WHAT WE HAVE LOST IN THE WAR: The Economic Impact of the Sudan Conflict on Women

WHAT WE HAVE LOST IN THE WAR:

The Economic Impact of the Sudan

Conflict on Women

DISCLAIMER

This publication was produced through the generous support of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) with funding from The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policies or positions of International IDEA, SIDA or their affiliated organizations.

Research complication: Shared Planet

Cover photo: Eltayeb Hassan

Design: Namanda Diana

Published: May 2024

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior approval in writing from The Research Team and SIHA Network. This Paper is not a legally binding document. It is a collaborative informational and assessment document and does not reflect the views of any of the contributing partners in all its contents. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the authors.

Copyright © 2024 SIHA Network

Acknowledgments

This research paper, titled “WHAT WE HAVE LOST IN THE WAR - The Economic Impact of the Sudan Conflict on Women,” was made possible through the generous support of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) and funding from The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). We are grateful for their unwavering commitment to gender equality and women’s empowerment in Sudan.

We extend our special appreciation to Shared Planet for conducting the research and producing the paper, and to Crystal Murphy for her reviewing and editing expertise. We also wish to thank the study participants—Sudanese women—for their invaluable contributions.

Our heartfelt thanks also go to the SIHA Sudan staff for their coordination of the project and guidance throughout the process, and the SIHA Regional Team, including Hala Al-Karib, the Regional Director; Faizat Badmus-Busari, Regional Programme Manager; Sandra Nassali, Regional Advocacy and Communications Coordinator; and Faith James, Regional Research and Advocacy Officer for their significant contributions and support.

This report should be cited as follows:

The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA), “WHAT WE HAVE LOST IN THE WAR - The Economic Impact of the Sudan Conflict on Women”, 2024.

List of Acronyms

ACLED Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project

CAR Central African Republic

CEDAW United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

ERR Emergency Response Rooms

FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations

FGD Focus Group Discussion

FGM Female Genital Mutilation

FHH Female Headed Household

GBV Gender-based Violence

IDP Internally Displaced Person

IFPRI International Food Policy Research Institute

IPC

IPV

Integrated Food Security Phase Classification

Intimate Partner Violence

IOM International Organization for Migration

KII Key Informant Interview

MCCT+ Mother and Child Cash Transfer Plus

OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

OHCHR Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

RSF Rapid Support Forces

SEA Sexual Exploitation and Abuse

SRH Sexual and Reproductive Health

SSR Security Sector Reform

UN United Nations

UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

UNHCHR United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

UNSC United Nations Security Council

USAID United States Agency for International Development

WASH Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene

WFP World Food Programme

WHO World Health Organisation

WLO Women-led Organisation

WRO Women’s Rights Organisation

List of Tables

List of Figures

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This research paper is an outcome of the “Feminist Peace for Sudan” project, which seeks to amplify the voices and contributions of grassroots women’s groups in Sudan amid the ongoing conflict. The project emphasizes their resilience, resistance to violence, and peacebuilding efforts. It also seeks to document feminist initiatives, investigate the economic impact of the conflict on women, and advocate for gender-inclusive peacebuilding processes.

Focusing specifically on the economic impact of the Sudan conflict, the paper examines the consequences of looting in and around Khartoum. It explores the experiences of women affected by looting, analyzing gender dynamics such as differential targeting, the vulnerability of specific groups, and intersections with other forms of violence. An intersectional analysis approach is used to address the diverse identities and vulnerabilities of women affected by looting, considering factors like age, ethnicity, socio-economic status, and disability.

The research offers critical insights into gender disparities in access to resources, economic opportunities, and basic services following the looting of women’s life savings. It also explores the coping mechanisms women have developed to survive during the war, aiming to propose solutions to mitigate these challenges for a more inclusive and prosperous post-conflict future.

Methodologically, the study adopted a hybrid approach, combining remote data collection with available data sources and literature review. This included phone interviews with affected women, quantitative analysis of economic indicators, and a comprehensive review of existing literature on conflict-related gender dynamics. The research prioritized community engagement, involving local communities and women’s groups to ensure a participatory approach.

The findings of this paper are crucial for policymakers, humanitarian organizations, and peacebuilders, as they provide actionable recommendations to address the economic hardships faced by women and inform strategies for gender-inclusive recovery and peacebuilding.

1. Introduction

The year-long war in Sudan has generated a drastic humanitarian crisis consisting of widespread human rights violations and extreme forms of violence, disproportionately affecting marginalised social groups. This has resulted in more than 11 million displaced people, amounting to the world’s largest displacement crisis worldwide, the destruction of the country’s infrastructure and acute food insecurity across Sudan, and the country facing the largest famine in the world in the past forty years. Women and girls bear the brunt of the war, facing higher risks of exploitation, sexual and genderbased violence (SGBV), and displacement. To acknowledge and address the systematic gender dynamics in conflict-affected areas, this research articulates how the war, and particularly widespread looting and forced displacement, have affected Sudanese women’s economic conditions. This provides insights into the intersection of different gendered forms of violence and their economic implications, which are often invisible in economic outlook reports on the conflict.

This study is motivated by the urgent need to address the structural inequalities that have been aggravated by the war, given the ongoing escalation of violence. The aim is to provide grassroots insights and recommendations that capture the nuanced experiences of Sudanese women, the latter often overlooked in macro-analyses of economic variables. To achieve a comprehensive overview of the gendered dynamics of the war in Sudan, the research adopts both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The research team conducted interviews and focus group discussions with Sudanese women in six cities: Kassala, Atbara, Port Sudan, Sennar, Cairo, and Kampala. These engagement data were then analysed thematically. In doing so, the research team aimed to ensure that the study’s economic insights, and its subsequent policy recommendations, are grounded in the lived experiences and aspirations of Sudanese women affected by the war. The overarching objective of this research is to help promote more effective and inclusive solutions for post-conflict economic recovery, transitional justice, and a gender-responsive peace process in Sudan.

2. Context

Sudan is a diverse country characterised by a rich history of languages, religions, and ethnicities, presenting a multifaceted landscape for understanding the varying status and lived experiences of Sudanese women. It is home to a significant number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), driven by a prolonged history of conflicts and recurring emergencies,1 including climate-related disasters and droughts,2 which women have borne a disproportionate burden due to the interplay between climate change, economic inequality and gender inequality. Economically, Sudan grapples with high poverty and unemployment rates, with poverty levels reaching 66.1% and unemployment rates at 20.6% in 2022, before the start of the current conflict.3 Young women are disproportionately affected by unemployment, with nearly half of the unemployed Sudanese population under the age of 25.

The Sudanese economy is predominantly formed of the agriculture and service industries, contributing to over 70% of the total GDP.4 The economy faces challenges

1 UNCHR, 2022.

2 Sax et al. 2023.

3 AFDB, 2023.

4 IGC, 2020.

including low productivity in the agricultural sector, with 80% of the population dependent on agriculture for their livelihoods.5 The agricultural sector’s potential is hindered by factors such as droughts, desertification and other climate hazards, which disproportionately affect vulnerable populations,6 particularly women in rural areas.

2.1 Women’s political participation

Historically, Sudanese women have actively participated in political movements, notably during significant periods of societal change. They have played a key role in historic uprisings and during the current conflict through the mobilisation of humanitarian support, de-escalation, and peace advocacy. The 2019 revolution that ousted Omar al-Bashir, in which women played a prominent political role, led to key reforms for women’s rights in Sudan. Although the women’s movement in Sudan achieved the right to vote, gender-discriminatory laws still exist as barriers for women to be elected and receive pension and maternity leave benefits.

The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) and other organisations advocating for women’s rights continue to campaign for Sudan to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Sudan has signed, but not ratified, the Maputo Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which guarantees the rights of women and gender equality.7 Sudan also has not developed a National Action Plan for implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls for the greater involvement of women in all peace and security efforts. Amidst the current conflict, women have once again emerged as key actors dedicated to ending the war and advocating for peace. Initiatives such as the Women Against the War campaign, a coalition of 200 prominent female activists and advocates, have been instrumental in documenting human rights violations.8 Additionally, the Ceasefire Initiative in Darfurand the Youth Citizen Observers Network have played a crucial role in nationwide monitoring and reporting on the ceasefire. In addition to this, the South Red Sea Organization Initiative includes women actively involved in providing essential services and meeting the needs of internally displaced people.

Despite the pivotal role of women at the grassroots level, challenges persist for women’s representation in political leadership at the national level, with only a minority reaching official political positions. The Juba Peace Agreement in 2020 saw women’s representation only reaching around 10%, although this figure remains largely symbolic.9 Support for women’s inclusion in leadership continues to be limited, lacking platforms to engage with wider audiences, while civil society organisations and women’s rights organisations lack funding.10 According to research by Clugston and Fraser (2019), women’s involvement in the peace process has also been hindered, with reports that “even when women’s rights are being discussed… warring parties complained that provisions on empowerment and protection for women slowed the negotiation process.”11 These trends underscore the limited representation of women in key decision-making processes and emphasises the urgent need for greater recognition of Sudanese women’s contributions and leadership in peacebuilding efforts.

5 FAO, 2023.

6 Rahamtalla, 2018.

7 African Union, 2003.

8 CMI, 2023.

9 Ibid.

10 Clugston and Fraser, 2019.

11 Ibid.

2.3 Women’s economic participation

Women in Sudan face multiple barriers to their economic participation. The 2022 Sudan Labour Market Panel Survey highlights gender gaps in labour force participation, with men significantly outnumbering women at 63% compared to 14%, even though men’s participation in the labour force has been declining in the past decades.1212

Beyond these statistics, women confront various gender-specific barriers, including limited access to contract-based employment, insecure land and property rights, and having to take on the majority of domestic and care responsibilities.13 These challenges manifest in disparities in education and technical skills, restricted access to credit and business knowledge, and socio-cultural norms reinforcing traditional gender roles.14 The intersection of legal, socio-cultural, and economic factors can hinder women’s economic participation in Sudan.

Agriculture and services emerge as primary sources of employment, particularly for women. Agriculture alone constituted 40% of employment in Sudan in 2022 according to the ILO,15 with women predominantly engaged in subsistence farming, playing a crucial role in generating income and ensuring food security for their families. In rural areas, women undertake a range of agricultural activities, including planting seeds, harvesting crops, and fetching water and wood for household needs. However, much of this labour remains informal, compensated through cash or in-kind payments, or often goes unpaid, reflecting the challenges of informal employment in the sector.

Despite their vital contributions to food production and household sustenance, Sudanese women face numerous challenges in the agricultural sector, including exclusion from operating agricultural machinery and limited access to certain activities dominated by men. Sudanese women contribute significantly to food production and the food security of their households, with 85% of rural women working in agriculture and producing up to 80% of household food consumption.16

In addition to agriculture, many Sudanese women engage in the services sector through informal forms of work, such as small-scale food processing, petty trade, and handicrafts. These activities encompass a wide range of endeavours, from running tea stands and small restaurants to knitting prayer caps.17

Women in Sudan face significant challenges in accessing formal lending mechanisms, with limited access to traditional banking services and financial products. This lack of access often hinders women entrepreneurs from securing capital to support their businesses. Because of the barriers to accessing formal loans, women tend to prefer saving and borrowing in collective small groups, turning to informal forms of lending to meet their financial needs, including sanduq rotating savings and loans groups, the khata pooled savings, dayn for trade and shayl for smallholder agriculture financing, or Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLAs). Examining regional variations in women’s access to lending, including whether these lending groups could provide resources during wartime, can shed light on how women manage the economic effects of the conflict.

12 Krafft, Assaad and Cheung, 2023.

13 JICA, 2012.

14 CARE International, 2023.

15 ILO, 2024.

16 Alamgir et al, 1991.

17 AMNA, 2020

The pre-existing socioeconomic challenges have been amplified by the war, intensifying barriers to economic participation for women and leading to profound gendered economic impacts. Consequently, the research will focus on these impacts through the lived experiences of Sudanese women. By incorporating insights from literature, interviews, and focus groups, the research presents a grassroots womencentred narrative. This highlights how Sudanese women’s economic realities are deeply intertwined with both pre-war systematic gender inequalities and the specific gendered impacts of the war.

3. Literature Review

3.1 Introduction & Methodology

The literature review provides a comprehensive overview of international and national reports, research papers and other scholarly resources related to the conflict in Sudan and its economic impact on women. Relevant reports, research, studies, data, news articles and grey literature were identified through online searches and electronic databases in English and Arabic.

The literature review identifies the most important findings, discussions, and narratives from the current landscape related to the economic impact of the conflict on women in Sudan. The scope is mostly limited to literature published since the start of the war in April 2023, but also includes earlier literature to provide the background and context for the current situation. The literature review also comments on existing gaps in the literature, particularly regarding the mainstream narrative of the conflict according to international organisations and humanitarian actors. These findings informed the datacollection phase of the project, shaping areas of focus for the interviews with Sudanese women.

3.2 Review of existing literature and data

The existing literature and data on the ongoing conflict in Sudan is characterised by a divergence of narratives: the mainstream narrative espoused by many international organisations and humanitarian actors, and a more nuanced narrative provided by academics, civil society groups and activists. The mainstream narrative, shaped by the international organisations and humanitarian actors that are operating in the region largely centers on a reflection of the actions taken by these organisations and their partners. It tends to focus on several recurring themes and areas of work related to the security situation, humanitarian assistance, displacement, and economic issues within Sudan. Much of the emphasis is placed on bringing about a ceasefire in order to facilitate the provision of humanitarian assistance to vulnerable populations.

However, the mainstream narrative misses some of the critical dynamics of the conflict and its impact, which are reflected in the lived experiences of people who have been caught up in the war, particularly women and minority groups. Academics, NGOs, and activists have critiqued the mainstream narrative for forsaking the complexities of the conflict for women and girls in Sudan. Further attention is drawn to the need for a positive peace based on functioning institutions, a strong economy, and the inclusion of marginalised groups, particularly women.

The review of existing literature analyses and compares publicly available information on the conflict in Sudan provided by both narratives, identifying key gaps and areas for

further investigation to inform the stakeholder interviews and focus group discussions. By adopting a feminist intersectional lens, this research aims to recentre the narrative on the lived experiences of the Sudanese people who have been affected by the war, recognising the gender impacts and power dynamics involved. The review is divided into eight sub-sections according to the most prominent themes within the literature.

3.2.1 Security situation

Since the outbreak of the war in Sudan, armed clashes have been concentrated in densely populated areas, with attacks first launched in and around the capital Khartoum, and later spreading to Darfur in the west, and Kordofan in the south. The clashes have resulted in a high proportion of civilian casualties and attacks on protected sites, including health facilities.18 As of 16 May 2024, the estimated number of people killed in the conflict is over 15,550, with an estimated 33,000 more injured.19 OHCHR has received reports of unlawful killings of unarmed civilians, including of those who were attempting to protect their homes from looting or protect relatives from sexual violence.20 Unlawful killings have been committed by both the RSF and the SAF, with both sides having been accused of atrocities and human rights violations.

In Darfur, a new front has emerged as the RSF is exploiting intercommunal tensions and accumulating the support of aligned militias (referred to as ‘Arab’) to fight against the Sudanese army, prompting an increasing number of attacks on villages resulting in mass killings, the burning of infrastructure, looting, forced displacement and disappearances.21 In May 2024, Human Rights Watch published a comprehensive report of the ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the RSF and allied militias against the Massalit and other non-Arab populations in and around el Geineina, West Darfur.22 Such attacks result in women and girls becoming primary targets of ethnic-based and gender-based violence, including harassment, sexual violence and abductions.

Much of the literature from international actors focuses on the security situation and the impact on civilians. An April brief by the UNHCR on civilian protection in Darfur suggests that forced disappearances and kidnappings for ransom present a key security concern for civilians in the region.23 The report highlights that women and girls engaged in the collection of firewood, grass and water are at particularly high risk of harassment, and physical and sexual violence, especially in areas with significant presence of armed groups. Pervasive insecurity severely limits their freedom of movement, with direct consequences on their livelihoods.

Parties to the conflict, de facto authorities and armed groups continue to levy so-called ‘protection fees’ and arbitrary ‘taxes’ on the civilian population in the region.24 For example, traders and vendors in west Jebel Marra reported concerns about the high taxes imposed on them by de facto authorities in early March.This is in addition to weekly payments that traders are required to meet. Traders explained that the taxes are forcing them to raise prices for commodities, with knock-on impacts on the population’s ability to meet their basic needs. Refusal to comply with these forced payments has resulted in violent retribution, including against women and girls.

18 UNHCHR, 2024, p.5.

19 UNOCHA, 2024.

20 UNHCR, 2023, p.5.

21 Human Rights Watch, 2024.

22 Human Rights Watch, 2024.

23 Protection Cluster/UNHCR, 2024b.

24 Protection Cluster/UNHCR, 2024b.

South of Khartoum, competition between warring parties for territorial control over strategic assets (e.g. oil exploitation sites, key infrastructure, strategic routes) has led to violent clashes, particularly in Kordofan and White Nile states. In contrast, the RSF invasion of Gezira state in December unfolded without much resistance from the SAF, whose forces had quickly withdrawn from the region.25 Gezira, however, is one of the most populated regions in Sudan, hosting a large number of internally displaced persons originally from Khartoum. Once a safe haven for the displaced community, Gezira has become increasingly insecure as a result of the expansion of the conflict. It is also a site for significant agricultural production and was the major food supply to the White Nile and eastern Sudan. While the absence of grassroots organisations and weak telecommunications networks have hampered the adequate reporting of events, SIHA compiled a sequence of accounts from victims, survivors and media publications highlighting the vulnerability of civilians to violent attacks and looting by the RSF, including sexual violence.26

With the rapid deterioration of the situation in Darfur, international reporting on the conflict in Sudan has tended to focus on the macro-level and the conduct of hostilities between the warring parties, as well as the failed attempts at ensuring a ceasefire through diplomatic channels. International actors have centred their narrative on the legal framework and application of international humanitarian and human rights law principles. For instance, the annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to the Human Rights Council of February 2024 drew attention to the applicability of international humanitarian law to the situation, which all parties to the conflict are obliged to respect, requiring them to “at all times distinguish between civilians and those taking direct part in the hostilities and civilian objects and military objectives.”27 The report further states that Sudan must ensure respect for human rights and is obligated to “exercise due diligence and do everything in its capacity to protect all persons against threats to the enjoyment of human rights posed by armed groups and other non-State actors.”28

On the 8th of March 2024, the UN Security Council passed a resolution calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities by all parties during the period of Ramadan to allow for engagement in dialogue and the facilitation of humanitarian assistance.29However, despite the resolution, hostilities continued across Sudan.30 The focus of most international actors has been on securing a ceasefire agreement and ending the violence to allow for the provision of humanitarian aid. Yet, as argued by Zapata (2023), the emphasis should be placed on fostering a positive peace based on social inclusivity and economic stability to build resistance against future conflict.31 Any peace process and transitional justice mechanism in Sudan must be inclusive of marginalised voices, including those of women and civil society groups. UN Women reported that despite Sudanese women’s on-theground involvement in negotiating with armed groups, there is still little representation at the top. As of April 2024, attempts to introduce a mandate that women make up just 30% of negotiators, failed to materialise. This highlights the persistent gendered disparities in peace negotiations and the lack of women’s representation in leadership roles, even in addressing disproportionate violence, displacement, and humanitarian needs.

25 SIHA, 2024a, p. 3.

26 Ibid.

27 UNHCHR, 2024, p.3.

28 Ibid.

29 UN, 2024.

30 Protection Cluster/UNHCR, 2024a.

31 Zapata, 2023.

3.2.2 Humanitarian assistance

Another area of focus within the mainstream narrative on the war in Sudan relates to the provision of humanitarian assistance, particularly the efforts taken by international actors and the challenges they face. According to UNHCR, over a third of the Sudanese population now requires humanitarian assistance.32 However, reports suggest that several challenges are preventing aid from meeting the levels of need, such as limited funding. The UNHCR launched an appeal for $2.7 billion to provide humanitarian aid for 14.7 million people, yet as of May 2024, the Sudan Humanitarian Response Plan only received 14% of its total funding request, with clear consequences on aid actors’ ability to scale up their activities.

The high levels of insecurity and frequent threats to aid workers have made the provision of assistance to refugees and IDPs very difficult, particularly in areas with a strong presence of armed groups. Reports confirm that humanitarian aid convoys remain stuck at the Chadian border and on the roads from Port Sudan, with the establishment of checkpoints by armed actors becoming routine across the country.33 Recent accounts of displaced persons reveal intimidation, harassment, extortion and assault at roadblocks and checkpoints. They also report sexual harassment and other types of gender-based violence at checkpoints.34

More critical analysis has been provided by some actors on the impact of bureaucratic and administrative issues around visas and travel permits, which have impeded the access of humanitarian workers and the delivery of aid. For instance, in a June 2023 report, Médecins Sans Frontières deplored the fact that efforts to scale the organisation’s activities to meet the needs of affected communities were consistently hindered by both warring parties, with “requests for permits to travel delayed, rejected, rescinded or plainly not respected, all without clear reasons being given.”35 The work of humanitarian organisations is also being physically disrupted by both warring parties. MSF supplies have been confiscated, armed groups have looted their facilities and beaten their staff, inflicting particular harm on those of Sudanese origin. Moreover, according to Dabanga, the recurrent and months-long disruption of telecommunication channels and internet blackouts have rendered about 65% of the country’s population unreachable,36 exacerbating the suffering of the millions of civilians both inside and outside of the country who depend on telecommunication and internet for humanitarian relief and money transfers as a means of survival.

In this context, Sudan’s Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs) and other communitybased self-help groups have played an essential role in delivering a humanitarian response to those most in need. Operating as part of a diverse landscape of local actors, emergency rooms have a long tradition of mutual aid in Sudan, such as the nafeer solidarity practice,37 and have been active in previous crises, including during the COVID-19 pandemic.38 Similarly, the neighbourhood resistance committees (RCs) have played a direct role in delivering and providing humanitarian assistance at the grassroots level.

Since April 2023, emergency rooms and resistance committees have transformed themselves into Sudan’s humanitarian first responders, renewing efforts to provide essential support to the Sudanese hit hardest by the war. They are decentralised and

32 UNHCR, 2023, p.2.

33 All Darfur Protection of Civilian’s Note, 2024.

34 Ibid.

35 MSF, 2023.

36 Radio Dabanga, 2024a.

37 Lamoureaux and Sureau, 2019.

38 Abbas and Abdalhadi, 2023.

hyper-localised in the ways they operate. Mostly made up of urban youth, they cross many geographical and social boundaries of class and ethnicity. However, adding to their experience of war as Sudanese civilians, they face significant challenges in their operations. Indeed, resistance committee members have been systematically targeted by the de-facto authorities in various contexts. In January 2024, the Minister of Federal Governance in Port Sudan issued a decree banning all grassroots committees in the country, on the grounds of “safety and unity” and claiming that many across the country had been collaborating with the RSF.39 Similar decisions were made by the acting governors of River Nile state, Northern State, El Gedaref, Sennar, the White Nile state, and North Kordofan.

Journalists and activists have pointed to the “purely political and [legally] flawed” nature of these decisions, seen as a crackdown on democratic political organising with a significant impact on grassroots humanitarian response. These decrees, according to prominent Sudanese political analyst Kholood Khair, are consistent with SAF and state authorities’ long-standing opposition to and harassment of resistance committees, ever since their formation. She adds that these committees are “quite literally the onlyservice providers left.”40

Importantly, despite being disproportionately affected by the humanitarian crisis, women have historically been excluded and marginalised from the coordination and decision-making of humanitarian response, including the activities carried out by the resistance committees which remain largely male-dominated, especially in the most conservative areas.41 However, specific women-led initiatives exist within the ERRs, and other groups linked to them. A noteworthy example is a group led by feminist andwomen’s rights activists in Khartoum, who have initiated a process of establishing “women’s emergency rooms”42 to better serve the needs of women and girls disproportionately suffering from the effects of war, focusing especially on pregnant and lactating women and those affected by sexual violence.43 Other examples of women-led emergency rooms include groups in Port Sudan, where the ERR closed down but women’s rights activists established a women’s ERR, recognising a continued need to provide sanitary pads to displaced women.44

CARE International has drawn attention to the need to foster an understanding of “the power and gender imbalances that affect women and girls in crisis situations and prioritises working with women’s organisations to lead the response.”45 UN Women has partnered with the Women and Children Development Association, a Sudanese women’s organisation active in the village of Jabait, in eastern Sudan, to supply displaced women and children with hygiene kits, water, household items, and other forms of humanitarian aid.46 This is but one example of the many women- led groups mobilising, despite their exclusion, to support the implementation of a humanitarian plan across Sudan. Similarly, SIHA has distributed over 2,500 dignity kits to women and girls in displacement camps and shelters to address menstrual health needs, in partnership with the Sustainable Development Response Organization (SUDRO) and the Pad Needed, Dignity Seeded (PNDS) initiative who supported the distribution process on the ground.47

39 Radio Dabanga, 2024b.

40 Ibid.

41 Nasreldin, 2022; Bajec, 2022.

42 Shabaka, 2023, p. 12.

43 Ibid.

44 CARE International, 2024b.

45 CARE International, 2024b.

46 UN Women, 2024b.

47 SIHA, 2024b.

3.2.3 Displacement

Within the existing literature on the war in Sudan, further attention is drawn to the displacement of civilians. Prior to the conflict, Sudan was already experiencing high levels of internal displacement, being home to over 3.7 million IDPs at the start of 2023.48 The outbreak of war has resulted in the forced displacement of civilians to safer regions of Sudan or neighbouring countries, including Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, Chad, and South Sudan. According to the UNHCHR, as of December 2023, “more than 6.7 million people had been displaced by the conflict, half of whom were children, making Sudan the country with the largest displaced population in the world.”49 As of mid-April 2024, the total number of displaced persons has risen to 11 million, with an estimated 7.3 million people internally displaced.50 As noted by IOM, the majority of displaced persons “arrive in neighbouring countries in extremely vulnerable conditions, separated from family members, highly traumatized, and in need of humanitarian assistance at areas that are often remote and underserved.”51 The conditions in refugee camps are dire, with a lack of adequate healthcare, water and sanitation, and humanitarian aid. Organisations including MSF are working to provide healthcare and emergency treatment, water and sanitation services, and donate medical supplies to vulnerable and displaced groups across Sudan.52

While there have not been any publications addressing the economic impact of displacement in Sudan since April 2023, a 2019 study by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre on the ripple effect of internal displacement over the period 2014 to 2017 in Sudan estimates that more than half of the economic impacts associated with internal displacement come from the loss of livelihoods.53 It adds that protracted displacement disrupted traditional livelihood activities and eroded community resilience, with displaced women being more vulnerable because of their reduced access to natural resources, such as land and water.

The impact of displacement on women is repeatedly highlighted by international organisations and humanitarian actors. CARE International notes that the number of female-headed households has surged due to conflict-induced displacement, with women experiencing greater caregiving and income-generating responsibilities as a result.54 The report goes on to highlight how “some displaced women, in Khartoum especially, have also lost their private space, financial freedom, and their safety because of moving back with their parents, and living with extended families in very conservative and patriarchal communities.”55

Despite the wide reporting by international actors on the condition of displaced persons and refugees, most international reports fail to capture the lived experiences of Sudanese women and girls who have been forced to flee the war. These reports fail to account the different coping mechanisms Sudanese women and girls develop to survive their forced displacement, thus perpetuating an image of Sudanese women as victims rather than resourceful social actors.

48 UNHCR, 2023, p.4.

49 UNHCHR, 2024, p.6.

50 OCHA, 2024.

51 IOM, 2023, p.4.

52 MSF, 2024.

53 IDMC, 2023.

54 CARE International, 2024a.

55 Ibid

56 Ibid

3.2.4 Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), health and period poverty

According to OHCHR, there have been widespread reports of sexual violence, including rape, trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and forced prostitution, perpetrated by both the Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese Armed Forces.56 UNHCR has reported an increase in cases of partner violence, stressing that “women and girls are at heightened risk of GBV, including in safer locations and within their homes, because of the acute socio-economic vulnerability, triggering harmful coping mechanisms such as sale and exchange of sex.”57 Young girls are also increasingly at risk of child, early and forced marriage, and female genital mutilation (FGM). The mainstream narrative by internal actors has recurringly linked increased instances of sexual and gender-based violence and displacement. As noted by the GBV Sub-Sector, “multiple displacements increase GBV and SEA risks and stressors that drive up cases of IPV at the same time that some IDPs are hesitant to seek GBV services due to the fear that this may result in stigma and being expelled from IDP camps.”58

The lack of medical care and protection services for survivors of SGBV is linked to the difficulties in providing humanitarian assistance. Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services have been particularly depleted since the start of the conflict. CARE International has indicated that there has been a 60% increase in the number of women and girls in need of GBV services since the start of the war.59 UN agencies including the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), have launched mobile clinics across Sudan to provide essential health services, including to survivors of gender-based violence in areas with large numbers of displaced populations.60 Despite this, CARE International reports that, as of April 2024, “only 6.7% of the 2024 funding requirements for protection have been met […] and only 1.8 million out of the 6.7 million people in need of GBV prevention and response services are being targeted.”61

Health outcomes have been severely impacted since the outbreak of war. Women have been particularly affected, with the WHO reporting that “among the 11 million people in Sudan who need urgent health assistance are 2.64 million women and girls of reproductive age.”62 Furthermore, the healthcare infrastructure within Sudan has been the target of many attacks. The World Health Organisation recorded 60 attacks on health care infrastructure, including hospitals and clinics, as of December 2023, putting thousands of patients at risk.63

Many women and girls in Sudan are experiencing period poverty, unable to access or afford basic menstrual items.64 Period poverty has been exacerbated by the war, further undermining women’s health, education, career opportunities and economic empowerment. Sanitary products are becoming impossible to access, meaning that women and girls are often forced to resort to unhygienic practices, which can result in infections and other health risks.

While less prominent within the mainstream narrative, a number of international and local actors are working to tackle the problem of period poverty in Sudan. Among

57 UNHCR, 2023, p.7.

58 GBV Sub-Sector, p.2.

59 CARE International, 2024a.

60 WHO, 2023a.

61 CARE International, 2024a.

62 WHO, 2023b.

63 WHO, 2023a.

64 The Borgen Project, 2024.

these, SIHA supports the Pads for Peace campaign to provide women and girls in Sudan with access to menstrual hygiene kits to ensure menstrual health during the war and reduce the likelihood of infections.65 This support also allows women and girls to access education and employment, move freely, and avoid social stigma around menstruation. Effectively tackling the problem of period poverty will be crucial for ensuring women’s empowerment in the aftermath of the conflict.

3.2.5 Economic impact

Much of the literature on the conflict and its impact highlights the economic consequences of the war for the people of Sudan. Among the reports analysed, there is a focus on the severe shortages of basic goods, such as food, water, medicines, fuel and other goods, which have been exacerbated by the disruption of trade routes and the challenges in access for humanitarian agencies.

A key characteristic of the conflict is the widespread looting and destruction of property, especially in Khartoum and Gezira. As noted by UNHCR, looting, robberies and assaults have often been committed against displaced persons while on the move, with many Sudanese refugees in CAR reporting such episodes, along with physical harm and emotional distress, upon arrival.66 The looting of markets and stores in conflict-affected areas has threatened food stocks of households and traders, as highlighted by USAID.67Other items often stolen include furniture, valuables and cars, which are sometimes repurposed as military vehicles. According to Konozy (2024), there are reports of militia members using metal detectors to strip homes of their valuables.68 These dynamics have created a situation whereby many civilians are afraid to leave their homes given the risk of being attacked, robbed or caught in the crossfire. As reported by Amnesty International, many civilians have been killed when leaving their homes to get basic necessities such as food, water, and medicine, or attempting to reach a safer location.69

In February 2024, the RSF launched a widespread looting campaign in over 60 villages across Gezira state, with little resistance from local militias.70 ‘Dagalo markets,’ named after the RSF leader, have emerged with looted goods being sold across the Khartoum metropolitan area, in Kordofan, Darfur and other parts of Sudan. ACLED has stressed that the looting by RSF troops “does not seem to have any clear political or military objectives,” suggesting that the RSF is struggling to maintain control of its soldiers.71 The problem of looting has also had an impact on humanitarianaccess, with OCHA reporting that 50 humanitarian warehouses and 86 offices have been looted, and 220 vehicles stolen from the UN and humanitarian partners.72

Another area of consideration within the mainstream narrative, albeit to a lesser extent, is the impact of the war on Sudan’s financial system. As reported by Mercy Corps, the fighting has resulted in the closure of banks, the destruction of banking infrastructure, the looting of cash and the disruption of cash flows into the country.73 The collapse of the banking system has halted all existing cash programming work in Sudan, including for refugees and IDPs.74 UNICEF has highlighted the continuation of its economic

65 SIHA, 2024c.

66 UNHCR, 2023, p.5.

67 USAID, 2024, p.2.

68 Kozony, E.H.E., 2024, p.53.

69 Amnesty International, 2023, p.37.

70 ACLED, 2024.

71 Ibid.

72 UNHCHR, 2024, p.6.

73 Mercy Corps, 2023, p.2.

74 UNHCR, 2023, p.6.

support to women and their families through the Mother and Child Cash Transfer Plus (MCCT+) programme that aims to increase social protection in nine localities in Kassala and Red Sea states.75 The programme provides money to over 51,000 mothers and works to strengthen protection and women’s empowerment.

3.2.6 Agriculture, food and water security

Since the outbreak of the war, Sudan has experienced a rapid increase in the levels of acute food insecurity, with significant impacts on women and girls’ livelihoods. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), “at the height ofthe 2023 lean season over 20.3 million individuals constituting 42 percent of the country’s population, were acutely food insecure,”76 which is an all-time high for Sudan.

RSF attacks have, in recent months, focused on Gezira state, forcing thousands of civilians to flee to other parts of the country. These attacks in Gezira, commonly referred to as the breadbasket of Sudan, have wreaked havoc on the agricultural outputs, resulting in the closure of many farms and sugar factories, and compromising food security in the country.77 This has resulted in the perception that the RSF is deliberately “depopulating the villages of Sudan’s agricultural heartland” to compromise food security and create famine.78

More broadly, the conflict has had a devastating impact on the agricultural sector. According to a recent report by IFPRI, 73% of firms in the agri-food processing sector have permanently or temporarily closed their operations because of the conflict, and the spill-over effects on farmers, traders and food processors have exacerbated the food supply crisis, especially in the regions of Khartoum, Darfur and Kordofan.79

In Sudan, as in other Sahelian contexts, food insecurity disproportionately affects women and girls due to deeply rooted gender inequalities and norms.80 Increased vulnerability to food insecurity stems from pre-existing gender inequalities, such as women’s relative lack of access to and control over vital assets, including land, employment and money.81According to FAO, women represent 49% of the farmers in the irrigated sector and 57% in the rainfed traditional sector in the country.

Despite women’s crucial role in agricultural production, contributing to both the GDP and household food security, their labour has been largely undervalued, including since the outbreak of the war. Their participation has historically been limited to subsistence farming and more commonly unpaid labour,82 severely compromising their resilience to climate shocks and food crises. This marginalisation is mostly due to their limited access to emancipatory tools, including land, inputs, and technologies, low levels of participation in leadership positions, and limited income generating opportunities, such as access to credit and jobs.

Climate insecurity, water scarcity and conflict have compounding effects on women’s ability to farm, due to the triple burden on them to survive, care for their families, and evade sexual violence.83 As direct consequences of the war, the pervasive insecurity, forced displacement, the increase of care responsibilities and the limits on freedom

75 UNICEF, 2024, p.5.

76 WFP, 2023.

77 Radio Dabanga, 2024c.

78 Ibid.

79 IFPRI, 2023, p.5.

80 IFPRI, 2023, p.5.

81 Amin, 2015; Ivers and Cullen, 2011.

82 UN DESA, 2015.

83 UN Women, 2022.

of movement are some of the main challenges currently faced by women involved in agriculture across the country. Women and girls face increased risks of gender-based violence when collecting water in water-insecure environments, as protracted droughts are often synonymous with longer distances between households and water points.

3.2.6 Civic space and public participation

Barriers to women’s public participation remain in Sudan and were exacerbated by the removal of civilians from participation in the executive branch of government in 2019.84Violence against women and girls has been strategically perpetrated to prevent their political participation and activism, one of the more extreme examples being the state-sanctioned mass rape of female pro-democracy protestors in 2019.85 The restrictions on women’s involvement in civic space also extend to the risk of arrest for women activists who openly discuss women’s rights, democracy and sexual violence.86Further barriers to women’s political participation include low levels of literacy, restrictive and patriarchal social norms, self-exclusion, lack of family support, limited financial empowerment, ethnic tensions, and refugee or IDP status.87

Since the outbreak of the conflict, there has been a further shrinking of civic space and a breakdown of the already vulnerable political institutions in the country. Human rights defenders, particularly women, have reportedly been subjected to death threats and smear campaigns, with little capacity for redress. As noted by UNHCHR, “some women human rights defenders who felt threatened lacked the funds to relocate and could not move freely due to the deteriorating security situation and social stigma.”88 Moreover, the GBV Sub-Sector has drawn attention to the fact that the work of womenled organisations (WLOs) and women’s rights organisations (WROs) in Sudan has been complicated by the lack of equitable access to humanitarian funding.89 Despite these challenges, Sudanese women have taken action to lead the humanitarian response where international organisations have been restricted or unable to deliver aid. A key example is the creation of Women’s Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs) that provide essential services to displaced women and women affected by sexual violence.90

3.3 Conclusion

Mainstream analyses of the conflict in Sudan are framed according to thehumanitarian sector’s agenda. Humanitarian assistance and international action are called for to support peacebuilding efforts and provide urgent financial, food and medical aid, but need to respond to local realities of war and its implications for distinct communities. The desk-based research gives an overview of the conflict’s impacts on the wider security situation and political economy in Sudan. However, more research is needed to make visible the profound and multifaceted economic impacts on women as direct targets of violence, particularly sexual and gender-based violence, and from pre-existing gendered vulnerabilities exacerbated by the crisis and displacement.

This research seeks to recentre the narrative on the lived experiences, needs and aspirations of Sudanese people affected by the war, especially those of women and minority groups. A feminist intersectional analysis of the conflict recognises the gender

84 Hamzawy, 2023.

85 Clugston and Fraser, 2019.

86 Ibid.

87 CARE Nederland, 2023.

88 UNHCHR, 2024, p.11.

89 GBV Sub-Sector, 2024, p.4.

90 CARE International, 2024a

impacts and power dynamics involved, and the ways these intersect with other axes of disadvantage such as class, ethnicity, religion, or refugee status. There is a vital need to amplify the voices of feminist activists, women, and minorities, which this research report seeks to achieve. Conflict disproportionally affects women and marginalised groups directly as they are primary targets of attacks, looting, and gender-based violence and indirectly through the gender dimensions of displacement and socioeconomic crises brought about by the conflict reported in this literature review. It is essential to understand women’s perspectives on the conflict to develop interventions that are aligned with their priorities and conceptions of gendered peace.

Through the subsequent primary research, we generate a more nuanced and grounded understanding of the gender implications of the conflict. The research outlines the losses and challenges faced by Sudanese women in the conflict and the impact it has had on their capacity to provide security and ensure basic livelihoods forthemselves and their families. It highlights women’s economic contributions and the critical roles they play in locally led responses and negotiations with armed actors. These contributions are largely made invisible because of the informal and non- market nature of many women’s economic activities and their exclusion from formal political processes despite the long history of women’s activism as a key driver of social and political change in Sudan’s history.

The feminist research brings attention to the care economy and care practices for understanding the effects of violence on society and their centrality to peacebuilding. It assesses the conflict’s impacts on social institutions and gender norms that underpin economic outcomes, paying attention for example to symbolic markers of status, violence’s lasting effects on trust and the social fabric of communities, and the reconfiguration of household structures. It highlights women’s diverse coping strategies, solutions, and community-led actions in six cities in Sudan and abroad. It advances a broader view of violence that encompasses the immediate and lasting consequences of war on women and communities, and incorporates African feminist values of sisterhood, solidarity, and mutual aid into peacebuilding agendas. This perspective helps identify opportunities and modalities to redress gender and social injustices and address the root causes of the Sudanese conflict.

4. Methodology

Feminist qualitative methodologies for data collection were employed to gather indepth understanding and detailed descriptions of women’s experiences and the gendered impacts of the conflict. This approach prioritised the lived experiences and voices of women, aiming to address issues related to gender, power, and social justice from a feminist lens. The methodological framework includes a sensitivity to issues atthe intersection of gender, climate, and conflict. It recognises the complex ways structural inequalities, climate risks, and broader geopolitical realities interact and impinge on armed conflicts. This approach implies a broader vision of sustainable peace that addresses structural injustices and protects women’s rights.

Table 1: Number of Sudanese women who participated in primary data collection.

Following the review and analysis of existing literature, the research team initiated the data collection with the support of local researchers on the ground and the SIHA team.

A total of 25 interviews and 6 focus groups with 68 Sudanese women were conducted across six cities: Atbara, Port Sudan, Kassala, Sennar, Cairo and Kampala. The priority cities were selected to ensure a breadth of demographics. While a original objective was to interview women in Khartoum as well, the insecurity made this impracticable.

Port Sudan has been a refuge for both Sudanese people and foreigners fleeing the conflict, as the principal seaport for those leaving the country. Atbara is a key transit hub for internally displaced peoples (IDPs), particularly for those on their way to Port Sudan. The data collection for the two cities focused on women’s experiences of being displaced multiple times, while Sennar and Kassala were chosen to gather insights on women in agriculture as both regions are significant for Sudan’s national agricultural capacity. Given the greater proportion of women contributing to the agricultural sector in Sudan, our research focused on women farmers’ experience of the war.

Additionally, two cities outside of Sudan were chosen: Cairo in Egypt and Kampala in Uganda, due to the large proportion of Sudanese refugees in these cities. This allowed for an intersectional lens including women across class divides and with different experiences of displacement. While appreciating that non-Sudanese women have been displaced because of its war, this research focused on Sudanese women. Further research should address how the conflict in Sudan has impacted non-Sudanese women refugees residing in the country at the time of the war.

A feminist ethical approach to the research was essential. The research plan addressed the complex needs of ethical research in fragile and conflict-affected contexts. The UKRI-UNICEF Ethical Guidelines served as a foundational framework for ensuring that the research respected the vulnerabilities and complexities inherent in conflict-affected settings such as Sudan. The research mitigated potential risks to participants and ensure the safety and confidentiality. Consent forms were written in both Arabic and English, clearly explained to and understood by participants. Each interview lasted between 30 and 60 minutes, with focus group discussions lasting up to 5 hours. Participants were asked a series of pre-set questions, with room for discussion based on the insights. The majority of interviews were conducted in Arabic and were then translated into English for analysis. The insights gathered were collected in an Excel spreadsheet to identify key

trends and facilitate the thematic analysis of the data.

Table 2: Demographic information of the women interviewed.

5. The lived experiences of women in Sudan’s war

The analysis draws out the lived experiences of the women who participated in this research, highlighting the main economic, social, security and other challenges they have faced, along with some of the coping mechanisms and strategies they have implemented. It concludes with an exploration of women’s perceptions of prospects and opportunities for peace and transitional justice.

5.1 Economic impacts, opportunities, and constraints

5.1.1

The economic effects of looting

As noted in the literature review, the conflict entailed widespread looting and destruction of property and critical infrastructure, which has severely affected women’s economic situation, assets, and livelihoods. Confirming trends in the literature, the direct and indirect impacts of looting emerged as a key theme in the interviews, with 71% of women experiencing looting (Table 3). While many women have been directly affected by looting, a further 17% cited it as a key factor contributing to their displacement. Several women reported having had their homes looted, which influenced their experiences of displacement. A female farmer in Sennar recounted how her home was looted, forcing her to leave. She noted that the plundering of homes continued as she and her family searched for a safe location, forcing them to keep moving.91

Table 3: Percentage of women who have experienced looting.

“I left all of my gold at home because back then I thought ‘no one would ever steal it’. We didn’t even take looting into consideration.”

- A female formal business-owner displaced to Cairo

The women interviewed highlighted the extent of their losses due to looting and the wider conflict. Many Sudanese women interviewed emphasised that they had lost all their possessions as a result of looting, or as a consequence of fleeing. Women listed an array of the items that had been looted including furniture, vehicles, electrical appliances, jewelry, and other valuables. One woman even reported that her son’s hearing aid had been taken by looters.92

The looting of gold has important gendered implications as gold is more than just a precious metal in Sudanese culture and tradition. Representing family tradition and identity, gold is usually the only part of the dowry wives have access to and can be passed on for several generations. It is also one of Sudanese women’s major economic assets, second only to land ownership which is much more rare. A woman having to sell

91 Interview 4, Sennar.

92 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

93 Ibid.

her gold is an indication that she is facing great difficulties and represents a strategy of last resort. In Cairo, women in a focus group discussion deplored having lost all their gold because of looting by the RSF or having to sell it for survival during their displacement. One of them regretted having left her gold behind, convinced that she would have been able to return a few weeks later to retrieve it. When she finally returned, she realised her house had been looted and her gold had disappeared. Another explained that she chose to sell all her jewelry and gold when arriving in Egypt to support her fiancé. Their experiences highlight the importance of gold in influencing Sudanese women’s survival and coping strategies after displacement.

The gendered dynamics of looting are an instrument of war, whereby vulnerable and often unprotected women are more frequently targeted. In some instances, participants noted that homes were exempted from looting when male relatives stayed behind to protect the property. In some cases, looting is carried out by people trusted by the women, rather than by the conflict actors. A woman in Port Sudan told of how her furniture was stolen from her house by the person she had appointed as a guard.93

Businesses have also been one of the main targets for looters, severely compromising the ability of Sudanese women to earn a living. One woman’s shop was looted, together with her home and that of her son in Khartoum. Another shared how her office had been looted of all of her equipment including furniture, a printer and a computer .94 The targeting of livelihoods by looters has influenced displacement patterns and shaped the subsequent experiences of women caught up in the conflict. One of the displaced women who participated in a focus group in Cairo told of how she had owned a successful travel agency and that when the war broke out, the RSF forces stormed in and burnt everything, leaving her destitute.95 Another woman interviewed in Cairo emphasised that the looting of her wedding planning business was her “breaking point,” directly influencing her decision to leave.

Additional indirect economic constraints were also reported by displaced Sudanese women. One woman in Port Sudan spoke of her experience of what she termed ‘indirect theft’ due to the high cost of housing and temporary accommodation in Port Sudan. Looting has also generated debt burdens for some women. For instance, a woman had borrowed goods to sell through her perfume business, but they were looted, leaving her with an unpaid debt of 150 Sudanese pounds, which she was unable to pay.96

The interviews and focus group discussions shed light on the severe consequences of looting for women in Sudan. The scale of women’s losses was consistently emphasised through many of the interviews. As noted above, these include material losses relatedto family possessions, economic assets, and women’s and family businesses.

Such experiences have a detrimental impact on women’s economic participation and livelihood, in many cases compromising their ability to earn a living.

However, a number of women also spoke about the more intangible losses they experienced in having to abandon their homes and communities. One SIHA staff member described the personal struggle of having to leave her home, stating that “when moved by force you lose your dignity, what you inherited from your community.”97 Several women echoed this sentiment, feeling a loss of belonging and a sense of being uprooted. Others had lost their source of income and were now being supported

94 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

95 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

96 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

97 SIHA staff interview 2.

by relatives, losing their economic autonomy. A farmer in Sennar described the psychological consequences of the war that accompanied material losses, explaining how they had lost their entire two-year harvest, which their livelihood depended upon. As a manifestation of the wide-reaching and multifaceted impacts of looting and subsequent displacement from the conflict, many of the women interviewed conveyed the feeling of having lost everything. In the words of one of the women in Cairo, “I literally lost everything that I built in my life.”98

5.1.2 Economic participation, livelihoods, income, and wealth

As highlighted in the previous section, most of the women interviewed have lost their main source of income and livelihood as a consequence of looting and the broader impacts of the conflict. The majority of them had been involved in some form of economic activity before the conflict and contributed significantly to their household’s livelihoods. For instance, in the first focus group held in Cairo, the women who participated in the discussion had, among them, owned businesses including a restaurant, construction company, an online business and a wedding planning company.99 The outbreak of war meant that most of these women lost their businesses and had to start over in a new country.

More broadly, the interview results show that 53% of respondents are currently unemployed, compared to 5% before the conflict (Table 4). This contrasts with the picture outlined in the literature and the very low levels of female labour force participation in official labour statistics.

Table 4: Change in employment status before and during the conflict

Women’s realities reveal urgent needs such as funding and capital for women to restart their business projects to support their families. Access to income-generating activities was raised as a pressing need in many interviews, with 50% of respondents requiring more support to access a job and income opportunities or financial support to afford their basic needs (Figure 1). This was noted repeatedly: “I need money and work,” “I need financial support and any kind of work,” “I need a job for my daughter,” or “I need a business project to provide me with money.”100 Many of the women expressed the need to work but lacked alternative work opportunities or the necessary capital to start a small business or homemade sales. For example, a graduate of political science, community activist and former student supervisor at the University of Khartoum became unemployed with the outbreak of war and lost her main source of income. As a result, she was forced to move in with her father and now depends upon him for financial support.101

98 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

99 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

100 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan

101 ––Interview 6, Port Sudan.

50

1: Key services and resources needed to enhance support for women’s livelihoods

Economic factors and employment prospects in host communities played a considerable role in influencing the interviewed women’s choices to leave their homes. One woman moved from Al-Masouditah to Atbara and finally to Port Sudan but faced difficulties in finding a job due. The disparities in access to employment between men and women were highlighted by one interviewee who struggled to find work in Port Sudan, stating that “men can work anywhere, but we cannot.”102 However, a different view was provided by another woman interviewed in Port Sudan, who suggested that women are more active than men in searching for work, being more successful in creating jobs for themselves and providing for their families.

Economic factors and employment prospects in host communities played a considerable role in influencing the interviewed women’s choice to leave their homes. One woman moved from Al-Masouditah to Atbara and finally to Port Sudan but faced difficulties in finding a job due to capital costs. The disparities in access to employment between men and women were highlighted by one interviewee who struggled to find work in Port Sudan, stating that “men can work anywhere, but we cannot.”102 However, a different view was provided by another woman interviewed in Port Sudan,

38% of respondents cited economic and financial constraints as their main barrier to economic participation who suggested that women are more active than men in searching for work, being more successful in creating jobs for themselves and providing for their families. This reveals an alternative perspective that has not been reflected in the literature, reinforcing the notion that women’s lived experiences and perceptions of the war may be very different to what is reported in mainstream narratives.

38% of respondents cited economic and financial constraints as their main barrier to economic participation

Despite the widespread desire among respondents to engage in income-generating activities, several women deplored the lack of job opportunities, as well as the weak efforts by federal ministries to accommodate displaced women into local economies. Many expressed frustrations with the perception that corruption occurs when applying for jobs. For example, a woman who was interviewed in Atbara said that, despite her university degree, she had not been able to find employment in the city because those jobs that were available were allocated based on corrupt practices.103

Despite the widespread desire among respondents to engage in income-generating activities, several women deplored the lack of job opportunities, as well as the very limited efforts by federal ministries to accommodate displaced women into local economies. Many expressed frustrations with the limited prospects and perception that corruption occurs when applying for jobs. For example, a woman who was interviewed in Atbara said that, despite her university degree, she had not been able to find employment in the city because there were very few job opportunities and those jobs that were available were allocated based on corrupt practices.103

The rising prices and overall cost of living are significant barriers to starting and maintaining a business after displacement. An interviewee in Port Sudan who had learned how to create soap to generate secondary income before the war knew of the

For others, the rising prices and overall cost of living provide significant barriers to starting and maintaining a business after displacement. An interviewee in Port Sudan who had learned how to create soap to generate secondary income before the war knew of the city’s developed soap industry upon her arrival.104 Thanks to the support of male relatives, she is now selling homemade soap with her eldest children within the IDP camp but struggles to generate enough income to meet her family’s needs. The increase in prices for goods created barriers to economic participation as she is not able to purchase the necessary components for soap-making and continue her work. She thus stressed the need for projects and job opportunities for women, especially displaced women.

Figure

Figure

Figure 2: Main challenges to economic participation

Figure 2: Main challenges to economic participation

Interview 3, Port Sudan.

city’s developed soap industry upon her arrival.104 Thanks to the support of male relatives, she is now selling homemade soap with her eldest children within the IDP camp but struggles to generate enough income to meet her family’s needs. The increase in prices meant she is not able to purchase the necessary components for soap-making and continue her work. She thus stressed the need for projects and job opportunities for women, especially displaced women.

Women’s displacement to neighbouring states and countries has compounded the difficulties in finding employment and earning a living. It was common for the women interviewed to have to turn to informal and casual forms of work since the start of the conflict, engaging in food processing, street vending, or homemade sales of soap, perfume, or clothing to earn a living. Others started working as domestic workers or begging for food as a last resort. Gendered barriers to employment in Egypt were a central concern during a focus group discussion in Cairo, with participants emphasising that women must work harder than men to earn a living. One participant was sexually assaulted by a family friend when looking for a job in the city, which led to her to stop searching for jobs temporarily. Another participant mentioned her inability to practice medicine since Egyptian authorities had revoked the work licenses of Sudanese medical professionals. The economic impact of discriminatory refugee laws on Sudanese women is profound.105 Furthermore, displaced Sudanese women in Egypt reported that some Sudanese banks with branches in Egypt are still asking people to pay back loan instalments on assets, such as businesses or vehicles, despite these assets having been destroyed in the war.106

Insecurity and the experience of displacement have had detrimental impacts onwomen’s agricultural activity and female farmers’ livelihoods, as highlighted by participants in the focus group discussion held in Sennar. Several women mentioned that crops had been lost in villages west of Sukkar in Sennar, with reported cases of land dispossession by the RSF. In this light, they affirmed that providing space and land for women is vital, noting that land in the east [of Sennar] could be used for agricultural cultivation. A participant highlighted the need for women to be within proximity of their agricultural fields as “they need care similar to that of a child.”107 Another interviewee who volunteered in the Sennar emergency room drew attention to the impact of the war on Sudan’s agricultural sector and warned of a looming famine if crops are not planted this year, echoing what has been reported in the media and international organizations’ reports.108

Overall, the war in Sudan has had an adverse impact on women’s economic participation, livelihoods and wealth in a variety of ways. Many women now find themselves unemployed and are, therefore, in urgent need of funding and support to restart their businesses or find new employment opportunities, whether in other parts of Sudan or in a host country. Such insights are vital for understanding the needs of Sudanese women and shape humanitarian response and future approaches to peacebuilding.

5.2 Experiences of displacement and gender vulnerabilities

The displacement dynamics resulting from the war in Sudan have had an adverse impact on women’s security, economic participation and their livelihoods. The interviews shed light on the complex dynamics of displacement currently playing out in Sudan, with 92% of the women interviewed experiencing displacement (Table 5). Many of these

104 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

105 Focus Group 2, Cairo.

106 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

107 Focus Group 1, Sennar.

108 Interview 1, Sennar.

women were displaced more than once, having to move between cities in Sudan and neighbouring countries to find safety. One of the women who participated in the focus group in Kassala had fled Khartoum in October 2023 to Gezira. However, the poor security situation forced her to move to Sennar. The lack of available food and water in Sennar meant that she remained there for only two days before travelling with her relatives to a shelter in Kassala.109

As previously noted, concerns about looting were often cited as the primary motivations for relocating and moving to another state or country. The repeated displacement of women was also caused by rent costs in some cases. One woman moved between several cities in Sudan as a result of the increasing cost of rent and other living expenditures, which made it difficult for her to remain in the first city she was displaced to.110 Patterns of displacement are also strongly influenced by personal connections and family ties. Several women based their migration route on the location of relatives, with some moving several times between relatives’ homes in search of safety.

Table 5: Percentage of women who have experienced displacement

Decisions to move are also shaped by perceived job opportunities, with many women choosing a particular city based on the belief that it will be easier for them to find work there. For example, a female soap vendor displaced to Port Sudan explained that she had chosen to move there because of the city’s developed soap industry and her confidence in finding the materials to restart her soap business there.111 Experiences are, however, very different, with other women in Port Sudan reporting that they were ultimately unable to find work and thus had to move again.

Another key factor that influenced displacement was the security situation itself and, in particular, the fear of sexual and gender-based violence. Many research participants perceived that women are more affected by displacement than men because of the risks of attacks, kidnappings and violence towards women and young girls. One woman interviewed in Port Sudan noted how the fear of her daughters’ experiencing rape was the main reason for relocating. She further stressed that it is this fear that makes women more vulnerable, stating “If I were alone without my daughters, I would not have left my house. Women fear for their daughters and their children as well, and this forces them to leave the house.”112 Another woman in Port Sudan reflected this sentiment, stressing that the reports of women and girls being raped were the main reason behind her decision to leave her hometown, in order to protect her youngest children. In other cases,

109 Focus Group 1, Kassala.

110 Interview 1, Kassala.

111 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

112 Ibid.

the choice of displacement location is based purely on accessibility and available routes, rather than rent, job opportunities or the presence of relatives.113 A woman who worked in an emergency room to support displaced people highlighted the random nature of this displacement, in that many of the IDPs she came into contact with were uncertain of their final destination.114 It is worth noting that several women highlighted that their second experience of displacement, from the cities they first sought refuge in (e.g. Wad Madani, Sennar), had been more difficult than fleeing the outbreak of the war in Khartoum.

Gender vulnerabilities have become more apparent, with women and girls having suffered significant hardship as a result of their displacement. As emphasised by one of the women interviewed, “war is war, but women are exposed to many dangers in comparison to men.”115 As highlighted in the literature, it is likely that women are displaced in larger numbers due to their greater vulnerability and fear of being attacked. Another woman interviewed recalled an incident of a young woman arriving at the hospital where she worked for an emergency childbirth in the middle of the war, highlighting that this is a challenge men would never have to face.116

The experience of housing and living conditions in host communities also varies significantly, depending on whether individuals can stay with relatives or are forced to move to an IDP camp. IDPs will often seek shelter in the homes of relatives where possible, rather than go to a camp. Focus group participants in Sennar highlighted how families are more likely to accept co-living with their relatives or other families from the same town as them, while families from different regions frequently refuse to live together despite the ongoing conflict.117 However, the option of living with relatives or friends is not always available. One of the women recounted how her husband had suffered a stroke, which forced them to flee from Khartoum to Atbara despite not having any relatives there. She found work in a local hospital and was given a room for her and her family to stay in, but it had poor ventilation, no lighting, and no beds for them to sleep on.118 The hardships that many women and their families have faced when displaced from their hometowns are many. In Atbara and Port Sudan, displaced women living in makeshift shelters and in the street have had to deal with the impacts of “bad climate” and extreme weather fluctuations such as scorching summers, dust storms and insect bites, on their health and living conditions.119

Conflict and displacement have also had a disruptive impact on the household economy, leading to family separations and household restructuring. Several women who relocated alone with their children revealed that they had not received support from the children’s father, resulting in them taking on full responsibilities for childcare and family expenses. As more men stay behind or as families separate to search for work opportunities in different locations women face increasing obligations to care for their families and relatives, provide food and seek sources of income and livelihoods. Some male relatives, heads of households and fathers were providing support for their daughters and wives. For example, a young woman’s father returned to protect their belongings120 and a forty-year-old woman in Port Sudan had received essential help from male relatives to buy a table in the IDP camp and the materials she needed to sell soap. 121 However, some men, particularly ex-husbands, demonstrated a lack of support

113 Interview 2, Kassala.

114 Interview 1, Sennar.

115 Interview 2, Sennar.

116 Interview 5, Sennar.

117 Focus Group 1, Sennar.

118 Interview 3, Atbara.

119 Focus group 1, Atbara; Focus group 1, Port Sudan.

120 Interview 3, Kassala.

121 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

for their former partners and children during the displacement process. A woman in Cairo had sent her daughter to a Gulf state where the father was legally responsible for her. However, after seeing that he was neglecting her daughter’s care, she had to buy a ticket to bring her daughter back and take care of her.

Overcrowding has also forced many women to move between several locations or into an IDP camp. In Port Sudan, an interview participant told of how she first fled to Madani to stay with relatives but had to move to a shelter because there were too many people in the house. She then returned to Khartoum and went to the Abdallah Al Obeid camp in Port Sudan.122 The same experience was reported by another woman in Port Sudan who was turned away from her relative’s house in Madani due to overcrowding.123Women who moved in with relatives often experienced a loss of privacy and had to adapt to cramped living conditions. A lab technician in her late twenties described having to adapt to the family conflicts ensuing from this situation. This can result in a loss of autonomy for women who have been living away from their family members and increased dependence on family members due to their inability to find their own sources of income. A displaced former activist and teacher recounted moving to Kassala because she had personal connections and family members in the city, and she ended up living in a house with 17 other individuals.124 A staff member of a women’s rights organisation was based in Kampala since November 2023 and living with relatives with 40 people in one house.This, in addition to internet and network connectivity issues, made it difficult for her to reach women on the ground and she had to find new ways to work with the women’s grassroots committees and street vendors she supported. Several of the women interviewed have taken over the role of sole breadwinner for their families following the death, illness, or imprisonment of their husbands and male relatives. The mother in Atbara who had found a room at a hospital for her family was working with her daughter for long hours as janitors there. Although she used to sell sweets in Khartoum to complement her husband’s income for household expenses, the change in household provider status after displacement and her husband becoming unemployed was challenging. In particular, she recounts how disheartening it has been to witness her husband’s frustration, explaining that she tries to console him and calm him down, assuring him that she can work to cover their needs.125

In light of these complex dynamics of displacement, SIHA has shifted its main areas of work to put greater effort into supporting the relocation of Sudanese women. At the end of April 2023, SIHA evacuated women from high-risk areas in Sudan and helped them relocate to safer areas, focusing on supporting women at risk, survivors of sexual abuse, and human rights defenders. SIHA also worked with women in Khartoum to help them locate family in other regions that they could stay with, creating designated safe spaces for IDPs in Sudan and supporting them with registrations in the host community.126 SIHA staff have themselves had to relocate as a result of the war, often multiple times. This has inevitably meant identifying new ways of working to support and maintain contact with women in Sudan.127

Displacement experiences have compounded the

122 Interview 5, Port Sudan

123 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

124 Interview 4, Kassala.

125 Interview 3, Atbara.

126 SIHA staff interview 2.

127 SIHA staff interview 3.

“It’s hard… covering his medicine expenses is hard and [my husband] cannot get up and work... I am now the breadwinner... the person that works to feed. I have my daughter working as a janitor with me, because two incomes can cover our monthly expenses.”

A married woman working as a janitor in Atbara.

economic challenges faced by women during the war. These are exacerbated by multiple relocations and the precarious economic conditions in host communities, increasing women’s vulnerabilities to economic and security risks. Women’s rights organisations have intervened at all stages of displacement trajectories, addressing the distinct needs of displaced women, their families, and activists.

5.3 Access to resources and essential services

Access to resources and essential services has become extremely difficult since the outbreak of war in Sudan. Essential items including food, water, fuel, medicine and sanitary products are hard to come by and very expensive. This has not only influenced displacement patterns, in forcing people to move in search of the resources they require but has also affected people’s ability to move around the country. At the first focus group held in Cairo, it was noted that the lack of fuel made it very difficult for families to get to Egypt by car and led to fears of being stranded.128 It was also reported that many in Sudan have taken advantage of the circumstances of the war to raise the prices of accommodation and transportation, making it much harder for those displaced to get to safety.129 The women interviewed noted how the increase in prices since the start of the war has made it very difficult toaccess and purchase essential products, including car rentals.130 Household purchasing power has been dramatically affected, with many families now relying solely on sparse aid. For instance, one woman explained how the budget that used to last her and her family a month now only lasts a week, forcing them to limit what they buy to only the most essential items.131

Perceptions of support from the international community have been largely negative among the interview and focus group participants. International organisations, such as the ICRC and UNICEF, have assisted in accessing essential services, but many women stressed that this support was not sufficient or consistent. There has been a disparity in the provision of aid according to participants in Sennar, who said that the UNICEF presence there is very limited and that access to essential resources has been hampered.132 A participant at the focus group in Cairo said that she had requested financial support from the United Nations, but had been told that the UN prioritised assisting unaccompanied children.133 Many women did not receive any support from the international community, leaving them without access to basic resources.134 Finally, in certain contexts where support may have been available, some women had simply been unaware of it.135 The implication here is that women may be unknowingly missing out on financial and other resources that could help them in rebuilding their livelihoods and facilitate their economic participation.

128 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

129 Ibid.

130 Focus Group 1, Kassala.

131 Interview 3, Port Sudan.

132 Focus Group 1, Sennar.

133 Focus Group 2, Cairo.

134 Interview 3, Sennar.

135 Interview 2, Kassala.

women had simply been unaware of it.135 The implication here is that women may be unknowingly missing out on financial and other resources that could help them in rebuilding their livelihoods and facilitate their economic participation.

38% of respondents accessed support through informal means

38% of respondents accessed support through informal means

Figure 3: Access to informal and formal support mechanisms.

128 Focus Group 1, Cairo.

129 Ibid.

130 Focus Group 1, Kassala.

131 Interview 3, Port Sudan.

132 Focus Group 1, Sennar.

133 Focus Group 2, Cairo.

134 Interview 3, Sennar.

135 Interview 2, Kassala.

In Atbara, a group of displaced women highlighted the poor treatment they experienced from local authorities and host communities.136 Expelled from the schoolsthey had been sheltering in due to the start of the academic year, they found themselves having to stay on the street under a tree, on beds without mattresses, no available bathroom, and only a makeshift area behind curtains for their sanitary needs. Residents had closed off water access and prevented them from using the toilets. They also made clear that the aid provided by international organisations had not been distributed to the displaced and those most in need by the local authorities. One of thedisplaced women mentioned that aid received by the school shelter had been distributed based on favouritism and connections rather than need. This echoes a situation described during the focus group discussion in Sennar, whereby a participant recalled a specific instance of a man on a tuk-tuk visiting an IDP camp area and providing supplies exclusively to the influential individuals before leaving.137 These illustrate socioeconomic disparities in aid distribution.

Regarding the provision of essential health services and medical treatment, SIHA works with the youth-led Emergency Response Rooms across Sudan, providing them with the necessary legal and financial support to maintain operations.138 SIHA is also working with medical providers, specifically female doctors, who are setting up mobile clinics and training midwives to provide emergency health services to vulnerable and displaced women.

In IDP camps, organisations such as the Red Crescent have provided essential products, including oil, flour, lentils and salt. Yet, there are indications that the food provided may not always be appropriate, particularly for the large numbers of displaced children. One participant in the focus group in Port Sudan said:

The same sentiment was echoed by another participant, who stressed that “they don’t provide for children’s needs, meals, milk and juice, and their immunity is affected.”139 While there have been local initiatives set up to provide essential services and resources in some areas,

136 Focus group 1, Atbara.

137 Focus group 1, Sennar.

138 SIHA staff interview 1.

139 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

“We became stranded in the streets... the worst thing that happened after the war is what happened to us in Atbara, which is kicking us out [from school shelters] to the streets. What happened to us is something that we could have never imagined, but we are coping together, and praise be to Allah”

A displaced woman living in Atbara, expelled from her shelter

Figure 3: Access to informal and formal support mechanisms.

these have also inevitably been affected by the war. For example, a secondary school that provided support to local families in Omdurman was forced to stop its activities after the destruction of the local food market and the blockage of the road network in the city.140

“We noticed that children refuse to eat because the food is not suitable for their ages and is repetitive.”

forced to stop its activities after the destruction of the local food market and the blockage of the road network in the city.140

A woman who was displaced multiple times, currently based in Port Sudan

There has also been an increase in experiences of period poverty among women in Sudan. Many women have struggled to access or afford hygiene products since the outbreak of war, with 18 per cent of respondents not being able to access support both formally and informally, while 58 per cent of respondents had to rely on the support of aid or find makeshift materials such as socks or clothes as replacements (Figure 4).

There has also been an increase in experiences of period poverty among women in Sudan. Many women have struggled to access or afford hygiene products since the outbreak of war, with 18 per cent of respondents not being able to access support both formally and informally, while 58 per cent of respondents had to rely on the support of aid or find makeshift materials such as socks or clothes as replacements (Figure 4).

24% of respondents were able to regularly afford menstrual hygiene products

24% of respondents were able to regularly afford menstrual hygiene products

Figure 4: Sources of aid and accessibility of menstrual hygiene products

This was already a challenge before the war because no factory in Sudan produces sanitary products, which were usually provided by the UN and other humanitarian agencies in conflict zones, as a SIHA staff member explained. In response to this trend, SIHA has partnered with PNDS and SUDRO to expand the Pads for Peace project, which provides vulnerable women with access to hygiene kits. Similar SIHA projects include providing psychological support and dignity kits, containing pads and underwear, to women in IDP camps. An interviewee in Sennar also reported having received support from the Sinar Organisation for Peace and Development, which provided sanitary products to the displaced community.141

This was already a challenge before the war because no factory in Sudan produces sanitary products, which were usually provided by the UN and other humanitarian agencies in conflict zones, as a SIHA staff member explained. In response to this trend, SIHA has partnered with PNDS and SUDRO to expand the Pads for Peace project, which provides vulnerable women with access to hygiene kits. Similar SIHA projects include providing psychological support and dignity kits, containing pads and underwear, to women in IDP camps. An interviewee in Sennar also reported having received support from the Sinar Organisation for Peace and Development, which provided sanitary products to the displaced community.141

5.4. Coping mechanisms and strategies

5.4 Coping mechanisms and strategies

Confirming the arguments made in the existing literature, the interviews have shown how Sudanese women often rely on their own networks and personal connections to get by in the host communities when they are displaced. Access to material as well as emotional support mainly takes place through informal means. A number of informal coping mechanisms have emerged among groups of displaced women in refugee camps, for example by manufacturing and selling soap, perfume or similar products. Displaced communities frequently help and provide mutual assistance to each other. Some relatives residing outside of Sudan who have stable sources of income have sent money and assistance to their family members, although this can be challenging because of the frequent power cuts and bank closures.142

Confirming the arguments made in the existing literature, the interviews showed how Sudanese women often rely on their own networks and personal connections to get by in the host communities when they are displaced. Material as well as emotional support mainly stakes place through informal means. A number of informal coping mechanisms have emerged among groups of displaced women in refugee camps, for example by manufacturing and selling soap, perfume or similar products. Displaced communities frequently help and provide mutual assistance to each other. Some relatives residing outside of Sudan who have stable sources of income have sent money and assistance to their family members, although this can be challenging because of the frequent power cuts and bank closures.142

140 Interview 1, Sennar.

141 Interview 4, Sennar.

142 Interview 2, Atbara.

140 Interview 1, Sennar.

141 Interview 4, Sennar.

142 Interview 2, Atbara.

Figure 4: Sources of aid and accessibility of menstrual hygiene products

28% of interviewed women were able to access formal aid

5 : Women’s access to support through formal and informal methods

Many interviewees observed that social solidarity has been high during the conflict, with people supporting each other. Social capital and collective care have been essential in helping women to cope with the war, but these have also been difficult to sustain and require considerable resources. Many women reported neighbourhood support initiatives for women and families in shelters or an Egyptian landlord who refused to take rent until the woman made profit from her new restaurant.143 In Kassala, it was reported that women from the host community regularly bring clothes to women in the shelter in their neighbourhood and sit with them every Friday sharing food and coffee.

Many interviewees observed that social solidarity has been high during the conflict, with people supporting each other. Social capital and collective care have been essential in helping women to cope with the war, but these have also been difficult to sustain and require considerable resources. Many women reported neighbourhood support initiatives for women and families in shelters or an Egyptian landlord who refused to take rent until the woman made profit from her new restaurant. 143In Kassala, it was reported that women from the host community regularly bring clothes to women in the shelter in their neighbourhood and sit with them every Friday sharing food and coffee.

While much of the literature has noted the existence of formal assistance strategies and coping mechanisms, the interviews revealed that, in reality, these are often lacking, very limited and sporadic.

!"4 .%8 )?949)4B '.% .%$? )& '.% ,)7%84*%4' .(2 /%%4 41$$; LD0%?' &)8 .1*(49'(89(4 (9-B 2.% .(2#4)'#/%%4#(/$% ')#4(79,('% &)8*($#0.(44%$2;= !. -.#()%&'",(&2",$''$)"*&,$1"-."8()4"9+1&.

While much of the literature has noted the existence of formal assistance strategies and coping mechanisms, the interviews revealed that, in reality, these are often lacking, very limited and sporadic.

One woman expressed the view that assistance from the government has been nonexistent and that, except for some humanitarian aid she has received, she has not been able to navigate formal support channels. A similar point was made by another woman in Port Sudan who did not see any formal means of support from the government for displaced people, relying instead upon informal networks for aid.

“In her opinion, the help of the government has been null. Except for humanitarian aid, she has not been able to navigate formal channels.”

An informal soap seller based in Port Sudan

One woman expressed the view that assistance from the government has been non- existent and that, except for some humanitarian aid she has received, she has not been able to navigate formal support channels. A similar point was made by another woman in Port Sudan who did not see any formal means of support from the government for displaced people, relying instead upon informal networks for aid.

41% respondents cited insufficient formal initiatives to cover basic needs as a major challenge 41% respondents cited insufficient formal initiatives to cover basic needs as a major challenge

Of the initiatives provided by the state, local authorities, and humanitarian organisations it was reported that some women in IDP camps have been provided with essential food supplies such as flour, sugar, pasta, and other items, but only on two occasions.144 In Sennar, participants reported benefiting from work opportunities

Figure 5 : Women’s access to support through formal and informal methods

Figure

Figure 6: Challenges faced in

Figure 6: Challenges faced in accessing formal financial and support initiatives 143 Focus group 1, Cairo.

Of the initiatives provided by the state, local authorities, and humanitarian organisations it was reported that some women in IDP camps have been provided with essential food supplies such as flour, sugar, pasta, and other items, but only on two occasions.144 In Sennar, participants reported benefiting from work opportunities created by the Sennar Foundation for Peace and Development which consisted of funds being made available to women. Participants said they used the funds to purchase products and resell them in markets and schools, constituting a successful initiative generating profits for the women. One woman had also received training in first aid provided by an international humanitarian organisation at the beginning of the war.145

The war has significantly impacted the operations of grassroots organisations and women’s networks. They have faced significant challenges, including having to relocate their staff, poor connectivity, and network availability, making it difficult to continue normal operations. Many women activists and staff members of women’s organisations who relocated to another country such as Uganda have had to find new ways of supporting women in Sudan due to the disruptions to their own lives and offices.

Despite these challenges, women and feminist networks have continued to provide essential support to address the economic and social impacts of the war, advocating for women’s rights and protection, and serving as crucial intermediaries between women grassroots needs and the donor and international community. SIHA, for example, is engaged in ongoing and wide-ranging initiatives to support women and girls, including Emergency Response Rooms (ERR) across Sudan, some which are youth-led and with the women committees of ERR, providing legal and financial support, working with medical providers and female doctors who are setting up mobile clinics and training of midwives to provide emergency health services to women, in the Justice for Women project, Pads for Peace campaign and provision of dignity kits and emergency kits or organising buses for the relocation of families, among other activities.146 Furthermore, despite facing drastic challenges, many women activists in Sudan continue to advocate for women’s rights in the host communities and IDP camps.

5.5 Future prospects: perspectives on a gender-inclusive peace process

Discussing future prospects, many women focused on immediate practical needs, especially funding and capital to start or support their small-scale businesses in handmade goods (soap, perfumes, bags etc.), to improve their livelihoods and to support their families. This need was particularly emphasised for internally displaced women, who urgently require job opportunities and support.147

As stressed by one focus group participant in Port Sudan, “I need financial support and any kind of work”

A woman who was unable to fnd work in Atbara before staying in Port Sudan.

Another woman in Atbara pointed to the need to “develop strategies to accommodate displaced persons from Khartoum states in safe states and provide salaries for them tobe able to support their families.”148 A lifelong Atbara resident echoed this need, stating the need to regulate consumer goods

144 Interview 1, Atbara.

145 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

146 SIHA staff interview 1.

147 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

148 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

Another woman in Atbara pointed to the need to “develop strategies to accommodate displaced persons from Khartoum states in safe states and provide salaries for them to be able to support their families.”149 A lifelong Atbara resident echoed this need, stating the need to regulate consumer goods prices and rental rates in host cities.150 She further acknowledged that some residents in Atbara, including some of her relatives, had taken advantage of the volatility in prices, putting an additional financial burden on the displaced persons from Khartoum during these difficult circumstances.

prices and rental rates in host cities.149 She further acknowledged that some residents in Atbara, including some of her relatives, had taken advantage of the volatility in prices, putting an additional financial burden on the displaced persons from Khartoum during these difficult circumstances.

46% of respondents want more economic security 41

147 Interview 2, Port Sudan.

148 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

149 Interview 4, Atbara.

150 Interview 5, Atbara.

Along with stability and security, tackling the issue of unemployment and providing productive projects to women and youth appears to be a central economic consideration in Sennar. In particular, given the role of Sennar’s agricultural production in determining the country’s national nutrition capacity, several participants appealed for greater support to women active in agriculture and addressing their immediate needs. Among the measures suggested to improve women’s conditions and advance their economic development, respondents highlighted the need for psychological support sessions, safe space sessions, protection networks, quality seminars, support with small projects, and technical and practical training. 150

The link between mental health and future prospects was echoed by a young woman in Atbara who could not pursue her studies because of the war and felt her fellow course-mates had access to better opportunities as they could afford to move abroad. She pointed to her poor mental health and need for psychological support sessions due to experiencing pressures, including “excessive and continuous thinking, a blurry vision of the future, the unavailability of job opportunities or any activities at present, and having a lot of free time that could have been utilised in productive ways.”151 Another interviewee in Port Sudan was more optimistic about her prospects outside of Sudan, as she said she “need[s] to buy a ticket to go to Oman and work there.152

5.5.1 Transitional justice and gender-responsive peace process

A common theme in all discussions is the strong desire for a peace agreement and an immediate cessation of hostilities. However, many of the women expressed concern that their voices are not being heard when it comes to peacebuilding efforts in Sudan.In Port Sudan, a displaced woman from Khartoum showed her frustration in the following terms:

The greater involvement of women in decision-making and implementation positions was, in fact, a central point of consideration for a gender-inclusive peace process across most interviews and discussions.

149 Interview 4, Atbara.

150 Interview 5, Atbara.

151 Focus Group 1, Sennar.

152 Interview 4, Atbara.

Figure 7: Key future prospects outlined by interviewed Sudanese women

Figure 7: Key future prospects outlined by interviewed Sudanese women

Several participants stressed the need for any future peace agreement to be carried out with specific conditions including holding accountable all those involved in the war atrocities and safeguarding the rights of women and children in the form of legal provisions related to their protection and empowerment in society. An interviewee in Atbara shared the belief that it is now long overdue to establish a peace agreement, considering all the damage that has occurred and the looting many have experienced.153 She also stressed the necessity to exclude “all members of the RSF and those involved in the war” from the implementation of any future peace agreement.

SIHA aims to foreground the voices and aspirations of women, and a priority concern for SIHA is that “women and women’s grassroots should be part of the peace process” in Sudan.154 As part of its efforts to promote transitional justice, SIHA is running the Justice for Women project aiming at the creation of a coalition of female lawyers to support a just and gender- responsive peace process. A SIHA staff member stressed the importance of this project noting that:

Relatedly, she added that accountability is another key condition for peace and must be upheld in the context of a democratic Sudan.

In Sudan, transitional justice refers to putting an end to the legacy of systematic patriarchal oppression and massive human rights abuses against women and girls, recognising and acknowledging victims and contributing to peacebuilding processes and the country’s democratisation. Centring the voices and experiences of Sudanese women and girls is a priority for achieving justice and sustainable peace, whereby peacebuilding means addressing the root causes of conflict, ensuring national reconciliation and moving towards recovery, reconstruction and development. Sudanese women in Cairo thus spoke of the need for legal reform, to establish a more equitable form of well-being in Sudan.155 They drew attention to internally oriented interventions, the need to reject racist and tribal speech, and behavioural change in the state’s treatment of Sudanese people, especially women.

Another major consideration for achieving sustainable peace in the country, according to participants in Sennar, is Security Sector Reform (SSR). Indeed, several women highlighted the need to reform the military and government institutions, including in relation to training and behaviour management.156 A justice-sensitive approach to SSR is an important component of transitional justice, particularly where security agents have committed and continue to commit human rights violations. Such reform must focus on building the integrity of the security system, establishing effective accountability, strengthening its legitimacy, and empowering the Sudanese people, especially women. 157

“Wish for your brother what you would wish for yourself.”

Former university professor running an informal business.

153 Focus Group 1, Port Sudan.

154 Interview 1, Atbara.

155 SIHA staff interview 3.

156 Focus Group 2, Cairo.

157 Focus Group 1, Sennar; Interview 5, Sennar.

6. Conclusion and recommendations

This research highlights the urgent and dire situation faced by Sudanese women amid war, displacement, and economic hardship. It emphasises the critical risk of famine and other severe threats, which are worsened by looting, the loss of economic livelihoods, and insufficient access to essential resources. The findings show that women’s experiences during the war have included numerous gendered and economic obstacles that left many struggling, and the coping strategies generated by these women as they strive to sustain their livelihoods and support their households. Such economic experiences are deeply intertwined with women’s social and cultural roles in Sudan, showcasing that a nuanced and inclusive analysis is necessary to obtain accurate gendered insights that can inform policymaking.

In official statistics, women are not frequently recorded as household providers.However, this grounded research demonstrates that women contribute in significant ways to livelihoods and household income, both before and after the war. Ignoring this reality results in essential resources and funding being diverted away from women, who play a crucial role in sustaining their families and communities during the war and associated crises. Below we outline recommendations that take into considerationwomen’s realities of war highlighted through the research findings. These recommendations are critical for gender-responsive humanitarian action and aim to address the immediate needs identified in the research, as well as some of the longer- term objectives for feminist peace and transitional justice.

Table 6: Table of Recommendations

Table of Recommendations

Call for an immediate ceasefire putting an end to the conflict and the initiation of a peace process that is just and inclusive, to strive towards a lasting peace based on a well-functioning civilian government, economic reparations for those most impacted by the war, equitable distribution of wealth and resources, strong democratic institutions, and respect for human rights, without which women in Sudan will not achieve safety, equality, and empowerment.

Ensure that women’s voices are included and respected in peace negotiations and settlements.

Emphasise transitional justice as key to building peace in Sudan to avoid the cycle of impunity that leads to future conflicts.

Ensure adequate recognition and valuation of women’s work and contributions to the household economy, food security and agricultural systems, and collective care during the conflict.

Provide urgent funding and capital to women to support their income-generating activities and small enterprises through direct aid, micro-grants, and trainings.

Liaise with international organisations and aid agencies to highlight geographical areas of increased need that aid has not sufficiently reached to date, such as in Sennar.

Support the provision of water and food to IDP camps, ensuring that these are sufficient, consistent, varied and appropriate for children.

Support the provision of essential items including sanitary products through the Pads for Peace campaign.

Provide support for displaced women to obtain work licenses in host countries.

Support investments in locally led efforts and in women-led networks and organisations that are best placed to understand and respond to humanitarian needs and that serve as intermediaries between women’s grassroots needs and the donor and international community.

Extend emergency relocation services beyond women at risk, survivors of sexual abuse, and human rights defenders.

Expand physical, emotional, and psychological support services for displaced persons.

Highlight the need for Sudan to access loss and damage funding and climate reparations as fundamental mechanisms to building sustainable peace in the region and achieving climate justice, recognising that the climate crisis exacerbates the root causes of conflict in Sudan due to its impact on livelihood and food insecurity, reducing agricultural production and increasing competition over natural resources.158

From addressing the legislative and systematic injustices that displaced Sudanese women endure to recognising the pivotal role of feminist networks and WROs in fostering resilience amongst women, this report emphasises how women’s demands necessitate immediate attention and action. The humanitarian response needs to evolve in order to effectively and appropriately address the urgent and intersectional needs of Sudanese women. In other words, a new approach to gendered conflict- affected experiences needs to be incorporated into international discourse, one that embraces decolonial, feminist-led, and Africa-centred strategies, ensuring that Sudanese women’s voices and experiences are central to peacebuilding and recovery efforts. This includes addressing the root causes of conflict and moving towards sustainable and justice-sensitive reforms in Sudan.

Moreover, as the research has shown, it is important to differentiate women’s experiences in the conflict, including their experiences of displacement. The research has revealed that this is far from uniform, with situations differing based on women’ssocio-economic status, wealth and economic participation, marital status, family networks and so on. Ensuring that these diverse experiences are reflected in any future peace process will be crucial. Ultimately, there is an urgent needfor an agreement between the warring parties in Sudan to bring about an end to the war, and for an inclusive and sustainable peace process - one that not only recognises the adverse impacts of the war on women and girls, but also values and respects theirvoices and needs. In this vein, SIHA continuing its essential work in supporting Sudanese women, highlighting their diverse experiences of the conflict, and striving for their inclusion in political and peacebuilding processes and transitional justice mechanisms is crucial to the overall peace and gender equality efforts in Sudan.

158 Heinrich Boll Stiftung 2021.

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8. Annex

8.1 Breakdown of change in employment status

8.2 Interview guide – English version

Interview Guide

Themes Estimated time Proposed questions and topics

Introduction 5 mins

Icebreaker 10 mins

Exploration of economic impact

Impact of displacement

15 mins

Gendered dynamic and vulnerabilities

Period Poverty

20 mins

20 mins

20 mins

Coping mechanisms 15 mins

Access to resources 15 mins

Future prospects 10 mins

Summary and conclusion 5 mins

• Welcome participant and explain the purpose of study

• Introduce the interviewers and any assistants/note-takers present

• Remind the women of the study’s confidentiality and encourage opendiscussion

• Ask participants to introduce themselves and share a brief personal experience related to the economic impact of conflict in their community

o What is a typical day for you like? Can you tell us more about it?

ß Possible probe: how does it compare to before the war?

• Have you been directly affected by looting? If so, how?

• How, if at all, has the conflict had an impact on your livelihood and ability to make money? (ask about other family members’ livelihood if interviewee relies on them for income)

ß What sorts of activities do you do to make money or support your family? What are some of the challenges to this?

• Was your choice of direction of travel in any way influenced by economic considerations e.g. availability of work at the destination?

• Did you have to change your living arrangement because of displacement or since the conflict started (for example, having to live with extended family members or strangers)? How did this affect you?

• Do you think women are more prone to displacement? Did the men in your life also get displaced to the [city name]?

• How do you think your experience of displacement is different than that of men? Do you think men had to go through the same challenges as you to get to where you are right now?

• Do you have consistent access to menstrual products? Have you ever faced challenges in obtaining them? If so, what were they?

• Have you noticed any changes in the availability or affordability of these products since the conflict started?

• Are there community resources or initiatives that provide suppor for menstrual hygiene needs specifically tailored to the context of the conflict?

• What kind of strategies or mechanisms have been put in place to cope with the impact of the conflict? Have these been successful?

• What role did the displaced community play in helping you cope with the impacts of the war?

• How has the conflict affected your access to essential resources? (e.g. food, aid, financial support, etc.)

• What kind of support, if any, have you received since being displaced?

• What would you most like to see included in a future peace agreement/process? How can your future prospects be best protected?

• How can things be improved in [city name] to secure your financial and social interests?

• Is there anything you want to add that wasn’t addressed in the discussion?