fatal Encounters Chapter 2

Urban Renewal

“Map the Gap” presented at National Organization of Minority Architects (NOMA) Conference in Los Angeles.

Oct. 14

Black in Design Conference hosted at the GSD.

Oct. 9-10

“BANG BANG BANG! Housing Policy and the Geography of Fatal Encounters” exhibit opens at GSD.

Aug. 31

InFORMing Justice: A Conversation about the Role of Design in Building Equitable Communities is cosponsored by GSD Afircan American Student Union and the Joint Center for Housing Studies.

Apr. 8

Hackathon held at GSD in response to grand jury ruling in Ferguson.

Nov. 22

as a response to the multitude of Black lives lost at the hands of law enforcement in the United States. The project has been central to our work as a student group. The timeline below displays the various initiatives by the Harvard University Graduate School of Design African American Student Union (GSD AASU) as they pertain to our work across equity in the built environment.

Chapter 3

Education Chapter 4

Job Access & Mobility

2016 6

In light of the recent and growing coverage of police brutality against Black men and women,

1,146 people were killed at the hands of the police in the United States in the year 2015.

the GSD AASU began to map each of these fatal encounters from 2000 to 2015. From this map, it was evident that these encounters occur pervasively across the nation; yet they almost always take place in, and disproportionately affect, Black and low-income communities. The atlas of fatal encounters serves to catalog lives lost to police brutality in an attempt to humanize and recognize each of the victims. Their stories are then contextualized within their individual built environments in an effort to better understand the climate of police brutality. Through an investigation of the context surrounding fatal encounters, the ways in which encounters relate to not only physical, but also economic and social conditions, becomes more clear. While the fatal encounters atlas is largely a mapping exercise, it also aims to humanize each victim and provide greater insight into his urban experience. Each entry begins with a photo of the individual who died and is paired with his biographical information. Also included are details of the individual fatal encounter and the aftermath that each death sparked. A neighborhood map then illustrates the site of the occurrence and is followed by map that identifies the local conditions particular to the victim, such as their home, place of employment, school, and other places of interest. Through the mapping of fatal encounters, it is evident that continued disinvestment, racist and classist policies, and social prejudice have engendered environments that support the landscape of police brutality and ultimately fatal encounters. The maps shown document the racial distribution, median household income, educational attainment, and reliance on public transportation, at both the citywide and neighborhood scale.

-The Guardianâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s The Counted

CHAPTER 1

Fatal Encounters Joshua Jow, Dayita Kurvey, Dana McKinney

FREDDIE GRAY | Baltimore, MD April 19, 2015 Cause of Death: Spinal Injury

HIS STORY Gray was the son of Gloria Darden and had two sisters, his twin, Fredericka, and Carolina. At the time of his death, Gray lived in his sister’s home in the Gilmor Homes neighborhood. Gray had a criminal record of drug charges and minor offenses. He had been involved in twenty criminal court cases, five of which were still active at the time of his death. In February 2009, he was sentenced to four years in prison for drug possession with intent to deliver and was paroled in 2011. In 2012, he was arrested for violating parole and in 2013, he returned to jail for a month before being released again. Despite Gray’s criminal record, friends and neighbors described him as beloved by his peers, laid-back personality, and with a strong sense of humor. THE INCIDENT Freddie Gray was arrested by the Baltimore Police Department for possessing an illegal switchblade. While transported to the station in a police van, Gray fell into a coma and was transported to a trauma center. He also suffered from cardiopulmonary arrest and was subsequently resuscitated, but he never regained consciousness. His death resulted from severe injury to his spinal cord, in which 80% of his spine was severed at his neck. Some accused the officers to rough driving, in which he was unrestrained in the back of the vehicle and neighbors claimed that the officers beat Gray with a baton before entering the van. THE AFTERMATH On April 21, 2015, pending an investigation of the incident, six Baltimore police officers were suspended with pay. During the city’s investigation the U.S. Department of Justice also opened an investigation of the fatal encounter. On May 1, 2015, the medical examiner ruled Gray’s death a homicide. Paralleling the protest and unrest seen in Ferguson, MO with the death of Michael Brown, Jr., on April 25, 2015 protests turned violent and several buildings within the city of Baltimore were set on fire and looted. On September 8, 2015, Gray’s family received a settlement of $6.4 million for his wrongful death. On December 16, 2015, the first trial against one of the six officers involved was deemed a mistrial. The New York Times reported on July 27, 2016 that all charges had been dropped against the officers in Gray’s case.

Baltimore Sandtown-Winchester Neighborhood Fabric

Baltimore City Fabric

48%

Baltimore Race Distribution

70%

64%

52%

30%

City

12%

48%

Police Force 88%

44%

70%

38%

12% 88%

48%

38%

Fatal Encounters

Site of Non-White FE 62% Black Non-White White

Freddie Gray Non-White FE White FE Black Majority Black

Black

Racial Demographics

Baltimore demonstrates the largest proportion of a Black population among the cities studied; 63.7% of its Non-White residents are Black. However, the police force is disproportionately White at 48%.

White

Hispanic Asian Other

Baltimore Median Household Income

$45,000 $40,000 $35,000 $30,000 $25,000 $20,000 $15,000 $10,000 $5,000 $0

Block Group of Gray’s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

Baltimore

30%

Median Household Income 25% The median household income of residents living in the census block group where Freddie Gray’s death occurred is significantly lower than that of Baltimore’s Black population, non-white population, and overall 20% population. $0

15%

$250,000+

10%

$15,000 $10,000

Baltimore Educational Attainment

$5,000

Bachelor’s Degree or Higher

30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0%

25%

Block Group of Gray’s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

Baltimore

Educational Attainment

Only 1% of the residents in the block group where Gray died had earned a bachelor’s degree or higher. 20% 15% 1 dot = 1 person

10% 21

MARQUIS BARKER | Boston, MA November 21, 2007 Cause of Death: Gunshot wound

HIS STORY A resident of the Dorchester neighborhood in Boston, Barker was a husband and father to five children. Barker had worked as a correctional officer in the Suffolk County Sheriff’s office for 18 years. Upon his death, he was described as a soft-spoken, loving father. THE INCIDENT Barker’s wife, Kim Sanders Barker, called 911 when her husband began walking in circles in front of their Fuller Street home with a pellet gun pointed at his head. In her call to the police, she mentioned that Marquis was diabetic, suffering from a mental breakdown, and served as a correctional officer. This information was not passed along to the responding officers, nor were they told to exercise restraint. Sergeant Detective Joseph MacDonald, the officer who answered the call, also neglected to request assistance from a psychiatric professional. When the officers arrived to the scene, Barker was still pointing the gun at his head. When prompted to drop the weapon, Barker entered a vacant police cruiser and drove off. Several police officers quickly pursued, and Barker crashed into a nearby gate a half-mile away from his home. The officers began to fire at the vehicle. When the gunfire ended, Barker was found with both hands on the steering wheel and the windows were rolled up in plain view. THE AFTERMATH Two years after the fatal encounter the Suffolk district attorney ruled that the officers acted lawfully. Three years following the incident, Kim Sanders Barker filed a $4 million wrongful-death lawsuit against the city of Boston. She claimed that the Boston Police violated her husband’s civil rights and used excessive force.

Boston Dorchester Neighborhood Fabric

Boston City Fabric

48%

Boston Race Distribution

25%

70%

24%

35%

54%

City

46%

Police Force

12%

88%

65% 38%

40%

60%

57%

33%

Fatal Encounters

Site of Non-White FE

Black

67%

Non-White White Marquis Barker Non-White FE White FE Black Majority Black

Racial Demographics

The Black community is highly segregated to the southern neighborhoods of Roxbury and Dorchester. The Non-White Boston Police Department racial distribution is almost completely proportional to that of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s overall population. White There is a slightly higher proportion of non-White than White fatal encounters (21:14). Boston demonstrates the lowest disproportion in regards to racial composition.

Black White Hispanic Asian Other

Boston Median Household Income

$60,000 $50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000 $10,000 $0

Block Group of Barker’s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

50%

Boston

Median Household Income 45% Unlike the other incidents studied, the median household income of the fatal encounter’s block group is 40% higher than that of the majority Black and majority non-White neighborhoods, but remains lower than the city’s MHI. 35% 30% $0

25%

$250,000+

20% 15%

Boston Educational Attainment Bachelor’s Degree or Higher

$60,000 $50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000 $10,000 $0

Block Group of Barker’s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

Boston

50% 45% 40%

Educational Attainment 35% The educational attainment of the fatal encounter’s block group follows the trend of the other two incidents studied in that it is substantially lower than the city, majority non-White neighborhoods, and majority Black 30% areas. 25% 20% 1 dot = 1 person

15% 10%

MICHAEL BROWN, JR. | Ferguson, MO August 9, 2014 Cause of Death: Gunshot wound

HIS STORY Brown graduated from Normandy High School in St. Louis County, where he completed an alternative education program eight days before his death. While several described Brown as no angel, particularly as he was going through a rebellious streak, he also spoke seriously of religion and the Bible. Before his death, he had experimented with drugs and alcohol, but took interest in rapping. THE INCIDENT Michael Brown and his friend, Dorian Johnson stole several cigarillos from a nearby convenience store and shoved the store clerk upon exiting. Officer Darren Wilson the only responding officer recognized Brown from the suspect description. An altercation ensued between Brown and Wilson at the police cruiser, in which 2 shots were fired. Subsequently, Wilson pursued Brown on foot, where he fired several more shots, fatally wounding Brown. THE AFTERMATH In November 2014, a grand jury ruled for the non-indictment of Wilson, which led to widespread protests throughout Ferguson and in part, inspired the Black Lives Matter Movement. Brown’s death received nationwide attention and sparked tensions of majority-black communities that suffer from incidents of police brutality. In March 2015, the US Department of Justice completed a report on the Ferguson Police Department and called that it completely overhaul its criminal justice systems, claiming that it violated citizens’, particularly Black citizens’, constitutional and civil rights. However, the report concluded that Wilson’s use of force against Brown was defensible and cleared his charges.

St. Louis Ferguson Neighborhood Fabric

St. Louis City Fabric

48%

St. Louis Race Distribution

49%

35%

70%

44%

37%

City

12%

63%

Police Force 88%

56%

38%

12% 88%

21%

Fatal Encounters

79%

Site of Non-White FE

Black Non-White White Michael Brown, Jr. Non-White FE

Racial Demographics

White FE

St. Louisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Black population represents nearly half of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population and outnumbers its White Black population, but the police force is disproportionately White at 63%.

Black Majority Black

Non-White

White

Hispanic Asian Other

St. Louis Median Household Income

$40,000 $35,000 $30,000 $25,000 $20,000 $15,000 $10,000 $5,000 $0 Block Group of Brownâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Death

35%

Black Population

Non-White Population

St. Louis

Median Household Income

30% household income is severely lower than the Black population. Further, the MHI demonstrates The median that the residents are hovering around the poverty line. 25% 20% $0

15%

$250,000+

10%

$10,000

St. Louis Educational Attainment

$5,000 $0

Bachelor’s Degree or Higher

35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Block Group of Brown’s Death

30%

Black Population

Non-White Population

St. Louis

Educational Attainment

The fatal encounter’s block group where Brown was shot demonstrates a 0% educational attainment of a 25% bachelor’s degree or more. 20% 15% 1 dot = 1 person

10%

Conclusions

National Fatal Encounters 2000-2015

The racial distribution of the block group in which each fatal encounter occurred contain a higher percentage of Black residents than the cities themselves, with the block groups in which Freddie Gray and Michael Brown were killed containing nearly 90% Black residents. In every fatal encounter, the incident’s corresponding block group demonstrated a significantly lower educational attainment than the city’s overall population. In all three cases, the block group in which each fatal encounter occurred demonstrated a lower educational attainment than the city’s Black and broader nonWhite population. St. Louis in particular demonstrated a 0% educational attainment of a bachelor’s degree or more in the block group corresponding to a fatal encounter. Based on our findings, we discovered that people in low income and low educational attainment neighborhoods are more susceptible to fatal encounters. However, it is difficult to differentiate between race and class due to the fact that our calculations of majority group areas was not fine grained enough to analyze the Black population alone. In future studies we would like to use census blocks instead of block groups to achieve a finer granularity. Despite the limitations of the data, the atlas of fatal encounters provides insight into the built and socioeconomic landscape of low-income, poorly educated Black communities that often fall prey to police brutality.

Non-White FE White FE

Methods

Fatal Encounters Atlas Cities 2000-2015

The national map in this spread shows the distribution of fatal encounters in ten cities: Oakland, Los Angeles, St. Louis, Chicago, Atlanta, Cleveland, Washington, DC, Baltimore, New York City, and Boston. Data was collected from the Fatal Encounters website (2000 and 2015), and then displayed via ArcGIS. Throughout this document, the encounters are categorized as a non-White and White due to variation and inconsistency in their reporting. The number of reports dramatically increased between 2010 and 2015. The demographic data used, including, race, median household income, and transportation, was sourced from the United States Census Bureau 2007-2011 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates. Areas defined as majority non-White were determined by a simple majority, in which non-White residents, including Black, Hispanic, Asian, and other ethnic groups, accommodated for 50% or more of a block group. Similarly, majority Black areas were defined by a simple majority, in which 50% or more of a block group as Black.

35 41

33 54

38 33

596

98 66

Total FE

249

SOURCES Andersen, Travis. “Wife of slain man sues city.” Boston.com. November 20, 2010. Accessed December 1, 2015. http://www. boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2010/11/20/wife_of_slain_man_sues_city/. Ashkenas, Jeremy and Haeyoun Park. “The Race Gap in America’s Police Departments.” The New York Times. April 8, 2015. Accessed October 12, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/09/03/us/the-race-gap-in-americas-police-departments. html. Baker, Al, J. David Goodman, and Benjamin Mueller. “Beyond the Chokehold: The Path to Eric Garner’s Death.” New York Times. June 13, 2015. Accessed December 17, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/14/nyregion/eric-garner-police-chokeholdstaten-island.html. Bidgood, Jess and Sheryl Gay Stolberg. “After Freddie Gray Deadlock, Uncertainty for Prosecutors.” The New York Times. Accessed December 17, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/18/us/freddie-gray-baltimore-william-porter-jury-deadlock.html. Downs, Kat, Alexandra Garcia, and Amanda Zamora. “The DeOnte Rawlings Shooting.” November 11, 2011. Accessed December 15, 2015. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/metro/interactives/rawlings/. Eligon, John. “Michael Brown Spent Last Weeks Grappling With Problems and Promise.” August 24, 2014. The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/25/us/michael-brown-spent-last-weeks-grappling-with-lifes-mysteries.html. Fatal Encounters. “Database and Last Name Check.” 2015. Accessed June 1, 2015. http://www.fatalencounters.org/. Fleischer, Jodie. “Deadly police shooting of unarmed teen reopened after Channel 2 investigation.” WSB-TV Atlanta 2. May 17, 2015. Accessed December 16, 2015. http://www.wsbtv.com/news/news/local/deadly-police-shooting-unarmed-teen-reopenedafter/nmH9H/. GeoCommunity. “GIS Data Catalog.” 2014. Accessed September 18, 2015. http://data.geocomm.com/catalog/index.html. Graham, David A. “The Mysterious Death of Freddie Gray.” The Atlantic. April 22, 2015. Accessed December 15, 2015. http:// www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/04/the-mysterious-death-of-freddie-gray/391119/.

McLaughlin, Michael. “Ex-Transit Officer Who Killed Oscar Grant, Unarmed Black Man, Wins Lawsuit.” Huffington Post. July 2, 2014. Accessed December 17, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/07/01/oscar-grant-lawsuit-bart-officer_n_5548719. html. Reynolds, Dean. “The brief, troubled life of Laquan McDonald.” CBS. Accessed December 10, 2015. http://www.cbsnews.com/ news/the-brief-troubled-life-of-laquan-mcdonald/. Schmadeke, Steve. “Chicago cop indicted on 6 murder counts in Laquan McDonald slaying.” Chicago Tribune. December 16, 2015. Accessed December 16, 2015. http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/local/breaking/ct-jason-van-dyke-indicted-laquanmcdonald-met-20151216-story.html. Shoichet, Catherine E. “Laquan McDonald video: Shot teen spins, falls onto road.” CNN. November 24, 2015. Accessed December 16, 2015. http://www.cnn.com/2015/11/24/us/chicago-laquan-mcdonald-shooting-video/. Smith, Mitch. “Cleveland Officer Says He Shot Tamir Rice After Fake Gun Was Pulled.” The New York Times. December 1, 2015. Accessed December 16, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/02/us/cleveland-officer-says-he-shot-tamir-rice-after-fakegun-was-pulled.html?_r=0. Thompson, Cheryl. “DeOnte Rawlings civil suit over fatal shooting is settled.” The Washington Post. November 11, 2011. Accessed December 10, 2015. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/deonte-rawlings-civil-suit-over-fatal-shooting-is-settled/2011/11/02/ gIQANcMbCN_story.html. Thompson, Cheryl. “Review of DeOnte Rawlings Case.” The Washington Post. April 20, 2009. Accessed December 16, 2015. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/discussion/2009/04/19/DI2009041900774.html. United States Census Bureau. “American FactFinder.” Last modified December 3, 2015. Accessed December 10, 2015. http:// factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?src=bkmk. United States Census Bureau. “TIGER/Line with Selected Demographic and Economic Data.” Last modified 2015. Accessed October 1, 2015. https://www.census.gov/geo/maps-data/data/tiger-data.html.

Healy, Jack. “What happened in Ferguson.” The New York Times. November 26. 2014. Accessed December 10, 2015. http:// www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/08/13/us/ferguson-missouri-town-under-siege-after-police-shooting.html. Justice for Ariston. “Cover-Up of Murdered Black Youth Ariston Waiters by Union City Police Chief.” Accessed December 17, 2015. http://www.justiceforariston.com/. Los Angeles Times. “Full Coverage: Ezell Ford Shooting.” Los Angeles Times. Accessed November 16, 2015. http://www.latimes. com/local/lanow/la-me-ezell-ford-shooting-sg-storygallery.html.

This chapter presents the unfolding of urban renewal in our three case cities and examines

“A boy last week, he was sixteen, in San Francisco, told me on television — thank God we got him to talk — maybe somebody thought to listen. He said, “I’ve got no country. I’ve got no flag.” ... I don’t have any evidence to prove that he does. They were tearing down his house, because San Francisco is engaging — as most Northern cities now are engaged — in something called urban renewal, which means moving the Negroes out. It means Negro removal, that is what it means. The federal government is an accomplice to this fact.”

the implementation of such programs and their effects on the Black populations residing in each city. Urban renewal programs across the United States guaranteed promises of better futures as a result of revitalization and land redevelopment, but in many cases the outcomes differed from the promises for marginalized communities. The mappings display how, over several decades, urban renewal districts in each city corresponded with the migration (as in the case of Boston), or concentration (as in the case of Baltimore and St. Louis) of Black residents in areas declared for urban renewal.

Urban renewal as we know it today was introduced in the United States through the Housing Act of 1949, which provided federal funding for local municipalities to acquire land for slum clearance. Targeting areas considered blighted, urban redevelopment efforts sought to regenerate declining local economies through the creation of both housing and large-scale mixed-use projects, but radically altered existing urban landscapes. Existing city fabric was significantly affected, resulting in the relocation of communities; the degree of this displacement varied from city to city. In the context of recent police shootings, this chapter offers a glimpse into how urban renewal efforts have shaped on-the-ground conditions in Baltimore, Boston, and St. Louis, leaving some areas more prosperous and others still vacant and underdeveloped. The analysis explores how the socioeconomic factors of residential vacancy, median housing value, and median household income vary in areas that were impacted by urban renewal efforts against those that were not.

-James Baldwin: The Price of the Ticket

CHAPTER 2

Urban Renewal Marcus Mello & Lindsay Woodson

The findings reveal that the urban renewal processes in the three cities were unique in their implementation and tell a tale of three cases that had different effects on the location of Black populations in each city.

00 PROBLEM

Blight \blit\ noun ; n neglected or substandard conditions of an urban area; often referring to housing The Housing Act of 1949 Public Law 171 (63 Stat. 413) Housing Act of 1949 also establishes as a national objective the achievement as soon as feasiâ&#x20AC;&#x153; The ble of a decent home and a suitable living environment for every American family, and sets forth the

policies to be followed in advancing toward that goal. These policies are thoroughly consistent with American ideals and traditions. They recognize and preserve local responsibility, and the primary role of private enterprise, in meeting the Nation's housing needs.

â&#x20AC;?

President Harry S Truman, 1949

BALTIMORE

BOSTON

ADV 09201 / Map the Gap Research Seminar Fall Semester 2015 54

ST. LOUIS

Implementation of Renewal & Responses The timeline below shows renewal activity in Baltimore, Boston, and St. Louis along with relevant federal legislation. As our timeline indicates, renewal efforts in Boston and St. Louis occurred largely in the 1950s and 1960s while many of Baltimore’s renewal projects were carried out in the early 1980s.

1980: Opening of Harborplace

1957 Boston Redevelopment Authority created by MA legislature 1958 First urban renewal project launched in West End

1930

1950

1940

1934 National Housing Act of 1934 creates FHA; provides loans to public agencies for slum clearance

1959 City Council approves Charles Center plan 1956 Federal-Aid Highway Act gives state and federal governments control over new highway construction

1943: Chapter 353 Urban Redevelopment Act passed

1954: U.S. Housing Act of 1954 provides FHA-backed mortgages to developers to incentivize redevelopment 1954: Pruitt-Igoe opens

FEDERAL BALTIMORE BOSTON ST. LOUIS

1981: Opening of National Aquarium

1965 Boston’s General Plan launched as city’s first comprehensive plan

1970

1968: Civil Rights Act of 1968 (Fair Housing Act) passed 1966 Busch Stadium opens

1965 Gateway Arch completed

2005: Urban renewal districts extended for 10 years

1984: Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative (DSNI) birthed by residents to reclaim Dudley; granted eminent domain by BRA

1967 HUD approves Fenway Urban Renewal Plan

1960

2015: Boston launches “Imagine Boston 2030,” the first comprehensive plan in 50 years

1980

1990

2000

1979: Opening of Baltimore Convention Center

1975: Pruitt-Igoe demolished 1974: Housing and Community Development Act of 1974 establishes CDBG program

1949: U.S. Housing Act of 1949 kickstarts urban renewal, provides funds to cities to acquire and rebuild “slums” 56

2010

2016: Boston Redevelopment Authority renamed Boston Planning and Development Agency 2020

1975 URBAN RENEWAL AREA

2015 URBAN RENEWAL OVERLAY

1945 URBAN RENEWAL ZONES

URBAN RENEWAL SITES

State Legislation Massachusetts General Law Chapter 121B

Municipal Code Special Zoning District U-District [Section 3-1A(b)]

State Legislation State Enterprise Zones

Municipal Code Chapter 353, 100 and 99

BOSTON RENEWAL DISTRICTS

ST. LOUIS RENEWAL DISTRICTS

Urban renewal was launched in 1957 with the redevelopment of the West End, in Boston. The cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban renewal powers were transferred from the Boston Housing Authority to the Boston Redevelopment Authority, which has centrally implemented renewal efforts. Designated districts extend along a northsouth axis through the city and cover many neighborhoods.

Urban redevelopment efforts began as early as the 1930s and were concentrated in the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s downtown and waterfront, spreading in a north-west direction. Urban renewal has been implemented in a politically fragmented manner, often involving the creation of quasi public corporations that were granted the power of eminent domain.

6.1% 9.9%

2,408 acres

3,055 acres

Population :

418,951 Black 420,210 Black 431,151 Black 435,768 Black 418,951 Black 420,210 Black 431,151 Black 435,768 Black 418,951 Black / 651,154 Total 420,210 Black 431,151 Black / 905,759 Total / 786,775 Total 55% 46% 59% 64% 64% 435,768 Black / 736,014 Total / 651,154 Total / 905,759 Total 46% / 786,775 Total 55% 46% / 736,014 / 905,759 Total / 786,775 Total 59%Total 59% / 651,154 Total / 905,759 Total

46%

/ 786,775 Total

Baltimore’s urban renewal efforts have been implemented mostly in the city’s downtown and waterfront, mainly in areas containing a higher proportion of Black residents. Renewal in Baltimore began as early as the 1950s, but maps from the city’s planning department website begin in the 1970s. Renewal projects that continued into the 2000s have expanded from the city’s downtown into northwest and east/ southeastern parts of the city. The top row of pie charts highlight the number of black residents and versus the total city population at that time with the percentage of black residents shown in the pie charts. The middle row of maps show the spatial distribution of Baltimore’s renewal projects from the 1970s to the 2000s. The dense concentration of Black residents in the city’s “lungs” has intensified over the years.

1970s

55%

/ 736,014 Total

1980s

1970s1970s

64%

59%

1990s

1980s1980s

2000s

1990s1990s

The Black Migration From the 1970s to the 2000s, Baltimore’s Black population migrated in northwest and northeastern directions and became more concentrated in the city’s downtown. Baltimore’s overall population decreased over this time period by nearly 300,000 residents while the number of Black residents has remained nearly the same. The lower series of maps exhibit two different conditions. Map A, Urban Renewal Designations, show designated areas by year. Map B, Black Migration, show the concentration of Black population in the city at that time. As a single diagram, the maps simultaneously trace population movements over time in conjunction with designations by year. There is a spatial overlaying between renewal designations and Black migration.

A Urban Renewal Designation

Black Migration

Source: Census. American Community Survey 2013 (5 year estimates). Social Explorer website generated chloropleth maps. Population numbers retrieved from “Historical Census Statistics On Population Totals By Race, 1790 to 1990, and By Hispanic Origin, 1970 to 1990, For Large Cities And Other Urban Places In The United States”, Kay Jung and Campbell Gibson. Population Division, Working Paper 76. (2005) %

Population : Population :

Baltimore: Urban Renewal Over Time

2000s20

Population Population : :

Population : Population :

29,607 Black

121,595 Black 121,595 Black

52,696 Black

29,607 Black 52,696 Black 86,286 Black 86,286 Black 121,595/ Black 29,60729,607 Black Black 52,696 52,696 Black/ 697,197 Black21.6% Black /121,595 562,944 Total 562,944 Total / 801,444 Total3.7% / 697,197 Total7.6% 3.7% 12.3% 86,286 Black 21.6% / 801,444 Total Total 7.6% 86,286 Black / 641,071 Total 12.3% / 641,071 Total / 562,944 Total / 801,444 Total Total / 697,197 Total 7.6% 3.7% 3.7% 12.3% / 562,944 Total 21.6% While Boston’s black population grew over time, the city’s total / 641,071/ Total / 801,444 / 697,197 Total 7.6% 12.3% 641,071 Total

population decreased from 1950-1980. Over the same time frame, Boston’s Black population migrated southward through the city, into the areas that we see today.

The top row of pie charts highlight the raw number and percentage of black population in the city versus the total city population at that time. The middle row of maps show that the majority of urban renewal projects in Boston occurred in the late 1960s. This decade also signals a subtle movement of the Black population to southern portions of the city limit. The dense concentration of Black population originating in the city’s core began to expand in the 1970s.

The Black Migration

1950s 1950s

The lower series of maps exhibit two different conditions. Map A, Urban Renewal Designations, show designated areas by year. Map B, Black Migration, show the concentration of Black population in the city by year. As a single diagram, the series of maps simultaneously trace population movements over time in conjunction with designations by year.

1950s

1960s B

1960s

1970s B

1980s 1980s

1970s

Urban Renewal Designation

Urban renewal efforts in Boston occurred in many of the city’s neighborhoods and do not appear to have clustered around primarily Black neighborhoods, with the exception of Roxbury.

1950s

1970s 1970s

1960s 1960s

Black Migration

1980s A

Boston: Urban Renewal Over Time

21.6%

1980s

Population : :: Population Population 214,377 Black 214,377 Black 214,377 Black 153,766 Black 153,766 Black 153,766 Black // 750,026 Total 28.6% / 750,026 Total 17.9% / /856,796 Total 750,026 Total 28.6% 28.6% / 856,796 Total 17.9% 856,796 Total17.9%

Urban renewal efforts in St. Louis have been centered around the city’s downtown, and unlike Boston, have clustered in and around primarily Black neighborhoods. While most of the urban renewal efforts in Boston occurred in the 1960s, efforts in St. Louis extended well into the 1980s and beyond through initiatives such as state and federal enterprise zones. The top row of pie charts, highlight the number and percentage of black population in the city versus the total city population at that time. The middle row of maps show that the majority of urban renewal projects in St Louis occurred in the 1970s and 1980s, a few years after Boston’s prime. The dense concentration of Black residents in the city’s core has only intensified as the years progressed.

1950s 1950s 1950s

254,191 Black 254,191 Black 254,191 40.9% / 622,236 Total 40.9% / 622,236 Total

206,306 Black 206,306 Black / 453,035 Total 45.5% / 453,035 Total 45.5% Total 45.5%

1970s 1970s 1970s

1960s 1960s 1960s

1980s 1980s 1980s

The Black Migration From 1940-1970, St. Louis’ Black population migrated west and north through both St. Louis City and St. Louis County. While St. Louis’ black population grew over time, the city’s population decreased from 19501970, similar to Boston. In St. Louis, renewal designations have expanded in a westward direction and appear to have been clustered in Black neighborhoods.

A Urban Renewal Designation MO

MO MO

B Black Migration 64

IL IL

St Louis: Urban Renewal Over Time

Boston, MA

Median Household Income

Median Housing Value

0 - 100%

Residential Vacancy

$0 - $100,000

$0 - 1,000,000

Median Housing Value

0 - 100%

Residential Vacancy

Median Household Income

$0 - $100,000

Black Population

Baltimore, MD

$0 - 1,000,000

Black Population

Conclusions

Black Population St Louis, MO

Our findings indicate that urban renewal efforts in the three cities have resulted in urban landscapes that have impacted local Black populations differently. While all three cities did not fully deliver on promises that the future would hold benefits for existing communities, Boston appears to have emerged from mid-late twentieth urban renewal projects without as many concentrations of poverty and vacancy as in Baltimore and St. Louis. Urban renewal in Boston was carried out by the Boston Redevelopment Authority (BRA), while efforts in Baltimore and St. Louis took on a more politically fragmented forms carried out largely by private developers. Parts of Baltimore in which renewal efforts occurred have higher concentrations of Black residents and lower median housingbvalues than other areas of the city. Urban Renewal in Boston resulted in above average property values, and lower than average concentrations of poverty and vacancy, as opposed to St. Louis where it resulted in concentrated poverty, higher than average vacancy, and some of the lowest land values in the city and county.

Median Housing Value

$0 - $100,000

Median Household Income

$0 - 1,000,000

0 - 100%

Residential Vacancy

Source: Social Explorer, 2014. http://www.socialexplorer.com/.

Boston has seen “successful” urban renewal results if recognizing current measures of moderate to high socioeconomic standing. St Louis and Baltimore have seen “unsuccessful” urban renewal due to low socioeconomic status within c current designations.

SOURCES

United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. “Data Catalog.” http://data.hud.gov/data_sets.html.

Bierman, Noah and Tanfani, Joseph. “In Baltimore, riots appear where urban renewal didn’t,” Los Angeles Times. 2015.

von Hoffman, Alexander. “A Study in Contradictions: The Origins and Legacy of the Housing Act of 1949.” 2000. Fannie Mae Foundation. http://www.innovations.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/hpd_1102_hoffman.pdf

Boston Redevelopment Authority. “Timeline.” Assessed Oct. 1, 2015. http://www.bostonredevelopmentauthority.org/about-us/ timeline Boston Redevelopment Authority. “Urban Renewal.” Assessed Oct. 1, 2015. http://www.bostonredevelopmentauthority.org/aboutus/timeline

Walters, Stephen J.K. and Miserendino, Louis. “Baltimore’s Flawed Renaissance: The Failure of Plan-Control-Subsidize Redevelopment.” Perspective on Eminent Domain Abuse, Vol. 3. 2008.

Chen, Michelle. “Can Neighborhoods Be Revitalized Without Gentrifying Them?” The Nation, 2016. City of Baltimore. “Planning/Master Plans, Maps & Publications/Urban Renewal Plans.” Assessed Oct. 10, 2015. http://archive. baltimorecity.gov/ The City of St. Louis Missouri. “Geospatial Research.” Assessed Sep. 25, 2015. https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/ planning/research/Geospatial-Research.cfm Fowler, Daniel. “With Racial Segregation Declining Between Neighborhoods, Segregation Now Taking New Form.” American Sociological Association (ASA), 2014. Gordon, Colin. Mapping Decline: St. Louis and the Fate of the American City. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. 2008. Print and web. Grippando, Thomas. “Anderson: The Federal Bulldozer: A Critical Analysis of Urban Renewal, 1949-1962.” DePaul University Law Review, Vol. 14, Issue 2 Spring-Summer 1965. Rogers, David. “Baltimore adds drama to GOP cuts for urban renewal programs,” Politico, 2015. Schwartz, Gary T. “Urban Freeways and the Interstate System.” Transportation Law Journal, Vol. 8. 1976. Social Explorer. www.socialexplorer.com. Used to create demographic mappings. Spiers, John H. “‘Planning with People’: Urban Renewal in Boston’s Washington Park, 1950-1970.” Journal of Planning History, Vol. 8, No. 3, August 2009. United States Census Bureau. “American FactFinder.” Last modified December 3, 2015. Accessed December 10, 2015. http:// factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?src=bkmk. United States Census Bureau. “TIGER/Line with Selected Demographic and Economic Data.” Last modified 2015. Accessed October 1, 2015. https://www.census.gov/geo/maps-data/data/tiger-data.html.

In 1954, The Supreme Court voted in favor of Oliver L. Brown in the lawsuit against the Board of

“Here we are, 60 years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the data altogether still show a picture of gross inequality in educational opportunity.

Education to end school segregation. The court determined that “separate educational facilities are inherently unequal” and that segregation violates “equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the 14th amendment.” Since this case all youth have been constitutionally guaranteed “equal educational opportunity” but the reality is that despite this ruling more than 6 decades ago, most youth still find access to education and educational resources in highly segregated circumstances. The chapter of “Map the Gap” examines the problem of racial segregation in education through how county and district lines are being used to re-segregate our public-school systems. By examining the invisible spatial lines that delimit who has access to educational resources, facilities, and programming, the chapter of “Map the Gap” brings light to both the cause and consequences of contemporary segregation on youth and illustrate how systems of inequity have been purposefully manufactured and reinforced despite shared national values that claim otherwise. This chapter will examine these problems from the municipal level by exploring the ways in which public-school systems are segregated across county boundaries and by analyzing how this segregation affects issues of attainment and access to upper-level classes for youth within segregated schools. Over the decades that followed the Brown vs. Board of Education ruling, counties were mandated to implement systems of educational de-segregation which would integrate the student populations of spatially segregated communities. However, as this de-segregation process became normalized, the cause of segregation shifted from one linked to overt judicial discrimination to one reliant on municipal divisions. By linking school districts to county and city lines, state and county governments have deepened achievement gaps, divided resources, and reinforced racial isolation. Thus, it is the purpose of this chapter to call into question the power held by these county lines to actualize and enforce inequitable educational systems across our nation.

-Daniel J. Losen, UCLA’s Civil Rights Project

CHAPTER 3

Education Caroline Filice Smith

Districts as a Territory: Boston Left: Boston Area Public School Districts MEDFORD

“We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” —Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

4,590 students EVERETT

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

6,906 students CHELSEA

CAMBRIDGE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

6,361 students

SOMERVILLE

6,118 students

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

4,940 students

WATERTOWN PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2,708 students

NEWTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

12,601 students BROOKLINE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

7,288 students

BOSTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

57,968 students

DEDHAM

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2,818 students

MILTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

3,944 students

Manufacture Enclaves: Boston Left: Boston Area Public School Districts Mapped by Percentage of Student Population that is Black

MEDFORD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

16%

EVERETT

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

17%

BLACK

Below: Boston De-Segregation Order

BLACK CHELSEA

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

CAMBRIDGE WATERTOWN PUBLIC SCHOOLS

SOMERVILLE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

28%

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

22%

BLACK

NEWTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BROOKLINE

BLACK

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2% BLACK

BOSTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

40%

BLACK

MILTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

17%

BLACK

DEDHAM

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BOSTON DE-SEGREGATION ORDERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S

BLACK

1974 OPENED 76

1987 CLOSED

EVERETT

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

SOMERVILLE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Segregation Points: Boston

CHELSEA

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

CAMBRIDGE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

WATERTOWN PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Left: Demographic Breakdown of Boston Area Highschools

NEWTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

MEDFORD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Below: Boston Area Highschools Graphed by Segregation Levels vs Percentage of Students Scoring a ‘Proficient’ on Statewide Standardized Tests

BROOKLINE

EVERETT

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

SOMERVILLE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

CHELSEA

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

WATERTOWN

CAMBRIDGE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BOSTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS NEWTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

“Nearly half of our nation’s African American students, nearly 40% of Latino students, and only 11% of white students attend high schools in which graduation is not the norm” —Robert Blafanz and Nettie Legters

BROOKLINE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

MILTON

DEDHAM

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BOSTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Black Hispanic Asian White 78

100%

STATE TESTING

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

50%

proficiency

MILTON

DEDHAM

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

100%

SEGREGATION

100%

NEWTON

BOSTON

Newton South West Roxbury HIGHSCHOOL

ACADEMY

ton

New 48% black 10% white 39% hispanic 1% asian

black 5% white 66% hispanic 5% asian 20% PROFICIENCY

math 93% english 96%

1.5 miles 40% math 62% english

economically Disadvantaged

78%

10%

78%

% Proficient

2.1 miles

50%

STUDENT #

1,722

l ok

651

per-pupil spending

MILTON

BOSTON

$19,146

$22,941

BROOKLINE

Milton Boston Prep HIGHSCHOOL

CHARTER

PROFICIENCY

math 93% english 96%

HIGHSCHOOL

65% black 4% white 26% hispanic 0% asian

black 24% white 64% hispanic 5% asian 5%

18%

69%

% Proficient

100% math 100% english

86%

15%

67%

% Proficient

1.7 miles

False Boundaries: Boston

to Mil

84%

Left: Side-By-Side Comparison of Schools Existing Across District ‘Lines’

STUDENT #

365

1,803

per-pupil spending

$14,481

80% math 90% english

economically Disadvantaged

100%

41% black 6% white 46% hispanic 4% asian PROFICIENCY

math 94% english 97%

STUDENT #

998

t os

HIGHSCHOOL

black 8% white 60% hispanic 10% asian 15%

economically Disadvantaged

85%

BOSTON

Brookline Fenway

320

per-pupil spending

$17,546

$18,699

$22,941

Above: Map of Schools Being Compared 81

Districts as a Territory: St. Louis Left: St. Louis Area Public School Districts “The ZIP code is the anchor that traps you.” —Nikole Hannah-Jones

RIVERVIEW GARDENS PUBLIC SCHOOLS

FERGUSON-FLORISSANT

5,009 students

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

12,056 students JENNINGS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2,582 students RITENOUR

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

6,369 students

NORMANDY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

3,282 students

UNIVERSITY CITY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

3,146 students

ST. LOUIS CITY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

LADUE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

4,094 students

27,017 students

CLAYTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2,587 students BRENTWOOD PUBLIC SCHOOLS

810 students

MAPLEWOODRICHMOND HEIGHTS PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1,326 students

WEBSTER GROVES KIRKWOOD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

5,919 students

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

4,573 students AFFTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

2,522 students BAYLESS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1,649 students HANCOCK PLACE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1,535 students

Manufacture Enclaves: St. Louis Left: St. Louis Area Public School Districts Mapped by Percentage of Student Population that is Black RIVERVIEW GARDENS

Below: St. Louis Area De-Segregation Orders

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

90%

FERGUSON-FLORISSANT PUBLIC SCHOOLS

76%

BLACK

JENNINGS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

96%

RITENOUR

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

37%

BLACK

NORMANDY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

93%

BLACK

UNIVERSITY CITY

ST. LOUIS CITY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

62%

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

75%

BLACK

CLAYTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

11%

LADUE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

10%

BLACK

BRENTWOOD

BLACK

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

5% BLACK

WEBSTER GROVES PUBLIC SCHOOLS

16%

BLACK

MAPLEWOOD RICHMOND HEIGHTS PUBLIC SCHOOLS

20% BLACK

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

11%

BLACK

DE-SEGREGATION ORDERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S

BAYLESS

KIRKWOOD

BLACK

AFFTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1983 OPENED

HANCOCK PLACE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BLACK

1999 CLOSED 85

ST LOUIS CITY BAYLESS AFFTON RITENOUR HANCOCK PLACE LADUE

Segregation Points: St. Louis

JENNINGS

RITENOUR

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

NORMANDY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Left: Demographic Breakdown of St. Louis ST. LOUIS CITY Area Highschools PUBLIC SCHOOLS

UNIVERSITY CITY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

LADUE

RIVERVIEW GARDENS

FERGUSON-FLORISSANT

Below: St. Louis Area Highschools Graphed by Segregation Levels vs Percentage of Students Scoring a ‘Proficient’ on Statewide Standardized Tests

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

CLAYTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BRENTWOOD

JENNINGS

RITENOUR

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

MAPLEWOODRICHMOND

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

NORMANDY

HEIGHTS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

“Most black kids will not be shot by the police. But many of them will go to a school like Michael Brown’s [Normandy]” —Nikole Hannah-Jones

KIRKWOOD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

ST. LOUIS CITY

UNIVERSITY CITY

LADUE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

WEBSTER GROVES

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BAYLESS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

CLAYTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

AFFTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BRENTWOOD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

MAPLEWOODRICHMOND

HEIGHTS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

HANCOCK PLACE

KIRKWOOD

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

AFFTON

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Black Hispanic Asian White

HANCOCK PLACE

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

100%

STATE TESTING

BAYLESS

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

100%

50%

proficiency

WEBSTER GROVES

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

SEGREGATION

100%

NORMANDY

ST. LOUIS CITY

“About half of black male students at Normandy High never graduate. Just one in four graduates makes it to a four-year college....Just five miles down the road from Normandy lies Clayton, the wealthy county seat where a grand jury recently deliberated the fate of Darren Wilson, the officer who killed Mr. Brown. Success there looks very different. The Clayton public schools are predominantly white, with almost no poverty to speak of. The district is regularly ranked in the top 10 percent in the state. More than 96 percent of its students graduate. Eighty-four percent head to fouryear universities. “ —Nikole Hannah-Jones

Normandy Transportation HIGHSCHOOL

AND LAW HIGHSCHOOL

PROFICIENCY

math 09% english 25%

Normandy

99% black 1% white 0% hispanic 0% asian

black 97% white 2% hispanic 1% asian 0%

University

37% math 32% english

2.5 miles

City

% Proficient

69%

36%

.L ou is

18%

economically Disadvantaged

75%

MAPLEWOODRICHMOND HEIGHTS

STUDENT #

357

997

per-pupil spending

$12,893

ST. LOUIS CITY

$15,018

CLAYTON

Maplewood Cleveland

RICHMOND HEIGHTS HIGH.

UNIVERSITY CITY

Clayton University

NJROTC HIGHSCHOOL

HIGHSCHOOL

CITY SENIOR HIGHSCHOOL

1.3 miles

Clayton

80% black 13% white 5% hispanic 3% asian

black 43% white 47% hispanic 4% asian 1% PROFICIENCY

math 65% english 68%

PROFICIENCY

math 74% english 79%

41% math 34% english

economically Disadvantaged

56%

48%

65%

% Proficient

47%

33%

26% math 44% english

False Boundaries: St. Louis

60%

% Proficient

30%

Left: Side-By-Side Comparison of Schools Existing Across District ‘Lines’

STUDENT #

344

672

per-pupil spending

$16,317

Map lew Rich ood mon Heig d hts

economically Disadvantaged

STUDENT #

341

85% black 11% white 2% hispanic 1% asian

black 6% white 78% hispanic 3% asian 13%

2.8 miles

841

per-pupil spending

$15,018

$21,954

$14,436

Above: Map of Schools Being Compared 89

Districts as a Territory: Baltimore Left: Baltimore Area Public School Districts

BALTIMORE COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

108,191 students

“Nationally, the achievement gap between black and white students, which greatly narrowed during the era in which schools grew more integrated, widened as they became less so.” —Nikole Hannah-Jones BALTIMORE CITY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

HOWARD COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

84,730 students

52,806 students

ANN ARUNDEL COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

78,489 students

Manufacture Enclaves: Baltimore Left: Baltimore Area Public School Districts Mapped by Percentage of Student Population that is Black Below: Baltimore Area De-Segregation Orders

BALTIMORE COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

36% BLACK BALTIMORE CITY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

HOWARD COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

20% BLACK

83% BLACK

ANN ARUNDEL COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

19% BLACK

DE-SEGREGATION ORDERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S

1976 1973 1965 1966 92

BALTIMORE CITY status: OPEN

BALTIMORE COUNTY status: OPEN

HOWARD COUNTY status: OPEN

ANN ARUNDEL COUNTY status: OPEN

Segregation Points: Baltimore

BALTIMORE COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Left: Demographic Breakdown of Baltimore Area Highschools BALTIMORE CITY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

BALTIMORE COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

HOWARD COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

Below: Baltimore Area Highschools Graphed by Segregation Levels vs Percentage of Students Scoring a ‘Proficient’ on Statewide Standardized Tests

BALTIMORE CITY

PUBLIC SCHOOLS

HOWARD COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

ANN ARUNDEL COUNTY PUBLIC SCHOOLS

STATE TESTING

50%

proficiency

Black Hispanic Asian White

100%

SEGREGATION 100%

100%

BALTIMORE COUNTY

BALTIMORE CITY

HIGHSCHOOL

F. LEWIS HIGHSCHOOL

BALTIMORE CITY Towson Towson Reginald Reginald

BALTIMORE COUNTY

HIGHSCHOOL

2.3 miles

F. LEWIS HIGHSCHOOL

2.3 miles

“The number of apartheid schools nationwide has mushroomed from 2,762 in 1988—the peak of school integration—to 6,727 in 2011.” —Nikole Hannah-Jones

Baltimore County Baltimore County Baltimore City

1% hispanic 0% asian 38% math

38% english

Disadvantaged

math 98% english 97%

95%

19%

65%

% Proficient economically Disadvantaged

BALTIMORE COUNTY

BALTIMORE CITY

Dundalk Patterson HIGHSCHOOL

BALTIMORE COUNTY

38%

19% AP CLASSES 65%

% STUDENT Proficient#

HIGHSCHOOL

1 38%

BALTIMORE COUNTY

BALTIMORE CITY

HIGHSCHOOL

INDUSTRIES ACADEMY

Lansdowne Maritime

1,428 407 AP CLASSES

per-pupil spending 29$15,114 1 $17,331

BALTIMORE CITY

Dundalk Patterson HIGHSCHOOL

95%

38% math 38% english

1,428

1.8 miles

BALTIMORE COUNTY

BALTIMORE CITY

HIGHSCHOOL

INDUSTRIES ACADEMY

Lansdowne Maritime

STUDENT #

HIGHSCHOOL

$14,844

PROFICIENCY economically

PER PUPIL SPENDING:

PROFICIENCY

$14,844

hispanic 4%

asian 9% math 98% english 97%

PER PUPIL SPENDING:

96% black 2% white 96% black 1% hispanic 0% asian 2% white

black 21% white 64% black 21%4% hispanic asian 9% white 64%

Baltimore City

407

1.8 miles 1.6 miles

per-pupil spending

$15,114

PROFICIENCY

68% black

black 26% white 58% hispanic 10% asian 2%

67%

14%80% hispanic 6% asian37%

STUDENT #

77%

1,253 economically Disadvantaged

1,016

$15,114

$17,331 37%

67%

80%

AP CLASSES

math 72% english 66%

36% math 41% english

40% math 32% english

96% black 3% white .5% hispanic .5% asian

AP CLASSES PROFICIENCY

1.6 miles

False Boundaries: Baltimore 40% math 32% english

STUDENT #

Left: Side-By-Side Comparison of Schools Existing Across District ‘Lines’

1,216 economically 417 Disadvantaged

57%

per-pupil spending

% Proficient

PROFICIENCY

black 30% economically white 51%Disadvantaged 57% 80% hispanic 10% 61% asian 8% % Proficient 36%

% Proficient

AP CLASSES PROFICIENCY

math 81% english 78%

math 72% english 66%

36% math 41% english

economically 11% white Disadvantaged

77%

96% black 3% white .5% hispanic .5% asian

black 30% white 51% hispanic 10% asian 8%

68% black 11% white 14% hispanic 6% asian

black 26% white 58% hispanic 10% asian 2%

math 81% english 78%

$17,331

$15,114 61%

$17,331

80%

% Proficient AP CLASSES

36%

Above: Map of Schools Being Compared 97

Conclusions

SOURCES

Finding One. The Status of a given districts De-Segregation order is seemingly meaningless. While the lack of a standing de-segregation order may provide an extra hurdle to citizens seeking to challenge, through the courts, the levels of segregation persisting within their region, it is important to note that even in districts and counties where orders still stand, ‘apartheid’ schools not only exist but are becoming increasingly normalized.

Boston Desegregation Order: Pro Publica: https://projects.propublica.org/data-store/ City of Boston: http://www.cityofboston.gov/images_documents/guide%20to%20the%20desegregation-era%20records%20 collection_tcm3-23340.pdf Per-Pupil Spending + District Demographics: National Center for Education Statistics: http://nces.ed.gov/ High school Level Data: U.S.: News and World Report: http://www.usnews.com/education/best-high-schools

Finding Two: Municipal boundaries are a key factor in understanding the ways in which segregation is manufactured, and access to ‘“pportunity” is controlled, across regional territories. While the seminal Brown vs. Board of Education ruling attempted to terminate decades of judicially legitimized public school segregation, the implementation of this ruling has led to a type of segregation which has shifted from being a product of clearly demarcated racist policies to a system of ‘boundary’ making in which discriminatory intent is much harder to prove. Finding Three: The current system of ‘choice’ or ‘magnet’ schools found in both St. Louis City and Baltimore City is failing. While on the surface these systems have a functional similarity to the Boston area lottery-school program, the outcomes are drastically different. I would argue that to fully unfold these differences a broader understanding of how each city’s history of discriminatory policy making has evolved to the present day should be a key point of analysis. What is clear is that by simply shifting students around within the boundary of their failing district the problem is not being solved. Finding Four: The ‘Gap’ and the ‘Boundary’ are politically and economically manufactured and should be treated as such. District boundaries, and the opportunity gaps created and reinforced by them, are not the products of insurmountable topographies but are instead inherently changeable features of larger strategic political economies. Therefore, the question becomes: by whom and for whom are these lines drawn?

St. Louis Desegregation Order: Pro Publica: https://projects.propublica.org/data-store/ Per-Pupil Spending + District Demographics: National Center for Education Statistics: http://nces.ed.gov/ High school Level Data: U.S.: News and World Report: http://www.usnews.com/education/best-high-schools Baltimore Desegregation Order: Baltimore City + Baltimore County: Pro Publica: https://projects.propublica.org/data-store/ Anne Arundel County: https://www.law.umaryland.edu/marshall/usccr/documents/cr12s1966.pdf Howard County: 1] https://www.boarddocs.com/mabe/hcpssmd/archive. nsf/2e010f82a76b56d485256e7400431d45/8721ff51f08702c08725761f0043e35c/$FILE/01-05-1965%20-%2012-13-1965.pdf 2] http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/howard/ellicott-city/ph-ho-cf-desegregation-schools-anniversary-092420150922-story.html Per-Pupil Spending + District Demographics: National Center for Education Statistics: http://nces.ed.gov/ High school Level Data: U.S.: News and World Report: http://www.usnews.com/education/best-high-schools Quotations http://americanhistory.si.edu/brown/history/5-decision/courts-decision.html http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED484525.pdf http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/562/transcript http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/21/sunday-review/why-are-our-schools-still-segregated.html?_r=0 https://www.propublica.org/article/segregation-now-full-text

The fourth chapter examines reliance on public transportation to access work in the three

“Transportation determines whether the unemployed can reach jobs. It affects how long workers must commute — and the time they lose with their families. It affects air quality and housing options and where children go to school.”

case cities. Freddie Gray, Marquis Barker, and Michael Brown’s stories vary when considering their access to transit and mobility. Gray lived just a ten minute walk from Baltimore’s subway line, the location where Barker was shot is a 25 minute walk from Boston’s red line, and Michael Brown’s community was not within walking distance to St. Louis’s rail infrastructure.

-Emily Badger, The Washington Post

Baltimore’s light rail line, Boston’s subway, and St. Louis’s light rail serve each city’s Black population to varying degrees of success.

CHAPTER 4

Job Access & Mobility Joshua Jow, Dayita Kurvey, Dana McKinney

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Baltimore Public Transportation

25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Block Group of Grayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

Baltimore

Public Transportation The fatal encounterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s block group demonstrated less of a reliance on public transportation to access work than the Black and non-White communities, and the other two cities.

Transit stop with 10 minute walking radius Use public transit to commute to work 0%

100%

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10% 5%

Boston Public Transportation

60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Block Group of Barkerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

Boston

Public Transportation The fatal encounter block group where Barker died relies significantly more on public transportation to travel to work. The reliance on public transportation in the fatal encounter block group is 18.4% higher than the Black community and 23.7% higher than the overall city.

Transit stop with 10 minute walking radius Use public transit to commute to work 0%

100%

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10% 5%

St. Louis Public Transportation

30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Block Group of Brownâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Death

Black Population

Non-White Population

St. Louis

Public Transportation The block group in which Brown was killed demonstrates the strongest use of public transportation to commute to work than the Black and non-White neighborhoods and the city overall, more than twice that of the Black areas.

Transit stop with 10 minute walking radius Use public transit to commute to work 0%

100%

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Acknowledgements

The following studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; work is featured in this book:

Joshua Jow (Harvard GSD, MArch II 2016) Dayita Kurvey (Harvard GSD, MArch II 2016) Marcus Mello (Harvard GSD, MArch I & MUP 2018) Dana McKinney (Harvard GSD, MArch I & MUP 2017) Caroline Filice Smith (Harvard GSD, MAUD 2017) Lindsay Woodson (Harvard GSD, MDes & MUP 2017)

Advisor: Stephen Gray, Assistant Professor of Urban Design

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