Guam Recorder 6, no. 1 (1976) by Guampedia

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Put$uamOnTheMap

A PublicationOf The U N I V E R S I T Y O F GUAM Produced By The M I C R O N E S I A N A REA RESEARCH CENT ER

EDITOR PaulCarano A S S O C I A T E E D IT ORS M a r j o r i e G . D r i v er E m i l i e G . J o h n s t on

STAFF F e l i c i a P l a z aM . M. B. A l b e r t L . W i l l i a ms Dale S. Miyagi RositaM, Duenas E l a i n e P . C o n c e pcio n

W R I T E F O R T H E RECORDER T h e R e c o r d e rw an ts a r ticle sfr o m vo u . Sâ&#x201A;Źndthem to: T H E G U A M R E CORDER Micronesian Area ResearchCenter University of Guam P.O. Box EK A g a n a ,G u a m 9 6 9 10

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The GU A M R E C OR D E R , Guam' s ol dest magazine, l ras had a l ong and col orful hi story. E stabl i shed in March, 1924, i t w as publ i shed conti nuousl 5' u nt il I)ccember, 1941, w hen the i sl and w as occupi ed by enenry forces duri ng W orl d W ar II. In October, 1971,il \\' i l s revi ved by the Mi cronesi an A rea R ese ar ch C enter (MA R C ), U ni versi ty of Guam. Li ke i ts pr eri ar predecessor, the R E C OR D E R has, among ot her thi ngs, provi ded i ts readers w i th sci enti fi c, cul tur al, i rnd hi stori cal i nformati on concerni ng Guam and Indeed, because of i ts w orl dwidc Mi cronesi a. cl i stri buti on i t perhaps i s safe to say that the GUAM (as w el l as the Mi cronesi an Ar ea R E C OR D E R R esearch C enter w hi ch publ i shes i t) has done as nruch i f not more than any other l ocal enti ty to "put Guam on the map" i n a manner and i n the places w here i t real l y counts. In vi ew of recent adverse devel opments i n Guam 's touri sn.r i ndustry, the governor, l ocal l egi sl at or s, busi nessmen,and others have expressed i n somewhat vi vi d terms the di re need for more magazines, bookl ets, maps, etc., to di ssemi nate accurate infornrati on that q' i 11 enhance Guam' s i mage as a ' ouri st spor. In rhi s regard. the R E C OR D E R has d one :rrrr11. l Isn i ts share. Thi > has been possi bl e becausc \l \R C { i he source,,f n' .nst,,f ' .he R E C OR D E R ' s infornrati onl has i n Guam. i n onc pl acc readi l l ' a c, essi bl e to al l ri ' ho r,' i sh to use i t. u' hat has been of fi ci al l y descri bed as " the rvorl d' s l argest col l ecti on of Guam and Mi cronesi an documents." N eedl ess to say, Guam' s teuri sm i ndustry has much to gai n by t hc conti nued publ i cati on of the GU A M R E C OR D E R and by the expansi on of resources and faci l i ti es of t hc Mi cronesi an A rea R esearch C enter. On a personal note, I w oul d l i kc to i nform our l eaders,w herever they mi ght be, that thi s i s rny last i ssuc of the R E C OR D E R . In the near future I will reti re after havi ng served the peopl e of Guam f or al rnost thi rty years. Y ou may be sure, how ever, t hat l ' uture i ssues of the GU A M R E C OR D E R w i l l be in extremel y capabl e hands.

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PAUL CARANO Editor, GUAM RECORDER

Publishedto providescientific, cultural,and historicalinformation concerningGuamand Micronesia. EF.Tlll!:::::::::-t:i:il:i:i:::::::;:::i:::i:i:.:l::::!:::::L::::::::l::::l::::t:I::::i Front Cover

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MAGAZINE OF GUAMANDMICRONESIA Published By The Micronesian AreaResearch Center University of Guam Agana, Guam

VO L UM E6 , N O.1

THE ANCIENT CHAMORROS _ BYPAUI CATANO

FOOTPRINTS ON THE SANDS OF TIME: JUDGE IGNACIO V. BENAVENTE - By Felicia Plaza, M.M.B

CONCRETE CONSTRUCTION IN GUAM - By George R. Brooks

'',cuAI,T,SBIRTH - By Lawrence J. Cunningham

THOSE WERE THE DAYS

SECONDSERIES

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1976

HISTORICAL INTEGRITY AND LOC.\L SIGNIFICANCEIN THE PACIFIC ISLAND CONTEXT - By Russell A. Apple JerryL. Rogers

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A GEOGRApHy OF MICRONESIA\ COPRA - By BruceG. Karolle

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INDICATIONS OF CONTINUED DEVELOPMENT: SOCIAL RANK CHANGES IN THE ELECTION DISTRICTS OF GUAM, 1960 TO 1970 tv ' -Bv Jerrvw. wicks

GENERAL ORDERS AND REPORTS OF THE GOVERNORSOF GU.\\l

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The rtpinions expressedir articles published in thts magozinc ore the privote ones o.l'the writers ar.d should not be construed in any way as reJlecting the views of the Microneian Area Research Certter, the University of Guam, or the Government of Guam. Volume I of the revived Guam Recorder consisted of only one issLte,Volume 2 consisted oJ'three issuesof which issuesNumber 2 ond 3 were combined, and Volume 3 consisted ofthree issues,SubseqLtentvolumes will coincide with the calendaryear, Ile reservethe right to accept or reject any mateiul submitted ftir publication,

GheflmeflemGGma By PAUL CARANO

I I

Little is known about the origin of the ancient Chamorros,remote ancestors of the present-day Guamanians.Limited information that is available seems to indicate that they were a Malaysian people who came originally from southeastAsia. It is believed that they might have been expert seamenwho migrated slowly in canoes from Asia to the Philippines and the western Carolines.From there, they moved eastward to Guam and the Marianas.i Despite the lack of definite information, it appears that the first settlements in Guam resulted from mass migrations that occurred earlier in both Europe and Asta. At the close of the last glacial period the land area of southeas tAsia was much larger than it is now. The continent of Asia and the islands of the present-day Indonesian Republic were, it is believed, joined together.Thus a "land bridge" extended almost to Australia, Across this bridge, Negroid peoples are believed to have moved into Indonesia,Australia, and the islands of Melanesia. It seems rather certain that the Negroid peoples entered this region at a very early time. Moreover, they were well settled there long before largescale migrations into Polynesia and Micronesia began.

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During neolithic times, believed by some authorities to extend from 20,000to 12,000B.C., Caucasoidsbegan mass migrations from the region of the Caspian Sea. They spread out in all directions. Some moved up the Danube valley to central and western Europe. Others migrated to Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and north Africa. Still others moved eastward to Afghanistan, India, China, and Japan. Those who settled in the west were the forerunners of the present-day Europeans. Those who moved eastward mixed with the Negroids and Mongoloids of Asia. The Mongoloids had originated in northeast Asia, in the region of Outer Mongolia. At an unknown time they had moved southrvardand spread over China. The m ixing that occurred .rnl,)ng some of the people of the yellow, r,vhite.and black races in Asia produced a new type. These lvlongoloid- Caucasoid -Negroid people establishedan agricultural civilization that was centered primarily in southeastAsia. Later, other Mongoloids, "who had also learned about agriculture, moved southward and invaded what is now Burma, Siam and Indo-China. This movement reached out into the islands so that by the time of Christ, Sumatra, Java, Bali, Borneo, and the Philippines,to name but a few, had become

A sketch of inhabit ant sof t he Ladr one lslands,'1602.Earlyh i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t ss a y t h a t , a t time s . Cham or r o m en wor e hat s and sandal s, but nothi nge l s e .

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E arlv ske tch of th e lat t e s t onesof t he s o- c alledHous e o f T a g a o n t h e i s l a n d o f T i n l a n . T a g a w a s a C h a m o r r o c h i e f o ; T inian wh o, in 16 38 . was s uppos edt o hav e been v is it e d b y t h e V i r g i n M a r y . S h e a s k e dT a g a t o b e b a p t i z e d a n d t o - = : some Spa nishsa ilors,s hipwr ec k edon Tinian, r eac h t h e P h i l i p p i n e s .T a g a w a s b a p t i z e d b y M a r c o s F e r n a n d e zd e C orcue rawh o g avehi m t he Chr is t ian nam e Sebas t ianH u r t a d o d e l a C o r c u e r ai n h o n o r o f t h e m a n w h o , a t t h a t t r m e , w as g overn or of the Philippines .Taga ( now nam ed Co r c u e r a )g a v et h e S p a n i a r d sa b o a t s o t h a t t h e y c o u l d r e a c h t h e P hilipp ine sa nd a skedt hem t o s eet o it t hat m is s iona r i e sw e r e s e n t t o T i n i a n .

populated by an essentially Mongoloid people. Others,having mixed with the Australoid, or Ainulike, aboriginesof theseislands, continuedon out to the Pacific and sired the Micronesians and Polynesians." 2 Authorities on the subject are not certain why these people left their established homes and moved out into the Pacific islands. However, they might have done so for several reasons,one of the most plausible being that overpopulation in their homelands forced them to move to other areas in search of food. Still another is that, while they were searching for food, some of their canoes were driven out to the islands by great storms.Whatever their reasons for doing so, these great seafaring people established island homes throughout the entire Pacific region. Malayo-Polynesianspeaking people even sailed as far as Easter Island, only about 2,000miles from the coast of SouthAmerica. Some of these people, according to Linton, "used great double canoes, sometimes as much as 150 feet long made of planks sewed together with coconut fiber. The space between the two hulls was decked over and bore a.small house. There were either one or two masts with sails of pandanus matting. They are probably to be credited with the introduction of the lateen sail, which made it possiblefor them to run closer to the wind than the best European square-rigged ship.

"Their stores were baked bread-fruit paste, sweet potatoes, and coconuts. They caught the bonito and other fish of the open sea. Water was carried in gourds and wooden vessels, but they relied mostly upon rain. They steered by the stars and by the long Pacific srvell,and were experts at holding a course. Whole tribes sometimes set out in search of new homes, taking rvith them their gods and the plants and animals rvhich would be needed to found a colony. On such expeditions the fleet spread out into a great crescent with four or five mile intervals between the canoes.thus sweepinga wide expanseof sea. A sharp lookout rvaskept, and particular attention was paid to the flight of birds. Thosewhich were known to sleep on land were sometimes caught, fed and released, the voyagers following the direction of their homeward flight. If the first land encountered by the fleet was undersirable, perhaps a barren atoll, they would rest for a time and replenish their f-oodsupplies and then put out to sea once more."3 The greatest period of migration seems to have begun around 2,000B.C. and to have ended by A.D. 500" It would seem that the first settlers in the Pacific islands were Polynesians. They probably entered the region from Melanesia and settled in Samoa, Tonga, and the Cook, Austral, Society,and Tuamotu groups. It seems fairly certain, however, that they did not reach Hawaii. These

people were followed by a second MongoloidNegroid type who were probably the first to settle in the Marquesas and Hawaii. The third race to settle in the islands were probably proto-Malays who came from the fringes of southeast Asia. They were brownskinned and strongly built. Moreover, they were straight-eyed and had thick black hair. After entering the Pacific between New Guinea and the southern Philippines, they apparently split into two. streams. One stream moved southward through the islands near New Guinea. The other continued eastward and settled throughout Micronesia. According to Father Sanvitores, "the people of the Marianas say, by tradition passed from father to son and without other historv than their memory, that people came from the south to populate these islands, and-that they have the same origin as the Tagalog..."alt would seem that the ancient Chamorros, remote ancestors of the present-day Guamanians, came from among these people. The ancient Chamorros, according to early reports, were tall, robust, well built, and apparently of great strength.s The women, too, were tall, "good looking and delicately formed, and lighter-complexioned than the men; and wear their hair, which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground."6 Garcia, in an early description of the Chamorros, wrote: "The Marianos are larger in stature, more corpulent and robust than E,uropeans, pleasant and with agreeable faces. They are so fat they appear swollen. They remain in good health to an advanced age and it is very normal to live ninety or

one hundred years."7' Early reports stress the physical strength and the athletic prowess of the Chamorros. According to Mendozan"it has actually happened that one of them, while standing on the ground, has laid hold of two Spaniards of good stature, seizing each of them by one foot and with his hands, and lifting them thus as easily as if they were children."'8They were also expert swimmers who spent much of every day in the water. A Spanish sailor, stationed with sword in hand to guard one of the early ships that anchored in Umatac Bay, had occasion to learn at first hand of the aquatic skill of the Chamorros when "one of the natives plunged under the water and swam to where he was, quite unconsciousof anything of the sort, and without his seeing it, snatchedthe sword from his hand and swam back with it. At the cry of the sailor, proclaiming the trick practiced on him by the islander, several soldiers with their arquebuses were stationed to shoot the native when he should emerge from the water. The islander, on seeing this, emerged from the water, holding up his hands and making signs that he had nothing in them. For this reason those who were on the point of shooting him refrained. After a few moments of rest, the native dived once more, and swam under water, until out of range of the arquebuses,where, assured of safety, he took the sword from between his legs where he had hidden it, and commenced to make passeswith it, jeering the while at our men whom he had deceived so easily."eTheir strength and agility were further revealed by the skill with which they handled their swift sailing canoes and by the manner in which they hurled their

A n art ist's co ncep tion of t he anc ient Cham or r os . Ear ly e x p l o r e r sw h o v i s i t e d G u a m s a i d t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e C h a m o r r o s w ere a thle ticly incline d t hey wer e "s o f at t hey appears w o l l e n . " N o t e t h a t t w o o f t h e m e n h a v e t h e i r h e a d ss h a v e d . In S pa nishth e wo rd Cham or r o m eans ,"t o hav e t he hea d s h a v e d ; t o b e b a l d . , '

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One of th e most difficult t as k s of t he Spanis hm is s io n a r i e sw a s t o c o m p e l t h e C h a m o r r o st o w e a r c l o t h e s af t er th e con qu est, it was a c om m on s lght in r ur al ar e a st o s e e m e n , w o m e n , a n d c h i l d r e n g o r n g a b o . : : ^ : tasks wea ring little o r no c lot hing.

slingstones, which were thrown with such force that they were frequently buried in the trunks of trees. No full-bloodied natives of the pre-Spanish type are to be found in Guam today. There are, however, islanders possessing some physical characteristics resembling those of the ancient Chamorros. The temperament of the ancient Chamorros, according fo early accounts may be described as being compounded of playful friendliness mixed with stubborn persistence and violence. A Franciscan missionary who, in 1596, lived in the Marianas and had an opportunity to observe the early Chamorros at first hand, related that they were " a tractable and kindly people " who " regaled him and his companion and showed them much respect."loAlthough they could be serious when the occasiondemanded,they were in general a happy, fun-loving people, fond of festivities, dancinj, singing, stoiytelling, and contests of strengt-ii and it<itt. They also took great delig_ht.in jokeslplaying tricks, mockery, and ridicule' While "tfrey afpeired, at first glance, to be simple, humble lteople, they were in reality "Inordinately vain, considering themselves to be men of the greatest genius and wisdom in the world, in comparison with whom all other nations were contemptible"ll The ancient Chamorros, it would seem, were, in their competitive playfulness, inclined to take advantage of early visitors to Guam. As a result, the label of ladrones (thieves) was frequently applied to them.

til angered, the ancient Chamorros were IIhen inclined to become violent and vengeful. This was amply demonstratedby their prolonged resistance to the Spaniards. According to Garcia: "Their nature and disposition, although at first appearing simple and bare of deceit as of clothing, gained the praise of the fathers of the Company, and they trusted the generosity and hospitality that were offered. After they experiencedmore of this, however, they knew them to be deceitful and traitorous. They will cover with pleasant words and appearancesany feeling of injury for perhaps two years, until they find an opportunity for vengeance."12 According to all accounts, men among the anceint Chamorros wore no clothing whatsoever, not even a breech clout. Some women, however, wore "a cord tied about the waist, and to the cord they hang some grass or leaves from the trees." Others wore little aprons or "mats made from palm leaves."l3While fishing, the men sometimes wore small conical hats and eyeshades of pandanus Ieaves, and occasionally they protected their feet with sandals of palm leaf .14 The only vanity of some men was an elaborate walking stick. According to Garcia, " the un-

married men, for some reason of their own' were accustomed to carry walking sticks which they called tunas, which were curiously carved and colored with the root of a plant called mangu,at the head of which they affixed three streamers half a yard in length made from the soft bark of trees, with heavy threads as trimmings."15 The hair of the ancient Chamorros was their crowning glory. Accounts of the Magellan and Legazpi- eipeditions state that both men and women woie their hair long and loose, but sometimes they gathered it up behind the head and even "made up and tied with a knot on the crown and some with two knots." After Father Sanvitores arrived in Guam, he wrote that the men did not wear their hair long but shaved their heads, leaving only a small topknot on the crown. "The women' however,wore it very long and bleached white' apparently with the lime used in other parts of Oceania."16 Rank and class consciousnesswere important factors in the lives of the ancient Chamorros. The hiehest class in the native society was called ,,rituo, They had the most privileges, were- the orincipal landowners, and controlled most of the wealtli of the island. Occupations having the hishest prestige value were reserved for them ex"clusively.T-hey were the warriors, sailors, fishermen, professional canoe builders , anq traders. When a member of the lowest class passed a')matua, he had to do so in a crouching position with head lowered and eyes averted. Lower class

people, furthermore, could never eat or drink in the houies'of the matua or even come too close to them. If they wished to talk to them they had to do so in a squatiing position and always fiom a distance'17

lhe middle class consisted of a lesser nobility called atchaot. They were usually members of the family or near relatives of the matua. Their social privileges were very much the same as those of inembers of the highest class, and they were permitted to assist the matua in their occupations of honor. The manachang,or members of the lowest class, lived almost as slaves.Theywereset apart from the rest of the society, and their lives were completely governed by restrictions and tabus. They were not allowed to become warriors, sailors, or canoe builders, and their fishing was restricted to the rivers, where they could only catch eels with wooden-tipped spears. Furthermore, they -cgul-d never, regardless bt st<ittor ability, rise out of their class. According to Thompson, available evidence susseststhat "tLe lowest class were descendantsof thJ-aborigines of the Marianas, reduced to a depressedcaste by immigrant maritime warriors, who establishedthemselves in prehistoric times in a postion of dominance. Their short stature, in contrast to that of the nobles, may be indicative of malnutrition due to a low standard of living rather

A f t er t he Spa nishco nq ues t of t he or iginal Cham or r os ,G u a m 's p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t e do f a m i x e d b r e e d w i t h m a n y et hnic b ackg rou nd s.This s k et c h of Um at ac Bay , dr awn i n 1 8 3 5 , s h o w s n o t o n l y t h e M e x i c a n a n d F i l i p i n o i n f l u e n c e s in clothin g b ut a lso th e Spanis hf or t s er ec t edt o def end t h e h a r b o r . T h e f o r t s o n t h e h i l l s i n t h e d i s t a n c ea r e , f r o m right t o le ft, Fo rt San J os e and For t Sant o Angel. I n t h e e x t r e m e l e f t h a n d c o r n e r o f t h e s k e t c h , b e h i n d t h e b i g t r e e , are the o rote ctive wa lls of For t Nues t r aSenor adel Car m e n ,a b e a c h l e v e l b a t t e r y i n f r o n t o f t h e c h u r c h .

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A sketch,madein 162O,ot nakedChamorroslookingat foreignshipsanchorednearGuam.

than to a marked difference in racial type."ra The Chamorros of pre-Spanish times were is, kinship organizedinto matrilineal clans-that groups in which descent was reckoned through the female line. Under this system the women exercised great influence in all matters related to property, life, iamily and inheritance. lforeover, the children took the surnames of their nothers rather than of their fathers. Each clan was composed of several families, with the family usually consisting of a mBrried couple, their :hildren, and other near relatives.'fhe families that nade up the clan were bound together by strong social, economic, and ceremonial ties and :,b1igations. Although the early Chamorros had no king 0r defined code of laws, they did have a government. The of district simple form island was divided into districts composed of one or more neighboring villages. In each district the :iobles, both men and women, formed a kind of :ouncil or assembly. The highest-ranking male, namely the oldest noble, was the leader. He was called magat-lahe.The people in one district were .o5'alto their leader and to their district. Moreover, :rey were intensely jealous and suspiclous ol ;eople who lived in other districts. As a result the listricts were frequently engaged in warfare.

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Sketch of a Guam militiaman in 1835. Wi t h f e w e x c e p t i o n s ,t h e S p a n i a r d s a s s i g n e dt o t h e n a t i v e sg u n s t h a t could not be f ired.

The early Chamorros engagedin a primitive sort of warfare in which rival villages or districts tested their strength against one another. In a description of native warfare, it was said: "They are barbarous warriors, quick to anger and easily calmed, laggards in fighting, quick to flee. One village rises against another with a big hurrah, but without a leader, without order and without discipline. They are customarily on a campaign several days without actually meeting in battle, each group observing the movements of the other, and when they arrive at the moment of battle, peace is quickly adjusted, for one side, having lost two or three warriors, gives up the fight and sends messengers to the enemy bearing the shell of a turtle as a sign of submission. The winners celebrate the victory with satirical songs in which they praise themselvesand make fun of the losers. "Their arms are stonesand lances with ooints of human bones in place of metal. These are-made of three or four sharp tines which, puncturing the flesh, break off, causing certain death. "They use these weaponsfrom boyhood and are very skillful in handling them... They do not use bow and arrow, nor sword. They have only a kind of cutlass and some knives obtained from our ships in exchangefor fruits. They have never used buckler

how ever, i t can be seen that, from t he t im e of l hei r arri val i n the Mari anas, the S paniar ds r ver e i nterested i n l earni ng about the rel i gi ous pr act ices of the nati ves. The anci ent C hamorro religion had no organi zed pri esthood, no templ es, and no cl efi ned creed. It seemed, pri mari l y, to be a r eligion of nryths. supersti ti ons, and ancestor w o r ship. The l eport of the Loi asa expedi ti on states t hat t hey w orshi pped the bones of thei r ancestors. These t hey careful l y kept i n thei r houses, anoint ed wit h coconul oi 1. A ccordi ng to S anvi to r es, t he C hamorros u' orshi pped the spi ri ts of t he dead, cal l ed ani ti . They. bel i eved that the anit i wer e racred and pou-erful spi ri ts uho coul d help t hem . I f angered, how ever, thel ' coul d do a gre at deal of l rarm.A s a resul t the spi ri ts and rel i cs of t he dead, especi al l y of one' s ancestors. ri ere f ear ed and l ,enerated.

lflfn,t" the ancient chamorro religion had no

organized priesthood, there \\'as. nevertheless,a class of orofessional sorcerers called makahna. The peoplrebelievedthat the ntakahuthad the power to communicate with the spirits of the dead. They also believed that they could cause sickness and

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A n c i e n t i s l a n d e r su s i n g sl i n g sa n d s l i n g s t o n e s .P e r h a p sb eca u seo f t h e a r t i s t 's m o d e s t y , s o m e o f th e men are clothed in rvhat look l i k e g r a s ss k i r t s . H o w e ve r ,a cco r ding to all of the early reliable a c c o u n t s ,a n c i e n t C h amo r r o men wore no clothing w h a t s o e v e r ,n o t e v e n a b r e e ch c lo u t .

\; or other means of defense,dependingonly on their quick movements to escape the blows of an adversarY."19 Spears and slings were the principal weapons used by the Chamorros. The slingstones were of oval shape, fashioned out of stones or made of baked clay. According to Thompson,"slingstones have been found in caches of 12 to 40 stones of uniform size, shape, color, material, and workmanship, buried to a depth of 3 feet. This suggests that they were made by specific groups of warriors and stored for ammunition."20 Little is known of the religion of the ancient Chamorros. According to early accounts,

death, could produce rain. and bring good luck in one account says: "There fishing. Of the rrtakaltrta, are macatlas (sic) who promise health, good fishing and similar benefits by means of invoking the dead whoseskulls they keep in their houseswith no altar, niche, or adbrnment except a basket in which they are left about the house,forgotten until the time comes when they want to ask some favor of the aniti."21 A later class of sorcerer, known as kakahna, survived into recent times. It was believed that they possessed powers of causing and curing sickness. Such powers could be passed on to their children. Another group, called sttruhana, were

herb doctors.Thompson says: "Although suruhana houses at least had openings which served as are not mentioned in the early reports, it is windows. The ground under the houses was probable that they existed in olden times. They used for burials...We may safely assume that at treated illness with herbs, whereas the kakahna least some of the pile houses served as men's clubs...Moreover,it is probable that canoeshedsin apparently used supernatural means."22 Belief in the taotaomona.men of superhuman the Marianas resembled sheds built for housing strength, appears to have sprung up after the war canoes in the Pelews (Palau Islands) except that the thatched roof was supported by capped Spaniards settled in Guam. The ancient Chamorros conducted elaborate stone uprights instead of wooden posts."2a burial ceremonies for their dead. Funerals were The small outrigger canoes of the Chamorros usually occasions for demonstrations of intense grief . They were accompanied by prolonged were the admiration of all the early navigators. weeping, f asting, and the clattering of shells Indeed, more was written in their journals about the canoesof the natives than on any other aspect and trumpets. of Chamorro culture. Pigafetta, one of the first "Their demonstrations of grief at funerals are to describe Chamorros and their Europeans great very singular, many tears, fasting and a said of them: canoes, clattering of shells. Weeping customarily continues men and women, is t o plough "Their amusement, for six or eight days, according to their affections those small boats of theirs. Those with the seas or obligations toward the departed. They spend but are narrower, and resemble boats fulcere, their time singing lugubrious songs,giving parties others red. At the white and some black, are some around the catafalque on which they have placed side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of the defunct, adorned with flowers, palms, shells wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and other things they consider suitable. and resting on the water, in order that the boats "The mother of the dead man cuts off a lock of his may sail more safely. The sail is made from palm hair and keeps it as a memento, and counts the leaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen days after his death by tying a knot each night in a sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resemcord which she wears around her neck."23 bling a hearth shovel which has a piece of wood at Three methods of burial were used, namely the end. They can change stern and bow at will, and burial in latte or house sites, in caves, and thoseboats resemble the dolphins which leap in the in earthenware urns. At times, spearheads, water from wave to wave."25 Becauseof t he qreat fishhooks,axes, and other implements were buried speedattained by these small canoes,early writers with or near the body. Although there is no cailed them "flying proas." evidence to indicate that such was the case, The Chamorros also used a type of canoe that perhaps the implements were added in order that was much larger than the proa. These large the deceased might have them for use in his canoes,sometimes30to 40 feet in length, were used paradise in the underworld, which, the ancient for commerce. ceremoniai occasions,and warfare. Chamorros believed, was overflorving rvith The building of large sailing canoes was a bananas,coconuts,sugar cane, and other fruits of highly prized privilege of the matua, who the earth. prideo themselr-es on their skill at carpentry. The skill with which the ancientChamorrosbuilt Sometimes they were assisted in the work by housesand canoes indicates that they were expert members of the middie class, but members of craftsmen. In one of the accounts of the Legazpi the lowest class were forbidden to engage in such expeditionit was said that some houses,supported work The privilege of steering such canoes was on large stonepillars, served as sleeping quarters, held exclusively by the chiefly class and was rvhiie others, built on the ground, were used for jealously guarded by them. cooking and other work. Besides these there were large buildings that served as storehousesfor an entire village. In such buildings, boats, canoes,and community property were kept. These larger buildings, in most cases, were built on strong- I pillars made of either stone or masonry' Some of lhe early Chamorros, in spite of the lack of ihesepillars, arranged in double rows, are still to were highly skilled as stoneworkers and m6tal, or be found on the island. They are called latte This is amply demonstrated by the skill masons. present-day Guamanians, de antiguos los by casas they made stone implements, such as which with n'ho tend to regard them with fear. With regard to knives, f lint scrapers and chiseis, axes, Thompson houses, rhe construction of Chamorro spearheads,hammers, mortars and pestles, and has written: "....There were evidently at least two types of slingstones. Examples of their most important houses built on stone pillars in the Marianas, stonework, however, are probably revealed in the namely pile housesand canoe sheds...Concerning stone and masonry pillars of the numerous latte :he oile houses. we know that the roofs were sites still to be found in various parts of ihatihed. The floors were raised above the ground Guam. Such piliars, called halege, were often of and the floor space was divided into compartments times uprights of carefully cut slabs '* hich probably served as sleepingrooms, kitchens, coral limestone. These were set securely in storage, carpentry shops, etc. The walls of some the ground and capped by rough cuplike heads of l1

"Whoever, probably in swimming, had killed a turtle (in reality a very hazardous adventure), brought a plate of the mail to the chief, who, according to the circumstances of the deed and the assistancereceived in performing it, bored holes in it; the fewer of them, the greater was the value. Suchtrophies then gave the owner a certain right to cxchange them, according to establishedcustoms, for other propert_v, and passed in a certain manner as means of commerce and signs of value."26 Shell money and iron rvere the principal items of barter used by the Chamorros in their trade relations with the Carolinians. Such trade was carried on both before and after the discovery of Guam by Europeans. After the Spanishconquestof the Marianas, the Carolinians discontinued the trade. It was not renewed until 1738.rvhen a large group of them sailed to Guam to trade for iron. In exchange for iron, they gave the Chamorros canoes, woven cloth, pots, wooden boxes, sheils, and other articles. Moreover, the men of Yap traded for stone as well, which, according to Thompson, "they made into perforated disks 12 inches in diarneter, used as rhoney in Yap."zt The early Chamorros made most of their money from tortoiise shell. These disks were usually strung together and worn around the neck. Thompson has written a description of tu'o types of shell-disk necklaces. They were "(1) the guirti,a string of thin, regular, perforated disks, in rvidth slightly less than the little finger and in length such StoneAdzand SlingStonesof Aborigines that it hung down to the navel, after har-ing passed o f t he is landof G u a m. twice around the neck; and (2) the lui.ao-ltugtro, a string of thin, regular, perforated disks about the width of a thumb and the lenghth such that, when hung around the neck, it reached the hip."za Another type of shell money was called girteha coral, called tasa. Suth pillars were sometimes fumaguon" It was a chest ornament rvorn by men, mass-producedat a distance from the sites where and it had the highest value of an5'shell object used they were to be used. as money by the ancient Chamorros. Trade between the various islands of the Until recent times it was generally'believed that Marianas, and with the Carolines as well, was the ancient Chamorros were not potterv makers" carried on regularly by the ancient Chamorros. To Later evidence,however, reveals not only that they make the exchange of goods or services easier, made pottery but also that their \vare was varied in several types of shell "money" were used. Con- terms of color, surface finish, shape, and design. cerning the manufacture and use of such money, Such variety seems to indicate that the early Chamisso, noting that "we have seen ourselves Chamorros might have possessed a highly developedartistic sense.Becauseevidencethat the the objects we describe," wrote: "On a coarse cord of cocoa-bast are strung Chamorros knew how to use the potter's wheel is pieces of tortoise shell, of the form of a button, but lacking, it is generaliy believed that their pottery as thin as paper, pressed to each other, and ex- was made by hand. Regardless of process, tremely polished by rubbing. The whole forms a however, it is now known that the ancient pliable roll or cylinger about the thickness of a Chamorros used baked clay for making cooking pots, water jars, burial urns, and slingstones. finger and several feet in length. In terms of ancestral background, present-day "These cords are said to have been current as a means of commercial intercourse, and but a very Guamanians represent many racial strains. They few chiefs had the right to manufacture and are so different from their remote ancestors, the ancient Chamorros, that little "blood" relationship issue them. "Plates of tortoise shell, of the large sea turtle, now exists. The ancient Chamorros, strongly built are differently pierced in the middle with a large proto-Malays, had established settlements in the hole, and on the broad thin edge with several Marianas by at least I500 B.C. They were expert smaller holes, or they have only one hole in the seamenand skilled craftsmen. In addition to being skillful house and canoe builders, they were also middle.

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familiar with the arts of weaving and pottery making. Moreover, they had a clan and district government supported and reinforced by a rigid class system. For unknown thousandsof years they lived on their islands in almost complete isolation from the rest of the world. Before ihe Soaniards arrived in the Marianas, the Chamorros cultivated their crops, swam and f ished in the ocean, developedtheir arts and crafts and, in spite of their intermittent warfare, lived out their lir-es in comparative security and peace. Paul Carano is the Editor of the Guam Recorder, a Professor of History, and Director of the Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.

NOTES 1.Laura Thompson,Guamand Its People(PrincetonUniversity Press,Princeton, New Jersey, 1947),p, 30. 2. CharletonS. Coon,The History of Man, from the First Human to Primitive Culture and Beyond (Lowe and Brydone, Ltd., London,1955),p.199. 3. Ralph Linton, Ethnologyof Polynesiaand Micronesia(Field Museum Press, Chicago,1926),pp. 17-18. 4. MissionIn The Marianas,An Accountof Father DiegoLuis de Sanvitoresand His Companions,166$1670,translated, with commentary,by Ward Barrett, (University of MinnesotaPress, Minneapolis,1975),p. 18. 5. Emma Blair and James A. Robertson,eds., The Philippine (Arthur H Clark Co.,Cleveland,1903),Vol. II , Islands,1493-1898 p . 1 10.

6. Ibid., Vol vol. XXXIII, p. 97. 7. Fralcisco Garcia,Vida y Martirio del venerablePadre Diego Luis de Sanvitores (Madrid, 1683; translated by Margaret Higginsin the Guam Recorder,September1936to July 1939), April 1937,p. 21. 8. Blair and Robertson,op. cit.. Vol. VI, p. 138. 9. Ibi d., V ol . V I, pp. 141-42, 10.Ibi d., \' ol . X . P .262. 11.Safford.The UsefulPlants of the Island of Guam, p. 104. 12.Garci a.op. ci t.. A pri l 1937,pp. 36,38. 13.Blair and Robertson,op cit., Vol. II, p. 110. 14. Laura Thompson,"The Native Culture of the Marianas Islands,(BulletinNo.185,BerniceP.Bishop Museum,Honolulu, 1945).p. 10. ls. Gariia op.cit.,July 1938, p. 39. 16.Thompson,The Native Cultureof the Marianas Islands.o. 10. 17. Ibi d.,p. 13. 18.Ibi d., p. 14. 19.Garcia,op cit., April 1937,p. 38. 20. Laura Thompson, Archeology of the Nlarianas Islands (BulletinNo. 100,BerniceP. Bishop Nluseum,Honolulu,1932), p. 49. 21. Garcia,op. cit., May 1937,p. 19. 22.Thompson,The Native Cultureof the Marianas Islands,p. 22. 23. Garcia,op. cit., May 1937,pp. 19-20. 24.Lawa Thompson,"The Function of Latte in the Marianas," Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. XLIX (Polynesian Society,, Wellington,1940),pp. 447{b. 25. Blair and Robertson,op cit., Vol. XXXIII, p. 99. 26.Otto von Kotzebue,A Voyage of Discovery into the Solth Sea and Bering's Straits Translated BY H. E. Llovd: Longman,Hurst, Rees,Orme, and Brown; London,1821),V6l. III, pp. 81-82. 27.Thompson, TheNativeCultureof the MarianasIslands,p. 41. 28. Ibi d..p 42.

Footprintson the sondsof time: fudgelgnocioV. Benovente By Felicia Plaza, M.M.B.

One of the latestand best photographsof JudgeBenavente.

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I lgnacio V Benaventewas born .on the island of Saipan, in the Mariana Islands, in the year 1898.At that rime, the Marianas, Carolines. and the Philippines, Spain's colonial outposts in the Pacific, \\'ere experiencing extremely driiiculr times. In April, 1898,the United Stateshad intervened in a \\'ar f or independence rvhich Cuban insurgents had been waging against their Spanish masters. By August 12, 1898.Spain had sued for peace in the conflict which was known as the SpanishAmerican War. Consequently, Spain was asked to grant an armistice and relinquish her sovereignty over Cuba. Furthermore, American forces had occupied not only Cuba but also Puerto Rico, the Pacific island of Guam in the Marianas, and the spaciousharbor of Maniia Bay in the Philippines. Germany, on September 10, 1898,had exacted from Spain a secret promise not to sell the Carolines to the United States. As a result, the Carolines and the Marianas (except Guam) rvere subsequently sold by Spain to Germany for S5,000,000.The terms of the Treaty of Paris, signed December 10, 1898, provided for the c ession of thc Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico to the United States. the payment of $20,000,000 by the United States to Spain, and the retention by Spain of liability for the Cuban debt. The United States secured a protectorate over Cuba. It is of utmost importance to note that this was the situation into which, on July 9, 1898 Ignacio V. Benavente was born. Consequently,this variety of cultures--Chamorro, Spanish, German, and American--were to influence, enrich and shape Benavente's life.

Like other Saipaneseboys of the period, Ignacio obtained his education -- elementary early and intermediate schooling-from the Germans. Fronr 19051913 he attended the welldisciplined German schools and "had to do his homework." This did not bother Ignacio who, being shy and quiet by temperament, preferred to read books and contemplate the natural beauty of the sandy beaches, the flaming red of the sunset, the colorful reefs, and the warm blue waters rather than participate in cock-fights or games, He read much, thought much, and talked less. Since early boyhood his God-given talent for languages was manif est and he soon mastered both German and Soanish. -While in Guam, taking care of his sick grandmother, Ignacio learned English. In 1923, he happenedto read a book entitled "Democracy." This book listed the rights and duties of citizenship.It said,"To attempt to govern men without seeking their consent is usurnation and Iyranny wherever it may be," It explained the basic principle that all men, rich and poor, are equal before the law. All should have an equal voice in the public deliberation of the state, since human rights, by virtue of which alone we are entitled to vote at all, are the attritubutes of the man, not of his circumstances, These ideas affected Ignacio deeply. In later years he was to :ooperate with the Americans :n order to bring peace and to ,ay the foundations of a ,lemocratic government. Tun Ignacio, as he was af:ectionately called by his :riends, worked frorr 1913to 1915 ri cable and radio operator :n Yap. He was transferred to Saipan in 1915and stayed there -.i:til 1937.2In 1937,Tun Ignacio .eft Saipan with his wife and :hildren and returned to Yap ,i.rerehe bought enough land for :.s iamily. He no longer wanted : - -lve in Saipan where the 20,000 ,-:p,anesehad taken over and the = - - nomic progress of the l:amorros was being hampered :.. :he JapaneseGovernment for --= sake of the Sugar Company. --::1. 1946he lived in Yan. It was

strong character, a practical mind and a noble heart. Consequently, he mixed freely with all, Chamorros and Carolinians alike, sharing their joys as well as their sorrows. Tun Ignacio, in the finest tradition of his clan, was a man of many gifts. In addition to being a knowledgeableradioman and an expert linguist, he was also a botanist. He could identify any plant of the Marianas by sight, smell, touch or taste. During the period 1946-1948, Tun Ignacio worked for the United States Commercial Company3 which sent him, in 1947, to Honolulu for one year to attend a special agricuitural extension course. In 1948 he became the agricultural agent for Saipan. Tun Ignacio had Althought more than made up his lack of a college education by his avid reading of good books, he profited much by his visit to Hawaii in 1950.There, under the joint auspices of the Navy and the Pacific Science Board, he rr,asable to study the sugar industry, soil conservationand the raising of coffee as well as rat control. From 1949to 1952,Tun Ignacio was active in the Saipan Congress. He believed in union among the people of the Marianas as being indispensable lf uring the period 1944-1946, to the common aspiration of union with the United States. when Yap was without priests, it was Tun Ignacio who baptized Having served as Associate the children, Ied the service.s, Judge of the District Court, and witnessed the 'marriages, Mariana Islands, and Special being "all to all." This part of Judge of the High Court from Ignacio's life was spent in an 1951-1953, and again from 1963to atmosphereof war, blood, sweat 1975,this farseeing, honest, and and tears. He witnessed the efficient public servant worked hardships and sacrifices of his for the best interests of the people during the Japanese people of the Marianas. Many came to him for legal advice and occuoation and it was'his he gave legal servicesto the poor command of both the Yapese and that free of charge. languages Japanese prevented many a misunBecauseof his modesty he was contented with his work and derstanding and, possibly, saved many lives. contentment was enough reward f or his legal services. The A typical Chamorro, medium humbleness of his life and the in stature, well set in physique simplicity of his habits conand rich brown in color, Tun trasted sharply with the showy Ignacio was a remarkable man. He was modest and unassuming and the ostentatious displays that have become so prominent in his ways, affable in manners, in the lives of public officers. Tun simple in speech, humanitarian Ignacio disdained vanity. He in phil osophy and devoutly practiced the sterling virtues of religious. He also possessed a

God's plan that he live and toil throughout the years under four regimes--Spanish, German, Japanese and American--for the glory of God and the welfare of his fellowmen. It was on Yap that Tun Ignacio was first elected to public office. He served as Commissioner for Chamorros dtrring the period 1942-7946.It was here that he proved to be "a man for all seasons." In those days no one "permanent talked about deacons" in the Catholic Church, but Tun Ignacio became one becauseof the circumstances.In July, 1944,the Japaneseexpelled all Catholic missionaries from Yap. The missionaries, Father Luis Blanco, S.J., Father Bernardo de la Espriella, S.J., and Brother Francisco Hernandez , S.J., and were interned in Palau, leaving Yap without priests. Upon their arrival in Palau, the three missionaries from Yap were held as prisoners together with Father Elias Fernandez. S.J.. Father Marino de la Hoz. S.J.. and Brother Emilio Villar, S.J., rvho rvere the Jesuit Missionaries stationed in Palau. On September14,1944,all six missionaries were beheaded by the Japanese.

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good citizenship and Christian charity. Outside his busy hours in the courtroom, he consecrated himself to the study and translation of the Chamorro language. He had an ardent desire to preserve the Chamorro language which he felt was essential for preserving the Chamorro culture and the Chamorro identity. Consequently, he taught Chamorro to the many Spanish and American missionaries who worked in Saipan. He translated a catechism that later was printed in Spain by the Mercedarian Missionaries of Berriz. Moreover, he also translated the !_u1day Gospels, the liturgy for Holy Week, the Office of tne BlessedMother, and the Rule of the St. Vincent de Paul Societv.

Additionally, he.tr anslatedmany legal docurirentl because,in th-e opinion of the experts,',Tun Ignacio justly enjoyed the reputation of being one of the best translators from English to Chamorro and apparently he was able to do as well in Spanish." '= I

I t,r,t" known fact was his knowledge of French. By selfstudy (and study was hii chief form of relaxation; he learned to read and understand French. Until shortly before his death he was studying Russian because, practical as he was, he sensed that Russian was going to be a world-wide spoken language. Because Tun Ignacio was a tireless leader and becauseof his sterling characterhe was chosen to be Mayor of Saipan from 1953 to 1963. As mayor he worked ' hard for more appropriations for the construction of roads. a hospital, and schools. In lgb8, Mt. Carmel High School was built. It was the first high school on Saipan and many students who had graduated in former years from the ninth grade at the Intermediate School were eager to have the opportunity to pursue secondary school studies. One of thefrequentand welcome visitors to the new high school was Mayor Benavente. The students thought of him as a friend because he would take them on field trips to the Agricultural Station,he would give them talks on citizenship and the local situation, and he encouraged their Science Fairs. He a"lso taught a course in radio in 1g60. The position of mayor did not change his simplicity of life nor did he regard his position as a spring board to aggrandize himself politically nor to accumulate wealth but rather as a unique opportunity to serve the best interests of the people with rvhom he shared the tal-ents the Lord had given him. This indeed rvas the guiding principle of his iile: service to the people. As a Judge he fought for human iustice.,As a mayor he faithfully .abored f or the welfare oi Saioan.

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On April 27, 1974, Bishop Flores Felixberto C. honored Tun Ignacio with the conferral of the Papal Award, the Benemerenti Medal. A daily communicant, Tun Ignacio was also present at every wake and funeral. Very often he would attend funerals in Tinian and Rota. Tun Ignacio visited the hospital every day. Oftentimes he would stay up all night rendering assistance to a sick or dying person. On an occasion when there was a shortage of meat he, without fanfare or publicity, slaughtered one of his own cows to feed the sick. From every one of his pay checks a certain amount went for groceries to help some family in need. In this same generousspirit he, in 1959, spearheaded a raffle to raise funds sorely needed to build a residence for Micronesian students and a training house for nuns. Frugal and industrious himself , all of his charitable deeds were performed in the finest tradition of humility and Christian love. If sound judgement, an unbiasedmind, devotionto God and his f ellowmen are genuine manifestations of greatness in a man, then Tun Ignacio was truly a great man. Many people, Saipanese as well as

Guamanians and Americans, paid high praises to him in the eulogies that followed his death. While welcomed, the praises were not necessaryto assure his greatness.He was great, simply put, because he practiced what he preached. During the 1950's,Tun Ignacio was a "prime-mover" in seeking closer political affilation with the United States. In 1960he joined the Popular Party. Rightly sensing the aspirations of the people, he campaigned for, "some kind of union with the United States." His many years of arduous campaigning were rewarded on June 17, 1975(only three days before his death) when the people of the Northern Marianas the approved Covenant to establish the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas in political union with the United States of America. On June 20,1975, Tun Ignacio Benavente died suddenly, shortly after performing his last act of charity--a visit to a friend who was ill and lonely. The people of Saipan, and others throughout the entire Marianas region, mourned his passing. They knew that they had lost not only an old and dear friend but alsoone who was symbolic of the finest and the best in the heritage of the Chamorro people.

Sister Felicia Plaza, M.N{.8., is a Research Specialist on the staff of the Micronesian Area Research Center. University of Guam. For ten 1'ears she served as the principal of the Mt. Carmel Iligh School in Saipan.

NOTES 1 The parents of Ignacio V. Benavente were: FernandoBenaventeand Dolores Villagomez. Out of their wedlock five children were born. From oldest to youngestthey were: Ignacio,Guillermo, Juan, Maria, and Ana. 2 Fernando B enavente was a Guamanian,descendantof a Spaniard shipwreckednear Guam between 18301835. 3In 1925,Ignacio married Rita Arriola on Saipan.They.had ten children, from oldest to youngest they were: Jose, Tri ni dad, E l euteri o, D olor es, Sist er V eroni ca, M.M.B ., Irmi nia, M ar ia, E stani sl ao, Lui s, and Fr ancisca ( deceased. ) 4 The U ni ted S tates Com m er cial C ompany w as an i nsti t ut ion solely concernedwith the improvement of the economiclife of the natives.

EDITOR'S NOTE: Typhoon Karen, which struck Guam on November ll, 1962,demojishedmost frame type and other buildings on the island. since that time a concerted effort has been made to build concrete, steel-reinforcedstructures in Guam. This has been especially true during the "construction boom" which reached unpreced-entedheighti in 1972.The following article, reprinted from the April, 1937issue of the Guam Recorder, presents some interesting- insights into problems associated with concrete constructi,on in- Guam during the early years of American adm inistration.

made locally by Political prisoners brought from SPain or ihe Philippines. The kilns for burning the tiles were abandoned and the industry died a tht' when death natural prisoners were no longer brought to the Island, for the natives had not been taught the art of tile making. A typical sam ple of the mamposteria construction is thc old Spanish residence owned bY Mr. JoseGuerrero on Santa Cruz Street. It was a big step from the native dwelling set on posts with its coconutpalm thatched roof to this mamposteria construction: but a step in every resPect, as great in comparison, was madt' when the United Statestook over the Island and introducerl reinf orcing iron and Portland cement which gave a stronget' mortar, and the mamPosteria type of constructionbegan to bc displaced by the more modern conconcretc reinforced struction. The transition from one tYPettr the other was not immediate; but took time, and to reach thc most modern construction as shown in the Catholic Church al Piti and in the residences of Messrs. A.T. Perez and Pedro Martinez, covered a period of time of approximatelY fortY years and there are still imorovements that can be made in brder to get the best results possible in the waY of a stronget-concrete and a more finished productfor the money expended. Theseresults can be obtained bY more scientific methods of mixing, control of ratio of water to cement in the mix, vibration of concrete when placing, and tighter forms, and this simply means teaching the field force the procedure and the reasons therefor. The change, naturallY, will be gradual but Progressive.

Concrete Construction ln Guom By GEORGE R. BROOKS

lhe use of concrete on the Island of Guam only dates back to the time when the Island bY thc over taken was United States after the SPanish American War in 1898.Previous to this, there had been only a lime mortar wall constructed in the more permanent tYPe of residences, which construction was called by the natives mamposteria. The Spaniih Governor and the better class of Spaniardslived in residences of the mamPosteria type of construction, which consistedof a heavy, hard wood, rough hewn log frame, usuallY of ifil, mortised and tenoned, or halved together and wooden pinned. The horizontal timber, capping the vertical side wall timbers, called the plate, suPported the roof rafters which carried the roof tiles. The plates on the two long sides of thc building were tied together at intervals with heavy timbers,

which were generally exPosedin the li ving spaces, as the under' side of roof rafters and collar beams above these tie beams were sheathed.This construction gave more volumc to living Jpace and made it cooler' The fiame and roof were usuallY completed before the masonrY sidewalls were even started.The side walls were built of coral rocks cemented together with tr lime mortar made of coral, sand, and slacked lime. The rocks were not crushed but were anY size that would fit nicelY into thc wall and the larger theY were, the better, as it took less limt' mortar. The outside was finallY plastered to a smooth finish. Tht' iime was made by collecting field stones of coral, heaPing them in a pile in the oPen field and burning them with a wood fire. The roof tiles of these more substantial residences werc usually imported f rom t he Philippines, but some tile was

The first concrete work on thc Island after cement was introduced hence was rough and crude, and was probably plain concrete, or if reinforced, there was very little steel used and it was placed haphazardly. One of the first concreted jobs was on the sites of the present plumbing shop in the Agana Navy Yard

and the original work was incorporated in the present building. This building shows honeycomb in the original concrete work near the base of thc building. A later specimenof this early concrete work was thc Dulce Nombre de M aria Cathedral in Agana, which was shaken down by a severe earthquake in 1902and which was rebuilt in 1912. An examination of this building shows that tht' finish is very rough, indicating that the forms were poor, and thc placing of the concrete not good workmanship, as a considerablt' amount of honeycomb still shows, for after the removal of the forms, the finished surface was never pointed up nor wer(' the form marks and fins rubbed off. The lintels over openingswere not reinforced, but werc supported upon planks laid flat over openings and projected a con siderable distance into the side jambs where it was lefl in thc completed work to decay and thus permit the arch to 'settlt' and, in consequence,the concrete work above it to crack. This condition can be seenon the doorways at the back of th(, Cathedral. The construction,from time to time, of Naval Governmcnt Administration buildings, such as Post Office building, Bank of Guam, Band Stand in the Plaza, Agana, and Lloyd Shapley School in Asan, Guanr Council and Guam Assembly buildings, which were all built of concrete, introduced better methods of construction, and whilc tht' refinements as used in the United States were not resorted to, they were good for Guam and were the best that could bc obtained under the conditions. The forms were tightly built of matched lumber, the reinforcing placed and accurately generously used in view of the fact that Guam is subject t<r earthquakes, and the wet concrete rodded and spaded to prevent honeycomb. The sand used was a clean coral sand,frec from dirt and other imourities and the coarse aggregate was quarried cascajo run of the crusher. The cement was a tested Portland cement, and the

m ix of tht' concrete proportions an arbitrary one of produced l:2:3 a whiclr of concrete an' average strength of about 2,500pounds per square inch or better. The construction of Naval Government concrete structures, on which native Chamorro workmen do most of the work, has given them an opportunity to Iearn better constructiort methods and has shown them better workmanshin and how to obtain a far beiter finished product. They have been quick to learn and the experience obtained upon Government work has been reflected in the improvements made in privatt' construction. Private w ork, however, is not as plain as Government work; but is consistently fancier, with egg an<l dart mouldings, fancy brackets, balusters and scroll work.

T I h" native Chanrorro workmen deserve credit for the good work that has been turned oul by them in recent years with the materials at hand with which they have had to work. Lumber is scarce on the Island of Guam and its cost is high and, therefore, a large portion of the forms used are madc fron' packing crates or boxes which have been taken apart and thc lumber and nails salvaged. Form s, therefore, are no I matched lumber and ('onsequently are not water tight Reinforcing steel is not as accurately placed as it should be, as the beam theory is nol understoodby the workmcn rrnd there is no inspection servicc or building supervisor, and it is light in weight, practically amounting to tempered steel in many instances. The placing of the concrete also does not proceed along any regular scientific lines in the great majority of the work; but the concrete work is stopped at the end of the day wherever it happens to be at quitting time, and in the walls boulder or field stones will be pushed into the concrete surface to form a key

for the commencement of the next day's run. Laitance is not removed from the surface of any one day's pour of concrete so that a good bond is not secured between successivedays pour of concrete. The old mamposteria construction idea also gets the upper hand at times and what in the United States is called cyclopean concrete, but on a smaller scale, is the result. This, of course, saves cement. The concrete is an arbitrary l:2:4 nrix. About the best examples oi recent native concrete construction are Saint Vincent dr' Paul Parochial School,Mr. A.1'. Perez'concrete ranch housc an<l Mr. Pedro Martinez' concrete ranch house. One would naturally suppose that concreteconstruction woulrl be the best type of construction that can be obtained for permanence, or for typhoon or earthquake resistance. This presumption is correci for it is not subject to termite attack anrl it is consideredstrong enough 1o stand up against any wind velocity that will occur. Of course, a with buildine corrugated iron roof covering would probably be unroofed; bul a flat concrete roof, such as lhat on Mr. Pedro Martinez' ranclr house should come through unscathed. In the earthquake of 30 October. 1936. the concrett' construction has given a good account of itself. No cracks havc been discovered in any concrete buildings on the Island. The same presumption would probably be assumed for tht' mamposteria construction, and as far as typhoon resistance is concerned, it is believed they would meet all expectationsanrl practically through come unharmed. The recent earthquakes, however, have shown. up their manifold weaknesses against this form of destruction. The log frames set on the grounrl originially and buried in the masonry walls, have madt' ideal concealed passages for termites to work, and wherc slabs of masonry were pushed from the walls just front of thosc locationswhere vertical timbers were originally buried, it shows

th a t t hes e t imb e rs h a v e b e e n re d uc ed bons id e ra b l y i n s i z c b y th e t er m it es , i f th e y a re n o t e n t ir ely gone, a n d th e re n ra i n i n g p o r t ions ar e a me re s h e l l . T h i s me ans t he s upp o rti n g fra mc o f th e building wa s fre e to v i b ra te i n wall c av it ies , w h i c h i t d i d i n th e ear t hquak e , a n d te n d e d to b a t t er t he s upp o rti n g w a l l s . T h c ti l es of r oof s a l s o n o t h a v i n g i n div idual nailings, bul d e pending upo n fri c ti o n a l o n e a n d a nailing s tri p a t e a v e s l i n t' to hold t he ent ir e ro o f i n p o s i ti o n , sl i d of f in s om e i n s ta n c e s , w h e rc th e nails holding th e e a v e s s tri p s l e t go, due t o c o rro s i o n o f th c se c ur ing nails . E x a mi n a ti o n o f th e s c th e lim e m o rta r in b u ildings als o s h o w s th a t i ts strengt h is ex t re me l y l o w . A s t his t y pe o f c o n s tru c ti o n i s n o longer us ed, fu rth e r c o mn re n t i s u nnec es s ar y , e x c e p t to s a y th t' ch eapes t m ot h o d o f re p a i ri n g d a m age t o pr es e n t s tru c tu re s i s to m ak e an ope n i n g n e a r th e to p o f t he wall , wh e re v e rti c a l l o g s wer e or iginally l o c a te d a n d fi l l wi th c em ent g ro u t, i n s e rti n g l i ght r einf or c i n g ro d s , if p o s s ible. A ls o p l a c e a n c h o r b o l ts to hold t im ber p l a te to n ra s o n ry a n d point up w a l l s th o ro u g h l v wi th c em ent m o rta r, w h e re crac k ed.

R e s i d e n c eof JoseGuerreroon Santa Cruz Street in pre-World War ll Agana.

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fassing comment should bc given to another type of construction, called tabique by thc natives,which has come forward with the introduction of cemenl and which has taken the place of the old mamposteria con struction, and consistsof two by four inch studdine with thc spacesbetweenthe studsfilled in with plain concrete, thc onlv bond between the two being nails driven into the two by four inch studding. Both sides of the concrete and studs are centenl coatedwith about a five-eightsto three-fourthsinch single coat of cement mortar. There is no logical basis for this typc of construction, as the walls are unstable and cheanness is tht' only thing that it has to "o-mend it.

C athol i cC hurchi n P i ti i n 1937

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Concreteranchhouseof A.T. Perez.

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Concreteranchhouseof PedroMartinez.lt wasone of the first bui l t w i th a flat concreteroof. l ocalhouses

This construction is somewhal similar to the frame houses of the New England states wherc the space between the studs was filled with brick masonry, called nogging. The reasons for filling betweenstuds in thesetwo cases, however, are different. The brickwork in the one instanct' was used for a fire retardent and to prevent the passage of rodents, whereas, in the houses here, it is to act as a foundation for plaster coatings. The plaster coating takes the place of weather boarding on outside and lath and plaster inside, as it is cheaper.

As the concrete filled panels are not self supporting, but depend upon the wood studding for their support and stability, one hesitatesto contemplate the havoc that may be wrought in an earthquake by this tYPe of construction a few years hencc when termites have had time to work upon the wooden stud supports, and the nails have rusted away. In conclusion, the statenrenl can be made that those persons who have any foresight at all will resort to true reinforced concrete construction as it will bc more permanent, cheaper in the ZZ

end, provide better protection in typhoons, as well as in earthquakes, and is stable. The cost should be about the same as the tabique construction,if a sliding form is use, except for the additional cost of the reinforcing rods, as the volume of cement mortar is approximately the same in both cases if the walls are made six inches, the samc thicknessas the finished tabique walls, and this is thick enough for any one-story building. More and better concrete shouldbe one of the slogansfor a safer Guam, from fire hazard, typhoons and earthquakes.

According to ancient Chamorro legend,the great god Puntan, who rvasborn ofthe air, directed his sister to form the universe from his body upon his demise. This myth is rivaled by many of the beliefs rvidely held today in regard to the formation of Guam. One contemporary myth is that Guam rests on three pillars which, although ready to collapseat the next earth tremor, allow submarines to pass underneath the island. Well, why not? A nuclear submarine should be able to accomplish such a feat; after all, a grouper in another legend made it from Pago Bay to Agana Springs attempting to devour the island. The women of Agana (St. Mary in later versions) saved Guam from destruction by catching the monster with a net made from their hair. This article is intendedto replace these myths of today and yesteryear by presenting a scientific explanation for the formation of Guam in laymen's terms. F l,luam's formation is related not only to the rest of the Marianas Islands but also indirectly to volcanism in the rest of the Pacific Ocean.The Pacific Ocean floor has been and continues to be very unstable. Frequently, parts of the ocean f loor begin to subs ide ; the folding that results causes cracks to form in the earth's surface. Through these fissures lava flows forming submarine nrounds, submerged mountain ranges and, less frequently, islands.Lava flows on shoreform the volcanoes often referred to as the"Pacific Rim of Firel' As a result of these tectonic forces, the Marianas Arc was f ormed opposite the deep Marianas Trench. Guam's formation can be and divided into volcanic limestone depositions. Volcanic depositionsresult from the flow of molten rock through cracks in the carth's surface; a variety of rocks are formed in this manner. is basalt, The basic type a dark gray to black, finegrained, igneous rock. Breccia are angular pieces of basaltic rock cemented together. Shale, an easily split rock, is formed by the consolidation of basaltic The clays, mud, or silt. weathering of basalt leaches out the silicon leaving red oxide clays of high acidity that are common on Guam. This clay supports a savannah plant community of grasslands with scattered trees (Figure no. l). One can see good examples of this typ,e of vegetation as he from the Cetti drives to Umatac overlook Bay The savannah Village.

frequently burns over in the dry season. Limestone is formed chiefly of from the accumulation organic remains such as shells, calcareous a1gae, and the exoskeletons of coral polyps. polYps Mollusks and coral extract calcium carbonate from their to form sea water algaes Certain exteriors. internal deposits of form calcium carbonate. The reefs

During the late Eocene Epoch (58,000,000to 38,000,000.vears ago) and the early Oligocene Epoch (38,000,000to 28,000,000 years ago), a generally submerged volcano much larger than Guam and twelve miles west of present day northern uplift triggered an Guam (through a gradual slumping and no. 3). The collapse-Figure resulting emergent islands were the south-central part of present day Guam and the islands now Rosa, Mt. Santa called Mataguac Hill and, perhaps, Barrigada Hill (Figure no. 4). is formation The Alutom Guam's f oundation and has srrhnrersed sDurs on which pfesenf day northern Guam and southern Guam have been deposited.A submerged volcano, a little farther west than the collapsed one that created the Alutom Formation, can now be detected thirty miles west of Ritidian Point in three thousand feet of water. !:!

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fringing Guam today teem with thriving colonies of these organisms. Some limestones on Guam are of the reef type and others are formed from reef fragments that washed into ancienl lagoonsand consolidated. littered is Lagoon Cocos with unconsolidated maferial. Two Lovers' Point is an excellent example of Iimestone limestone The deposition. weathers into nonacidic soil which supports a dense foliage that can be seen in the undisturbed areas of northern (Figure no. 2). A Guam limestone forest seldom burns. The volcanism that formed Guam resulted in the collapse of two volcanoesoff its west coast. The Alutom formation was the first to emerge above sea level.

Over millions of years in Epoch the Miocene (28,000,000-13,000,000 years ago), the Umatac Formation (Figure no. 4). emerged due to the collapse of a volcano ten miles west of present day southern Guam. The collapse was precededby a series of lava flows which were intermittent limestone deposits of with on the underlying submerged southern spur of the Alutom Formation. The collapse of the volcano (Figure no. 3) caused the block faulting so evident in the steep slopesone can see on a drive from Agat Village to A more Umatac Village. than recent volcano less one thousand feet below the surface formed fif teen miles west of Umatac Villaee.

F i g u r e 1 . S a v a n n a hP l a n t C o m m u n i ty

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|l of limestone series ll depositions mark the later stages of Guam's formation. From the Miocene Epoch to recent times, Bonya, Alifan, Barrigada, Janum, Marianas, Merizo limestones, and respectively, were deposited period this long during of geologic history. The Alifan and Marianas limestonesare the more important and the only limestone depositionsthat need concern us here. Alifan limestone was primarily formed on what now is the mountain crest from Mt. Alifan (east of Agat Village) to Mt. Lamlan (Figure no 5). Although this crest includes Guam's highest altitude (1,334 feet at Mt. Lamlam), it was a saddle submerged slightly between the Alutom and the of the Umatac remainder Formation at the time of deposition. The slightly submerged saddle provided an excellent environment for the formation of a reef. Corals, other califerous algae and organisms reef building flourished in this area over

F i gure4. Mai orstages of Guam' sformati on.

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capsthe underl yi ngv o l c a n i c r o c k . Th e lim est one F i hure5. A l i fan Li mestone forest.Furtherdow n the sl ope.the volcanic c a psupportsa densel i mestone pl antcommuni ty. a S avannah s oi l sencourage

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F i g u re6 . S tru c tu radl e vel opment of northernGuam.Top: Formati onof th e re e f.B o tto m : U p l i ft rnq.

Figure7. Terraces(realand apparent)on Guam'ssoutheast coast.

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Fi gure8. Guam' sreefat P agoB a y.

thousandsof years. Warping and faulting eventually led to the emergence of this reef at an elevation higher than the two islands it once linked. Guam's northern plateau, the cliffs of southeastern Guam, Orote Peninsula, and Cabras Island were formed on the underlying Alutom and Umatac The Marianas f ormations. limestone and the underlying limestone areas were deposited generally in an atolllike formation. Northern Guam was once a huge lagoon surrounded by a fringing reef with a few islands like Mt. Santa Rosa and protruding Mataguac Hill abovesea level. The periphery of the plateau shows reef-growing organisms commonly found on reef fronts, whereas the interior reef -growing areas reveal organisms commonly found on reef organisms and debris commonly found in a shallow lagoon. During the Pleistocene Epoch (1,000,000 to 10,000years ago) this atoll became emergent by a series of uplifts caused tectonic forces from by within the earth (Figure no. 4 and no. 6). These uplifts were intermittent with long periods of stability during which various f ringing reef s f ormed. This pattern of formation, along with the erosion, accounts for terraces seen along the southeastern coast of Guam (Figure no. 9. After an uplift a period of stability allowed a fringing reef to form. When

uplifted the reef became a terrace. One can visualize the terrace and ciiff that ivould be formed if the island and its present reef were uplifted. The Marianas limestone emerged above sea level as much as six hundred feet and, in the process, was tilted to the southwest at an average of twenty-five feet per mile; there is some evidence to indicate that the entire island was tilted at this time. Orote Peninsula slopes to the east and therefore represents a separate and more recent minor uplift. The types of reef-forming organisms that built most of Guam's limestone deposits are busy today adding to the reef completeiy that almost surrounds Guam (Figure no. 8). Man in recent years has changed the landscape of Guam. Using the reef as a toundation, man's additionsinclude the land-filled areas in Apra Harbor, the Glass Breakwater, and the Paseo de Susanna. The most recent modification is the new Piti power plant, which is built on a reef-filled flat. In recaPitulation, Guam's formation is outlinedbelow: Subsidenceof the Pacific B asi n resul ted i n the formationof the Marianas Arc. Z. A l utom Formati on: S outh-central Guam emerged above sea level due to the collapseof a vol cano north* est of Guam (Figure no. 3 and no. 4). l.

For m at ion: U matac Southern Guam was formed due to the collapseof a volcano southwest of Guam {Figure no. 3 and no. + ). Limestone Plateau Formation: Northern Guam, Orote Peninsula, Cabras t he Isl and. and southeaster n coast of Guam were fringing reef or lagoondeposits which rose above sba level in a seriesof upliftslFigure no. 4' and no.6). 5. Reefs continue to thrive on presentday Guam, and man ls usrngsbmeof these f o"r land-fill reefs projects. I i i Iri l og r':rIh r

Tracey, Joshua I., Seymour O. Schlanger,John T. Stark, t tal rd T. Stark,David B. Doan,and Harold G. May. General Geology of Guam. Washington D.C.; United States Government Printing Office, 1964.

Mr. Lawrence J. Cunningham is an ( xl)lolltrf' Guam teacher and Social Studies Department Chairperson at Agat Junior High School. Mr. Cunninghamhereby expresseshis thanks to Mr. R.H. Randall, University of Guam Marine Laboratory, who made helpful suggestionson this manuscript and was his instructor in the Micronesian Area ResearchCenterlectureson the geology of Micronesia.

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Clusterof thatchedroof housesin Sumay,1925.Houseson the left and in the centerarebuilt up on ifil wood logs.The houseon the right hasa foundationof mamposteria.

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Sum av s c enein 1925. lt is believ edt h a t t h e h o u s e w i t h t h e b a l c o n y b e l o n g e dt o L u i s C a m a c h o .

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A 1 92 5 roads ides c enein eas t Agana. Not e t h e s u g a r c a n eg r o w i n g n e a r t h e h o u s e w i t h t h e t h a t c h e d r o o f .

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A street scenein Sumay, looking toward Apra Harbor.

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lflfittr today's growing recogniition of the impbitance of the man-made environment, historians, anthropologists, and architects are increasingly called upon to assist their governments in the location, evaluation, and reservation of properties which possess historic, arcultural and archeological, chitectural, significance.Properties, in this usage of thc term, range from extensiveland areas to petroglyphs and pieces of sculpture. The term may include battle sites, archeological sites, buildings, structures, rural or urban districts, and objects--inshort, any historic or prehistoric remains that have a relationship of significance to their environment. In determining whether such properties should be given the recognition of listing in the National Register of Historic Places, with its concomitant protective and financiai benefits, the professional must make judgments of both significance and (See National Register historical integrity. Criteria forEvaluation.)lSignificance is largely an academic matter , and historians, anthropologists' m aking feel comf ortable and architects evaluations based upon it. Integrity is another matter entirely however, requiring consideration of tangible and visible qualities. Significance is determined through a process of intellectual consideration, but the identification of integrity rests heavily upon sensory perception. For this reason traditional academic scholars, regardless of their fields of study or degrees of expertise, are often unqualified to determine whether a property is worthy of preservation. Indeed, many to whom the conceptof documentationallows only for words on paper and never for the architectural expressionsthat buildings are, care very little about preservation.To a great degree, this accounts for the shortageof qualified professionalsin the field of

HistoricolIntegrity ond LocqlSignificqncein the Pocificlslond Context

historic preservation. In the mainland United States, the shortage is serious--in the Pacific islands it is acute. This article is intended to assist professionals in comprehending the concept of integrity and in applying the National Register criteria to properties in the Pacific, but it has relevance to local historic preservation activities elsewhere. In the Pacific islands, properties of at least two cultures are encountered--thosewhich resulted from the expansions of Western or Asian powe.rs and those of the indigenous island peoples. If the professional reads the criteria with a Western World architectural bias, he might conclude that only those properties representing Western or Asian powers, and a few abandoned and lasting ruins left by indigenous peoples, are worthy of preservation. If this were true, the historic breservation program would have little relevance to most of thb inhabitants of the islands.

the process of selecting properties for fluring n-om in at'ion to the Na t i ona I R eg i st er, p ro f essi on a I s must take care to think in terms of their localities. The National Register criteria were originally conceived to include the fields of history, arand to cover chitecture, archeology, and culture, 'exists between the diversity of resources that Massachusettsand New Mexico, or Alabama and Alaska. Properly interpreted, they can also encompassthe resourcesof Hawaii, Guam, American Samba, and the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. The task of the professionalin this program is not to define the landmark achievements of a society, but to identify that which has significance' Good architecture must not be compared with the work of great masters, significantarcheologicalremains mr:st not be compared with sites of outstanding significance, and frontier cabins must not be compared with mansions. More germane for the Pacilic context, bamboo huts must not even be compared with frontier cabins. The professiglal must take into account the fragility of building materials used by tropical peoples, and the transitory nature of buildings constructed thereof. the professionalmust not interpret the Similarly, 'exclusion of properties owned by criteria's or used for religious purposes institutions religious as ireflection of America's traditional separation of church and state. In the Pacific, many properties that are not housesof worship may have religious functions or associations but may also have perfectly valid cultural qualifications. This iriterion is intended to preclude judgments concerning the validity of religious beliefs, but to allow the considerationof religious properties for architectural and artistic distinction and as representativesof historical and cultural forces. When heiau is nominated to the National Register,

By Russell A. Apple and Jerry L. Rogers

the justification must not rest upon the validity of the religious traditions associatedwith it, but ma1, properly rest upon the secular importance of those traditions. The professional must determine thal the heiau is a significant tangible manifestation of historical or cultural forces or that it has artistic or' architectural merit, but he may not justify the heiau as a manifestation of the deity or spirit to whom it was dedicated. The same is true of a church or synagogueor a Plains Indian sun danct' lodge.2 Ordinarily properties that have achicved significance within the past fifty years arc nol eligible for the National Register, unless the properties are of exceptional inrportance. This criterion acknowledges the f act that ir certain amount of time must pass beforc events can bo evaluated in their proper historical perspective, yet some things are so significant that their inr portance can be r ecognizedin far less than half ir century. Scarcely thirty years havc passed sincl World War II raged over vast areas of the carth. The significanceof that war need not be discusseti here, but how many people have noticed that its physical traces have almost vanished in many piaces? The mainland Unites States probably has more places to commemorate the American Revolution than World War II. In the Pacific evidences of World War II in the form of bases, battlefields, bunkers, artillery places, aircraft, tanks, and ships are atrundant but threatened. It would be foolish to wait anothertwenty years before acknowledgingthe significanceof these properties.

]l proper understanding of historical integrity must take into account the fact that an isolated moment in time rarely takes precedenceover the continuingprocessof history. Today and yesterday are extensionsof the day before yesterday. It is appropriate that a village or city establishedin the eighteenth century should contain buildings constructed during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Integrity may be lost if the newer buildings overwhelm the older ones,but not simply becausenew buildings are introduced. In contrast, a site that is significant only because of a single important episode or function may lose integrity unless its general appearance remains somewhat Iike its appearance at the historic moment. For such a site, the alterations that result from continuing human occupation are more likely to detract from than contribute to historical integrity. Generally speaking, the accretions of time are acceptable in districts, buildings, structures, and objects, but less likely to be acceptable for sites. The United States Miiitary Academy, at West Point, includes many alterations resulting from its continuous military use that do not diminish historical integrity. On the other hand, the site of the Fort .Reno Forest Preserve, now a suburban development in Oklahoma City rather than a forest,retains no historical integrity at all.In this

case, the hi stori cal enti ty has been dest r oyed rather than enhanced by the al terati ons of t im e. In the P aci fi c i sl ands far more than in ot her ' the Federal hist or ic areas associ ated w i th preservati on program, i ntegri ty must be const r uecl to i ncl ude recent al terati ons and even t he constructi on of repl i cas. The tradi ti onal styl e buildings that remai n, subj ect to the rapi d bi o-degr adat ion processes of the tropi cal j ungl e envi ronment , ar t , al l si gni fi cant. R api d change because of f r equent repai r and repl acement of deteri orat ed com ponents i s the hi stori c nature of tradi ti on al island bui l di ngs, and must, therefore be gi ven nr or ( ' tol erance than changes to more durabl e West er n bui l di ngs. To the P aci fi c peopl c w ho built il bui l di ng and w ho i nvested thei r l reasu r es, t heir energi es, and someti mes thei r' l i ves i n it s nr ain tenance, cul tural si gni fi cance u' oul d probably have remai ned or even i ncreasecl over ti n.re. A gr eat many i sl anders sti l l know trzrdi ti onal , onst r uit ion techni ques, al though duri ng thc past deca dt ' t hc usr ' of such techni ques has becn i rl mt' st t 'nt ir ely a nel abandoned. A repl i ca. or rr,or{ ' properl y bui l di ng, constructed by i sl anders from t hcir indi genous know l edge of tradi ti onal nrater ials' anr l t han ll l echni ques may have nrore i ntcrgri ty e f f or t q I r mai nl and archi tec t ' s con i ectural dupl i cate a ni neteenth-r' sn1Ll rt bui l di ng. cducated and w el l nr eaning It i s i roni c that r,r' e11 i ndi vi dual s may destroy i ntegri ty i n thei r ef f or t s t o preserve hi story, w hi l e the uneducated and uncari ng may someti mes al ter hi stori c' buildings w i thout destroyi ng i ntegri ty. S tated anot her u: r y, some peopl e create repl i cas of hi stori c buildings for museum and other cducati onal purp oses. No doubt they make a contri buti on, but such act ivit ies are fraught w i th the danger of crror, and lhey al most never producc bui l di ngs that possess hi stori cai i ntegri ty. Thi s probl cm i s by no nr eans confi ned to repl i cas and l ruseunr s. Th osc who w oul d move hi stori c bui l di ngs i n ordcr 1o pr eser ve them must seri ousi y questi on w hether i t nr ight not be better to al l ow the bui l di ngs to cl epart in r iignit y, or at l east w hether scarce hi stori c preser vat ion funds shoul d not be devoted to the preser vat ion of other bui l di ngs that do not have to be nroved. Not i nfrequentl y a rel ocated bui l di ng nray ci i m inish t he hi stori cal i ntegri ty of i ts new l ocati on. To go f ur ther, even those pi l l ars of preservati on u'ho have been restori ng bui l di ngs for years nrust co nt inuallr re-exami ne thei r pri nci pl es arnd trpd at e t heir practi ces i n order to avoi d the i n adver t enl destructi on of i mportant resources. Y et l Pacif ic i sl and resi dent w ho has never heard of Her odot us and never read the R estorati on Manual nr ay even repai rs and normrtl nrake possi bl y wit hout bui l di ntl to hi s hi stori < ' al terati ons i ts i ntegri ty. destroyi ng A n exampl e of typi cal P aci fi c bui l di ng m aintenance practi ce i s provi ded by thc n ow disappeared nati ve publ i c bui l di ng on K api ngam ar angi A tol l , a P ol ynesi an outl i er i n the E astern Car olinr ' Isl ands of Mi cronesi a. Thi s w as l he cult house hereu.

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I he main function of Hereuwas to housc the gods by-night, to keep them conrfortable and content. ft-erethey were constantly petitioned to keep thc food supply abundant, to bless lhe womcn r,r'ith children, to cure sickness,itnd to averl disaster. The maintenance of the house in good condition was a prerequisite to good relations with thc gods. Were it allowed to fall into such disrepair lhat the roof would leak (suru), or the posts becomc loose, the gods would be angered at this neglect. This called for the periodic renovationsof the house an<l these were occasions for the people's n-rostimportant celebrations.3 Occasions for rebuilding culturally viablc buildings, or abandoning culturally obsolete buildings were frequent. Some of thc nrorc obvious occasionsinclude the following: 1. Violent storms have stripped entirc islands almost bare of buildings. 2. Modern warfare has leveled landscapes. Peleliu, in the Palau group of Micronesia, lost all standing native buildings during the Anrerican invasion of 1944. 3. Fires have often destroyed thatched structures. Arson was responsible in \779 for the destruction of thatched buildings at Kealakekua bay, Hawaii, in the days after captain Cook's death. 4. Native peoples have been transported from their homes to other islands. Spaniards moved the Chamorros from Saipan to Guam, and in recent times the United Stateshas relocated Marshallese and Eniwetok, communities from Bikini, Kwajalein. l)uring the process of repair or wholesale replacement of culturally viable buildings, acculturation as a result of foreign contact began to become apparent. As a hypothetical case, in the continuum of a Samoan village's life the chiefs' meeting housewould have occupieda single spot on the malae (village green). Throughout the prehistoric and historic period,,the meeting house would have been rebuilt several times, with various components,particularly the roof thatching, being replaced each time (see Figure l)' At some point, stone adzes would have been forsaken for metal ones. At another time the village fono (f.ormal council of chiefs) would have decided to abandon the traditional practice of thatching and to take advantage of the abundant war surplus corrugated metal for roofing (see Figure 2)' Yet even with these changes,the building would have retained its location, orientation, shape, size, functio-n, significance, and much of its integrity, :n ttt: cintext of Samoan culture. The process of architectural acculturation of aboriginal roofs from thatched to metal is illustrated by photographs of four different Samoan structures standing simultaneously on Upolu and Savai'i islands in 1967.Each structure (Figures I through 4) is in a different stage of acculturation, but each is an expression of a viable traditional Samoan institution, the village fono.

Upolu

and the visible, and who is sensitive to the local culture and thoroughly familiar with the full range of local resources, can decide whether a property should be nominated to the National Register. The purpose of the program is to preserve districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects, not social or governmental institutions. If Federal historic preservation grant funds were used to preserve an island meeting house, the professional should make every effort to reestablish traditional mdterials, and thereby to prevent the loss of knowledge of traditional techniques. Nowhere within the reach of the Federal historic preservation program is the shock or rapid cultural change more acute than in the Pacific islands, and nowhere is the application of careful judgment and discrimination by thc prof essional historian, architect, and anthropologist more important.

With the foregoing in mind, it may be useful to suggest certain circumstances of change which may be consideredappropriate for a Pacific island aboriginal building. These suggestions are intended to serve as guideposts,and should not be taken as exclusionary criteria. Integrity may survive in a Pacific island aboriginal building: (A). although maintenance, repairs, and major replacements over time have partially or completely replaced original parts; or (B). although a new building which adequately duplicates the original building has been constructed on the original site within a reasonable time as an intended replacement for the original, and traditional workmanship, materials, and architectural details are evident in the building; or (C). although substitutionover time of materials and architectural details has brought about changes in the appearance of the building, it has retained its orientation, shape,size, and traditional function on its original site. Yet acknowledgement that historical integrity may survive acculturated changes in tools and building materials does not relieve the professional of the duty to discriminate. Indeed, the duty is increased and made more difficult. For example, New England town councils, like fonos, are viable traditional institutions, but it does not automatically follow that their decisions r:oncerning the repair of town halls will be historically appropriate. Only the professionally trained individual whose sensesare attuned to the taneible

Russell A. Apple and Jerry L. Rogers are associated with the National Park Service,United States Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. Mr. Apple, a Pacific Historiian from Hawaii, is wellknown for having prepared a proposal for a system of llicronesian National Parks, IIr. Rogers is the acting Director of the O f f i c e o f A r c h e o l o g y a n d H i s t o r ic Preservation for the National Park Service. Figures I through 4 in this article have been provided by Mr. Apple.

NOTES 1 National Register Criteria for Evaluation. The following criteria are designedto guidethe States,Federal agencies,and the Secretary of the Interior in evaluating potential entries (other than areas of the National Park System and National Historic Landmarks) for the National Register: The quality of significance in American history, architecture,archeology,andculture is presentin districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects that possessintegrity of location,design,setting,materials,workmanship,feeling,and association, and: A. that are associatedwith events that have made a significantcontributionto the broad patternsof our history; or B. that are associatedwith the lives of personssignificantin our past; or C. that embody the distinctive characteristicsof a type, period,ormethodofconstruction,orthat representthe workof a master,or that possesshigh artistic values,or that representa significant and distinguishableentity whose componentsmay lack individual distinction; or D. that have yielded,or may be likely to yield, information important in prehistory or history. Ordinariiy cemeteries, birthplaces, or graves of historical figures, properties owned by religious institutionsor used for religiouspurposes,structuresthat have beenmoved from their original locations,reconstructedhistoric buildings,properties that-haveachievedsignificancewithin the past S0yeari shall not be consideredeligible for the National Register.However, suchpropertieswill qualify if they are integral parts of districts that do meet the criteria or if they fall within the following categories:

A. a religious property deriving primary significance from architecturalor artistic distinctionor historical importance; or B. a building or structure removed from its original location but which is significant primarily for architectural value, or which is the surviving structure most importantly associatedwith a historic person or event; or C. a birthplace or grave of a historic figure of outstanding importance if there is no other appropriate site or building directiy associatedwith his productive life; or D. a cemetery which derives its primary significancefrom gravesof personsof transcendentimportance,from age, from distinctive design features, or from associationwith-historic events;or E. a reconstructedbuilding when accurately executedin a a suitable enviromentand presentedin a dignified manner as part of a restorationmaster plan, and when no other building or structure with the same associationhas survived; or F. a property primarily commemorativein intent if design, age, tradition, or symbolic value has investedit with its own historical significance; or G. a property achievingsignificancewithin the past b0years if it is of exceptionalimportance. z This point was broughtsharply into focuswhile the criteria were being written when an individual wrote the President of the United States requesting that a national monument be establishedon the original site of the Gardenof Eden,which the individual claimed to have discoveredin a northwesternState. 3 Emory 1965:204

OF AGEOORAPHY 00PRA lUlrcR0llEslAll By Bruce G. Karolle

l'his paper examines copra production within the geographic region of Micronesia.l The copra industry is the most important economic activity in the Trust T'erritory of the Pacific Islands, both in terms of export value and in providing the major share of the islanders' subsistenceincome. Aspects of the copra industry studied here lie within the areal unit which includes three archipelagoes, Marshall, Caroline, and Mariana Islands, of qll which make up the T'rust T'erritory of the Pacific Islands (T'rust T'erritory, see Map no. 1).2 The developmentof the Micronesian Islands as a copra producing region (see Tables no. I & 2) is based upon several factors. Among the most important of these are certain favorable environmental conditions, a previous history and cultural orientation to the coconut palm tree, and present and past commercial investment by outsiders.

Physical Environment of Copra Micronesia, containing only a little more than 1,000square miles of land area (see Map no. I), occupies an enormous.oceaniczone of the central western Pacific Ocean.This oceaniczonecovers an area of approximately 3,300,000square miles of ocean surface, which is nearly equivalent to the. land size of the conterminous United States' It extends through 46 degreesof longitude, a distance of about 3,000miles, while the north-southdistance of Micronesia, which has a far greater total effect on its environment, is twenty-four degrees of latitude, or about 1,600miles. Throughout Micronesia, climates are tropical oceanic; temperatures are uniformly hot, relative humidity is usually high. T'he coconut palm (cocos nucifera) requires annual temperatures averaging

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above 77o F. Although the trees can stand occasional frost, few producing coconut palms are found poleward of 25 degrees latitude or higher than 2,000feet elevation. T'he palms are located most often on well-drained alluvial coastal plains where soils are sandy. T'he palm tree can tolerate great amounts of salinity in the ground water and consequently flourishes on most of the atolls and low islands of Micronesia. f'he tree's water requirements are high, 60 to 100 inchesof annual precipitation with moisture supply fairly evenly dispersed throughout the year. According to climate data the major variations in Micronesian climates derive from the differences in precipitation regimes. Total annual rainfall varies from approximately 200 inches on high Eastern CarolineIslands to 51.5incheson Eniwetok3 Atoll, a low island in the northern Marshall Islands. Winds are another important Micronesian climatic element. The trade winds. both the

Southeasterlies and the Northeasterlies, bring pleasant relief to the characteristic hot humid weather. T'he trades are seasonally displaced by the summer or high sun period when the intertropical convergence zone moves northward. The Ll'.C. zone is associated with tropical disturbances of cyclonic storms, weak tropical lows and easterly waves.+ T'hesestorms account for a great share of the islands' precipitation, not all of which is convective. Copra and Man Copra, the cured meat of the coconut palm, has economic importance as the source of coconut oil. Coconut is the fruit of the coconut palm which flourishes in coastal tropical areas of the world where climates are hot and humid. It is the oil extracted from the copra that constitutes its economic importance in world trade. Using

r:1tclern milling machinery, 55 to 65 per cent :rude oiis can be extracted from the copra; ,n" oif is edible (when refined) and is also used oil is used directly in cooking .rdustrially. - Coconut into margarine.. or processed -l' may be :5'drogenatedvegetablefats. Industrial uses of the rit include the manufacture of soap, detergents, :osmetics, plasticizers, lubricants, and synthetic :-ubber. Japan and European countries import.:-elativelylirge quantities of copra and coconut oil and consumeit as food. In contrast, less than half of :re U.S. coconut oil import is eaten, so that industrial uses assume greater importance. (See :r'ade data in T'able no. 1) A smaller amount of :,rDra is shredded for use in baked products and ,,,rfectioneries. Copra meal, the residue from ::-essing,is fed to animals or utilized as fertilizer' l nere I also interest in the conversion of high protein copra meal into human food in protein poor iountries, such as the Philippines.

T palm tree might be considered the lh" "o"o.tut ::r5st useful tree in in the world' Certainly, the ,rnanitants of the Pacif ic Islands are uniquely cependentfor survival on this oil-bearing nut tree: tti'storlcatly,the search for copra was the incentive :oi oit"ou6ry and development of many of the islands of the tropical Pacific Ocean. Although European explorers found the coconut palm in many bt ttre islands, there had been preyious contacts with the pla1t. Polynesians, i'arnils, and Arabs in ancient migrations carried coconuts as they sailed the Pacific waters' The Europeans spread the palm to even more places because of their active interest in the oil. Micronesians regard the coconut tree as an indispensablefeature in their environment' It is a .o,-rtceof food, shelter and furnishing, as well as a source of income. T'he milk of the green coconut ls an important beverage to tlre islanders' (Tuba or ioddy^is also an additional fermented drink made irom ttre tree's sap.) It is even more important in the drier island climates where water is scarce' The meat is used for food. (One of the most important ingredients in Micronesian cooking is i'coconut creaml' the grated meat of the ripe coconut.) T'hecoconutshell is used as fuel and as a container. T'he outside husk which surrounds the entire nut is fiber and is made into cord, which-is the main means of lashing in construction' The ii""'. wood is important in house building and construction. F'urniture items for the tr"; householdalso are built from the tree's wood and tronas. The oil pressedfrom the meat is utilized for u .tuti"ty of things, including for cooking and for body oil. Tire Trust T'erritory of the Pacific Islands accounts for a small parl of the world's supply of this extracted oil. T'he T'rust T'erritory production is about one half of one per cent of the world production of copra. In 1970,out of approxim'ately '3,000,000 tons pioduced in the world, the Trust Territory accountedfor only 15,687tons. Yet, copra

is the main economic commoditl producec l:l :he islands. (See T'ablesno. 2 and no. 3') Most copra produced by these islanders is on a small scaLe;i.e., smallholdingswith small famill'type groups organized for producing ald mirketlng. T'his is similar to production in the Philippines,the world's greatest exporter of copra. l'ha-Philippine small planter farmers are involved with approximately three million acres of coconut forest consisting of some 200,000'000 coconut trees. T'his quantitative difference in Philippine copra production and export is large (See Tables no. 1 and no. 2) Despite these obvious dissimilarities, there exist mutual problems concerning marketing and price fluctuation' World market copra prices vary greatly' On March 23,1970,Philippine bulk copra was priced at U.S. S244per long ton, c.i.f ., in Western European price ports. In U.S. paciiic coast ports, th^e-buygr's ir-as S205and the seller's price, $250' The Trust l erritorl' average for the 1970 sales price- was ftsq.gs per shortlon. or Si73.11,c.i'f ', Japan' In the last hali of 1968prices of u-orld market copra rose io SZ00p". ton and by Ma;', 1969it rvasdown to $162 per ton.z Copra in Micronesian HistorY The copra industry in Micronesia bears the legacy of colonial develoPment.o T'heGerman Period It was not until Western Europeans began to face a shortage of dairy fats in the mid-nineteenth century that experimentation began with copr,a,as a subsiitute source of food oil. During the 1860's coDra trade n'as initiated in Micronesia by the establishmentof a permanent German trading post in the \Iarshall Isl-ands.In I864,Adolf Capelle and associatespurchased the atoll of Likeip, 350miles north oi Ebon, as their company's first permanent base. German activity spread rapidly to other \Iicronesian islands. German vessels very s-oon opened up new trading posts in the Carolines.eIn tbs; the Jaluit Company was formed by the amalgamation of the leading German companies. Jaluiidominated the copra trade in the Marshalls until 1905when its monopoly was broken by the German government, f'he Jalpaneseentered the copra trade in 1890 and gave the Germans severe competition in.the C"ioTin"t. T'he Japanese government authorized the Nanto Shokai to trade in the Marianas and Carotlnes; a post was openedin Porrapethat year' I" f Agf the Kaitsu Sha and Koshin Sha openedposts on1;tut; the Kaitsu Sha disappearedafter 1892,the vear Nanto Shokai was bought out by the Hitotsuya "SiroXuifirm which established a post in Truk in 1895. The Japanese lost the copra trade temporarily between the ye-ars1899and 1905,largely b"c",r.6 of the sale of firearms to the islanders' During this period, in 1899,the Mariana Islands were fola to'Germany as a result of the Spanis-hAmerican War.1oHowever, copra porduction in the 39

much as l0 Yen ($4.78) per hectare was paid for weeding, thinning, and intercrop planting when the hectare contained from 100 to 200 palms. And as much as one fourth of the cost of establishing modern copra driers was subsidized. It is apparent from the production data (see Table no. 4) that under the Japanese an appreciable increase in copra production and export value was attained. During 1925, production reached 100,791short tons (9,790metric tons), a sixty per cent increase over the German peak year of 1913.In similar fashion, during the next decade production grew. In 1938,production was recorded at 16,467short tons (14,939metric). Although the world market prices of copra were erratic during the 1920'sand 1930's,there was a clear income growth from copra sales in Micronesia.

Marianas has always been relatively minor (See Table no. 3.) The Jaluit Company obtained a monopoly accepting the overall administrative duties and costs of governing the Marshall Islands. The Germans had no real difficulty securing copra since the Marshallese system of production was already founded. T'he subsistence producers were accustomed to paying taxes to their chiefs in the form of a portion of their crops. The German firm merely levied a tax on the chiefs, and also bought the remainder from the chiefs. By encouraging the raising of copra, the chiefs helped to make themselves richer; they collected one half of the total crop produced each year."11 The system differed in the Caroline Islands; copra was produced on Iarge estates of foreign control, as well as on the traditionally owned lands. I'he Germans encouraged the growing of copra and provided some advice regarding the selection of seedlings. Near the end of the German period in 1913,copra production had reached the level of 5,818metric ions, which was an increase of approximately 800 metric tons over the late 1890's.(See Table no. 4.) According to historian Yanaihara, the annual production of copra during the late German period in the Marshall Islands was "4,900tons". Deducted from this production total were the taxes (paid in kind), and the government plantation copra, Ieaving 4,125tons produced by the Marshallese.

Post-WorldWar II Commercial Period

I'he Japanese Period I'he Japaneseassum.edcontrol of all the Germanheld Micronesian islands after 1913.The German traders were ousted and lands formerly owned by the Jaluit Co. were turned over to the Nanyo Boeki Kaisha, the Japanese Firm that had moved into Although copra the Carolines after 1905. commercial policies changed in 1913,the copra tax of the Marshalls was retained, and the those traditional system was continued in islands. In 1921,the Japanese modified the German-Marshallese system by having the chiefs collect their share of the copra crop eve4ly throughout the year; the producers had begun the practice of withholding some of the produce from the first half of the year to the second. The Japanese eventually lowered the chiefs' share from one third to about one sixth. During this period, Japanese coconut brokers began the practice of living in the Micronesians' villages where they could direct the local operations by bartering and paying cash for copra ahA maintaining an enthusiastic commercial impetus to the copra business. Beginning in 1922 and amended in 1931,the Japanese maintained a system of special copra subsidies12which greatly enhanced the position of the local producer and helped increase copra production. As much as twenty Yen13 was paid to the Iocal grower for planting between 100 and 200 coconut palms per hectare (equivalent of 40 to 80 trees per acre). As

As a consequence of the U.S. military involvement in capturing many of the Micronesian islands from the Japanese during World War II, and our government's objective of maintaining control over much of the western Pacific region, 'the Micronesian copra industry has responded American influence. Under American to occupation the new governments, first a military occupationadmistration, and then from 1948to 1950 a civiladministration run by the U.S. Navy, had to learn the copra business. Officials surveyed the islands to establish their resources and define the needs for economic recovery and for future development.l4 T'he U.S. Commercial Company recommended continued emphasis on the copra trade. T'he Naval-civilian government moved toward the establishment of a governmentfinanced agency to grade, collect, and deliver the copra produced by the islanders to world commercial centers. In 1948, the Island Trading Company (I.T'.C.) of the T'rust T'erritory took over the operations initiated by the U.S. Commercial Company. I.T'.C. operated until privately-owned copra trading companies were able to replace the government-sponsored agency. On Novembet 21, 1954,the I.T'.C. was closed and Atkins, Kroll and Company of San Francisco, California with headquarters in Agana, Guam, took over the commercial activities of the I.T.C. by being awarded a two-year contract through competitive bidding. Later in 1966 the United Micronesian another Development Association (UMDA), privately-owned firm, but largely financed by Micronesian capital, securedthe right to handle the copra trade from the T'rust T'erritory government' The Copra Industry Today: Production and Marketing Copra in Micronesia is usually made from nuts picked off the ground in coconut groves; i.e., the nuts are allowed to mature on the tree and fall to the ground. Only occasionally will islanders climb to pick green nrjts in the crowns of the treesl5The

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;& A cocon ut palm on Lam ot r ek At oll, Yap D i s t n c t

A h o t a i r c o p r a d r y e r , Y a p l s l an d .

nuts ripen throughout the year and collecting takes place about every two months. Under the most favorable conditions, mainly under Western plantation auspicesand presently in experimental locations in the Trust Territory, trees are spaced at 25-foot intervals.16Early plantings in the Trust T'erritory were usually randomly made, although in recent years the local copra producers have been encouragedto make their plantings in rows spaced so that each mature tree has just enoughspace with crowns nearly touching to receive adequate sunlight. Under such optimum conditions, approximately 50 to 70 trees grow per acre. The average annual tree yield is 75 to 100 nuts; 1,000 nuts will yield 500 pounds of dried copra. Under optimum conditions, one acre produces between I and l-/2 tons of copra every year. If the field price of copra is $120.00per ton the producer would receive from $120to $150annually for an acre of mature high-yield coconut trees, or his income would be about $2-3per tree each producing'year. T'he coconut palm has an average life span of 80 years, 50 years of which is the bearing period. The tree does not produce mature nuts during its first five to seven years. Within the Trust Territory there are approximately 75,000acres of coconut palm trees. In 1968 there were 43,570acres under controlled production, which provided the agriculture olficials some chance for extension observations.lT T'he yield per acre can be calculated by dividing acreage into production. The following table summarizes yield per acre for selected years.

were available somehow in their markets. Although it is not within the scope of this paper, a third explanation of low coconut yields per unit of land is the lack of a basic interest in maximizing profits.

lhe Micronesian producer not only must collect the fallen nuts every two or three months, but he must husk the nuts and remove the coconut meat. T'heseprocessesare usually done in the field and during harvest time; bushing1e of coconut groves is also combined with collection, husking and removal of meat. Sometimes the nuts are carried into the villages if the proximity is favorable, i.e., if roads or water routes are suitably locatedand if the trip is not too long.20 Coconutshells are used as fuel for cooking fires and for the artificially heated copra driers. Drying the fresh copra is the most important local process because it determines the actual quality of the cured copra and therefore its commercial worth. First-grade copra must contain not more than a five per cent moisture content when delivered to the agent for inspection. If water copra, mold occurs. accumulates on the drying copra are Numerous techniques for practiced throughout the islands. Sundriedcopra is exposed daily to the sun and air, taking between 5 and 9 days for a load to be cured. The islanders use any covenient place to dry the copra outside, relying on palm frond mats, long Y i e l d per pieces of sheet metal, or concrete surfaces when Pr oduc t ion ( lbs . ) a c re(l bs.) Year Acreage available. All copra from the Trust Territory is not sun 433-112 23,U0,V9 1954 54,959 dried. The sun drier, introduced by the Germans, is 246 1960 87,082 21,434,000 used most extensively in the Marshall Islands. 358 1 9 6 4 72, 212 25,832,038 T'hereare several forms, but all solve the probiem 1 9 6 8 43, 570und e r30,000,000 controlled 700 in controlled pr oduc t ion ac r e a goen l Y controlled of inclement weather interrupting the drying Production process.The sun drier is a wood-framed structure ( 7 5 , 0 0 Ot o t a l ) with support poles extending to the sides of the 286 21,478,964 1 9 7 2 74, 978 roofed structure. The shelved meat is removed from the shed by simply pulling the shelf on the It can be seen that yields never approached support poles, thereby exposing it to the sun. Also, optimum standards. According to the Trust some driers have removable roofs that are put in place when it rains. The producer who dries the was T'erritory of f icials no dif f erentiation previously made between the actual controlled copra in the open must remove or carry it inside producing coconut palm areas and total coconut every time or cover it in caseof rain. Obviously,the forest acreage.In 1968acreageyields were still less sun drier requires less effort and is more efficient. It is difficult to make generalizations about the than 12 ton of copra per acre, which is far below optimum yields. This fact underlines the necessity quantity of copra that can be dried in a given time, of raising yields in existing palm producing areas, since the driers are of different sizes and work in order to raise income levels of the lVlicronesiansls rates of the Micronesians vary greatly. T'helocationsof the driers are determined by two Average yields remain low despite certain imentirely different conditions. First, unobstructed provements in some local areas. Field prices paid sea breezesare quite constant along coastal areas. to the producers remain between four and five F'or the high islands, the maximum sunshine is cents per pound. World marketprices for copra oil stay low largely because of severe competition sought after and is found along the coasts. Cloud cover is produced over high elevations as a result within copra producing regions themselves,as well as competitionfrom other available substitutes,i.e., of convection forces. Convective rainfall is not a palm and soya bean oil Another reason for lack of relatively important phenomenon for the low dramatic yield increaseis the lack of optimum use islands and atolls where sunshineor overcast skies are determined by other atmospheric conditions, of fertilizers. The Micronesians cannot afford purchase of commercial fertilizers even if they mainly low pressure systems. 42

Second,it is also convenientto transport the new copra from the coastal locations to the district's copra center where it can be accepted for export. Most copra is shipped by water in islander canoes, small motor boats, or medium-sized clieselpowered government contracted vessels,crossing lagoons and stretches of open sea to the district warehouses. On the large high islands and several of the low islands, such as Majuro in the Marshalls, overland trucks are used. The need for faster drying processesto keep pace with increased production brought about the advent of new heating methods. The following is an account by M.N. Sproat, who is the retired Director of the Department of Agriculture of the Trust Territory in Saipan: "During the latter part of the Japanese administration, the use of a model drier reputed to have been developed in the Gilbert lslands, was adopted in copra drying in the Marshalls. During the late thirties and early forties this model was introduced to Kusaie and Ponape, After WWII the Agriculture Department of the present administration promoted its use in Truk and Ponape. It was introduced to Palau and the Northern Marianas but is not in wide use as yet in those two districts. I'he Marshallese type is essentially a natural draft hot air drier which is constructed from corrugated iron and pole frames. Oil clrums cut in half are used as furnaces in which coconut shells are burnt for fuel. It can be built with a single compartment which handles one tray of approximately 200pounds of finished copra. It also can be constructed in series of two up to ten or more units. A new design, using a cemented ground furnace in place of the half drum was developed at Ponape. T'his model turns out excellent copra for the small holder in two days time regardless of the weather," 21

copra producers themselves and it operates as a revolving fund. T'able no. 5 shows the 1970financial breakdown for a ton of copra produced in the Trust Territory. TableNo.5 AND EXPENDITURES OF PRODUCTION INCOME ONETONOF COPRAIN THE ANDMARKETING (Fiscal Year1970) TRUSTTERRITORY Fieldpricepaidto producers(GrossIncome) to the district Freightand handlingcharges centersfrom islands tax (10%of district Trust Territory processing centerprice) charge Transshi ppi ng Districtcenterbuyer'sfee Transportation(TrustTerritoryto Japan) Insurance fees D i scharge costand handl i ng B ankC ommi ssi on (U .M.D .A .) ssi on C ontractor'commi s

$110. 00 12.50 12. 501 4.00 10. 00 16. 502 . 45 . 31 . 75 6. 10

C .l .F.Japan $ l oss S hri nkage Total copraproducedin Trust Territory . . . . . Total incomederivedfrom coprasales. . . . . . Total paymentsmadeto the producers (N et Income) Net profit paid into CSF Balancee of CSFasoI 711l7O

184.94 - 11. 83 pertonr

15,687tons $2,683,197.57 $1,1 90, 217. 004 121,735314 $ 945,065.84

'1 ]tn .l uty 97 1 the tax w as termi nated. zl n recent yearsal l the Trust Terri tory copra has been sol d to J apanes e

.E[?i,ii]?'"'tJ,.'J;l 1e70 sa,es lfft:s;i )'ibiiffii;,.tonaverase

. pnce. 4E sti mated. S ource,Trust Terri tory Government,S ai pan,Mari anal sl and . D epartment of A gri cul ture, 1971.

The newest model drier introduced in 1955from Ceylon is a natural draft type. It also is built of local materials - poles made from bamboo or any hardwood tree and coconut palm fronds. This model holds 1500nuts in the half shell until the drying is completed. It requires three to five days for complete drying. T'he furnaces are brick or rock Iined and extend across the full length of the drier. This model is most popular in Yap and Palau.22 The Copra Stabilization Board (CSB) presently supervises the copra operations in the six district centers and the marketing of copra by the authorized company. T'he CSB was established in late 1950by the High Commissioner of the Trust Territory government to advise that Office concerning the overall operation of the the copra industry and to control copra funds accumulating from the sale of copra. A single trading company is contracted to transact the island-wide copra business.23T'he individual island producers are required by law to contribute to the Copra Stabilization Fund (CSF) when prices are high, and conversely when the world market price falls, the producers then draw upon the fund to support the field prices. l'heoretically the CSF is owned by the

The Copra Stabilization Board is composed of government and private officials from the Trust Territory. T'here are seven members: the Deputy High Commissioner, the Deputy Director for Resources and Development, three department heads.and two District island members who serve one year terms. Since there are six Trust Territory administrative districts and only two members represented at one time, the district representation rotates on an annual basis. T'he Board meets every three months to discuss all matters relating to the production, grading, distribution and marketing of the copra. T'he CSF in 1970 was just under one million dollars. (See preceding table.) The Board establishes three different copra grades, and prices for these grades. These are not legal grades, but are implemented by inspection from the appointed copra graders who are employed by the marketing agency. District graders are located where the copra is purchased and stored, usually in the six District Capitals. The grade distinctions are largely determined by coloring,moisture content, and contamination from dirt, grass, etc. T'he three grades are separated by a $10 per ton price differential. The inspecting agent rejects unsuitable copra and removes spoiled

Bffi

A c o p raw a re h o u soen S o ro lAtol l . The menaremovi no th e 1 0 0 p o u n ds a c k so f c o p rat o the tradi ngshi p.

ffi

@.rr4!wi

.-,

;;;rc,r-

Jn*d.i{;j*#8ffiffi

Sor ol A t o l l c o p r a s u n d r y e r s . f r o m t h e o u t e r Y a p l s l a n d s .

U.S. government support for agriculture is a long-standing policy. American farmers receive public revenues directly or indirectly, and they have done so since the founding of of the nation. Generally, the type of support varies with the developmentand nature of the agricultural base. It is also the present policy of the U.S. government to provide technical and educational assistance for developing countries. T'herefore, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, a U.S. administered trusteeship, would qualify. Future Prospects and Recommendations Within the T'rust T'erritory today this type of is already witnessed by the U.S. support Any attempt to upgrade, diversify, and expand agricultural extension services established and :he Micronesian economy in the Trust Territory maintained by the T'rust T'erritory government :.ecessitatesproper considerationand evaluation of the late 1940's.In turn the Trust Territory since ::e present activities. T'hecopra industry requires government has encouraged the establishment of ::nsideration since it is by all standards the chief marketing and supply cooperatives which ade agricultural enterprise in this region. The level of in all six administrative districts of the Trust found cievelopment in the T'rust Territory can be expressed in yearly product. The per capita annual 1'erritory. While the T'rust T'erritory government are and in income of the T'.T'.in 1967was about $100.00, pursued a policy of agricultural diversification, it 1971it still remained low at approximately $300.00. will be necessaryto continue developmentof copra f'hese figures ignore the fact, however, that \Iicronesian economies still remain largely sub- production. For example, in 1972copra accounted sistence,and the people living within them could for 50 per cent of all exports of commodities (over half from the Marshall District). Fish (largely not afford to depend on those income Ievels for from the Palau District) was second to copra and adequate livelihoods. made up 33 per cent of exports with fish sales In third place were handicrafts, valued at $886,385. with 6-/2 per cent of total value of exports. Fourth was all other produce (mainly the from Mariana Islands), vegetables, fruit and meat, Jlistorically, commerical copra production played a significant role in the discovery and valued at $133,857, which made up 5-Y2 per cent of development of many of the islands in the exports well behind copra and fish. These Micronesia. Copra presently provides the greater exports commodity proportions continued during share of the rural population a majority of the next two fiscal years. But lg73 saw the total their annual income. Estimates for the outer export value drop by 28 followed by a reversal in islands would not exceed $50.00per capita an- world food markets.Theyear1974becamea "boom" year for copra exports from the Trust Territory, nually. I'herefore, if the American position is to continue support of the copra industry as a com- reaching an all time high in export value merical activity, then let it be supported as other ($4,398,190) and field price ($252.50). The prospects vital agricultural activities in the United Statesare for copra are excellent for a growth in prices, and supported.If the government believes in extending volume of production and exports. A trend for the to the T'rust T'erritory people the American future is the growth of tourism. The tourist industry economic system and work values, i.e., that the accounted for $4,6000,000 in 1974 (up from 92.7 dignity of the individual and his self respect million in 1972),and is expected to increase subdependsgreatly on his abbility to support himself stantially in the coming years. But for now, as in and his family with a "job," then it would seem that the past, the coconut and copra production remain the money derived from the copra trade could be the foundation of Iocal Micronesian economies. providing a more serious attempt at this objective. What is necessary are further direct subsidies to the industry. T'hepresent worth of field copra could be trebled and still remain for the United States an infinitely small monetary subsidy. ::ece items from the loads during the grading ::ocess.'* At the present time the entire Trust Territory :-pra crop is sold in Japan under the trade name .\Iicronesian Sundried."2s According to the Trust Territory government, Micronesian copra is :atorably known and commands a premium :rarket price because of its high quality and the lemand for edible oils.

Mr. Bruce G. Karolle, a former Professorof Geographyat the University of Guam, is presently completingwork in a doctoral program at Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigann.

+.)

T a b l eN o . 1 W O RLDG RO S SE XP O R T SAN D IMP O R T SO F C OP R A .1970 GrossExports(1,000 metrictons) Ph i l ippines l n d ones ia Ne w G uinea& P apu a Mo zam bioue N e w Hebr ides Ceylon Bri tis hS olom onls la n d s WesternSamoa +TR US TT E RRI T O R YOF T H E PACI F I CI S LA NDS Gi l b e r tand E llic els la n d s Tonga Total world exports: ex por t s : Oce a nia

1 9 6 6 1 9 6 7 1 9 68 9 1 0 .7 7 6 3 .9 664.9 17 5 .0 * 1 4 0 .0 * 260.0* 80.2 9 5.1 73.3 3 3 .9 4 2 .9 4 6.8 34.4 42.4 34.3 2 1 .2 1 6 .1 2 1.6 20.7 1 7.5 24.8 1 4 .2 7 .5 1 2.8 1 2 .6 9 .1 12.6

1 1 .1 1 1 .0 9 .3

1969 1970 556.2 425.2 200.0* 195.0" 86.9 87.0* 41.1 45.0* 37.O 31.2 19.3 15.3 123.8 22.1 14.8 9.8

9.1* 6.2 8.1

12.8 7.9 11.9

13.0" 6.0 8.0

915.7 1 8 0 .3

Grosslmports(1,000metrictons) 243.3 276.6 291.8 289.0 2 3 7.9 151.1 167.7 125.9 141.7 1 0 7 .6 1 1 2 .1 1 2 6.1 96.7 80.2 85.9 co. I 4 3 .3 4 8.3 34.0 2 9 .4 29.5 33.8 2 3 .7 17.8 26.7 15.4 16.6 3.2 5.3 5 .4

UnitedStates WestGermany N e th er lands Ja p an Fra n c e UnitedKingdom Australia In d i a Singapore N e w Z ealand Total world imports: Oceaniaimports:

272.2 197.6 177.3 150.6 77.9 123.6 108.8 I to.Y 54.5 63.2 J t.t 45.8 28.2 30.3 10.0* 22.3 17.2 20.6 6.0 4.5

878.5 34.2

Tabl eN o. 2 W OR LD P R OD U C TION OF CO PRA Fi rst16 P roducers i n Order; (Fi gures i n 1,000metri ctons): P hi l i ppi nes Indonesi a l ndi a C eyl on Mexi co WestMalaysia + P apuaand N ew Gui nea Mozambi que + N ewH ebri des + Fi j i + B ri ti shS ol omonl sl ands Tanzani a S araw ak * FrenchP ol ynesi a V enezuel a + TR U S TTE R R ITOR YOF TH E P A C IFICIS LA N D S

1970 Estimatedtotal: 3.000.000metrictons * D enotesunoffi ci al data. +Oceani a S ource: C oconut S i tuati on, N o.24, FAO, 1971.

* Den o t e s u n o f f i c i a l d a t a . * M ic ro n e s i a n t e r r i t o r y , / / O nly t h e G i l b e r t s a r e M icr o n e sia nT e r r ito r y, th e Ellice a r e P ol ynesi an. S ource : C o c o n u t S i t u a t io n , No . 2 4 , F o o d a n d Ag r icu ltu r e Organi zati onof the U ni ted Nations.1971.

Tabl eN o. 3 C OP R AEX POR TB Y TR U S TTE R R ITOR YD IS TR IC TS (Fi gures i n 1.000S hortTons) MarshallsPonape Truk

Yap

Palau Mariana Total

1954 1955 1956

3.896 4.434 5 .4 8 3

.530 .572 .758

.655 .612 .490

1957- 63

No d a ta a vai l abl e,except total tonnage. S ee Tabl e N o. 4.

1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

5.662 5 .6 6 2 4.708 5.767 6 .1 8 0

3]21 3.363 3.363 2.381 2.493

2.242 2.783 2.803 3.208 1.893

.850 1.100 1.003 1.216 1.036

.627 .604 .527 .409 .296

1970

73U

3.348

3.733

.855

.287

1572

5.71509 1.92215 2.46770 .39686 .13802

2.918 4.304 3.353

2.068 2.355 2.OO4

.407 .094 .199 .391 .393 .562 .311 .307 .115 .09965

So u r ce : T r u st T e r r ito r y Annual R eports to the S ecretaryof the Interi or.

1,325.0 660.0 280.0 183.3 175.O 146.9 113.0* 60.0* 31.9 28.5 24.6 22.0* 18.9 15.8 15.0"

10.475 12.372 12.287 13.828 13.718 12.968 13.293 12.880 15.687 10.73947

13.0*

Tabl eN o.4 (C ont.) C OP R AP R OD U C TIONIN TH E TR U S TTE RRI TO RY

T a b l eN o .4 CO P RA P RO D U C T IO NIN T H E T R U S TT ER R ITOR Y

YeiJ l a te1890' s 1906 1 913 1 9 17 1 918 1 919 1920 1921 1 922 1923 1924 1925 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1935 1937 1938 1948 1949

Tons 5, 00 0 " 4,O52*

u :l'. 7. gg g * 8,360*

Fi e l d P r i c e pe r T o n ( $ )

"*":*

n,_1_no9, 77 7 * 12,493* 11,226-

n,::n14,99* 7, 81 1 * I,5 C+

Year 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964

zgq-,7qs 4 6 6 ,5 6 9 4 0 7 ,O 1 5 293,657 268,240 268,873 3 7 2 ,7 7 0 4 7 2 ,2 8 6 6 8 8 ,3 8 6 u 9 ,7 1 2 9 11 ,7 6 0 8 5 4 ,8 5 0 844,270 5 5 0 ,4 3 3 3 2 9 ,8 0 3 " 5 0 0 ,9 9 0 8 75 ,8 65

I vo5

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974

7 3 9 .9 6 4 747,428

" I ndi c a t e sm e t r i c t o n s ; th e r e m a in in gfig u r e s a r e sh o r t to n s. - - - I n d i c a t e sn o d a t a a va ila b le . 1 Con t a i n ss o m e r e e x p o r ts. / P rob a b l y c o n t a i n s s o m e d u p l ica tio n . J Doll a r v a l u e r e p r e s e n tsp r ice p a id to p r o d u ce r { fie ld p r ice ) .

Tons 8,820" * 10,531 11,624" 10,000* 10,475 12,372 12,287 13,488 13,259 9,345 10,717 13.949 12,521 12,817 13,828 13,901 12,968 13,293 12,880 14,080 15,687 10,687 10,729 8,462 12,426

E xportV al ue($) 782,O43 1,269,462 1,249,455 879,300 826,616 1,334,414 1,258,909 1,487,847 1,423,252 967,771 1,587,767 1,779,866 1,661,732 1,922,400 2,295,448 2,525,117 2,500,000 1,650,000 2,504,741 2,199,422 2,700,000 1,648,260 1,317,542 946,765 4,398,190

FieldPrice perTon ($)

74.00 100.00 110.00 100.00 110.00 110.00 125.00 140.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 90.00 90.00 95.00 130.00 132.00 102.50 102.50 112.50 110.00 112.50 102.50 252.50

* | ndi catesmetri c tons; the remai ni ngfi gures are short t ons . - - - l ndi catesno data avai l abl e. 3D ol l ar val ue representspri ce pai d to producer {Fi el d Pri c e). S ource:Wi l son,W. S cott, R eport of a S peci alS ubcomm i ttee on Terri tori al and l nsul ar A ffai rs H ouse of R epresentati v es 83rd C ongres s . Trust Terri torV A nnual Feports to the S ecretarVof the Interi or,

FOOTNOTES

2Theseislands and the approximately 115,000 inhabitantsare 1There are several island groups and individual islands in administeredby the High Commissionerof the Trust Territory Micronesiaor "tiny islands" whose proposednanre was subwho reports to the U.S. Department of Interior. After World nritted by Donrenyde Rienzi to the Societede Geographiede War II, the United Nations and the United States agreed to Paris in 1831.The island groups include: Marshall Islands, assignthe former Japanesemandatedislandsto be a strategic numbering 1225islands, islets, and reefs, totaling 69.286sq. Trust Territory trusteeshipadministeredby the United States. nriles; Caroline Islands, nunrbering957 islands, islets, and The inhabitantsof theseislandsare reevaluatingtheir present reefs, totaling 456.287 political status,but whateverthe outcomeof the statusquestion, sq.nriles;Mariana Islands,numbering 21 islands,islets,and reefs,totaling181.869 sq. miles, excluding214 it is anticipatedthat the peopleof this region will continueto sq. miles of GuanrIslandwhich is not part of the Trust Territory have political and economicties for some time to come. For recent reports from the Trust Territory and U.S. governments of the Pacific Islands;Gilbert Islands( a British CrownColony), negotiatingon future status for the T.T., see:recent reports of miles;Nauru numbering16 main islands, totaiing 114.120sq. republic,formerly Australian),totaling the Political StatusCommissionof the Congressof Micronesia, Island(an independent 8.2 sq. nriles;OceanIsland(a United Kingdom dependency), Saipan,Mariana Islands; Philip W. Quigg, "Coming of Age in Micronesia," Foreign Affairs, 1969,pp. 506-508;and Carlton sq. miles with totaling2.3sq. miles.This is a total of 1046.062 Skinner, "Self-Governmentin the South Pacific, " Foreign sq. Guam Island and the Trust Territory accountingfor 921.442 nrilesorabout88%of thetotalland areaof Micronesia.SeeRonald i \l farl s, l 9ti 4. G. Perry, Surveyor,Lands and Surveys,Trust Territory of of 34,Pacific Oceanclimate map of Koppenand Geigerwas used,in the Pacific Islands,Saipan,xeroxed (available 1-9-73)com- addition to the U.S. Weather Bureau data and U.S. Naval pilation; alsoseeEdwin H. Bryan, Jr., Guideto Place Namesin oceanographicclimate data. the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Pacific Scientific 4David I. Blumenstock, "Distribution and Characteristics of Information Center,1971;Otis W. Freentan,The Geographyof Tropical Climates," Ninth Pacific ScienceCongressProc., 1957, the Pacific, 1951,pp. 208,237-238, and273-274; and Gina Douglas, pp.3-24;an excellentgeneraldiscussionby GlennT.Trewartha, "Draft CheckList of the Pacific OceanicIslands." Micronesica. The Earth's Problem Climates,pp. 75{8. pp. 387414. sReginald Child, Coconuts,1964,p. 166.

6Otis W. !-reenran,"Eastern Polynesia," Geographyof the palms, which nreansthere were just about 50 paln, trees per Pacific,pp. 364-393; DouglasL. Oliver,"CoconutCivilization," acfe. The Pacific Islands,revisededition,pp. 187-252. 18In estinratingpercapitaannualinconreor rts equivalentfor the Trust Territory, total incomefor 1967was 99.05nrillion,which TPacific IslandsMonthly,April 1970(Sydney:Pacific Publ.., meanspercapitaannual inconrewas 997.00. This representsa Ltd., 1970),p. 103.Also see the annual reports of the Trust 44%increase over the 1962per capita incomefor the Trust Territory to the Secretary of the Interior. Teritory. In 1970,Howard F. Snrith found the GDP to be or $318GDP per capita. 8W. ScottWilson,"The CopraIndustryin the Trust Territory of $32,400,000, the Pacific Islands," Appendix B, Report of a Special Sub- 19Bushing,or cutting the underbrushi weeding),in the groves comnrittee on Territorial and Insular Affairs, House of preventsthe unnecessary renrovalof plant nutrientswhich are Representatives, B3rdCongress,1955,pp. 68-73.Dr. Wilson is neededby the palms.Bushingalsopreventsthe lossof coconuts presentlyProfessorof Anthropologyat the University of Guanr. which would be overlookedby the gatherer. The only tools 'lhe Germanand Japaneseperiodsare largely accountstaken necessary for theseoperations are a nrachete,burlapsacksand fronr Wilson's1955study. a huskingstick, which is nradeeasilyeachtinre it is neededby finding any hardwoodbranch or root. 9Godeffroyand Sons,Hernsheimand Co., and O'Keefewere quite active in the Carolinesin this early period. The following 20The conceptsof distanceand spatialreferenceare notcomdatesand firms are nrentioned for the record: by 1820,Capelle parableto Anrericanstandards.For exanrple,three hundred and Co. had already expandedits businessto Ponape, being yardsnraybe enoughdistanceto uarrant the huskingoperation joined there by Godeffroyand Sonsin 1823,openinga station at beingdonein the field, but 100yards closeenoughto haul the Ebon in the Marshallsgiving new conrpetitionto Capelleand load of nuts to the producer'svillage and/or housefor further Co.,;Hernsheimand Co.established portsat Palau,Woleaiand processlng. Yap in 1873, andonein Jaluit in 1876;thelargestGernranfirrr, in 21 the Pacific Trade, DeutscheHandels-andPlantagen-Gesells Op. cit., Sproat,pp. 2-3,unpublishednranuscript. chaft, openedcopra postsin 1BB3 on Losap,Lukunor, Nukuoro, 22lbid., p.3. SeeW. ScottWilson,dissertation.pp. 103-105. and Ponape,and two years later they establishedstationsin 23OriginaliytheLT.C.was the soleconrnrercial agentof theCSB, Palau, Ulithi and Yap. followedby Atkins,Kroll and Co.in 1954. Since1966U.M.D.A.is the only authroizedtrading firn irr the Trust Territory and 10GuamIslandwas acquiredby the United Statesas a result of collectsall copra to be sold on the riorld nrarket for the CSB. theSpanish-Arrrerican War in 1B9B-99. Spainwas requiredby the peacetreatytermsto sell the ranrainingMarianaIslandsto any 24Op. ci t.. S proat.p. 4: Taggart.GeorgeM., S taf f St udy on other power,exceptJapan. Xlarketingof Trust Territory of the Pacific IslandsCopra,pp. 10-i2,unpublished. 11Actuailytheyearwasdividedintotuo parts,the chieftakingali his duein the first part of the year and the farnrer-r'eceivinghis 25Ibi d.,Taggart,p. 11 portionin the secondhalf After the copra ler'1'on the chiefs' portion was institutionalized, the individual chief u'ould be allowedto keeponethird of what he collectedfrorrrhis people. 12 Let Migvar, The Coconut in Micronesia, Agricultural }iIBLIOGRAPHY ExtensionCircular,no. 3, pp. 4-5.The Japanesewere great for Barrau, Jacques,SubsistenceAgriculture in Polynesiaand appropriatingdirect subsidiesto individualsand various inMicronesia, Bulletin233,(Honolulu:BishopMuseunr,1961) 94 pp stitutions.SeePaul H. Clyde,Japan'sPacificMandate,1935, pp. B4-BB,and T. Yanaihara, Pacific Islands under Japanese -:-,editor, Plants and Migrationsof Pacific Peoples:a Synrposiunr,(Honolulu: BishopMuseunr,1963)136pp. Mandate,pp. 173-175. Blunrenstock,David L, "Distribution and Characteristics 'i3 W. S. Wilson,AppendixB,Report...B3rd of Tropical Clinrates," Ninth Pacific ScienceCongress p.70, Congress, 1955, Proceedirrgs, Vol. 20, (Bangkok:PSC,1957)pp. 3-24. TableII. Rateof exchange:1 Yen equaled$.4780 in 1922;I Yen equaled$.4885 in 1931.In 1922a grower earnedabout93.80for Bryan, Edwin H. Jr., "Check List of Atolls," Atoll Research every new acre of coconutplanting. Bulletin,No. 19, (Washington: Pacific ScienceBoard, 1953) pp. 1-19. iaThe U.S. ConrnrercialCo., a fornrer agency of the Recon---, "Geographic Sunrnraryof Micronesia,"DouglasL. Oliver structionFinanceCompany,was giventhe task of nreetingthe (ed.), Econonric Survey of Micronesia,(1947),typescript, econonricneedsof the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands.See Edwin H. Bryan, Jr., "GeographicSunrntaryof Micronesia," nricrofilm,Library of Congress. Pacific Douglas Oliver, editor, Suntnraryof Findings and Reconr- --,Guide to Place Nanresin the Trust Territory of the Islands, Pacific Scientific Information Center, (Honolulu: nrendations, U.S. ComnrercialCompanySurvey, 1942. BishopMuseum,1971). 1SSproat, M.N., Processing,Gradingand Shippingof Coprain --, Mapsof the Islandsof Micronesia,compiledby the Research the Trust Territory of the Pacific lslands,unpublished,"...in Section, United States Comnrercial Company Economic pp. heavilypopulatedisland nrunicipalities, sonretinres(farnrers) Survey ( 1946).148 climb the palms and ren)overipe nuts for copra nraking.This Child, Reginald, Coconuts,Tropical Agriculture Series (Lonrlethod of harvest is also practicedin linrited degree when don: Longmans,1964)216pp. copra field pricesare high." Clyde,Paul H., Japan'sPacific Mandate,(New York: Mac244pp 16Davis,C.M.,"Coconutsin theRussellIsiands,"Geographical nri l l an C o.,1935) Coconut Industry Feasibility Survey for Guanr Islands, Review,p. 404,1947;See W.V.D. Pieris, "Rehabilitatingthe Coconut Industry," South Pacific Comnrission,Quarterly prepared for the 6th Guanr Legislature, (San Francisco: Bulletin, 1954;and The Nlanufactureof Copra in the Pacific 1961). Islands,SouthPacific Comnrission, 1955;M.Ponrier,Coconut CoconutSituation,No. 24 (Ronre : FAO of the United Nations, Researchat Rongiroa,South Pacific Comnrission,1962. 1971)24 pp. Davis, C.M., "Coconutsin the RussellIslands," Geographical 1TEstinratedanrountof controlledproductionand data fronr R.J. Review,Vol. 37, No. 3 (New York: AnrericanGeographical Kelley and Leo Migvar, Trust Territory Governnrent,Saipan.In pp. 400-413. 1954(seeTrust Territory Annual Report to the Secretaryof the Interior),therewere 2,750,000 producingtreesand 54,958 acres of

Douglas, Gina, "Draft Check List of the Pacific Oceanic Islands," Micronesica,Vol.5, No.2, (Agana: University of Guam. 1969)pp. 332-462. Fosberg,Francis R., The Vegetationof Micronesia, Bulletin 119,(New York: American Museunr of Natural History, 1960)75 pp. EDITOR, Man's Place in the Island Ecosystem, (Honolulu:BishopMuseum, 1963)264pp. Freenran,OtisW., editor, Geographyof the Pacific, (New York: Wily, 1951)573pp. Friis, Herman R., editor, The Pacific Basin: A History of Its GeographicalExploration, Special Publication No. 38, (New York: American GeographicalSociety,1967)457pp. Gentilli, J., "Climatology of the Pacific," Seventh Pacific Science CongressProceedings,Vol. 3, (Wellington:PSC,1952) p p .9 2 -100. Maude, H.E., and Doran, Edwin Jr., "The Precedenceof Tarawa Atoll,"zAnnals, Vol. 56, No. 2, (Washington: Associationof American Geographers,1966)pp. 269-289. --, and Leeson,Ida, ' "The CoconutOil Trade of the Gilbert Islands," Journal of the PolynesianSociety,Vol. 74, No. 4, Wellington: Polynesian Society,1965)pp. 396-437. Migvar, Leo, The Coconutin Micronesia,Agriculturai Extension Circular, No. 3, (SaipanTrust Territory of the Pacific Islands, 1965)I pp. Murphy, Raymond E., "The Economic Geography of a Micronesian Atoll," (Mokil), Annals, Vol.40, No. 1, (Washington:Association of American Geographers,1950) pp. 58-83. --, "Landownershipon a Micronesian Atoll," Geographical Review, Vol. 39, No. 4 (New York: American Geographical Society,1948)pp. 589{14. Nathan, Robert R., Economrc Developnrent Plan for Micronesia, "Copra Industry," Chapter 5, Part II, (Washington:Nathan Associates, Inc., 1966)Parts I, II, III, & l v. Oliver, Douglas L., The Pacific Islands, Natural History Library edition,(GardenCity, N.Y.: Doubledayand Co.,1961) 456pp. Pieris, W.V.D., "Rehabilitating the CoconutIndustry," South Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 4, (Noumea, Pacific Commission,Quarterly New Caledonia.SPC.1954). --, The Manufactureof Copra in the Pacific Islands Technical 1955)37 PaperNo.,82,(Noumea:South PacificCommission, pp. Pggott, C.J., Coconut Growing, (London: Oxford Univ. Press,1964) 109pp. Pomier, M., CoconutResearchat Rangiroa, Techinical Paper No. 153,(Noumea, N.C.: SPC,1967)15 pp. Quigg, Philip W., "Coming of Age in Micronesia," Foreign Affairs,Vol.47,No.3,(NewYork ;C,ouncil on ForeignRelations, 1969)pp. 493-508

Skinner. Carlton, "Self-Governmentin the South Pacific," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 42, No. 1, (Washington: Council on Foreign Relations, 1963)pp. 137-147. Srnith, Howard F., "The Forced- Pace Modernisation of Micronesia,"Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 12, No.2, (Wellington: Victoria Univ. of Wellington,1971)pp. 163-170. Snodgrass,K., Copraand CoconutOil, Fats and Oils Studies,No' 2, (Stanford: University Food ResearchInstitute, 1928). Sproat,M.N., Processing,Grading and Shipping of Copra in the Trust ComnrissionTerritory of the Pacific Islands, South Pacific Technical Meeting onCoconutProduction,(Rangiroa; SPC,196?)10pp., unplishedmanuscript. Stewart,William H., Copra Processingin the Trust Territory. A Report to the Congress of Micronesia. (Saipan: Department of Resourcesand Development,1971)122pp. Taggart, George m., Staff Study on Marketing of Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands Copra, (Saipan: Tlust Territory Government, 1965)16 pp., unpublishedmanuscript. Trust Territory Annual Reportsto the Secretaryof the Interior. Wiens, Herold Jr., Atoll Environment and Ecology, (New Haven,Conn.:YaleUniv. Press,1962)532pp. --,"Fieldnotes on Atolls Visited in the Marshalls," Atoll Research Bulletin, No. 54 (Washington: Pacific Science Baord, 1957)pp. 1-23. --, "The Geographyof KapingamarangiAtoll in the Eastern Carolines," Atoll Research Bulletin, No. 48 (Washington: 1-93. PSB,1956)pp. --, Pacific Island Bastionsof the United States,Searchlight Series. No. 4, (Princeton: Van Nostrands,1962)127pp. Wilson,W. Scott,"The CopraIndustry in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands,"QuarterlyBulletin,Vol.3, No. 3, (Noumea, New Caledonia:South Pacific Commission,1953)pp. 33-34. --, "The Copra Industry in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands," AppendixB,Report of a a SpeeialSubcommitteeon Territorial An Insular a Affairs of the Committeeon Interior and Isular Affairs, House of Representatives, 83rd Congress, (Wahsngton: U.S. GovernmentPrinting Office, 1955)pp. 68-73. --, Land Activity and Social Organization of Lelu, Kusaie, Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 1968)452pp. --, and McGrath, William A., "The Marshall, Caroline and Mariarta Islands," Ron Crocombe(ed.), Land Tenure in the Pacific, (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1969)pp. 172191. Woodroof, Jasper G., Coconuts: Production, Processing, Products, (Westport,Con.: Avi Publishing Co., 1970)241pp Yanaihara, Tadao, Pacific Islands Under JapaneseMandate, Institute of Pacific Relations,(New York; Oxford University Press,1940)312pp.

A Descriptionof SociolRonkChqngesin the ElectionDishictsof Guqm.1960-1970 By Jerry W. Wicks

Introduction The islands of the Pacific have undergone and continue to experiencerapid social change. In the case of the Hawaiian islands, a variety of economic,political and military factors have combined to produce, the trend towards modernization which revolutionized Hawaiian lifel'Based on current reports.2theisland of Guam mav be cxperiencing many of the same developmentswhich occurrei in Hawaii, and for many of the same reasons.For example, Hawaii extends the reach of the United States 2,000miles into the Pacific. Guam increasesthat reach to 6,000miles. Like Hawaii, becauseof Guam's location and proximity to many countries in which the United States has direct interest (e.g., 1500miles to Manila, l68g miles to Tokyo, and 2858miles to Saigon) a relatively large military contingent has establisheditself on the island. In order tb maintain these forces the United States has directed a considerableflow of resources to Guam3 thereby augmenting economic development. Modernization, which is partially reflected in diversification and specializationof the labor force, and increases in the educational level of the population,a influences and in turn is influenced by demographic, economic, and sociological variables.5 To the individual living on Guam many of the alterations brought about by modernization are perhaps easily discerned over time. To the interested outsider the alterations in the society, while imaginable, are difficult to substantiate. In both cases, however, only a guesscan be made as to the extent of the modernizationtrend and the resultant changes. In response to the problem, this paper will attempt to answer two questions: 1) based on the measurement used,and limiting the analysis to the decade of the sixties, to what extent did the island of Guam experience a modernization trend; and 2) if it exists, has this trend been equally distributed among the various districts of Guam?

Methodology In a series of theoretically related studies6 attempts were made to develop analytic tools which could be used to study the structure of urban areas. one of the tools developed and simultaneously used to investigate several California

cities was the Index of Social (ISR). Rank Although derivations of the index existTthe ISR is generally considered to measure the rel,ative difference in the distribution of skills among the populationsof various unit areas.

As mentioned earlier. manv facets of a society are aliered in the process of modernization. However two factors which are partially determined by and necessaryfor development are: l) an increase in a population's level of education, and 2) an elaboration in the composition of the labor force which also entails an increase in the ratio between rvhite and blue collar workers9 The ISR is a crude but wellsuited measure for studying relative differences in these variables between unit areas. Moreover, through standardization the Index oroves to be a parsimonious method for the description of changeswithin the unit area over tim e. Assuming that measures of a population's labor force composition and level of education gauge development; then, between two time periods, any increase in the index score for a rrarticular area should indicate increased economic developnrent. In this paper the unit areas consist of the 19 election clistricts of Guam. For each election district a social rank score was derived by computing the arithmetic mean of two individual scores derived from data on the occupation and cducation composition of the populations of each district. What f ollows is a brief description of the procedure used for computing the social rank scores.e Employing official data published in the 1960 and 1970 Census of Populationlo the following crude scores for occupation and education were computed for each election district.

Figure 1.

.|960. ( map Gu a m E l e cti o n D i str icts and Social RankAr eas, re p ro d u ce dfro m U .S. Bur eauof the Census,Censusof Populati on: 1 9 6 0 . Ge n e ra 'lP o pulationChar acter istics)

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Occupation: the number of ecployed persons working at blue collar occupationsper 1,000 employed persons. Education: the number of 'Jersons age 25 and over completing 8 years or less of clementary school per 1,000age 25 and over. Before the crude scores are combined into the single rank score they must be made comparable and given an equal rveight in determining the final score. This is achieved through standardization. The formula used to convert the crude scores to relative percentile scores is:

s -1 0 0 - x ( R -

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where for each of the two components(i.e., occupationand education): S- the standardizedscore for the election district R - the crude score for the election district o - the lower limit of the crude score for all election districts X

r0 0 range of the crude scores for all election districts. The ISR score for each election district in 1960 is derived by adding the standardized scores for occupationand educationand dividing the sum by two. To establisha single scale by which a direct comparison can be made of the election districts at two different times, it is necessaryto standardize the 1970 crude scoresrelative to the 1960scores. This is accomplished by substituting the 1960 "X"X" component in the standardization computing when f ormula standardized scores for 1970. Finally, replicating Shevky and Bell's procedures,the ISR scores are divided into four categories of equal interval. The categories are: 0 to 24.99(this is a rank of "1" which is the lowest rank); and 75 to 100 ("4" - highest).

a quick summary of positive or negative effects experienced The 1960and 1970standardized over the decade by each election scores, ISR scores, and social district. areas for each election district The information provided in are provided in Table 2 in the Figure 3 (changesin social rank, appendix. This and additional 1960-1970) suggeststhat it would district are information have be proper to conclude that the summarized, been visually modernization were effects of however, in Figures 1,2,and 3. A unequally distributed among the brief examination of Figure I districts of Guam. However, a reveals that for 1960the island of closer review of the data reveals Guam is basically divided into that this differential distribution two social rank areas. In in occupational and educational general, the election districts in levels is not as critical as it first the northern half and middle of appears. For while the districts the island fit in the two highest of Tamuning, Mangilao, Agnan socialrank categories(i.e., 3 and Heights, and Yona did not im4). In the middle of the island prove their social rank area only Sinajana and Chalan Pago standing between 1960and 1970, and Ordot are place below the in each casethey retained a high highest rankings. East and south social ranking (i.e., either 3 or of Asan and Yona the remaining 4). Of the three districts which seven election districts all fit in declined in area rank ( i.e., the two lowest social rank Agana, Mongmong-Toto-Maite, categories (i.e., I and 2). and Yigo) two merely went from Relative to 1960, Figure 2 area rank 4 to rank 3. Yigo, reveals dramatic shifts in the however, was one district which social rankings of Guam's dropped significantly in rank election districts for 1970.There declining from social rank area 4 is no longer a sharp division in 1960to area 2 in 1970.Aside between the northern and from the case of Yigo, it is southern parts of the island for reasonable to conclude that 1970,suggesting that the lower virtually every district in Guam half of the island has been efthe to has, according fected to a great degree by what used, been measurement appears to be island-wide inf luenced by f avorably development. Further evidence economic development. of this trend is revealed by the the findings Hopefully fact that for 1960nine election illustrated in this brief paper will (47 percent) are districts intimate a number of substantial categorized in the lower two and significant questions which, social ranks and ten (53 Percent) in future studies,shouldbe asked in the top two ranks. In 1970, by the social demographer. For however, only one election example, based on the foregoing district (5 percent) is ranked in data it is easily extrapolated that the lower half while the rest (i.e., Guam is experiencing rapid eighteen or 95 percent) are economic and social changes, placed in the top two categories. but the question remains as to It appears evident that from 1960 the causal variables in this to 1970 the extent of economic process. One of the starting development on Guam has been points would be to ask what basic extraordinary. demographic factors have been Though the information in affected by and involved in this figures I and 2 suggest I process ? For island-wide response to the inquirY of example, what has occurred to whether or not the moderpopulation's age-sex the nization process has been structure over time? Has it been equally felt by the entire island, in modified significantly it is insufficient to provide a to economic respons e conclusive answer. This paper development? As suggested in suggests that one approach to the literature on development, this question is to note whether a have the fertility and mortality district's social rank has inrates been altered and if so, what creased, decreasedor remained impact has this had on the the same. This method provides

Findings and Discussion

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"ageing" of the population over the decades? Finally, what part has migration played. in the processof change and has it had a lasting effect on the growth and compostion of Guam's population ? Although these questionsare highly interrelated each demands its own inquiry.

Investigating these and similar queries will provide insights into not only the demographic and social dynamics of Guam, but the general phenomena of econonomic development as well.

Mr. Jerry W. Wicks is associated with The Department of Sociology, Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, California. His article was completed while he was at Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio. The author expresses his appreciation to Lee and Rosa Carter for generating interest in Guam and for helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article.

Footnotesand References 1. Andrew W. Lind, Hawaii's People. University of Hawaii Press: Honolulu,1967. 2. Department of Commerce Guam 1970: An Economy in Transition and Guam 1971: The Pacific's Growth Leader. Economic ResearchCenter, Governmentof Guam. 3. ibid. 4. Edward G. Stockwell,"The dimensionsof development:an empirical analysis," PopulationReview,1973(January): 35-51. Calvin Goldscheider,Population, Midernization, and Social Structure. Little, Brown and Company: Boston,1971. 5. Goldscheider,pages79-101. 6. Eshref Shevkyand Marilyn Williams, The Social Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and Typology.University of California Press: Berkeley and Los Angeles,1949.Wendell Bell, "The social areas of the San Francisco Bay Region," American SociologicalReview,1953,18: 39-47.Eshref Shevkyand Wendell Bell, SocialArea Analysis: Theory,Illustrative Applicationand Computational Procedures. Greenwood Press: Westport, Connecticut,1955. 7. Edward G. Stockwell, "A critical examination of the relationship between socioeconomicstatus and mortality." Edward AmericanJournalof Public Health, 196353 (6) : 956-964. G. Stockwell and Mostafa H. HNagi, "The social areas of metropolitan Connecticut," Bulletin 404 (March, 1968), Agricultrrral Experinrent Station, The University of Connecticut, Storrs. B. Goldscheider,pages93-94. 9. Shevky and Bell, pages67-68. 10.U.S. Bureau of the Census,U.S. Censusof Population: 1960

Volume I, characteristics of the population. Parts 54-57, Outlying Areas. U.S. GovernmentPrinting Office,Washington, D.C., 1963.An Censusof Population: 1970,General Population Characteristics.Final Report PC (1)-B 54 Guam. 1972. 11.For 1960the categoriesused as designatingblue collar occupationswere: "craftsnren, foremen, and kindred workers," "operativesand kindredworkers," and "laborers, exceptfarm and nrine." The 1970categorieswere: "craftsmen, forenten, and kindred workers," "operatives, except transport," "transport equipnrent operatives," and "laborers, except farm". The new nrajor group ("transport equipment operative") in the 1970censuswas formerly part of the 1960 "operatives" major group. This change should not pose any problemsin comparability.Two other changesin the censusdo, however,sugestproblents."The first of theseis the allocationof the not reported cases,which would increasethe size of the major grouptotalsin 1970relative to 1960.The secondis that the official definationfor ntembersof the labor force now excludes personsunder the age of 16 rather than under the age of 14." (U.S.Bureauof the Census,1970:App-16).While the effectsof thesechangesshouldtend to increasethe social ranks between 1960and 1970,the author felt that the overall increaseof the ISR would be minimal. 12.1960and 1970Crudecomponentscoresare suppliedin Table I in the appendix. 13. The standardizedscoresfor 1960and 1970are supplied in Table 2 in the appendix. 14.The 1960"X" componentsfor educationand occupationare listed at the bottonr of Table 1.

scor es ( cr ude) for - S o cial r ank component e l e cti o n d i stri c ts of Guam : 1960and 1.970.

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GenerolOrdersAnd Reports lssuedByThe NovolGovernor Of Guom HHH ITSTAII.NEffi

Government House, General Order No. 76. Agana, Guam, February 20, 1904. It is hereby ordered and decreed: l. That the prescribing or selling of medicinesby any persons other than the naval medical auihorities of this island to enlisted men of the Navy or Marine Corps on duty at this naval station is hereby prohibited. -the naval authorities in the island of Z. lnat Guam will continue, as heretofore, to maintain dispensaries for the benefit of the inhabitants, where medicines will be dispensedwithout cost. 3. That on and after July 1, 1904,the importation and sale of drugs, medicines, and disinfectants in this island is prohibited to all private persons except those who may be duly licensed as dispensers as hereinafter provided. 4. That any person desirousof obtaining a lice-nse as a dispensei, with the right to sell medicine after July 1, tgOa,mustpresent himself on June 15, 1904' or on such subsequentdate in any year as may befixed by- authority, to the head of the department of health and charities for examination as to his qualifications.To qualified personslicenseswill be issued without fee. 5. That in the stock of drugs, medicines, and disinfectants kept by a dispenser under such license, each bottle or other package shall be plainly iabeled with the name of its contents in English and its dose, and every poison shall be labeled with the word Poison in conspicuousred letters.

6. That each bottle or package of medicine clispensedshall have .its dosageplainly marked on the label in Engish, Spanish,or Chamorro, and if a poison shall be marked with the word Poison in red. 7. That poisonsshall not be dispensedto minors. In all cases where a drug or chemical is sold in quantity the date of sale, the name and 1'loisonous residence of the purchaser, the kind and quantity sold, and the ostensible purpose for which it is bought shall be recorded by the dispenserin a book kep[ for the purpose and known as the Poison Book, which book must not be destroyed. The entries shall be made in English. The Poison Book and the dispenser's stock shall be subject to inspection at any time by the authorities. 8. That a licensed dispenser shall attend personally to the dispensingof his medicines,and shall not permit any unlicensed and unqualified employee at act in his stead. 9. That cognizance of offenses under the provisions of this order shall rest with the justices of the peace. 10. That the following penalities are prescribed for infractions of this order: (a) For violation of paragraph 1, a fine of from $10 Mexican to $50Mexican, and confiscation of stock of medicines and drugs. (b) For infraction of paragraph 3, a fine of from $5 Mexican to $25 Mexican, and confiscation of stock of medicines and drugs. (c) For infraction of paragraphs 5,6,7,and 8; for f irst offensea fine of $5Mexican, for secondoffense

a fine of $10Mexican, for third offenserevocationof license; provided that for dispensing poisons to a minor under l8 years of age a fine of $50Mexican shall be imposed, and the dispenser's license, if any, shall be revoked. 11. That all drugs, medicines, and disinfectants confiscatedfor violation of this general order shall be delivered to the department of health and charities. 12. That all laws, or parts of laws, inconsistent with this order are hereby abrogated. RAYMOND STONE, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy, Acting Governor.

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Agana, Island of Guam, April 22, 1904.

an insular government store. RAYMOND STONE, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy, Acting Governor.

GENERAL ORDER GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Agana, Guam, May 12, lg04 No. 77 It is hereby ordered and decreed: That, because of the distress existing in this island on account of the failure of crops, the high prices of imported goods, and the low price obtained for copra, one-halfof this year's land tax will be remitted in all cases where payment for all present and delinquent taxes on the property in question is made before August lst of this year. RAYMOND STONE, l,ieutenant, U.S.Navy, Acting Governor.

NOTICE TO THOSE INTERESTED. The existing high prices on articles coming under the class of "necessariesof life," now charged by the merchants of this island,, whereby the people are sorely distressed, render it advisable for the government to take such steps in establishing commercial selli ng prices of certain articles as may be found necessary to relieve the distress of the people. 2. Although the government possessesample powers and is entirely prepared to take up this question and decide upon it from investigations already made, nevertheless the question of governmental restriction of prices involves so many interests that it maybe deemedadvisableto call a council of representative citizens and merchants to confer with the governor. 3. The government is in receipt of information showing that the existing exorbitant prices on food stuffs-which are plainly not justified by the necessityof first cost, freight, duties, etc.-are due largely to a form of collusion or coalition on the part of certain merchants of Agana, whose combination is for the purpose of keeping prices up. Such combination is evidently destructive of fair competition, to the benefits of which the people are iustly entitled, and does moreover come under the prohibitions of the criminal code now in force in this island. Furthermore, it practically forbids reasonable selling prices on the part of such merchants as are content with a fair profit on their wares-of whom there are a sufficient number on the island to carry on its business. 4. It is hoped that the merchants, realizing the importance of this question,will promptly fix their prices on all food stuffs and other necessariesat such reasonable figures that the necessity for governmental action may cease to be imperativeas it now seems to be. 5. In connection with this subject, the government would be glad to receive written suggestions from a committee of ten citizens, chosen by the people,as to the practical methods of establishing

GENERAL ORDER GOVERNMENT HOUSE. Agana, Guam, May 16, 1904, No. 78 The peopleof Guam are hereby informed that, by virtue of my appointment from the Navy Department of the United Statesof America, I do this day ilssumecommand of this island of Guam and of the United States naval station hereon situated, lelieving the acting governor, Lieut. Raymond Stone, U.S. Navy. c.L. DYER, U.S. Navy, Governor.

REPORTS OF THE GOVERNORS OF GUAM.

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Agana, Island of Guam, July 8, 1901. SIR: I have the honor to submit the following general report on matters of major importance in the island of Guam, as studied during the fiscal year ending June 30,1901,which period incidentally correspondsalmost precisely with the first year of my administration. The operations of the treasury have been as follows: B al ancei n the treasury on Jul y 1, 1900 (Mexi can) . . .. . .. .$10,426.90 R ecei vedfrom al l sourcesduri ng the year . 53,356.73

E x p e n d e fdo r a l l p u r p o s e s d u r i n g t h e y e a r . . . .

. ...

63,783.63 4 1 ,7 7 1 .6 3

U nappropri atedbal ancei n the treasury June 30, 190 1 . .22,O12.OO

was laid by Mrs. Schroeder on June 10, with the during This statement shows a gain of $11,585.10 blessing of the venerable Padre Palomo and rhe year, which is especially gratifying in view of last concomitant.ceremonies.No further appropriation the hurricane by wrought thc damage will probably be required for it. The constructionof \ovember and the expenses incurred in contaken to has a sanitary slaughterhouseand adjoining market in been care sequence. While every Agana has been begun by the government on a administer affairs with economy, it has not been piece of public land near the sea. The license fees the intention thus to increase the surplus, but for slaughtering and rental of market stalls will rather to expend for the benefit of the island sums yield a small income, possibly equivalent to more as liberal as seemed judicious, with the ultimate than the interest on the cost; but the main object limit, however, of not allowing the balanceon hand The soughtwas the securing of clean and healthy meat, to fall at any time below a reserve of $10,000. and the presentation of an object lesson to the nearestapproach to that was on March 31,when the townspeople who are thought to be receptive of During the fourth quarter of balancewas $11,075.87. good influences.The cost may be some 2,000pesos. the year certain receipts were unexpectedlylarge; Of the three projects which seem to be of primary could they have been foretold, work would have importance to the island, the first may be said to be been pushed more vigorously in repairing bridges, the obtaining a competent schoolmaster,primarily roads, and schools injured by the hurricane. for teaching English, with such other more exAttention will now be devoted to these. During the year certain extraordinary expenses tended results as may spring from the person's capacity. This matter has already been broached were incurred in consequenceof the destructive hurricane on November 13,1900.Of these,$9,182.33 to the Department with a request for assistancein finding a suitableperson, the island guaranteeinga was expended for the purchase of food for the of $1,200gold per year, and transportation the fund to salary transferred needy. Also $3,000has been out and back. In this connectionit is necessarythat for building a civil hospital in Agana, being addedto a public school building in Agana which has been the $l,755lubscribed by the townspeopleand oftwo sums us-edfor a barracks since the American occupation These the naval station. of ficers be restored to its legitimate uses,as the remaining aggregate about $12,200,which need not be conone is insufficient properly to accommodate the sideredin estimating future expenses.On the other was children. It is hoped that the strength of the hand, among the receipts the sum of $12,680.32 marine garrison will soon be reduced; if not, derived from a surce which will soon ceaseto yield practically offset will have to be built or rented for them, as items ouarters income. These further any it is not right that the school should suffer. cach other. Almost all salaries have had to be raised, and some will have to be still further inThe next most important question is that of creased,becausethe expenseof living has become roads. I have personally traversed almost all parts much greater, as is usually the case where of the island on foot and on bull back, in both wet Americans enter a virgin field. and dry seasons,and have reached certain conIt seems proper to call the attention of the clusionsregarding it. The most extensiveand most Department now to the following possible conimportant agricultural and grazing region is that tingency: Of the receipts during the year, $25,523.99 lying east of the town of Agana, comprising the (about $72,762'gold) was derived from customs districts of Yigo, Mataguac, Mocfoc, and Finagualloc. It is flat and fertile, yielding copra' duties on imports. Much of the greater part of this cacao, coffee, sugar, corn, and fruits of various was on American goods imported from San kinds. (Most of the rice comes from the western Francisco in American bottoms. Should the and southerndistricts.) A fair portion of it is under SupremeCourt decidethat duties may not be levied upon articles exported from any State, the loss of cultivation, but the lack of good means of tranincome to Guam will be practically that total sportation forms a great barrier to development. amount, because,while a portion of it was derived Goodcart roads, capableof withstanding the heavy from foreign imports, lifting the duties off and frequent rains, would give practical enAmerican goods will drive the English, Japanese, couragement and would probably lead to the and Chinese traders practically out of business, acquisitionof more public land by private persons, the terms under which such acquiisition may be leaving the American trader as the sole importer, effected being conducive to its exploitation. In a with the result that there will be no customs dues study of this question account must be taken of a collected.In this event I must ask for an allotment initem be notiieable trail in the Chamorro character, viz, the that an from an emergency fund, and pride and happinessin the possessionof land, which corporated in the deficiency bill for the present iesults in the community being composedof a large year, and an estimate made for an appropriation number of small landowners. The fact of this is, of ior the year 1903.This is mentioned prematurely now, in view of the infrequent mail communication course,to minimize the amount of labor that can be may in be that the Department hired, with the direct consequence that large and in order possessionof the facts in ample time to take action holders are rare, and that application of capital if necessary. The island has received a certain would be handicapped by the dearth of labor. impetus which should not be summarily checked. While this seems to offer something of a barrier to The Federal Government at home provides money material productiveneness,it is a very wholesome for rivers and harbors in the individual States; so trait, which it is to be hoped will hold its own should it provide for public improvement in Guam. The corner stone of the civil hospital in Agana

against outside influences. Individual efforts should be encouragedfully as much as collective cooperation, affecting, as it does, the entire community and to this end it is proposed to lay out one arterial route, tapping in general plan the middle of the region, and build a good road there as soon as may be. The country being flat, no difficulties should exist beyond having in some parts to carry the material for roadbed and surface some distance. With this thoroughfare created in place of the present miserable boggy trail, it is believed that the present and future owners of neighboringranches will build small branch roads leading to it, and that agriculture will receive an impulse. This proposed road will be some l5 miles in length. The cost of an entirely new road there is estimated at about 45,000 pesos,but a few short stretches of rock here and there will diminish the cost. The expenditure of 30,000pesos, spread over two years, shouldproduce very useful results. Later oh, in after years, perhaps, cart-road communication should be establishedbetween the towns of the southeastand southwestcoastsand the harbor of San Luis d' Apra and Piti. This will best be done by a shortline road around the south end and up the west coast. In many parts this will require causewaysto be built in the water around high projecting points, which now have to be climbed; but as the water is very shallow this work should not be as expensive as would at first appear, and, as the shore is protected from the sea by a barrier reef , it would not be liable to injury by the sea except during hurricanes of unusual violence. A limited amount of attention could be profitably given to the present bull paths or trails across the mountainous interior of the island: but I am convinced that for the purpose of traffic on any useful scale direct routes over the mountains would best be eschewed in favor of the short-line route. It is not anticipated that work can be begun for some time yet-not until the Yigo road approaches completion. The only part of the island where the questionof fresh water is of real importance is the town of Agana, where the supply is from wells unavoidably contaminated to a greater or less degree in the absence of sewers. In all other parts of the island the water is obtained from streams, and is perfectly wholesomeand good, as I have learned and demonstrated by personal experience, drinking it without hesitation or ill effects.In Agana, however, althoughthe townspeople appear immune, it is desirable to procure a good supply, and this can be accomplishedby damming and piping the Pigo River, which courses down from the mountains, emptying into the sea bout 1r/2miles westward from Government House. I have walked up the banks from the mouth to the headwaters, a most exquisite bit of wooded rockland scenery. At the foot bf a series of small cascadesa contraction of the gorge makes it easy to form a reservior, and the material is right at hand. The piping may involve several minor problems with various solutions. The project will require some study before deciding as to its expediency. The flow is apparently not very greatenough to supply plenty of potable water, but

inadequate,perhaps, for use in connection with a sewer system. An attempt will be made to ascertain the actual volume of supply in different seasons.The questionof a sewer system naturally arises in connectionwith that of a water supply. I recognizefully the immense benefit to health that would bg produced by such a change in conditions; but the ground occupiedby the town is low and flat, and the volume of water limited (except possibly by erecting rain-catching sheds and cisterns, or using windmills to pump up sea water). I do not look forward to doing anything in this direction immediately. The total number of deaths in the island during the year was about 255,of which 34 were caused by the hurricane. During the early months there may havc been some few errors in the reports, but with the system of monthly statements from the various districts now in operation statistics should be quite reliable. The most frequent cause of death has been infantile diseases; but the mortality irmong infants and young mothers has been very greatly reduced by the refusal of licenses to practice midwifery until after completing a course of elementary instruction under the medical ofiicer. There has been no typhoid fever nor smallpox, and there is not a known case of leprosy, after vigilant search. The births have numbered 325, the excess over deaths being considerably greater than in previous years. The improved condition of the island is almost wholly due to the assiduity and professional ability of the medical officers of the Navy stationed here, who have not spared themselves. It is hoped soon to take an actual census of the island. Tangible benefits are expectedto arise from this, especially in insuring the exaction of the poll tax and the fifteen days' labor which (or a money commutation) the law requires be furnished by every male between the ages of 18 and 60. I have had occasionat various times to note and to mention to the Department that many little actions on the part of the natives of the island indicate a friendly feeling for the American Government, its flag, and its representatives here. This feeling is quite unmistakable, and will, I hope, become well founded. Among the less thoughtful the feeling of uneasinessengenderedby the detestablespirit of lawlessness displayed by a part of the marine battalion has undoubtedly checked somewhat this feeling of satisfactionwith the new regime; but I am glad to think that the more intelligent persons understand that the present detachment is not truly representative,and the steps taken to restore order tend to reassure them. It is hoped that in time one prime difficulty will be removed, viz, the dread by this peaceable and law-abiding people of complaining and testifying against those who maltreat them. To preserve law and order among the people themselves is a matter of no difficulty; the little company of insular artillery, which forms the constabulary, although inefficiently armed, is an excellent body of respectful and reliable soldiers, with whose support alone there could be no hesitation in undertaking the government of the island.

Inclosed is a file of general orders issued during the year, supplementingor modifying existing laws' Very respectfully, SEATON SCHROEDER, Commander, U.S.N., Governor. The Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C.

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Agana, Island of Guam, July 16, 1902. SIR: I have the honor to submit the following general report on matters of major importance in the island of Guam for the fiscal year ending June 30,1902: 2. The operations of the treasury have been as follows,the monetary unit being the Mexican dollar: B alanc ei n t h e t r e a s u r y o n Ju ly 1 , 1 9 0 1 . Rec eiv e dd u r i n g y e a r :

$ 22,011.90

Cu s t o m - h o u s e

14,681.61

P e r s o n a tl a x . . . .

13'652.25

Lan d t a x

3'302.32

A ll o t h e r s o u T c e s.

13,016.0'1 66,664.09

E x pende df o r a l l p u r p o s e sd u r in g th e ye a r . .. Un d p p r o p r i a l e do a ' a nce in T r e a su r yJu n e 3 0 , 1 g O2. .

51 ,176,95 â&#x201A;Ź :B S J4 l

3. An examination and count of the moneys in the lreasury by a board of three civil officials of the island government verifies exactly that sum as being in the treasury on June 30. 4. The statement quoted above shows a decrease in the cash balance. tluring lhe year of $13,124.76 This loss is not surprising upon considering the unexpected expenses for the leper colony and the in import duties as compared decreascof $10,842.39 with the year 1901. Nevertheless, the financial situation is such as to cause some concern, if the report in the latest papers to hand be true that the Congresshas failed to appropriate the small sum rrsked for the island last year. As the expense of American school-teachers results directly and rraturally from the American occupation,and as the great expenseof building and maintaining a broad irnd substantial road between Piti and Agana is alnrost entirely for the continousand comparatively heavy traffic of the naval station, the equity of the requesl appearedso manifest that the contingencyof its being refused was not contemplated,and it was considered expedient and necessary to push the rvork on the roads during the dry season, now about to end; a certain amount of money has rrlsobeen obligated for the purchase of suppliesin San Francisco. A considerable sum, therefore, has been spent from the revenues of the island which the inhabitants have reason to consider as not inuring to their benefit, although drawn from their pockets, and which probably would have been somewhat differently allotted but for the expectation of other 6T

funds being soonavailable. During the last half of a calendar year the receipts that can be countedupon with certainty are materially less than those of the first part, as the personal tax becomes due on January l, and is mostly paid during the first four months, and in the present condition of the land registry and of real-estate taxation, the taxes due on July I do not aggregate much. It is not anticipated that Iack of funds will compel closing the courts, offices, or leper colony at any time during the remainder of this calendar year, but it has been deemed prudent to abruptly stop all work of public improvement for the present, an unfortunate necessity, especially as some of the work done is almost valueless until completed; it is hoped that the bridges will remain serviceable and safe until the financial situation permits repairing or rebuilding them. 5. l'he values of exports and imports through the custom-houseduring the year have been respec(gold). The imports and $35,165.53 tively $35,349.83 do not include suppliesfor the naval station brought here on the navy or army transports. The exports consist almost entirely of money (Mexican dollars). Not a pound of copra has been exported, and neither cacao nor coffee has been produced in sufficient quantity to quite meet the requirements of the home market, the recovery from the effects of the hurricane of 1900being not yet complete. It is thought that the coconut trees will be in sufficiently full fruition in another year to enable the exportation of copra, and coffee is in about the same condition. T'he cacao trees not only continue io suffer from the hurricane, but are reported to be ravaged by an insect to such an extent that what was formerly the most remunerative product bids fair to become insignificant. It would be a great boon if the Department of Agriculture would establish an experimental station in the island. After a personal interview with the honorable Secretary of Agriculture in last SeptemberI was in hopes this might be done, but nothing has been learned to that effect. 6. T'he new system of public accountability, with Mr. Pedro M. Duarte appointedauditor, was put in operationon April l. It and the forms prepared here appear to be well adapted and entirely successfulin accomplishingthe ends desired. In connectionwith this and other matters financial, I have the honor to recommend if a Philippine silver dollar of a fixed value be coined under the coinage laws of the United States that it be made legal tender also in Guam in place of the Mexican dollar, the substitution of i' and of subsidiary coins to be made in such manner as will not work hardship to the people or government of the island. Not knowing the exact bullion value of the proposed dollar nor the terms under which it is proposedto introduce it, I am unable now to suggest any particular procedure as equitable; but I must represent that, in consequenceprincipally of the commercial intercourse with San Francisco, the fluctuations and the present low value of the Mexican dollar inure to the injury of this community, and also of the Government in the purchase of supplies from the United States, and in the levying of customs

duties, as article 19 of the Customs Tariff and Regulations(1900)provides that the current money sha*llbe received for duties upon the same basis of value theretofore prevailing. If the Philippine dollar, the coinage of which is understood to be under consideration, be not of f ixed value, its substitutionfor the Mexican dollar would in no wise better the situation here, and it is recommended that no change be made in that case. 7. T'he census of the island taken last autumn showed the population to be, on September 1, 1901, as follows, distributed in 14 towns or villages: M a le s Cit iz e n so f t h e U n i t e d S ta te scf Am e r ica ' Cit ize n so f t h e l s l a n d o f Gu a m

F e m al es. Total .

4,539

5, 0 9 i

9,630

8 2

12 3

4 ,5 6 6

5 1 10

A lien s : S p a nl a r d s l +^l

i^^^

J a p an e s e C h in e s e Tot a l . . . .

2 13 3 9 676

I'his does not include officers of the Navy or Marine Corps or their families, or the enlisted men, or the civil employees of the naval station temporarily import-ed from the United States. About iSr7,pei ceni of the entire population could read and were of or below the age of 7, wriie in Spanish;2,2A5 so that of persons above that age about 46 per cent are not illiterate. 8. Lluring the year the number of births has been 412and the number of deaths 243.The natives of the island still manifest a certain indispositionto take advantage of their opportunities for medical attention, many dying without having been seenby a medical officer, while others wait so long thatthey are beyond hope before applying for treatment' Amonpi the adults dysentery and consumption are reportld as the chief causesof deaths, although the syste- of elementary instruction o-fmidwives has cbrrected much of the old-time difficulty; asthma and worms are freqtrently fatal, principally through failure to consult a physician. The general condifion, however, is believed to promise steady improvemenl the excess of births over deaths increased in each of the last two having regularly -pure-water supply in the township of years. A Agana would vastly improve the hygienic situation' i. tn p"Utuary i reteived the painful report.of the discovery of iour lepers living in the midst of a friendly com'munity,where they had been harbored in welliintentioned but ill-advised concealment' A careful search was at once inaugurated, with the result that several more were soon located and others have come in since. I at once decided to sesregate them, and after examining a numLrerof mSrebr less suitable locationsbegan the establishment of a colony on the shore of Tumon Bay, in the northwest part of the island. T'his site, while sufficiently diitant from any village for safety to -the latter, is within practicable reach from Agana by a fairly good road; it is a very pretty spot, and

healthy, fronting upon a nice, clean beach, and while 6xposed, as att places are, to the winds of typhoons it is practically secure from destruction Uy ttreir tidal waves because of being on tlt. western coast. It took some little while to select the spot, condemn and clear the land, erect the buildings, and secure the personnel,but those to be restrained, so far as known, are now all domiciled in the colony, 24 in number; and July Iast was the date of their enforcedreclusion and the application of the laws and regulations drawn up in that connection. Everything possible has been and will be done to mitigdte the unhappiness and distress of these unfortunate PeoPIe. 10. A leper establishment had been erected by the SpanishGoverment at Pago, on the east coast, in 1890,and the proclamation made at the time placed the number of lazarinos at about 2 per cent bt tfre population. T'here seerns to be no doubt that many were placed there who were suffering not from leprosy, but from other forms of ulcerating diseasewhiih are still more terrible in destructive disfiguration, but which are now recognized--as distiiict and hardly possibiy communicable. This will account for the number restrained at Pago; and the regulations now adoptedare believed to be preventive of any possibility of a person beingtent there upon a mistaken diagnoisis. The Pago establishmentwas destroyed by a typhoon in 1892, after which a hospital was established at Asan, which in turn was compietely wrecked by the hurricane of 1900.T'he few lepers collected there had gradually slipped out during the interregnum toilowing the withdrawal of the Spanish Government. When the last inmate died it was generally asserted that the disease was practicaliy extinct; several reported casesproved upon examination to be not leprosy, and such search as was practicable failed to discover any until possibly aided by chance. It is hoped that no material harm in the way cf disseminationhas resulted from this recent lack of segregation. 11. Pubiic lnstruction in English commenced during the year with the inauguration af that study in thr-ee of the schools in Agana on Ocotober I' under the superintendenceof Mr. H.H. Hiatt and with the assistanceof that gentleman's wife and daughter. Subsequentlyit was introduced in one more schoolin Agana and in the Asan school,under the teaching of two well-equipped noncommissioned officers of marines and a fairly competent young Chamorro woman. The school building in Agat has been put in a good condition of repair, and a teacher is being instalied there. In Agana, Asan, and Agat everything is subordiiratedto English and arithmetic (in Engiish), and Mr. Hiatt reports the result of the year's work as satisfactory in the extreme, adding that the public school is popular with the people, that they evidently wish to learn American ways as well as the language, and that the attendancehas kept all the rooms uncomfortably full. Judging from the proficiency, aptitude, and general interest shown in the first annual recital on June 27, this report is well borne out, and the result is gratifying as fully warranting the step of procuring American

teachers, despite the island's slender resources. I'he methodsby which these successeshave been achievedreflect great credit upon the judgment of the superintendent,who also has spared no pains in putting them in practice. The present law requiring the attendance of all children between the ages of 8 and 14 is actually inoperative for lack of school buildings and teachers of English, and it has been recommended that for the present compulsory attendancebe limited to one age, as 13 years, in order that every youth should have at least the one year of instruction, with possibly further education of those who show special aptitude. Opinions regarding this have been solicited from prominent citizens. At present writing it is believed that some such plan will be adopted, most probably taking the pupils at the ages of 12 to 14 years, and having the principal vacation toward the end of the dry season,when the boys are really needed in the ranches to prepare for the rains. A very good private school in Agana has ably supplemented the public schools during the past two years, but its preceptress is about to leave the island, which is regretted. 12. T'he judiciary system of the island has now been in sound and efficient operation for some time, with a competent personnel, and with the procedure duly in force prescribed by the existing codes of laws. T'he dockets of the various courts, which were naturally greatly encumbered two years ago, have been entirely cleared, the courts of peace have been weeded of inefficient material, and the machinery for beginning processes, translating causes to higher tribunals, etc., has been restored to a smooth and lawful working. This satisfactory situation is entirely due to the initiative and unremitting labors of Ensign A. W. Pressey, U.S. Navy, who as judge of first instance has brought to that office signal abilty, coupled with a thorough knowledge of the Spanishtongue, and who has been solely instrumental in redeeming all the courts from the chaos which was bound to result from the events of 1898and 1899. I'he only feature of inadequacy is in the uncertainty as to the exact status in respect to appeal or of inherent reference to a tribunal superior to those of thq island. T'hisdefect, which has been the subject of a letter relating especially to the case of a convicted murderer sentencedto death shall be carried to a certain sala of the tribunal supremo (in Madrid), and provides for appeal to the same court for revision in other cases. T'he jurisdiction of the tribunal supremo ceased upon the cession of the island to the United States, and no court in the United Stateshas been given appellate jurisdictiou in its place. T'he supreme court of Guam, created by the First American governor, undoubtedly took the place of the old audiencia of Manila, but it appears incumbent to provide a tribunal of cassation, especially as in one cause now being tried the crime was committed during Spanish sovereignty, while the tribunal supremo had jurisdiction. A court of appeal has not been created in the island forthe reason that from the composition of the present supreme court it was evidently the

intention,and it is manifestly proper, that is should be the highest tribunal in the island, and becausea court of appeal would best exist beyond the confines of so small a community, where a personnel would be available versed in law and competent to pass upon matters of vital import, and where it would not be limited in its sphere to the rare cases carried up from this island. 13. l'he preceding suggestion regarding the jurisdiction of a court of appeal is intimately associated with the recommendation previously made that steps be taken looking to the entire remodeling and codifying of the laws for the government of Guam. As suggestedin that letter, and as afterwards requested by the signers of a petition to Congress,a logical initiative would be the appointment of a commission to visit the island, study conditions, and prepare a code. l'he present laws are good per se,but being of the codes prepared for the government of all Spanish possessionsbeyond the sea, they are somewhat cumbrous in application in so small a community as Guam,and those determining judicial procedure frequently lead to delays which are at times vexatious to a serious degree. F'urthermore, as it has been necessary at times for the governor to modify existing laws, there may legitimately enter a feeling of insecurity and doubt in the minds of the citizens, expecially property owners, as to the permanence of Iaws under which they acquire and hold property and are taxed thereon. Certainly no entirely comfortable sense of security can exist with such permanence of laws as would result from Congressionalaction establishing a form of government, defining the personality, functions, and powersof the legislative,judicial, andexecutive departments,and enacting laws by means of which such functions shall be exercised and powers Iimited, and the inhabitants of Guam are entitled to such sense and actual condition of security. 14.Admission to United States citizenship is the desire of a number of personspermanently domiciled in the island.A letter upon this subject from Mr. Pedro M. Duarte, forwarded to the Department in April, set forth the anomalous positionoccupiedby himself (among others), he having been an officer in the Spanish army, and having resigned his commission and obtained an acceptance of renunciation of allegiance, and being now a citizen of no country until accorded admission to the United States. When the time shall come to give consideration to this matter, there will be no qualifying condition arising from disloyalty, as it may surely be accepted that the people of Gaum have definitely accepted the American occupation and are friendly to it. 15.A considerableamount of work has been done in the repair and irnprovement of roads, bridges, schoolhouses, and other public buildings, the completion of the civil hospital, and the construction of the dwellings, hospital, chapel,andother buildings of the T'umon colony. T'he prime difficulty encountered is that of obtaining labor; but this springs from a condition which, as was mentioned in a previous report, is a most wholesome one, namely, the widespreadownership of land in small

holdings; almost every family has a ranch, which is their first care and interest. T'heimposition of the personal tax, ih January, however, creating a necessity for money, has assisted a good deal in this contingency; and by the exercise of unceasing energ"yand tact it has been possible for the chief of public works to employ as large an amount of skilled and unskilled labor as warranted by the condition of the treasury. A fine; well-built road has been completed from Piti to Agana, forming incidentally a beautiful drive through the villages and palm groves. It has not been consideredexpedient to begin at the same time the construction of new roads to the eastern districts of Yigo, Mataguac, etc., but work has been pushed during the dry season to resurrect and in some places to modify the route of the old road (southward) from Piti to Agat, about 6 miles. About one-half of this is finished in respect of distance, but a considerably less proportion in respect of expense,as the new route comprises a causeway to be built across the Atentano paddy fields, which will short circuit a longer route, including some prohibitively steep hills, and materially reduce the number of bridges across the mouth of the Atentano, many of which have been only temporarily patched up since the hurricane of 1900,and which would have to be rebuilt. It was hoped that a contract for this causeway would be let to private parties who have certain advantages in work of that kind, but the lack of funds has made it necessaryto postponethis. Some work has been done to improve the road from Merizo toward Ynarajan around the south end of the island. This forms a part of the shore-line road which it is hoped will in time connectall the coast towns, which now comprise all the towns in the island with single inland exception of Sinajana. 16. A topographical survey of the island is in progress. Physical obstaclesconspire to somewhat retard its completion, but the progress appears to be as rapid as is possibleunder the circumstances. A close supervision over this problem, in addition to personal superintendenceover all other public works so broadly scattered, besides duties in the naval station,is renderedpossibleonly by the most unremitting labor on the part of the chief of public works (Civil Engineer L.M. Cox, U.S. Navy), whose devotion to duty and unsparing personal exposure to rain and sun have produced results of great value to the island. 17.T'heexamination and survey of the Pigo River and of the watershed of its headwaters show it is adequate to supply pure water to the town of Agana in sufficient quantities for drinking and cooking and flushing a restricted system of sewers. The to include about 12,000 coast is estimated at $32,000, feet of conduit, moderately extensive piping to various parts of the town, and a fair number of hydrants. T'o build public latrines and construct a sewer system would probably cost about $8,000 more. The plan proposedis to build a dam about 12 feet high at the upper end of a ravine called the Fonte, where the gorge is narrow, with rock abutments on either side and material near at hand for the 64

construction. T'he head will be 385 feet, and the capacity of reservior formed about 328,000cubic feet, which is consideredample to satisfy the needs of the town through a dry interval. Drawings, specifications, and estimates are being prepared and will be forwarded as soon as possible,probably by the mail following this. 18.After consideration of the foregoing I have the honor to recommend that the following estimates for appropriation for the year 1904be submitted, emphasizing the fact that the items are for the island proper, with no connection with the naval station: Three or more American school-teachers----$2,400 Salary of judge of first instance------------2,400 Construction, repair, and maintenance of roads and bridges--------6,000 Dam and reservoir in the Pigo River Valley and water supply to Agana----32,000 Of these items the estimates for school-teachers, judge of first instance,and roads are only equitable to supply demands springing directly from the American occupationof the island. The question of the water supply for Agana is not affected by the American occupation; it only seems demanded by humanity. Incidentally it will inure to the benefit, by improving hygienic surroundings, of the forces occupying the naval station. The conditions in Agana in this respect are nowmost deplorable,the soil being impregnated by the pollution of many years. T'here is nothing of greater importance to the welfare of a large proportion of the community than this regeneration of Agana, and nothing of any monent can be done otherwise than by damming and piping the Pigo and sewering the town. This is the most important step in the problem of lifting the island to the plane on which we should wish to see all our dependencies,and it can not be undertaken without F'ederal assistance. 19. I have the honor to recommend that the appellation "Ladrone Islands" frequently appended to the single name Guam be discarded and that announcement of the fact be made to the PostOffice Department and to the public. The epithet once carelesslyapplied to the group in the sixteenth century was not adopted and the social conditions which aroused Magellan's wrath having entirely disappeared many years ago, its occasional application now naturally causes some resentment. When this island came into the possessionof the United States the official name of the group was and had been for over two centuries "Mariannas," which hasbeencontinuedby theGerman possessors of the other islands. It is suggestedthat "island of Guam"' alone is a sufficiently defining name, like island of Cuba or Porto Rico. 20. Inclosed is a file of general orders issued during the year, supplementing or modifying existing laws. Very respectfully, SEAI'ON SCHROEDER, Commander, U.S. Navy, Governor. The Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D.C.

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Gof boni toGuam.