Television Subcultures

Allie Young Ignacio CaĂąadas John Dickie Susanne Dirksen Grace Vriezen

There is more to television than just watching.

It’s a community, a network, a s u b c u l t u r e.

Cover art by Susanne Dirksen

Table of Contents  How musical subcultures are represented in The Simpsons?  What is the role of the live audience and participatory fan culture within Saturday Night Live & how does the standby line embody the elements of a Subculture defined by Gelder?  Game of thrones fandom.  The X-Files: from Fandom to Subculture.  Fron Fan Engagement to The Bachelor Proposal.

How musical subcultures are represented in

By Ignacio Cañadas

Introduction to the series.

The series The Simpsons was created by Matt Groening and started to be broadcast in December 1987. Its 30 years of broadcasting makes this series one of the longest sitcoms on American television. The project could be described as a satire of the American society.

The family is composed by a middle-age heterosexual couple, a 10-years-old son and two daughters, one of 8 and the other of 2 years old. It is based on the family’s creator, and replacing himself by the character of Bart.

The production has been so successful that it has finally become a transmedia project. This concept was defined by Henry Jenkins (2007) as: “A process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of a unified and coordinated entertainment experience.”

Some of the components of this universe are the following: videogames, a theme park or the film which was released in 2007. All these creations allow the potential consumer to enter the transmedia universe through various accesses and start to follow the flow of content from that platform.

The relevance of this television show relies on its rooted position in the popular culture. Although the story is focused on the American society, due to the globalization of its values, the audience’s identification can be expanded to other countries. Throughout

its long history, the series has paid tribute to a large number of public figures and cultural and social movements. Besides, its multitude of characters offer a wide variety of profiles.

The media which we consume build our image of the world. As Simon Frith (1996) explains: “The experience of music for composer/performer and listener alike, gives us a way of being in the world, a way of making sense of it.” Although, he develops his argument for the musical field, it can be perfectly extrapolated to the case of television shows. They are key components for building our point of view of the world.

Carmen Marta and Alejandro Tovar (2011) studied the impact of this production on the audience: “The popularity of the series generates a loyalty in the audience, which means that many of its followers or fans are interested in seeing more than once the different episodes, even to get to learn plots and dialogues.” This argument also serves to understand the privileged space that this production occupies in the popular culture that builds society. Despite its deep criticism designed for adult spectators, children are also part of the target audience. As John Jairo Uribe Sarmiento (2007) explains in his investigation, while adults understand the ideological background of the situations, children focus their attention on this television show as a simple entertainment tool.

Method.

The method of this analysis can be perfectly determined in three main steps.

First, we will develop a theoretical framework for each of the subcultures, in which we will highlight the main characteristics of each of them. With the aim of limiting the analysis, the musical subcultures will become the main object of study and in particular the hippie, punk and disco. After having constructed it, the next step will be watching those chapters and scenes of the series in which this cultural movements are represented and try to define the image which is portrayed of them.

Finally, the last part of the article will be composed of conclusions obtained after having interconnected the two previous sections and which will be focused on the similarities and differences that we can find between the characteristics of the subculture in the real world and those which are represented in the series.

Theoretical framework.

Before starting to develop the theoretical framework of this article, it is necessary to understand the concept “subculture”.

Although each scholar provides his own point of view, for this analysis it would be used the definition given by John Clarke and Tony and Jefferson (1975): “Subcultures are identifiable groups, if not necessarily immediately ‘visible’, minority groups in society who share particular values and habits that are distinctive to that group and

sometimes at odds with those of the greater culture to which its members belong.” In the final part of this definition is presented one of the main differences between this concept and “counter-culture”, which always shows a clear opposition to the generally established culture.

Another author who develops this field of study in depth is Ken Gelder (2007). He elaborated an enumeration with the six key elements, which accompany the description of the concept and which can act as characteristics of it. Some examples of them are the rejection to the banalities of the daily life, the association with a specific territory or their often-negative relation to work.

The analysis of representations of subcultures in the mass media acquires importance in the development of the mattering maps. This concept was defined by Lawrence Grossberg (1992) as the process of association between a specific audiovisual piece and elements provided by the spectator, such as memories or past experiences. These constructions add new layers of subjective meaning, which depend directly on the experience of the viewer. One of the elements which make up the mattering maps are the media references and in this argument lies its relevance. The way in which these minority groups are portrayed in these productions will construct the viewer’s perspective on that subculture. He interprets everything which he consumes and associates the different elements subconsciously.

The hippie cultural movement began in the United States in the 1960’s. It was characterized by the opposition or resistance of the younger generations to the preestablished order in society. It could also be described as the fight of the baby boomers for implanting their new system of values. This generation was deeply affected by the ideology of their parents and the wars; they offered a pacific resistance against Vietnam and Cold War. They could be classified as

faithful advocates of the civil rights movement and the emancipation of women.

It is also important to highlight the use of the television and radio for expanding their ideas.

One of the most characteristic elements of the hippie culture is their lifestyle, which could be defined in three concepts: free love, recreational drugs and anarchy. They want to break with the classical marriage which is seen as a form of social slavery. With the rupture of these ideals, they open the door to the sexual revolution. This change of values caused the general acceptance of all kinds of sexual relations, from the premarital to those of the same gender. The second concept, the recreational drugs, were used as a way of escaping from the reality in which they live.

The consumption of these substances was justified as a method of rebelling against the established order. The last factor which defines their lifestyle, the anarchy, is closely related to the use of drugs. They serve as a bridge between the real world and a system without rules, hierarchies or government.

In terms of physical appearance, the main signs of identification of the followers of the cultural movement were the long hair, the flowers and colorful clothes, with psychedelic style or faded effect. The symbol of peace stands out as one of the main referents of the movement, due to its direct relationship with the political ideology.

Charles Mingle and Samuel Roll (1974) develop the anti-violence attitude as a consequence of the drug use: “The point here,

however, is that the aggressive components of the challenge are in contradiction with the proposition that the hippies through their experience with psychedelics have had such psychic change that they no longer express aggression.” Their attitude is limited by the substances which they consumed.

The development of this subculture is analyzed by Stephen D. Karr and Oran B. Dent (1970), as a need to identify oneself: “Thus the hippie may be searching for identify and meaning. However, unlike the protester, the hippie has abandoned those parental and social values which formerly provided a superficial identity. (…)

Therefore, the individual may perceive his only outlet as being a member of a subculture considered "deviant" by parents and society, in which a new "language community" is coupled with unconventional dress and, often, psychedelic drugs (a gross rejection of the "straight" world).” The rupture with that order requires the construction of a new system based on different social roles.

The hippie movement, apart from being considered a subculture, can also be analyzed as counter-culture, because they claim values that are opposed to those established in society. The most direct way to transmit these ideas was through the music and the lyrics of the songs. In this reason lies the relevance of music in hippie culture. As Andy Bennett (2001) develops: “Music functioned as a galvanizing force” in the counter-culture. In the songs resided the power of this cultural movement. The music festivals worked as meeting points and key components for the dissemination of the ideology of the movement. Music expands the feeling of community and as Simon Frith (1981) explains: “music is not made by a community, but provides particular sorts of communal experience”. Music works as a fundamental pillar in the development of the community itself.

The hippie culture is not the only one which can be classified with these two concepts, the punk movement is in the same position. In the 70’s this musical style was developed in United Kingdom, whose main objective was to recover the rock as a method of expression of the youth and to move away from the conventions established by the market. They also share discontent with the established order, but unlike the previously analyzed subculture, their attitude shows a deep annoyance. Their way of acting must be understood within its historical context. In the mid-seventies, the situation in England was critical, due to diverse factors: the economic recession, the inflation and the unemployment rate among other reasons.

They could not bear this situation anymore.

This movement is marked by a very extreme subversion.

The style and the music which form the punk subculture are defined by a specific concept, which is the DIY (Do it yourself) method. This argument is based on their anticapitalist mindset. Regarding music, small and simple groups were organized; while in the case of the fashion and merchandising is directly encouraged the development of selfcreated content. Michelle Liptrot (2014) studies the DIY method regarding the punk culture: “Participants are unified not only by punk music, but also by some basic values that underlie this music, notably its antiestablishment and non-conformist sentiments and, crucially, its DIY ethic.”

Although in the majority of subcultures a certain level of homogeneity

can be appreciated, the case of the punk one is a little bit different. As Dick Hebdige (1979) develops: “The punk style fitted together homologically precisely through its lack of fit”. One of the elements which generates this conflictive situation is the lack of order, as the author explains: “The punk subculture signified chaos at every level, but this was only possible because the style itself was so thoroughly ordered. The chaos cohered as a meaningful whole. [...] Punk was clothed in chaos.” Apart from the lack of this factor, it is necessary to take into account the existence of a hierarchy defined as “punkier than thou” by Robin Ryde and Russ Bestley (2016): “The idea of being ‘punkier than thou’, refers to a kind of informal hierarchy of ‘punkness’ within the movement. (…) This can be seen in the division between the political and the nonpolitical sides of punk, embodied by bands such as Siouxsie and the Banshees as contrasted with bands like Crass”. These authors attribute the cultural movement to the working classes and to a lesser extent the middle classes.

Despite its lack of homogeneity, the members of the punk subculture share important values which work as elements of cohesion. One of them is their rejection to the disco subculture. This cultural movement was developed in the early 70’s. This musical style was influenced by the funk, Latin and soul. This minority group was part of the counter-culture to the mainstream rock.

If this subculture had to be defined in a single concept, it would be the dance. It serves as the main method of entertainment.

The rise and expansion of the night clubs could be considered a direct consequence of this fact. Unlike the hippie culture, in the disco music, the importance does not lie in the message or the text. As Alice Echols (2010) explains: “But for the most part, disco was politically oblique rather than explicit.”

The value of the songs is determined by its

ability to be danced. This factor delimits the characteristics of this type of songs: 4-to- thefloor- beats, the use of electronic and digital instruments and the long length of the tracks.

The element with greatest relevance is the continuity of the music. Thanks to this, the figure of the DJ had a great development, since he is in charge of controlling the flow.

He manages to preserve the atmosphere generated inside the clubs.

According to Ken Gelder (2007), the disco music can act as an escape route: “Disco also offers an intensity and yearning, a passion, that makes it romantic. It offers a powerful sense of having escaped from the banalities of ordinary life, work especially.”

The music does not serve for the diffusion of political messages; its main function is to distract people from their problems in their daily lives. Richard Dyer (1990) also develops this idea. He defends the creation of a new reality within the clubs which marks the difference between “‘what is and what should be”.

The case study of The Simpsons.

The multitude of characters which forms this production, allows its creators to represent numerous social and cultural groups. Besides, the absence of a strict continuity in the development of the plot makes possible the temporary jumps which break down the barriers that could limit the interpretation of the different subcultures and their corresponding historical contexts.

Although the hippie culture is represented several times in the series, in this study it will be analyzed the sixth episode of the tenth season (D'oh-in' In the Wind). In this episode, Homer discovers the hippie facet of his mother. One of the key scenes of this episode is in which the grandfather of the family recalls his experience at the Woodstock festival with his son and his wife.

In this flashback is recreated one of the actual photographs which is preserved of the event.

Besides, the Jimi Hendrix’s performance complements the memory. This musical piece perfectly represents the psychedelic sounds which characterize the songs of this cultural movement.

The opposition to the pre-established order is symbolized by the conflict between the head of the family and the rest of characters. He represents the point of view of the previous generation. He uses the term “orgy” for describing the festival, making a clear reference to the defense of the free love mindset. While little Homer wants to adopt the hippie lifestyle and develop his identity within that cultural group, his father encourages him to join in the army and fight in the Vietnam war.

The best example for analyzing the punk culture in this series is the twelfth chapter of the nineteenth season (Love, Springfieldian Style), due to it is a homage to the Sex Pistols. In various scenes of this production, the drug use is symbolized by a deep addiction to chocolate. This should not be considered as an example of an unrealistic representation, because it is necessary to understand that the target audience of the

television show also includes children.

Moreover, despite using another substance, the viewer can appreciate the psychological and physical effects of drug use.

Another key element of this cultural movement is the DIY style, which can be mainly appreciated in clothes and haircuts.

An example of this is the wardrobe of the band, which is designed with elements such as safety pins or patches. This style does not find its similarities in the appearance but in the form of producing.

The ideology of the subculture is portrayed through the lyrics of the songs and the attitude of the characters. Anger characterizes their way of acting. Within this counter-culture tendency, anarchy was adopted as political system. The situation in England in the mid-1970’s was critical, and in this episode, is represented through a small detail. The guidebook, which Milhouse takes out of his pocket, expressly recommends not to go to London (“Let’s not go London”).

The lack of homogeneity in this cultural movement is also reflected in the television show. This factor could be appreciated in the styles of the characters, which do not follow a concrete pattern. This argument is reinforced by one of the phrases pronounced by the local owner of a local who decides to expel Lisa and Nelson of the place when they change their musical style by a calmer one: “Your music is a disgrace to everything that punk symbolizes which is nothing.”

The representation of this cultural movement in the series follows the patterns of the mass media which Kevin Mattson (2001) explains: “Nonetheless, during the 1980s, the mass media tried to pin one exclusive meaning on the movement by stressing its nihilistic elements. Television shows which dealt with this youth subculture—most notoriously dramas such as Chips and Quincy—portrayed young punk rockers as barbarian hordes seething with violence and rage, either destroying others or themselves. Punks were literally killers chased by good-guy cops in these shows.” On two occasions, cops appear persecuting followers of the punk movement and consumers of addictive substances.

In this episode is also represented the confrontation between the punk and the disco. When the band Sex Pistols is in a café, a boy enters and in the jukebox, he puts a song that makes clear reference to the disco subculture. Two members of the band stand up and put the boy inside the machine while they do not stop laughing. The difference which originates this conflict is based on the different meaning that is given to music in each of cultural movements. In the disco subculture, the songs are not used to transmit messages with a political background. The music is understood as a method of entertainment.

This conception of this form of artistic expression is reflected in the attitude of a specific character, Disco Stu, throughout the entire television show. He does not show any concern and he takes every opportunity to start dancing. His clothes describe the style which characterizes this cultural movement. He wears a suit composed of bellbottom trousers, a jacket and a half-buttoned shirt. The color white of it recalls directly to the one which John Travolta wore in the movie Saturday Night Fever. His look is complemented by shoes with platform and

opaque sunglasses that do not allow the viewer to see his eyes.

The fact that this character is always wearing sunglasses, makes more difficult to the viewer to identify with him. In this way, the authors manage to reinforce the idea of the creation of a new reality within the club in which second identities are generated.

These profiles allow participants to move away from the real world and build their own identity within a moldable space.

This character owns a nightclub and his main objective is to develop a franchise chain. Through this idea is represented in this production the relationship that is established between this subculture and this type of establishments. Despite the great fondness which he has for this cultural movement, in the episode How I Spent My Strummer Vacation, he acknowledges the death of this cultural trend. This fact has been placed by the majority of academics on July 12, 1979, the “Disco Demolition Night�. The main objective of this event was to finish with this cultural movement abruptly. As many of his followers did not accept its conclusion, it is important to emphasize the fact that the character recognizes his end.

Conclusions.

The analysis of representations in the mass media has a great relevance, due to its deep influence in the development of the mattering maps. Human beings use the media as tool of expression and consequently, it becomes directly a source of information and

a key element to build our perception of the world. For many individuals, their contact with certain cultural movements or subcultures is based solely on the representation of these. The main conflict that can be generated from this situation is the lack of analysis and reflection by the spectators that consume that content. As has been studied in this case study, media cannot be totally objective and each of the productions is influenced by the point of view of its creator. Moreover, media is constantly evolving and growing.

As can be seen in the analysis of the three subcultures, the representation made of them in The Simpsons could be considered accurate regarding the study carried out by the previously mentioned academics. In the scenes studied of the series are exposed most of the characteristics developed in the theoretical framework of each of the subcultures. But, as it has been described in the analysis of the punk culture, these interpretations are deeply influenced by the point of view offered by the media throughout the history. Besides, this interpretation is also limited by the type of show (cartoons) and its wide target audience.

In this case, the content is adapted and smoothed by the producers thinking on the younger spectators.

Although the political ideology of each subculture is not shown explicitly, through the subtext which is hidden in some comments or visual elements such as the way of dress or the lifestyle, the adult viewers can appreciate a real representation of these musical subcultures.

Thus, the representations that this television show develops depend to a great extent on the knowledge of the spectator. While the younger viewers only perceive the surface of the message, the experienced audience goes beyond and interprets the characteristics that are expressed in the television show and that define the different musical subcultures.

Bibliography:  Bennett, Andy. "Sixties Rock, Politics And The Counter-Culture". In Cultures Of Popular Music, 1st ed. Maidenhead/Philadelphia: Open University Press, 2001.  Clarke, John, and Tony Jefferson. “Politics Of Popular Culture: Culture And SubCulture”. Birmingham University Centre For Contemporary Cultural Centre, 1975.  Dyer, Richard. "In Defense Of Disco". In On Record, 1st ed. London and New York: Routledge, 2017.  Echols, Alice. Hot Stuff: Disco And The Remaking Of American Culture. 1st ed. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2010.  Frith, Simon. "Music And Identity". In Questions Of Cultural Identity, 1st ed. Los Angeles/London: Sage, 1996.  Frith, Simon. "The Magic That Can Set You Free: The Ideology Of Folk And The Myth Of Rock". Popular Music, 1981.  Gelder, Ken. Subcultures: Cultural Histories And Social Practice. 1st ed. Oxon: Routledge, 2007.  Grossberg, Lawrence. We Gotta Get Out Of This Place: Popular Conservatism And Postmodern Culture. 1st ed. London: Routledge, 1992.  Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning Of Style. 27th ed. Oxon: Routledge, 1979.  Jenkis, Henry. "Transmedia Storytelling 101". Confessions Of An Aca-Fan, 2007. http://henryjenkins.org/2007/03/transmedia_storytelling_101.html.  Kaar, Stephen D., and Dent Oran B. "In Search Of Meaning: The Generalized Rebellion Of The Hippie.". Adolescence 5 (1970).  Liptrot, Michelle. ""Different People With Different Views But The Same Overall Goals": Divisions And Unities Within The Contemporary British DIY Punk Subcultural Movement". Punk & Post Punk 2 (2014).  Marta, Carmen, and Alejandro Tovar. "Los Simpson, Un Fenómeno Social Con 20 Años De Permanencia En La Programación Televisiva.". Revista Mediterránea De Comunicación: Mediterranean Journal Of Communication, 2011, 143-157.  Mattson, Kevin. "Did Punk Matter?: Analyzing The Practices Of A Youth Subculture During The 1980S". American Studies 42 (2001).  Mingle, Charles, and Samuel Roll. "Bugs In The Flowers: A Review Of The Nonviolent Ethic Of The Hippie Subculture". Adolescence 9 (1974).  Ryde, Robin, and Russ Bestley. "Thinking Punk". Punk & Post-Punk 5 (2016).  Uribe Sarmiento, J. J. "Las Máscaras Identitarias O Los Simpson. Aproximación Al Consumo Cultural De Los Menores Trabajadores De Bogotá". Maguaré, 2007.

What is the role of the live audience and participatory fan culture within

& how does the standby line embody the elements of a Subculture defined by Gelder?

By John Dickie Live From New York, It’s Saturday Night!

Introduction.

The implementation of the television into our society is widely recognized as one of the most fascinating inventions within the complex development of human existence.

The television and its content have evolved drastically since its debut in the early 19th century, ultimately benefiting the consumer.

Now that our society is ever so embarked in this technological world, there is seemingly an infinite amount of programs one can watch. To go along with the wide range of programs is the variety of forms of viewership as well. The days of people being forced to tune into scheduled programs seem to be dwindling down, as platforms such as Netflix and YouTube are promoting this phenomenon of binge watching for hours on end. As a matter of fact, a study conducted by Deloitte confirmed this notion as they found that 70 percent of the American public are now binge-watching T.V. shows (Spangler, 2016). This is largely in part due to this new generation of millennials as it was also found that those aged 14-25 spend more time engaged in online service networks than live television (Spangler, 2016). However,

despite this transformation and threat to the traditional form of television, one of the few shows that has managed to continually thrive is the notorious Saturday Night Live.

Saturday Night Live, often referred to as simply SNL, is an American late-night sketch comedy show that has been airing now for over 40 years. It all began back in 1975, when Dick Ebersol and Lorne Michaels came together and developed an exciting pitch to the NBC affiliates that could not be refused.

The popularity and curiosity of the public arose quickly, as the show was described as a late-night live program lasting 90 minutes consisting of a series of contemporary sketches (Hill & Weingrad, 2011, p. 1). It certainly helped that it would be originating out of Rockefeller plaza headquarters in New York City, a studio that has become one of the most famous in the world. After hiring some of the most impressive names in the business and coming up with a set schedule for the program, SNL was set for take off.

Looking back on the history of Saturday Night Live, it truly is amazing to consider how big of an impact the show has had on our society. In the book from Becker, Marx, and Sienkiewicz focusing on the

history of American TV, they claim that there has never been a single media outlet covering the cultural, technological, political and aesthetic evolutions in television (2013).

However, if there has ever been a program that has come close to it, Saturday Night Live is certainly at the top of the list. The programs ability to connect with and cover the most contemporary issues in popular culture bring about an incredible amount of interest from those all across the world. This becomes particularly true when the program features a political sketch, a style that the SNL production crew tend to deploy during the presidential elections in the United States.

When Dick Ebersol and Lorne Michaels envisioned the show in their minds back in 1975, even they likely could not fathom as to what it has become. Ebersol set out a promise to have guest stars for each show, but it has grown into much more than just that. The program literally has the most notorious names in the entertainment industry contact them asking to perform the opening monologue to any one of the upcoming shows. Musical icons such as Prince and Elton John, comedic geniuses such as Will Ferrell and Chris Rock, and even superstar athletes such as LeBron James and Peyton Manning have all made appearances. It truly feels as though all of the biggest names in the recent history of entertainment have starred on the show.

Throughout its historic viewing, Saturday Night Live has essentially remained the same. Of course, the production has altered in the sense of the media environment, cultural attitudes, and strategies (Becker et al., 2013, p. 2). However, the actual production of the format of each episode has remarkably maintained its structure. Every episode begins with an opening monologue from the celebrity guest, which is often quite comical and highly entertaining. From there, the show progresses into live sketches acted out by both the

celebrity guest and the recurring cast. In between the sketches, SNL also includes musical performances featuring some of the biggest names in the music industry (Becker et al., 2013, p. 3). Now, although Becker et al. are correct when they argue that Saturday Night Live has remained its relevance and popularity as a result of a phenomenal cast and relevant short sketches in the form of comedy. I will argue that Saturday Night Live’s success has come as a result of the role of fandom within the series, and how the participatory culture of the notorious standby line reflects that of a subculture defined by Ken Gelder.

The Role of the Live Fan Audience.

The idea of fandom in our society has become particularly interesting now that there has become so many ways to express it.

Although it is difficult to determine one single definition as to what is a fan, the idea essentially revolves around a feeling of empathy towards something or someone.

Despite its simple concept, the nature of such is far from that. Lawrence Grossberg highlights this in his findings as he says that the complexity of fandom is far beyond looking for what is making popular culture popular (1992, p. 50). Trying to determine the fan within the culture of Saturday Night Live is even more difficult when considering the program lacks any real type of specified audience. Although it is clearly a show that thrives in the comedy industry, the overall production somewhat confuses this notion of the identifiable fan. Considering the show features a different celebrity guest each episode, the audience and therefore the fans who are viewing will often alter from night to night as well. With that being said, unlike most other television shows that excel in the entertainment industry, Saturday Night Live actually incorporates the fans in the production of their show. This aspect is

unique and although a questionable tactic prior to its debut, it has clearly been a pillar to success within their business model. SNL is constantly praised for providing the fans the opportunity to view the production of such an impressive show up close and personal as it truly is a special experience.

However, this implementation of the live fan audience does not simply benefit the consumer of such content, as Saturday Night Live is clearly profiting as well.

After analyzing a significant amount of episodes throughout the years, one thing in particular stands out. At both the beginning and ending of the episode, the camera focuses on the live audience as the lens soars through the studio displaying a crowd full of ecstatic fans. Although this appears to be a simple act of inclusion, one may argue that it actually helps the program at a much more sophisticated level. When sitting at home watching on television, the fans can’t help but express jealousy for all those in audience fortunate enough to sit in on the live viewing.

Therefore, when the camera focuses on the crowd, it allows an identification process to take place between those watching through the screen to those watching in the audience.

It is clear that those in the audience represent much of the qualities of a typical citizen in society, creating a sense of the imagined self, highlighted by Simon Frith within the production of the show. This imagined self essentially revolves around the idea of an emotional alliance taking place between the performers as well as the performers’ fans (Frith, 1996, p. 121). Now, although the imagined self is typically regarded as the

connection between the artists and the fan, it is appropriate to argue that this takes place between the fan and the fan within the realm of Saturday Night Live. The fact that the fans watching at home are able to identify with those live fans in the audience creates a sense of authenticity, ultimately benefiting both the consumer and the producer of the content.

This is also important when it comes to the content of the show and the live audience's’ reaction to the sketches. A recent study looked at the perception of audience laughter within television programs. The concept was to look at whether the perception of the humour changed within laughter generated from a live fan audience and those with an audio recorded laughter. To no surprise, the laughter generated from the live audience significantly increased the perceived humour of the content than that of the ‘fake’ laughter from the audio recording (Lawson, Downing, Cetola, 1998, p. 248). This study further suggests that SNL’s use of the live audience is creating a more real and authentic experience, an idea that is exceptionally important to the targeted viewer.

With that being said, this affiliation between the fans is certainly not the only identification process that takes place within the show. The imagined self is also evident in the alliance between the performer and both those sitting in the audience and those watching through the screen. The performer in the case of SNL is that of the celebrity guest and while the process of identification will likely be much stronger for those physically sitting in on the live screening, it certainly exists for all fans tuning into the show. The audience is able to experience the celebrity guest in its purest form in Saturday Night Live, making the design of the show that much more desirable.

The Subculture in the Standby Line (Saturday Night Line).

This is where the significance of the celebrity guest comes into the picture.

Considering Saturday Night Live has built up such a historic brand and reputation, all of the guests are major celebrities and iconic figures. However, with that being said, certain guests do tend to acquire more popularity, therefore resulting in an increased demand for both a live audience ticket and TV viewership. The live audience seats are reserved through a process that begins with an online lottery that is filled through an email request form stating you would like to attend one of the shows for the upcoming season. If you are fortunate enough to win, you will then be randomly selected and placed into any one of the episodes throughout the year. In other words, these ‘lottery winners’ have no control over which episode they will be sitting in on, and more importantly, who will be the featured guest of that night. The ambiguity of this process often results in the winner unable to attend the show in which they have been selected for. Or in some cases, the ticket holder may not have an interest in attending the guest and/or musical performances for that specific night. This once again highlights the deepened and unspecified range in fans within the culture of Saturday Night Live, as uncertainty prevails in the form of the guests each night.

If the seat is not set to be filled, the process of the standby line then comes into existence. The concept of the standby line is evident in many facets of life, however, the significance within the realm of Saturday Night Live is unlike any other. Fans wait outside of Rockefeller plaza for hours, nights, and sometimes days just to get the opportunity to sit in on the live showing. The most fascinating part about this phenomenon is the fact that none of these fans are

guaranteed a ticket. The amount of standby line individuals to receive access relies solely on the amount of lottery ticket winners that show up that night. In other words, fans can essentially camp out for days on end and receive absolutely no satisfaction. As someone who has participated in this process, I can assure you that it is extremely disappointing. This particular concept of the standby line within the domain of Saturday Night Live embodies the characteristics defined in Gelder’s beliefs on subcultures. To support my hypothesis, I will be analyzing the YouTube video directed by Sam Cecil documenting the process of the standby line within the culture of SNL. The video basically follows a group of individuals who take on the challenge of the line, while providing an insight to the emotions that go along with it. I will be referring to certain sections in the video while defining the significance within the idea of subcultures according to Gelder.

Before moving forward, it is important to point out that the subculture, just like the idea of the fan, does not possess a set definition.

However, for the sake of this argument, I will be referring to Gelder as he covers the topic in a well thought out and rather simplistic manner. Gelder essentially suggests that subcultures have commonly been understood based on six factors, the first being through the negative relation to work (Gelder, 2007).

Now, I am not suggesting that all fans of Saturday Night Live can be categorized under this segment. However, those actively participating in the process of the standby line certainly can and here is why. In the video from Cecil, one of the participants claims that she brought an inflatable mattress to sleep on despite the New York City Law stating that doing so is considered an illegal act (Cecil, 2013). This criminalistic behaviour supports the notion that those waiting outside the studio fit under this particular key within Gelder’s definition of

subcultures. The act of camping out on the street also falls under the concept of have a negative ambivalent relation to class, a movement from home into non-domestic forms of belonging, as well as an association with a particularly territory (Gelder, 2007).

In the case of the Saturday Night Live standby line this can all be interpreted quite literally, as the fans are basically taking on the role of being homeless for a specific period of time. As you can see in the pictures provided, the fans sprawled on the sidewalk waiting in the line actually portray many of the signs to that of a homeless person. This does not by any means suggest that these fans are homeless at all times within society, but it does prove that their extreme passion towards the show will cause them to go to extreme measures. Gelder’s key that focuses on the process of exaggeration is also evident within this culture.

The fact that this group of individuals are willing to wait outside on the streets for days

at a time proves that there is absolutely no sense of moderation within this subculture of fans outside the studio. The final key within Gelder’s opinion on subcultures focuses on the refusal of normal life, and more specifically, that of massification (Gelder, 2007). This key point is identifiable in the video from Cecil, as it begins with an assortment of people walking through the streets asking them what they are waiting for.

The confusion is evident on each one their faces as the mass public is baffled by the fact that such a crowd is willing to wait simply to gain access to watch a live show. Many of the people walking by crack a dull smile and gaze at the fans as if they are absolutely out of their mind. This perception supports the notion that these fans are certainly different than that of the mass society. In an interview with one of the participants in the video, he even goes on to say, “There is such a weird subculture that revolves around the standby line. There are people that have been doing it every week for years and years” (Cecil, 2013). Later in the interview, he shares a story by stating, “it’s such a good experience. I tell people about it and they look at me like I am insane or dumb” (Cecil, 2013). This interview involving the individual within the subculture of the SNL standby line once again proves that this group of fans coexist far from that of the mass society. It becomes even more captivating when one considers the fact that these fans are forming this subculture out in the literal streets of New York, a city that is known for its dense population, busy traffic, and highly opinionated citizens. The disregard in which they possess towards the perception of others is somewhat admirable, as their dedication to Saturday Night Live is on full display.

Plethora of Participation.

Although the subculture within the standby line is fascinating, it is not the only form of participatory culture that exists within the shows fandom. As we have become ever so embarked within this participatory culture in society, the act of engaging with others through the form of media platforms has become a crucial aspect to fandom. The online nature of fan sites has become a major focal point to the understanding of present day fandom. To obtain a better understanding to the use of online formats within the culture of Saturday Night Live, I visited its most prominent fan page on reddit.com. The website is loaded with all sorts of Saturday Night Live content with side bars allowing visitors to watch all of the sketches from the recent episodes. The site also features a massive forum providing fans the opportunity to communicate amongst one another, often resulting in highly opinionated responses. Trying to analyze fan websites is extremely difficult due to the fact that there is not only an overwhelming amount of content, but more notably a vast amount of clashing opinions (Dalton, 2008, p. 448). This is even more prominent within the experience of Saturday Night Live due to the wide range of celebrity guests, leading to plenty of heated discussions between the users. However, this collaboration of individuals on the website represents the brilliance of our society through which fans are able to come together in an online universe.

As a result of this shift towards a participatory culture in society, it is important to look at the way in which this affects programs such as Saturday Night Live. Lauri Mullens argues that this active fandom actually reshapes the very nature of production and consumption (2005, p. 6).

Sandeen and Compesi also question this role of the present day fandom, suggesting that

the consumer plays an integral role in the production process (1990, p. 161).

Considering SNL has created such a wide audience, the content in which they deliver must appeal to the fan as it is they who repeat and re-enact the skits in their daily lives. In other words, the participatory nature within the realm of Saturday Night Live has aided its influence to a much larger public than just those who tune into the live show (Becker et al., 2013, p. 255).

The final aspect of the participatory culture within Saturday Night Live is the prominence in the role of the anti fan. As Gray points out in his findings, the anti fan is a process of an individual actively insinuating a significant dislike or hatred towards a certain text, personality, or genre (Gray, 2005, p. 840). Considering Saturday Night Live often covers controversial issues in the society, certain individuals tend to take offence to some of the sketches. The most notorious anti fan within the culture of SNL is none other than the current President of the United States of America, Donald Trump.

Now that Trump has become such a sensation in the media, Saturday Night Live frequently targets his antics in their live sketches.

Trump, to no surprise, has often tweeted his displeasure and most recently stated, “Watched Saturday Night Live hit job on me.

Time to retire the boring and unfunny show.

Alec Baldwin portrayal stinks. Media rigging election.� (Trump, 2016). The irony in the case of the anti fan with Trump is that it is the publicity in which he gathered that allowed him to be elected in the first place. A proposition by Brownell supported this idea as he states that on-screen performances have become a way of gaining awareness towards presidential authority (Brownwell, 2016, p.

925). This entertainment and media coverage essentially converted a rich scumbag into the newest president of the United States, making a mockery on American Politics. Although it is easy to blame the media for this, the

consumer is quite frankly at the center of the spectrum. A study found that Trump-related sketches have actually managed to expand SNL’s YouTube channel by a whooping 48% (Brouwer, 2017). The Saturday Night Live Production crew are obviously going to deliver content that is to gain attention and popularity, once again promoting the significant role of the viewers in television fandom. Henry Jenkins, a highly intellectual media scholar concludes it best by stating, “new tools and technologies enable consumers to archive, annotate, appropriate, and recirculate media content” (Jenkins, 2002, p. 1). In other words, the power of the content created is ultimately in the power of the consumers, and this could not be more true within the case of Saturday Night Live.

The Closing Credits.

Saturday Night Live has become an iconic figure within the history of American television. The themes and messages in which they deliver have become monumental and reflect the lives of people all across the world. It will be interesting to continue to analyze the relationship that takes place between the fan and the production within the show, as the bond has become truly remarkable. All in all, Saturday Night Live and the brand it has become does not exist without the role of the fan. The live audience, standby line subculture, and participatory network have become the focal point to the notorious experience of Saturday Night Live.

Bibliography:  Brouwer, B. (2017). Trump-Related Videos Have Grown Saturday Night Live’s YouTube Channel by 48%. Retrieved from http://tubularinsights.com/snl-youtube-trump/  Brownwell, K. C. (2016). Gerald Ford, Saturday Night Live, and the Development of the Entertainer in Chief. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 46(4), 925. Retrieved from http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/doi/10.1111/psq.12326/full  Cecil, S. (2014). Weird Kind of Subculture: The SNL Standby Experience. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X8mtefVlrVg&t=230s  Dalton, M. (2008). Teen Television: Essays on Programming and Fandom.

Communication,

Culture, & Critique, 1(4), 447-448. Retrieved from

http://web.b.ebscohost.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=8622d0868cc7-4b00-976c-7f8e8c08ebb7%40sessionmgr120&vid=1&hid=129  Donald J. Trump [realDonaldTrump]. (2016, Oct 16). Watched Saturday Night Live hit job on me. Time to retire the boring and unfunny show. Alec Baldwin portrayal stinks.

Media rigging election! [Tweet]. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/787612552654155776?lang=en  Frith, S. (1996). “Music and Identity.” In S. Hall & P. du Gay, Questions of Cultural Identity (Los Angeles/London: Sage, 1996), pp. 108- 127.  Gelder, K. (2007). Subcultures: Cultural Histories and Social Practice  Gray, J. (2005). “Antifandom and the Moral Text: Television Without Pity and Textual Dislike”. In American Behavioral Scientist 48 (2005), pp. 840- 858. Retrived from http://abs.sagepub.com.proxy.library.uu.nl/content/48/7/840  Grossberg, L. (1992). “Is There a Fan in the House?: The Affective Sensibility of Fandom.” In L. A. Lewis (ed.), The Adoring Audience: Fan Culture and Popular Media (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 50-68.  Hill, D., Weingrad, J. (2011). Saturday Night: A Backstage History of Saturday Night Live. Retrieved from https://books.google.nl/books?hl=en&lr=&id=rkUn4S_OlngC&oi=fnd&pg=PT7&dq=sat urday+night+live&ots=ZpAxNl40qT&sig=xl16gxs7_LmjyHTjbiM4hoN7IMA#v=onepa ge&q=saturday%20night%20live&f=true

 Jenkins, H. (2002). Interactive Audiences? The ‘Collective Intelligence’ of Media Fans.

Retrieved from https://labweb.education.wisc.edu/curric606/readings/Jenkins2002.pdf  Lawson, T. J., Downing, B., Cetola, H. (1998). An Attributional Explanation for the Effect of Audience Laughter on Perceived Funniness. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 20 (4). 243-249. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15324834basp2004_1  Marx, N., Sienkiewicz, M., Becker, R. (2013). Saturday Night Live & American TV. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.nl/books?hl=en&lr=&id=leWtAAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA254&d q=SNL+fans&ots=jWmQeQHGK7&sig=3UsiuVCK8AhrsBquEnuqNpSdWA#v=onepage&q=SNL%20fans&f=false  Mullens, L. (2005). Get a Life? Fan Cultures and Contemporary Television. Spectator, 25 (1), 5-10. Retrieved from http://cinema.usc.edu/assets/097/15727.pdf  Reddit. (2017). Live From New York, it’s Saturday Night! Retrieved from https://www.reddit.com/r/LiveFromNewYork/  Sandeen, C. A., Compesi, R. J. (1990). Television Production as Collective Action. In R. J. Thompson & G. Burns (Eds.) Making Television: Authorship and the Production Process, 161-174. Retrieved from https://books.google.nl/books?id=UDTgkUL1Qe0C&pg=PA161&lpg=PA161&dq=televi sion+production+and+the+collective+action&source=bl&ots=WgoBG1ZN_o&sig=MFz pUeKMm9J46OE99ngqH6r_FMw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwifg8ni44vTAhUCWC wKHQqBB1kQ6AEIHDAA#v=onepage&q=television%20production%20and%20the%2 0collective%20action&f=false  Spangler, T. (2016). Binge Nation: 70% of Americans Engage in Marathon TV viewing.

Retrieved from http://variety.com/2016/digital/news/binge-watching-us-study-deloitte1201737245/

Fandom

By Susanne Dirksen Introduction Since its initial airing in 2011, Game of Thrones has reached millions of viewers worldwide and so far six seasons have been broadcasted. The series is based on the epic fantasy books A Song of Ice and Fire by George R.R. Martin, who has also participated in writing for the television adaptation.

The narrative of A Song of Ice and Fire is set in a medieval fantasy world, including imaginary creatures such as dragons and undead. The main environment is an island called Westeros, which includes the most desirable throne, the ‘iron throne’, in its capital, King’s Landing. Several characters fight for this throne as they either see it as the ultimate symbol of power or they believe they have a worthy claim to it. After all, one who has obtained the iron throne shall rule the seven kingdoms. Most of them are descended from noble families. Because of this pursuit to power, the world in GoT is a cruel and treacherous one. Besides the clash of families there is another significant threat in the narrative: the ice zombies from beyond the Wall up north called the ‘Others’. Their threat is related to the Stark’s slogan ‘Winter is coming’: the anxious forebode of a long and cruel winter. In general, the world of GoT can be divided into a human world with its political struggles and a non-human world with its mystery creatures. Throughout the show’s seasons, the threat of the undying army from beyond the Wall becomes more and more apparent.

Not only is the world of GoT an immense, vibrating world with different regions and landscapes; the amount of different characters is astonishing. Some characters are more important than others, but there is no main protagonist. In the books, G.R.R. Martin sheds light on all sorts of character perspectives. As readers we get to know characters through their thinking and actions. This interweaving of character developments and continuously switching to different parts of the story world might make it harder to watch and understand the show when one has not read the books first. This is a reason why viewers of the show have given it the connotation of being complex or confusing.

According to fans, another point of realism in GoT is the power that Martin has given to several female leads. When observing the latest GoT promotional trailer for season 7, it seems obvious that the story world is not merely ruled by men anymore: women tend to play equal parts in pursuing power in the world of Ice and Fire.

Although the fantasy genre has seen an increase in popularity, think of the Lord of the Rings movies in the early 2000s, it still has a connotation of ‘nerdiness’. As in many fantasy stories, this imaginary world invites the audience to escape their daily life, if only for one hour. Fans can immerse themselves in another dimension where problems can ‘simply’ be solved by wielding a sword. As the audience number of GoT increases every season it seems the genre is not merely attracting geeky viewers. This year the

seventh season will come out and the growing number of fans are more excited than ever for the continuation of the story that is to come. The interactivity and involvement that many fans embody indicates an increasing epic fandom.

This article will look into the popularity of the fantasy genre in a historical context, the ways fans appropriate texts of GoT and whether or not they are part of a subculture.

Echoes of history in television shows The wide appeal of GoT can be traced back to themes in European history and literature that have fascinated people for centuries. The revival of interest in historical themed story worlds can be noted through the viewer ratings that contemporary historical shows such as the Tudors (2007-2010) and Vikings (2013-) have attracted. Both are set in a medieval to early modern Europe and portray a violent world with scheming characters, not unlike GoT. Thus, in recent television an increase in popularity of historical fictions can be noted. It seems there is a renewed fascination with the life and events of a distant past (Rogers, p.142).

Producers attempt to bring history to life by striving for authentic and detailed representation of the past, mixed with fictional events to make the narrative more appealing and entertaining. One of the main themes in the GoT that add to this historical realism is the political struggle and the lust for power between noble families. The clash between the two families Lannister and Stark is based on actual history: wars were fought in 15th century England between the houses Lancaster and York, both aiming for the crown. This series of wars is called the Wars of the Roses. Notice the similarity in names between the families.

Robert Baratheon (right) based on King Henry VI of England (left). (Photo by The Print Collector/Print Collector/Getty Images/HBO).

G.R.R. Martin also included other referential events in his books, such as the death of king Robert Baratheon who was killed by a boar (which made his mad son Joffrey the heir to the iron throne) which is based on a poem by Shakespeare. Martin also included other ‘realistic’ dimensions such as old and new religions and an immense wall which divides the civilised south from the wild north, an obvious reference to Hadrian’s wall that divided England from its northern ‘barbarian’ neighbours (Rogers, p. 146).

These references to actual history add to the verisimilitude of Game of Thrones’ story world. The massive budget that went into producing the television show added to the visual realism and the many references to actual history and intrigue added to its familiarity and appeal by its audience.

Because the narrative is so vibrant and detailed, viewers and readers alike might experience more immersion. The cinematic appeal has become a characteristic in television culture too and it is not merely a movie theatre attribute anymore.

The cinematic and realistic movielike experience makes a fan lose oneself in the fantastical story and so the fan becomes engrossed. A sense of community is cultivated this way because other, like-

minded fans feel the same excitement and passion for the text (Gelder, p.141).

The immersion can be seen as an escapist practice comparable to role-playing games. The escapist connotation of the fantasy genre and world, in which a fan is more likely to lose oneself, is often received as a negative aspect. Fans might ‘lose themselves’ in a virtual world instead of (re)connecting with the ‘real life’. On one hand, a fandom can provide a community and thus social interactions. On the other hand, fanatics might forget about the world ‘out there’. Henry Jenkins describes these passionate fans as textual poachers: they find many ways to indulge themselves with the medium.

The GoT world is a highly unstable one and thus bound to have many cliff hangers. This is another reason why it has attracted so many fans. In contrast to actual history, GoT is still a work of fiction.

Character developments and events could go anywhere so for fans there is a lot of material to speculate about.

In its fandom there appears to be a divide between those who have read the books and those who have not. Those who read them are safer from spoilers: they know what will happen next even though the television adaptation tends to alter events or leave things out. Now that the television show is ahead of the books (G.R.R. Martin tends to take a long time before publishing the next one) even the book readers can only speculate what is going to happen next. These speculations make for one way of consuming the text: fans share their theories and speculations online and discuss them in an interactive environment.

Establishing a participatory fan base Does the Game of Thrones fandom include a subculture? There are several arguments to claim that GoT fans are part of

a fan culture and not a subculture. First, although there seems to be a huge online gemeinschaft, GoT fans do not seem to be rebellious or subversive. Second, the gatherings of GoT fans, if those could be named gatherings at all, are mostly in virtual space: online, where they might have a sense of community because of mutual interests.

However, it seems this collective identity is not grounded on the idea to be different from mainstream culture, as GoT is also a mass media product and thus part of the mainstream itself. Therefore, it can be stated that the GoT fan community is not a subculture, but more likely a fan culture.

Before Game of Thrones’ initial airing in 2011, the ASOIAF books had already established a huge fan base. The first book was published in 1996 and this might be a reason why GoT does not merely attract an adolescent or young audience but has got a lot of fans in their 30s and 40s as well who kept up with the story since the 90s, as pointed out in an empirical survey published

by Lisbeth Klastrup and Susana Tosca in 2014. The show relies heavily on the books, so it can be seen as a literary fandom. As Jim Collins states, the convergence of book adaptations onto screen has become embedded in (fan) culture. Fanatics know the dozens of characters that appear in the books and on screen, although a mere viewer might not recall any character names.

The claim that only a minor part of the fantasy audience is female is challenged by the statement that the genre is in fact relatable to women, as it gives them empowerment in fictive worlds (Frankel, p. 23). In case of GoT, this statement can be reinforced by looking at the percentage of men and women who participated in the puzzle-solving campaign for the show: 54.5 percent were men and 45.5 percent were women (Klastrup and Tosca, p. 302).

One of the main concerns of fans before the arrival of the first season was to

what extent directors D.B. Weiss and David Benioff would stick to the events in the books and specifically the moral themes. Unlike Tolkien’s the Lord of the Rings, GoT does not simply have a black-and-white ideology of good and evil. The character depth and their humane flaws are highlighted by Martin, and according to Elio M. Garcia and Linda Antonsson this realism is appreciated by many fans.

The internet has played a major role in promoting the show and gaining new fans.

Thanks to the ‘web 2.0’ characteristics of the internet, fans are able to share texts dedicated to Game of Thrones with other fans more easily than before. Web 2.0 facilitates an interactive engagement with the online world since the beginning of the 21st century, compared to the preceding ‘web 1.0’ which did not facilitate the user-generated content we experience nowadays (Lister et al., p.221). Web 1.0 on the contrary, promoted a passive read-only culture. Because of its global and hypertextual characteristics, web 2.0 makes for an ideal means of promoting, configuring and spreading texts (media objects) on GoT. Both the audience and texts are constantly recreated (Grossberg, p. 54).

This reconfiguration is also dependent on the cultural context of a fan, and whether or not they have proper access to internet.

During the promotional campaign of GoT, fans were able to get a glimpse of the upcoming television adaptation through solving puzzles in an online game (Klastrup and Tosca, p. 296). They could also share their findings and solutions with friends through social media such as Facebook and thus promote the series to those who might not have heard of it before. Through this interactive campaign, HBO attempted to seek out the dedicated old fans and gain newcomers.

The sharing culture of the internet and the immense popularity of the show has also given HBO a bittersweet problem: GoT has

been on the top list of pirated shows in the past few years. Its success has generated many illegal downloads, which can be seen as one of the downsides of globally popular media. The amount of piracy also displays a keen curiosity and devotion in fans: they want to get their hands on the new episodes as soon as they are broadcasted, even if it is through illegal paths.

The participatory fan culture of GoT aids in its widespread success. A relevant type of participatory fan culture is the DIY culture. Many fans like to get in touch with other fans through the internet or ‘real life’ gatherings at fan meetups or conventions such as comic con. Fans can express their passion for the series through a variety of different creative outlets, such as writing fanfictions (fictional stories based on characters and/or events of the Game of Thrones world), sewing costumes, visual arts and explanatory videos on YouTube.

A great example of expressive fan culture: fans created costumes of their favourite characters. (source:http://static5.thisisinsider.com/image/579620 2ddd0895d2058b4591-2400/sdcc-cosplay-20160337.jpg)

It is clear that the affordance of web 2.0 adds to an expanding fandom of Game of Thrones. One of the most obvious examples of texts generated by fans is the website Westeros.org, where fans can engage in discussions evolving around character development, lore and other background information. The site is kept up-to-date by the users themselves and because of their claim of being the premiere fan site ASOIAF, Westeros.org can be seen as a major part of

the fan community. The website is also highly hypertextual, as it provides lists of connections to official websites and other fan sites and translated wiki’s. The circulation of translated, non-English sites is another indication that the world of GoT has captivated many on a global level.

Another significant characteristic of the fan culture of GoT is its transmediality, a term created by Henry Jenkins in 2003.

Transmediality describes how a text or story can be appropriated on different media platforms. Fans might appropriate the text in different manners instead of only watching the show for entertaining purposes as a mere consumer would. The active fans have thus become ‘prosumers’: a combination of producers and consumers. An example is the huge virtual space that fans have created from Westeros’ map in the block-building game Minecraft.

Connecting with other fans through (social) media expands and drives their interest forward as they can navigate through a vast network of texts based around the show and the books. As Grossberg stated in his article, fans are keen on actively seeking additional materials and he refers to the empowerment that this investment in a text renders to them. The pursue of a text empowers the fan as it grants them a sense of investment, pleasure and thus optimism that is vital in their lives. Helen Young states in her article that devoted fans, or super fans, judge other fans too for their criticism. For example, it is known that G.R.R. Martin likes to take his time before publishing the next book of the series. When fans publicly criticize the author for taking his time writing their favourite literature, other fans feel obliged to label them as either bad fans or not even proper fans at all.

A feminist approach to the text and critical fans The empowerment that shows through female characters has not always been so evident in other popular fantasy stories, such as the Lord of the Rings, wherein women get to do little to nothing. It seems the world of ASOIF places women in a more emancipated light compared to other historical fantasy stories like the Lord of the Rings by J.R.R. Tolkien. Peter Jackson’s film adaptation of the trilogy enhanced the participation of strong female characters such as the elf Arwen and the warrior Éowyn in an attempt to compensate for the huge amount of attention that the male characters get. The strong-willed archer Tauriel had been added to the Hobbit movies by Peter Jackson although she did not even occur in the original the Hobbit book, evoking mockery by fans of the movies, as they have a strong sense of authenticity.

However, women in GoT are much more involved in the story than in the LotR universe, as they follow their own paths and act according to their own desires. G.R.R. Martin claimed he is a feminist and he has attempted to illustrate in the story that gender is a social construct. This addition to realism is appreciated by many fans. The women he portrays in GoT are often strong and wilful characters, in contrast to the stereotypical idea of them being the lesser sex, especially in a series set in medieval times. The cruel environment might force them to be tough, but the struggles for (political) power in GoT are not exclusively undergone by men anymore. For example, one of the main female characters Daenerys Targaryen develops from an obedient girl to a dragon queen who pursues the iron throne. Another example of a strong woman is the maiden warrior Brienne of Tarth, destroying the archetype of women being weak and feeble.

Critics of GoT highlight the disturbing violence sex scenes and that are so often part of the screen time. They mention not only the problematic appearance of women as subservient to men’s desires, but they also point out issues of race in the GoT universe. For example, there are no characters in GoT portrayed by Asian actors.

Xaro Xhoan Daxos, a character described in the books as white, is in the show portrayed by a black man. Issues of race and gender stir up discussions amongst fans, especially the ones who want to see the show as a faithful and authentic adaptation of the books. They deny the ‘politically correct’ approaches that make for a more coloured and varied cast of the show (Frankel, p. 177).

Fans with a critical stance towards controversial subjects such as the multiple rape scenes fear that it will invoke rape culture in media (Ferreday, p.23). However, there are fans who claim that the show is especially feminist, because of the attention it pays to female character development. The fans who oppose this claim state that a lot of violence in the show is still based on gender (Frankel, p.178).

Conclusion The global appeal of Game of Thrones can be explained in multiple ways. First of all, in contemporary television culture a trend in historical fictions can be noted. The intriguing ‘other-worldly’ spaces that they represent attract many viewers. The huge budget that went into the show’s production makes for a cinematic experience: highly detailed and realistic images. Furthermore, the book series A Song of Ice and Fire already had an established fandom. The expansion of the GoT fandom is not in the least related to the interactivity and participatory possibilities the internet provides. The fan culture expresses their passion and love for the series through multiple transmedial ways.

One of the most common ways of participant culture is through discussion on websites such as Westeros.org, which is a highly hypertextual environment. A third relevant reason for the popularity of GoT is that its story attracts both a male and female audience. The fantasy genre is not just for men anymore. Women might relate to the narrative just as much as men because it includes ‘feminist’ representations of characters: women seem to play equal parts in gaining control of their lives and pursuing power. This empowerment is appreciated by many fans.

The participant culture of Game of Thrones is thus a fan culture, as they do not seek to be controversial or stand out in a crowd as a subculture would, but there is a vivid community of devotees who maintain their interest by exploring and cultivating fan texts.

Bibliography:  Collins, Jim. ‘‘Afterword,’’ in Channels of discourse, reassembled : television and contemporary criticism, edited by Robert C. Allen. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, (1992).

 Ferreday, Debra. ‘‘Game of Thrones Rape Culture and Feminist Fandom,’’ in Australian Feminist Studies, 30:83, 21-36, DOI: 10.1080/08164649.2014.998453, (2015).

 Frankel, Valerie Estelle. ‘‘Fan Reactions,’’ in Women in Game of Thrones: Power, Conformity and Resistance. Jefferson, North Carolina : McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, (2014).  Frith, Simon. ‘‘Music and Identity,’’ in Popular music : critical concepts in media and cultural studies. London (etc.) : Routledge, (2004).  Garcia, Elio M. and Antonsson, Linda. ‘‘Foreword,’’ in Blackwell Philosophy and Pop Culture Series: Game of Thrones and Philosophy: Logic Cuts Deeper than Swords, edited by Henry Jacoby. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., (2012).  Gelder, Ken. ‘‘Fans, Networks, Pirates: Virtual and media subcultures,’’ in Subcultures: cultural histories and social practice. London: Routledge, (2007).  Grossberg, Lawrence. ‘‘Is there a Fan in the House?: The Affective Sensibility of Fandom,’’ in The adoring audience: fan culture and popular media, by Lisa A. Lewis.

London: Routledge, (1992).  Klastrup, Lisbeth and Tosca, Susana. ‘‘Game of Thrones: Transmedial Worlds, Fandom and Social Gaming,’’ in Storyworlds Across Media: Toward a Media-Conscious Narratology, edited by Marie-Laure Ryan and Jan-Noël Thon. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, (2014).  Lister, Martin. ‘‘ User-generated content,’’ in New Media: A Critical Introduction.

Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, N.Y.: Routledge (second edition 2009).  Rogers, Amy. ‘‘History as Echo: Entertainment’’ in Shakespearean echoes, edited by Adam Hansen, Kevin J. Wetmore Jr. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, (2015).

: from Fandom to Subculture

by Allie Young

In 1993, Chris Carter’s The X-Files first appeared on television. Broadcast for nine years, it became one of the longest running American science fiction TV series.

Though the original series ended in 2002, its popularity gave producers the necessary momentum to reboot the show in 2016. The X-Files follows the paranormal investigations of two FBI agents: Fox Mulder, a conspiracy theory enthusiast, and Dana Scully, a skeptic sent to debunk him (Johnson 2005, 57-61). While one can attribute The X-Files’ popularity strictly to its unique content, its social context undoubtedly assisted in its rise to fame. The show aired during a time of dramatic change in the United States. The country had just elected democrat Bill Clinton as president— a stark contrast from the republican era that preceded him. Furthermore, the internet had become more accessible to citizens than ever before, allowing for a new method of communication between fans (Lavery, Cartwright, and Hague 1996, 2). Through tapping into public mistrust of government, challenging gender stereotypes, and producing unpredictable plot lines, The XFiles inspired a fandom active enough to be classified as a subculture. Though academics differentiate between the terms “fandom” and “subculture” (Long and Wall 2014, 320), Ken Gelder’s six cultural outlines of subcultures reveal how one can use these two terms to reinforce one another (2007).

Through such examination, The X-Files fandom proves to be a subculture.

According to Paul Long and Tim Wall, subcultures are “identifiable, if not

necessarily immediately ‘visible’, minority groups in society who share particular values and habits that are distinctive to that group and sometimes at odds with those of the greater culture to which its members belong” (2014, 315).

In Ken Gelder’s Book Subcultures, he outlines six “cultural” logics used to identify such subcultures: a negative relation to labor, an ambiguous relation to class, a tendency to territorialize places rather than own them, an equation to excess or exaggeration, gathering outside a domestic sphere, and being pitched against conformist pressures of mass society (2007, 3-4). Such logics give one a structured way to analyze a subculture. However, it is important to note that not all subcultures fall precisely under each logic. Gelder’s outline does not serve as a rigid mold through which to form a subculture, and viewing it as such would disregard the fluidity of subcultures.

Additionally, due to the academic brevity of this paper, it can only address The X-Files subculture as a whole in its opposition to mainstream culture rather than its individual members’ viewpoints. Mark Jancovich’s work concludes that, “cult movie audiences do not share a single, and certainly not a uniformly oppositional, attitude towards legitimate culture.” (2002, 314). Though The X-Files anchor text is television, not film, the statement still applies. Furthermore, one must not view fandoms and subcultures as mutually exclusive, but rather recognize how the former can grow into the latter.

The progression from fan to subculture helps display the differences in audience activity that connect yet differentiate between the two terms. A fan may refer to someone who enjoys consuming media in a deliberate, but not rigorous way.

Fans can be active or passive in their consumption, and the more active they become, the more they progress towards belonging to a subculture. The subsequent term “fanatic” implies an attachment to an aspect of the media not commonly perceived as worthy of attention. Long and Wall further classify fanatics into fandoms according to the fanatics’ perception of “taste”. Those in fandoms believe their chosen interest to be of good “taste”, despite societal pushback. The behavior and consumption of fandoms reflect habits of subcultural groups (Long and Wall 2014, 319-320). Jancovich comments on this phenomena, using John Fiske’s work to elaborate on his statement: “Indeed, subcultural ideologies are fundamental to fans cultures because without them fans cannot create the sense of distinction which separates themselves as ‘fans’ from what Fiske has rather tellingly referred to as ‘more ‘normal’ popular audiences’” (2002, 308).

Gelder’s six cultural logics help identify the ways in which The X-Files fandom has participated in this progression from fan to subculture.

Gelder’s first cultural logic identifies subcultures in their negative relation to work.

Some subcultures may not work, or may have their work deemed illegitimate by society (Gelder 2007, 3). Due to the societal mistrust of television in the 1990s, many viewed fans of TV shows like The X-Files as lazy and intellectually obtuse. In 1991, conservative movement groups launched a “Turn Off Your TV Day”, which, despite having no statistical beneficial impact, spurred a wave of antitelevision movements. Hollywood producers like David Geffen claimed that television devolved the mind and trained audiences to reduce their entertainment standards. Though Time magazine honored CNN founder Ted Turner as 1991 Man of the Year for “turning viewers into instant witnesses of history,” other publications still hesitated to accredit television as so positively impactful. When

The Museum of Television and Radio (located in New York City) opened new facilities in 1991, The New York Times wrote, “Are television and radio, though undeniably shapers of society, worthy of a museum’s ennoblement, or should they be condemned as corrupters of literacy?” This level of uncertainty that many Americans held about television illustrates how fans of The X-Files were seen as lazy members of society.

This negative view of television also correlates with Gelder’s second cultural logic of subcultures and their relation to class.

Gelder elaborates, stating that while some subcultures deviate from their affiliated class, others disregard class altogether (2007, 3).

As The X-Files broadcast before internet streaming was possible, most of its viewers were people with the means to purchase a television and access the necessary cable channel. By 1995, a significant portion of XFiles fans consisted of students planning to enter graduate school, current graduate students, or postgraduate students. These students’ disciplines ranged from bioengineering to law (Lavery, Cartwright, and Hague 1996, 5). Despite the social stigma against TV established by mainstream media, X-Files reached a fan base of educated adults.

This demographic disregarded the affiliation of TV with a lower class and embraced a newfound academic outlet in The X-Files.

Though to outsiders, The X-Files fans may appear to be engaging in a lethargic activity, the fans see themselves as embracing an intellectually stimulating form of entertainment. This entrainment is therefore outside of class to the members of The XFiles subculture and reinforces Gelder’s concept of a subculture’s social ambiguity.

Gelder’s third method for understanding subcultures describes their removal from property ownership; they tend to territorialize a place rather than own it (2007, 3). In the case of The X-Files subculture, they territorialize the internet to

form a virtual community. Howard Rheingold defines a virtual community as, “ a group of people who may or may not meet one another face to face, and who exchange words and ideas through the mediation of computer bulletin boards and networks” (Long and Wall 2014, 325). Through online forums, fan-made commentary videos posted on YouTube, and fan-made websites dedicated to the show, The X-Files fans have created an intangible territory that is owned by no one. Through this territory, the fandom was able to further connect and perpetuate a new sense of identity by collectively coining a name for themselves: X-Philes. (Wooley 2002, 38). Christine Wooley’s study of XPhiles reveals how extensively they territorialized the internet. Her findings are as follows: A fall 2000 search on Yahoo! turned up nearly 500 "X-Files"-related web pages; alt.tv.x- files continues to receive hundreds of posts a day, and well over a thousand in fortyeight hours after major events such as season premieres and finales. The more recently formed (June 1998) alt.tv.xfiles.analysis, a moderated forum with fewer off-topic threads and my primary focus here, has averaged as many as 30 posts a day, on topics ranging from Scully's religious beliefs to the academic significance of slash fanfiction. As one alt.tv.x files participant writes of "X-Files" fan status, "you're only REAL if you're on line [sic]" (Coleen Sullivan-Baier, 20 June 1998), and indeed, to define X-philedom as a computer-mediated experience seems to be an understatement.

This internet community allows for expression that embodies Simon Frith’s concept of the imagined self. Though Firth uses this term in a musical context, his theories transcend mediums and apply to television as well. He describes how music is an emotional allegiance with both the

performer and with the performers’ other fans. This allegiance allows for a collective and individual identity. One may connect with others who are also fans of the music, but may feel an individual identity from having one’s own unique experience (Frith 1996, 121). X-Philes find collective identity in their online community, connecting through discussions of the show and their mutual fandom. However, they can also express their individuality by presenting new plot theories and predictions. Furthermore, the anonymity of the internet allows fans to cultivate an online persona different from their daily life. Frith describes identity as an ideal; it is what one wishes to be, not necessarily what one truly is (1996, 123).

Online communities allow X-Philes to become who they wish to be without facing societal retribution or challenge. Because these online forums represent non-owned spaces of free-flowing information, X-Philes can express their imagined self.

The X-Files fandom’s removal from

property ownership ties into Gelder’s fourth method of identifying subcultures. According to Gelder, subcultures gather outside a domestic sphere in search of a sense of belonging that extends beyond the family circle (2007, 4). In addition to gathering in the non-domestic sphere of the internet, XFiles fans also gather at conventions. Today, The X-Files writers, producers, and actors appear at popular conventions such as Comic Con to meet with fans and present new footage from the 2016 reboot. However,

during the show’s peak in the mid-1990s, there were many conventions specifically for and centered around The X-Files. In 1995, fans erected X-Files conventions in six cities across the United States. Besides Start Trek, never before had a television program inspired fans to host consecutive conventions that exclusively showcased content from one show. These conventions came to life in part through the fandom’s large online community that wanted to have in-person debates about the show (Hartling, 1995). In Howard Rheingold’s discussion of virtual communities, he states, “In cyberspace…we do everything people do when they get together, but we do it with words on computer screens, leaving our bodies behind” (Long and Wall 2014, 325). The X-Files subculture felt so passionately about their discussions that they wanted to shift this norm of virtual communities and branch into real-life connections. This need to gather outside of their homes displays a classic subculture characteristic. Away from traditional concepts of home, fans could organize an alternative society of likeminded people. Such a society further disconnects The X-Files subculture from mainstream civilization and enhances their sense of unique identity.

At these conventions, X-Files fans are often classified as excessive in their fandom and appearance. Such classification is Gelder’s fifth cultural logic of subcultures. At conventions, X-File fans participate in cosplay, or “costume play”, in which a person creates his or her own costume based off a fictional character.

Nicolle Lamerichs writes, “Cosplay is a form of appropriation that transforms and actualizes an existing story in close connection to the fan community and the fan's own identity” (2011, abstract). From an academic perspective, cosplay is understood as a valid method of performativity that enhances a fan’s connection with his/her fandom and self.

However, society often views cosplay as excessive, a waste of time, or a low-life practice. A Harvard study examined cosplay’s place in culture and includes interviews with active participants. Though these participants are not X-Files cosplayers, they express universal experiences. As one cosplayer explains, “…people are going to look at you funny. There are going to be 'tough-guys' at every con who laugh and jeer and try to make people feel bad. There are parents who are going to duck their kids under their overcoat and lie to them about your existence…You really have to want to do a costume because of how it makes you feel, and how much fun you want to have with it” (Leng 2013, 106). Cosplayers are often met with shame from those outside of their subculture. Gelder describes a subculture’s excessiveness in contrast to the restraints and moderations of “normal” populations (2007, 4). Those outside of the XFiles subculture do not participate in such cosplay and may view it as abnormal. In the case of X-Files fans, they resist this cultural pushback through their continuous convention attendance, and therefore embrace the subcultural traits of both excess and juxtaposition to mainstream culture.

Cosplaying is a method of symbolic interaction for fans. According to Dick Hebdige, symbolic interaction through dress, appearance, language, and ritual occasions form unity within a group (1979, 114). The excessive nature of The X-Files fandom corresponds with this definition. In addition to having ritual interactions through conventions and online forums, fans symbolically interact through the high amount of merchandise they purchase.

Comic books, hats, posters, collector cards, calendars, and t-shirts let fans connect in their mutual fandom without having to verbally communicate (Lavery, Cartwright, and Hague 1996, 4). A member of the fandom, and this case a subculture, can immediately

connect with another person who owns the same merchandise. Merchandise is a way for The X-Files fandom to create an additional network of communication within the subculture. It differentiates them from those who do not watch the show, or from those who do not watch avidly enough to make a point of owning X-Files merchandise.

Owning merchandise also allows for members of The X-Files subculture to symbolically connect and feel closer with the creators of the show. Cristel Antonia Russell and Christopher P. Puto’s research shows that highly connected audiences are susceptible to high rates of consumption (1999, abstract).

The interconnected subculture of The X-Files displays such a tendency, heeding to both Hebdige’s concept of imagined self and Gelder’s cultural logic of excessiveness.

In his final cultural logic, Gelder identifies subcultures in their opposition to mainstream culture (2007, 4). This classification aligns itself with other academic discussions of subcultures from scholars like Hebdige and Frith. Though each scholar approaches the study of subcultures with a different discipline, they all mention subcultures’ societal exclusion and pitch against cultural norms. Without this societal exclusion, subcultures would simply be culture; it is their anti-conformist nature that makes them a topic of differential study. The X-Files tapped into many Americans’ mistrust of their government, which both created fear and enhanced a preexisting one.

After scandalous and unstable presidencies under Richard Nixon, Ronald Regan, and George H. W. Bush, many Americans’ feared that their government was not transparent with citizens. During the early broadcast of The X-Files, Americans had just elected Bill Clinton. Though he presented the possibility of a new Democratic wave of leadership, the uncertainty of change still plagued the country (Lavery, Cartwright, and Hague 1996, 3). The X-Files’ overarching plot

involves a large government conspiracy of violence, lies, and deception. The show, and in turn its fandom, challenges the US government’s legitimacy. During it’s premier, The X-Files gave viewers an outlet to express a fear that the greater society and the US government would have deemed unAmerican. David Brion Davis’ work examines the disposition of Americans to have conspiracy theories about their country, but fear of articulating them (1979, xiii). In this way, The X-Files subculture’s explicit expression of skepticism goes against mainstream society.

The X-Files also challenges cultural norms of gender roles. Writer Christ Carter wanted to create a dynamic between main characters Dana Scully and Fox Mulder that was atypical for television. Rather than having the male character be the spearhead of reason, Carter wrote agent Dana Scully as so.

Scully is a woman of science who always criticizes Mulder’s hurriedness to believe in the fantastical. She unabashedly speaks her mind and questions men with power in the FBI. Carter empowers her through strong

language and tools associated with male dominated fields of study: medicine and law (Helford 2001, 61). Though these traits should be deemed as normal and acceptable by mainstream society, they present an unusual narrative for television. In the 1990s, The X-Files subculture latched onto this differentiating characteristic of the show, and the character of Scully has since inspired a new wave of feminism in her fans. The female members of The X-Files subculture

are so vocal and distinctive that scholar Sarah Wakefield argues one could classify them as their own subculture (2001,130). However, for the purpose of examining the overarching subculture of The X-Files, this paper will not delve into such intricacies. The female members of The X-Files subculture have extensive online forums and mailing lists to discuss Scully’s role as woman in the show and her influence on their personal lives.

These women are pitched against the mainstream, patriarchal society, challenging gender roles and inducing dialogues uncommon in popular culture. Scully serves as a rallying point for her fans; her opposition to traditional gender roles inspires other women to do the same (Wakefield 2001, 135). This communal activism against society embodied Gelder’s classification of subcultures as anti-conformist groups.

When The X-Files aired in 1993, it urged viewers to challenge their government, gender roles, and self-awareness. Fans of the show quickly shifted from idle viewers to active members of a subculture. The members of The X-Files subculture revolutionized the use of the internet, creating a virtual community that extended far beyond simple websites and forums.

These online discussions created a network of fans powerful enough to erect conventions and inspire feminism. The X-Files fandom became known for its unique passion, and became applicable to subcultural status. This subculture helps identify ways in which people respond to social change and aspects of mass media (Long and Wall 2014, 316).

While Gelder’s six cultural logics help identity different factors that constitute this subculture, they also reveal the interconnectedness of such factors. Each logic flows from one to the other, adding to its predecessor and revealing more intricacies of the next. Through Gelder’s six cultural logics, The X-Files fandom proves a subculture.

Bibliography:  Bianculli, David. Teleliteracy: taking television seriously. New York: Continuum, 1992.  Davis, David Brion. The fear of conspiracy:images of UN-American subversion from the revolution to the present. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1979.  Frith, Simon. “Music and Identity” in Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay, Questions of Cultural Identity (Los Angeles/London: Sage, 1996), pp. 108-127.  Gelder, Ken. Subcultures: Cultural Histories and Social Practice. London: Routledge, 2007.  Hartling, Judy. "Can `X-file' Conventions Reach Trekkian Proportions?" Hartford Courant, March 22, 1995.  Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style (Oxon: Routledge 1979, 27e editie 2005), hoofdstuk 8, pp. 113-127  Helford, Elyce Rae. Fantasy girls: gender in the new universe of science fiction and fantasy television. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000.  Jancovich, Mark. "Cult Fictions: Cult Movies, Subcultural Capital And The Production Of Cultural Distinctions." Cultural Studies 16, no. 2 (2002): 306-22. doi:10.1080/09502380110107607.  Johnson, Catherine. "Quality/Cult Television: The X-Files and Television History." The Contemporary Television Series, 2005, 57-72. doi:10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619009.003.0005.  Lamerichs, Nicolle. "Stranger than fiction: Fan identity in cosplay." Transformative Works and Cultures 7 (2011).  Lavery, David, Marla Cartwright, and Angela Hague. Deny all knowledge: reading the X-files.

London: Faber and Faber, 1996.  Long, Paul, & Tim Wall. Media studies: texts, production, context. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.  Russell, C.A. & Puto, C.P. Marketing Letters (1999) 10: 393. doi:10.1023/A:1008170406363  Wooley, Christine A. "Visible Fandom: Reading The X-Files through X-Philes." University of Illinois Press: Journal of Film and Video, 4th ser., 53 (2002): 29-53. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20688369.  Wakefield, Sarah R. "“Your Sister in St. Scully”: An Electronic Community of Female Fans of The X-Files." Journal of Popular Film and Television 29, no. 3 (April 2, 2001): 130-37. doi:10.1080/01956050109601018.

From Fan Engagement to a

Proposal

by Grace Vriezen “Whenever you’re ready” “The final rose this evening” “The hardest decision I’ve ever had to make” “For the right reasons” “___Name of tropical country here___ is the perfect place to fall in love”

is on a search for true love. The show starts with 30 women who are slowly narrowed down until the season finale, which ideally ends in a marriage proposal to the last woman remaining. All of the women live together in the same house. While some of them form lasting friendships, naturally, some women find themselves in the midst of conflict, which is often exploited and drawn-out by the producers in aims of creating drama and to boost ratings and viewership.

“Can I steal you away?” ____________________________________ All of these are phrases commonly heard on the popular American reality television show, The Bachelor. They are the kind of things one might would be aware of only if they are a fan of the show. But what does it mean to be a fan of something? Does someone have to have seen every season of a show? Does someone have to even like something to be a fan of it? These are everpresent questions surrounding fandom in the field of cultural studies and can be explored by examining fan communities surrounding The Bachelor.

The Bachelor Explained The Bachelor centers on one man who

(Nick Viall from Season 21 of The Bachelor, Apple) Throughout the season, the bachelor chooses women to go on group dates, twoon-one dates, or individual dates with him, some of which occur on beach settings in the Caribbean or European vacation spots.

During and after the dates, the women are interviewed regarding their feelings and

thoughts surrounding the date. Then, each week, a Rose Ceremony is held where the bachelor must present roses to the women of his choice, indicating that they can move on to the following week. Near the end of the season, “hometowns” occur, in which the bachelor travels to meet the parents (and often discuss the possibility of marriage) of the few women left on the show.

In addition to the regular progression of the show, two special, live episodes “Women Tell All” and “After the Final Rose” air before and after the finale, respectively. In these two segments, viewers can see all of the women reunite and reflect on the season and then see couple, as well as the woman who is the runner-up interviewed by the host of the show, Chris Harrison. At this point, a significant amount of time has passed between the wrap on filming and the air date of the final episode, so the audience can learn more about how their relationship has progressed.

Currently, the Bachelor has been on the air for 21 seasons, starting in 2002. The following year, the producers decided to take the runner-up woman from the first season of The Bachelor and create The Bachelorette - a show with the same concept but centering around one woman and 30 men, which is entering its 13th season in May. Beyond this, they have also created a spin-off show, Bachelor in Paradise, which takes place exclusively in Mexico and typically features a mix of male and female contestants (often the fan favorites) from the main Bachelor and Bachelorette shows.

The Bachelor Fandom With a strong community of viewers and a long-established franchise, ABC’s The Bachelor has remained a key player in reality television. According to CNN, The Bachelor ratings for the finale episode (2017) within the 18-49 age group rose 15% from the

previous seasons (Gonzalez). Exploring notions of fandom in regards to ABC’s The Bachelor can offer insight into how people participate and engage with the show’s content, as well as its related content.

Particularly, through a case study of the Rose Buddies Facebook group, the fandom theories and practices surrounding participatory culture and convergence as put forth by Henry Jenkins are amplified.

Additionally, prominent concepts within the field of media and cultural studies such as authenticity, active consumption, and emotional labor are put into practice through the production processes of ABC.

(Rose Buddies cover photo, posted by Rachel McElroy) What is Rose Buddies?

The Rose Buddies is a group on Facebook that currently has over 11,600 members and is administrated by Griffin and Rachel McElroy, hosts of the Rose Buddies podcast. This group is a platform not only for fans of the podcast, but of The Bachelor in general, to come together and discuss anything and everything related to the franchise.

Rose Buddies Survey Ultimately, through a survey administered to the Rose Buddies group, 316

responses were garnered surrounding viewership level, participatory culture of fans, attitudes towards the show, time spent engaging in the group, and demographic indicators. Breaking down this research, we can see that fans are performing fandom (and anti-fandom in some cases) and upholding participatory culture and convergence culture as defined by Jenkins. Beyond this, it is evident that fans are in fact aware of what they are consuming, questioning notions of authenticity and see themselves as part of an imagined community.

Participatory Fan Culture and Media Convergence While Ken Gelder points out that “popular media use might be understood as subcultural” much of the work on fandom can be attributed to Henry Jenkins (Gelder 143).

As Jenkins describes in his explanation of convergence culture, “media convergence is an ongoing process, occurring at various intersections of media technologies, industries, content and audiences; it’s not an end state.” He describes five forms of convergence; technological, economic, social or organic, cultural, and global (Jenkins 93).

Secondly, in his literature on fandom, he discusses the concept of participatory culture.

Jenkins describes this as “the cultural production and social interactions of fan communities, initially seeking a way to differentiate the activities of fans from other forms of spectatorship.” Originally coined in his book Textual Poachers, Jenkins expands on this definition in his recent book Spreadable Media, taking into account the shifting media environment. He states that this definition now “refers to a range of different groups deploying media production and distribution to serve their collective interests” (Jenkins et. al 2). With these definitions of participatory culture intertwined with the idea of media

convergence, we can examine how both of these concepts tie together in regards to The Bachelor fandom. By noting the ways in which fans practice participatory culture, we can see how they are ultimately producing content and performing various actions that uphold the process of media convergence.

Part of the Rose Buddies survey asked fans to select from a variety of ways in which they engage with the show. As shown by the results below, the most popular action was listening to the Rose Buddies podcast (97.2%), which does not come as a surprise given that the podcast is the foundation of the group. This was followed by watching another show within The Bachelor franchise such as The Bachelorette or Bachelor in Paradise, with 75.3% of respondents having done this. This was followed closely by 74.1% of participants having watched a related show, such as those discussed on the podcast. Outside of watching related shows and shows within the franchise, making posts and commenting in the Rose Buddies group (69.3%) and watching with a group (61.1%) were the other main ways in which fans engage with the show and the group.

Economic and Technological Convergence With these modes of engagement as the most prominent, we can see the importance of fandom and participatory culture as they relate to Jenkins’ points regarding both economic convergence and technological convergence. Jenkins describes economic convergence as “the restructuring of cultural production around ‘synergies,’ and thus the transmedia exploitation of branded properties” (Jenkins 93). From an industry standpoint, the strong focus on franchising and branding in The Bachelor is integral in an aim to maintain and increase viewers across all of their shows, as seen by the amount of Rose Buddies members watching other shows within the franchise.

Beyond this, technological convergence can be seen through fans posting and commenting in the Rose Buddies group. Jenkins explains technological convergence by stating “When words, images and sounds are transformed into digital information, we expand the potential relationships between them and enable them to flow across platforms” (Jenkins 93). It is clear that through groups such as Rose Buddies that new information and content is being produced daily and flowing throughout the sphere of the internet, harkening back to the overarching concepts of a spreadable media culture as indicated in Jenkins’ book.

media, thus creating a cyclical relationship between production and consumption, rather than a linear one. By using digital (and sometimes physical spaces) to create or remix content, fans have successfully become “prosumers,” putting participatory culture into practice while maintaining cultural convergence across several channels of media.

Cultural Convergence Furthermore, through much of the media within the Rose Buddies group, we can see evidence of fan-made content which ultimately becomes an example of cultural convergence. Jenkins describes cultural convergence as “The explosion of new forms of creativity at the intersections of various media technologies, industries and consumers.” He goes on to state that this “fosters a new participatory folk culture by giving average people the tools to archive, annotate, appropriate and recirculate content” (Jenkins 93). Illustrations, fan made videos, memes, fanfiction, cross-stitch projects, and much more are indicative of what has been posted within the Rose Buddies group.

Through media such as this, we can see how fans can ultimately take up a role as both producer and consumer. Fans who are creating such content can be considered “prosumers,” a term coined by Alvin Toffler noting “the reintegration of the consumer into production” (Toffler 298). While this is a term grounded primarily in economics, it has been discussed prominently by numerous media scholars as it applies to the area of fandom. Ultimately, consumers of media are often simultaneously producers of that same

(A crosstitch pattern on the Rose Buddies group, posted by Teddy O’Connor) Social/Organic Convergence Another example of fan participation is though viewing rituals surrounding the use of social media. According to CNN, the twohour finale of The Bachelor (Season 21, 2017) was the most social program that night, clocking in at “1.2 million interactions on Twitter and Facebook,” based upon estimates from Nielsen (Gonzalez). Jenkins would consider this a form of social (or organic) convergence. He states that “Organic convergence is what occurs when a high schooler is watching baseball on a big-screen television, listening to techno on the stereo, word-processing a paper and writing e-mail to his friends” (Jenkins 93). We can see clear indications through the act of utilizing social media in real time during a show. Beyond livetweeting, we can see an even clearer form of technological convergence, and one that

collides with industry, as fans exert their participation by also tweeting at those who are involved with the show. According to those surveyed from Rose Buddies, 23.1% of respondents have livetweeted during a show, while 18.4% of people reported tweeting at a host, contestant, producer, etc.

Global Convergence

(The Bachelor Canada, Huffington Post)

(Bachelor Draft, Posted in Rose Buddies

by Adrienne Doctor) A final key example of fan participation in The Bachelor is through group watching, as mentioned previously, as well as viewing drafts. Groups of viewers often create drafts, picking contestants and garnering points based on various actions or statements made. A second, related form of viewer participation is through viewing parties. As evidenced by content from the Rose Buddies group, fans often host viewing parties, even making Bachelor themed decorations and food. In fact, in the final episode from Season 21, the Bachelor, Nick Viall crashed various Bachelor viewing parties with Chris Harrison, surprising fans around the country. Viewing drafts, watch groups, and parties all constitute various modes of spectatorship, in which fans are able to engage with the media on an increased social level, thus enhancing their experience of watching the television show.

The final type of convergence is global convergence, which also develops through participatory fan culture. Jenkins describes this as “the cultural hybridity that results from the international circulation of media content” (Jenkins 93). In the survey, 34.5% of respondents indicated that they have watched a non-US format of The Bachelor.

Drawing upon Albert Moran’s discussion of global franchising and program formatting, one can easily see why it would be natural to adapt the concept of The Bachelor for production in other countries. Due to its success in the US, The Bachelor was quickly exported into new global formats. Moran states, “Only successful, popular programs become the object of adaption as foreign producers attempt to insure against ratings failure” (Moran 117). He goes on to say that format programs can be seen as “unbounded and universal” since they are “a flexible template or empty mould” that typically consist of a particular social accent or inflection based on their territory and home audiences (Moran 117). He offers a caveat however, indicating that the term “local” should not be used in relation to TV formatting, pointing out that “global” is a better way of discussing TV formatting. He explains that even if the adapted format

makes use of local labor and appeals to localized interests and tastes, it still aims to “be universal or global in its marketing and circulation even while it seems to be local and distinctive in its production and reception” (Moran 123). While shows like Bachelor Canada or Bachelor New Zealand work to appeal in their own way to the audiences of their home country, it is clear that they have also garnered an audience from a variety of countries, as indicated by the response in the Rose Buddies group.

producers may bring him back again for this upcoming summer. Because of this possibility, Rose Buddies fans coordinated a series of donations to organizations working with victims of domestic violence. Many members pledged to donate money to organizations in their local area, and one group member even coordinated a fundraiser on the page by selling candles.

Anti-Fandom: Chad Johnson Another lens to view fan engagement with The Bachelor is not through fandom, but through anti-fandom. In his work on antifandom and moral text, Jonathan Gray posits that texts are often refracted. He states that “viewers are constantly obsessed with the ‘massness’ of the medium and, hence, a good deal of what the text means to them is a reflection of what they believe it will mean to others and what effects it will have on others.

The text, it seems, is a remarkably refracted object when it reaches the viewers eyes and discussion.” (Gray 851-852). We can see such notions of moral text and anti-fandom amplified through the case of contestant Chad Johnson, and the fan response towards him within the Rose Buddies group.

Chad Johnson, a contestant on Season 12 of The Bachelorette, has displayed numerous signs of abusive behavior towards women, both through his comments and his actions. While this was certainly morally questionable, the producers did not deem it problematic enough to kick him off the show.

Instead, they chose to draw out Chad’s storyline as someone who is simply overlyaggressive and looking to stir up trouble. He then went on to be cast in Bachelor in Paradise, but was kicked off by host Chris Harrison in the first episode. In recent months, there has been speculation that the

(post in Rose Buddies group by Tyler Anna Neufeld) While these responses surrounding Chad’s potential casting were highly indicative of anti-fandom, they also serve as an example of the relationship between civic engagement and fandom as explained by Ashley Hinck. Hinck offers a case study of civic engagement within the Harry Potter fandom. In her work, she draws upon literature from Liesbet van Zoonen, stating that “fans already excel at the kinds of activities citizens engage in as part of democratic participation, such as deliberation, consensus seeking, and information filtering, as part of involvement in a fan community’s fan fiction practices” (“Theorizing a public engagement keystone”). For example, civic engagement has been played out through large-scale fandoms such as charitable organizations like the Harry Potter Alliance or through the usage of three-finger salute from The Hunger Games during the 2014 protests in Thailand (“Popular Culture and Politics”). Hinck’s

arguments can certainly be extended to the case of Chad, with fans practicing civic engagement and activism through their responses to the producers as well as the donations to local organizations.

While Chris Harrison, did in fact confirm that Chad would not be returning, the response by fans was significant. Ultimately with groups such as Rose Buddies, and social media in general, fans (or anti-fans in this case) can work together and carry out social activism as they see fit, such as in the case of Chad Johnson.

Editing, (In)Authenticity, and Emotional Labor: Corinne Olympios

(Corrine Olympios, ABC Website) Beyond viewing fandom through the occurrence of convergence, it is also apt to consider fandom with regards to its relationship to industry and production. By examining the most recent season of The Bachelor, we can clearly see a manipulation by the producers and their intent to create a storyline by playing up the emotions and drama of the contestants. During this past season, contestant Corinne Olympios was by far the most talked about woman of the show.

For as many people that enjoyed seeing her each week, there were a variety of anti-fans of Corrine, many who found her annoying, manipulative, and immature, questioning if she was there for the “right reasons,” (which

is typically a concern regarding various contestants and now a phrase commonly repeated on The Bachelor). However, at the first hint of conflict, the producers took advantage of drawing out a feud between Corinne and another contestant, Taylor, ultimately pairing them on a date together to heighten the drama. Corinne was seen as the ‘villain’ of the season, while still maintaining a strong sense of humor and likability, ultimately working to keep both fans and anti-fans interested in what she might do next. In fact, situating someone as the villain has been a tactic the producers have used throughout a majority of the seasons. With cases such as Corinne’s, the producers typically have a hand in garnering strong emotions from the contestants and manipulating footage to foster conflict and drama through their editing.

In Jonathan Gray’s writing on fandom, he references John Fiske and Henry Jenkins work, who claim the fan is “an ‘active audience’ member” because of their “reject of passive consumption and commitment to taking the text off the screen and into everyday life” (Gray 855). This certainly holds true, as we can see from the Rose Buddies survey data. 178 respondents (56.3%) strongly agreed that “editing on The Bachelor affects my perception of the contestants,” 38.3% of participants agreed, and the remaining people either strongly disagreed, disagreed, or neither agreed or disagreed. Beyond this, when asked if participants “believe that the producers aim to create a storyline each season, 31.65% of people agreed with the statement and 64% strongly agreed with the statement. The results from both of these survey questions regarding storylines and editing practices support the claim echoed in Gray’s writing; fans are not as passive as some might think, and are certainly aware of how the media they consume functions and the role the producers play with regards to reality TV.

Furthermore, in Lawrence Grossberg’s Is there a Fan in the House?: The Affective Sensibility of Fandom, he states that the “We have to acknowledge that, for the most part, the relationship between the audience and popular texts is an active and productive one” and that “the fan is able to discriminate between those forms of popular culture which are “authentic” … and those which are the result of the efforts of the commercial mainstream to appropriate these forms and produce tainted versions for the larger audience” (Grossberg 52). We can see Grossberg’s claims hold weight based on the aforementioned survey questions regarding editing and storylines, as the fans have recognized the aspects that take away from the reality of “reality” television, and tend to acknowledge an ultimate lack of authenticity.

With regards to the survey, these notions of authenticity also hold true in terms of the emotions displayed by contestants on the show. Interestingly, when surveyed regarding their beliefs “that the feelings and emotions of the contestants on the show are authentic,” 38.3% of respondents agreed with the statement; however, 46.8% neither agreed nor disagreed. This suggests that most viewers are certainly aware of the role of the producers in manipulating interviews or playing up emotions for the sake of drama, such as in the case of Corinne. However, by neither agreeing or disagreeing, this indicates that fans are still able to recognize that the majority of the emotions and feelings expressed by the women on the show are valid and most likely grounded in reality, despite the intentions of manipulation or exaggeration.

(Vanessa Grimaldi, Season 21 winner, Daily Mail UK) Specifically, in Laura Grindstaff’s writing surrounding the “ordinariness” of production in reality TV, she introduces the term “self-service television,” in which “producers engage in emotion work in order to orchestrate potentially dramatic situations,” building the “physical and emotional scaffolding out of which ‘good’ performances’ emerge.” She goes on to state that this allows “so-called ordinary people” to “deliver ‘good’ drama to audiences” (Grindstaff 72). It is clear that this is a common practice on The Bachelor, thus tarnishing notions of authenticity as discussed previously. One example of this is seen through a confessional article published

by Sarah Sapiro, a former producer, where she said she had to get contestants to “ ‘open up, and to give them terrible advice, and to deprive them of sleep.’” She describes this as a “complicated manipulation through friendship” and chronicled how she sometimes kept acidic food with her so that she could cry on cue, in order to also garner tears from the contestant. She explains “They’d often tell us to drive up and down the 405 until the girls cried - and not to come home if we didn’t get tears, because we’d be fired” (Max). It is clear that through production practices such as this that manipulation is blatantly occurring, thus solidifying aspects of inauthenticity with regards to the production of The Bachelor.

Beyond this, Grindstaff goes on to indicate the prominence of ‘emotional labor,’ a term which is introduced through the concept of ‘emotion work.’ She says that emotion work “refers to the act of trying to change in degree or quality an emotion or feeling according to latent social guidelines” and that “when feelings are commodified and exchanged as an aspect of labor power in the workplace, emotion work becomes emotional labor” (Grindstaff 77). We can see this “emotional labor” is highly relevant on the show and comes through in many of the women’s interviews, which are often chockfull of tears or anger at various points in the season.

Overall, it is clear that there is a sense of manipulation through editing and aims for a preconceived storyline, ultimately perpetuated by the emotional labor of the contestants, thus resulting in inauthenticity.

However, based on responses from fans, it is evident that they are not passively consuming the show. They are intensely aware of this inauthenticity on the part of the producers, ultimately upholding Grossberg and Gray’s claims about fans maintaining an active, rather than passive relationship to the media they consume.

With a show that has a life as long as The Bachelor, it is clear that it is a franchise with a devoted fandom (as well as antifandom), and is perhaps a prime example of an imagined community with the prominence

of those who consider themselves part of “Bachelor Nation.” Through the Rose Buddies Facebook group and the show itself, we can see how fan practices play out, thus contributing to the ongoing process of media convergence. Ultimately, The Bachelor can help one consider how media fans are not just passive consumers of text, but instead think critically about how the text is working from the view of the producers as well as the audience.

Survey:

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