Unveiling Sexual Violence Against Displaced and Minority Women in Somalia and Somaliland
DISCLAIMER
This publication is produced with funding from the UN Trust Fund to End Violence against Women. However, the views expressed and the content included do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.
Cover photo: SIHA Network Somaliland Women Press Club
Design: Marce Digital
Published: August 2024
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior approval in writing from The Research Team and SIHA Network. This Paper is not a legally binding document. It is a collaborative informational and assessment document and does not reflect the views of any of the contributing partners in all its contents. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the authors.
Silenced Suffering: Unveiling Sexual Violence Against Displaced and Minority Women in Somalia and Somaliland.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research report of the “We Have Rights: Protecting IDP and Minority Women and Girls from SGBV in South Central Somalia and Somaliland” project was prepared by Guleid Ahmed Jama and reviewed and edited by Olivia Bueno. The research covers Somalia and Somaliland and was conducted between September and November 2023. The review and updating was conducted in May 2024.
We would like to thank all the people who made this possible: the study participants including government stakeholders, community leaders and representatives from IDP and minority communities.
Special thanks go to the SIHA Somalia and Somaliland staff who helped to coordinate the project and provided guidance throughout the process.
Sincere gratitude to the SIHA Regional Team including Hala Al-Karib, the Regional Director; Faizat Badmus-Busari, the Regional Programme Manager; Mercy Owuor, the Regional Projects & MEAL Coordinator; Sandra Nassali, the Regional Advocacy and Communications Coordinator; and Faith James, the Regional Research and Advocacy Officer for their contributions and guidance throughout the process.
Finally, this research would not have been possible without the funding from UN Trust Fund. The study will inform interventions to protect women and girls particularly from IDP and minority communities in Somalia and Somaliland from sexual violence.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CSOs Civil Society Organizations
GBV Gender-Based Violence
IDPs Internally Displaced Persons
IPV Intimate Partner Violence
NGO(s) Non-Governmental organisation(s)
OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
SEA Sexual Exploitation and Abuse
SGBV Sexual and Gender-Based Violence
SV Sexual Violence
UNODC United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS
This section defines the key concepts used in this report.
Minority clans (minorities): Minority clans in Somalia are small clans that are discriminated against by larger clans that make up a majority in a particular area. In Somalia, minority clans include Bantu, Banadiri, and Gabooye. In Somaliland, they include Yibir (also known as Anaas), Gaboye (consisting of Madhibaan, Muse Dheriyo, and others), and Tumal. Many members of these groups have been displaced over the years of conflict and now reside in IDP camps.1
Internally Displaced Persons: The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement define Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) as “persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or humanmade disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized border.”2
Gender-Based Violence: Gender-Based violence is defined by the EU as “violence directed against a person because of that person’s gender or violence that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately.
Violence against women is understood as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean all acts of gender-based violence that result in, or are likely to result in:
◆ Physical Harm
◆ Sexual Harm
◆ Psychological
◆ Or Economic Harm
◆ Or Suffering To Women
It can include violence against women, domestic violence against women, men or children living in the same domestic unit. Although women and girls are the main victims of GBV, it also causes severe harm to families and communities.” 3
1 Minority Rights Group, “Somalia,” https://minorityrights.org/country/somalia/#:~:text=Among%20 other%20groups%2C%20Somalia’s%20ethnic,are%20based%20in%20Southern%20Somalia.
2 The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (E/CN.4/1998/53/Add.2).
3 European Commission. “What is gender-based violence?” https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/policies/justice-and-fundamental-rights/gender-equality/gender-based-violence/ what-gender-based-violence_en#:~:text=Gender%2Dbased%20violence%20is%20violence,of%20a%20
Silenced Suffering: Unveiling Sexual Violence Against Displaced and Minority Women in Somalia and Somaliland.
Sexual Violence: The World Health Organisation defines sexual violence as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or other act directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting. It includes rape, defined as the physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration of the vulva or anus with a penis, other body part or object.”4 It includes, but is not limited to, sexual assault, sexual coercion, rape, sexual exploitation, sexual harassment, stalking, and relationship violence.5 particular%20gender%20disproportionately.
4 Violence Info. “Sexual Violence.” Available at: https://apps.who.int/violence-info/sexual-violence/, Accessed February 09, 2024.
5 Michigan State University. “Sexual Violence Definitions.” Available at: https://centerforsurvivors.msu. edu/education-resources/sexual-violence-educational-information/sexual-violence-definitions.html, Accessed February 09, 2024.
Silenced Suffering: Unveiling Sexual Violence Against Displaced and Minority Women in Somalia and Somaliland.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Sexual violence is a serious threat to the rights and well-being of women in Somalia and Somaliland. The documented incidents are horrific. For example, in February 2024, a 13-year-old girl was pulled from her home and attacked by multiple men.6 However, these visible incidents are the tip of an iceberg of unreported and unaddressed violence.
The consequences of this violence are profound and can include sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, unwanted pregnancy and unsafe abortion, isolation and stigmatisation, and emotional and psychological trauma, which may result in attempted suicide or suicide.
Significant effort has been expended to increase responses to this threat, but too many women are still at risk and services for those who are victimised are inadequate. Although sexual violence is widespread, it is not evenly distributed among the population. Although men and boys are also victimised, women and girls represent the vast majority of survivors. Vulnerabilities are intersectional and internally displaced persons (IDPs) and minority communities are particularly vulnerable.
In this context, SIHA seeks to re-examine the increasing prevalence of sexual violence in Somalia and Somaliland, with a particular focus on the most vulnerable groups, namely displaced and minority women. It focused on four main questions:
1. What is the prevalence of sexual violence in Somalia and Somaliland among IDP and minority communities?
2. What are the drivers of sexual violence in Somalia and Somaliland, especially among IDP and minority communities?
3. What are the consequences of sexual violence?
4. What response frameworks exist? What about them works and what needs improvement?
Based on analyses of these questions, the paper offers recommendations for improving responses.
This paper recognises that there are significant differences between the contexts of Somalia and Somaliland in terms of governance structures. In particular, since
6 Save the Children (2024). “Violence must end after rape of 13-year-old girl in displacement camp in Somalia,” 23 February 2024. Available at https://www.savethechildren.net/news/violence-must-end-after-rape-13-year-old-girl-displacement-camp-somalia-save-children.
Somaliland declared independence in 1991, it has experienced less violence than the rest of the country and has developed stronger and more stable governance structures. However, it also recognises significant similarities. Both are primarily inhabited by ethnic Somalis with similar cultures. They share a common history up to the collapse of the Somali Central Government in 1991, during which time they were a single state. Both customary legal structures (the xeer) and formal laws adopted up to 1991 are shared including the outdated Somali Penal Code, which addresses sexual violence. In both areas, activists have sought to promote more progressive legislation to combat sexual violence only to see their efforts undermined by Islamists.7 Because of these similarities, the two areas are considered jointly in the research, with relevant differences highlighted where applicable.
BACKGROUND
Both Somalia and Somaliland are part of a geographical area primarily inhabited by ethnic Somalis and share a common culture and traditions. However, European colonizers divided the Somali people into five areas in the 19th century, with the British ruling the British Protectorate of Somaliland and the Northern District Frontier (now part of Kenya), the French controlling Djibouti, and the Italians governing Somalia.
On 26 June 1960, the British Protectorate of Somaliland gained independence and joined with Somalia, which was granted independence by Italy on 1 July 1960. This union initially established a democratically elected civilian government, but in 1969, that government was overthrown in a military coup. The military regime revoked the constitution and ruled until, under pressure from rebel groups since the late 1970s, it collapsed in 1991.
In the aftermath, delegates convened in the northern town of Burao in 1991 and unilaterally declared the Northern Regions of Somalia, formerly under the British Protectorate, an independent country – Somaliland. Since then, Somaliland has developed its own governance and legal structures, although its independence has been recognised by either the African Union8 or the United Nations.9 Somaliland’s
7 Guleid Ahmed Jama (2023). “Why are anti-rape laws rejected in Somaliland and Somalia,” Women in Islam Journal, Issue 6, 2023.
8 The bloc fears that formal recognition would embolden other secessionist movements on the continent.
9 Ferragamo M. and Klobucista C. (January 2024). Somaliland: The Horn of Africa’s Breakaway State. Council on Foreign Relations. Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/somaliland-horn-africas-breakaway-state.
2001 constitution introduced universal suffrage, allowing both men and women to vote. Democratic transfers of power occurred in 2010 and 2017. Somaliland has developed stable government structures but legal protections against SV remain lacking.
Meanwhile, Somalia has been beset by conflict and poor governance since 1991.10 In 2012, after years of transitional government, a provisional constitution established the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), made up of five Federal Member States. Each Federal Member State operates its own executive, legislature, and judiciary. The transition to a federal system has resulted in legal discrepancies between pre-1991 laws and the provisions of the 2012 provisional constitution, including as relates to jurisdiction over sexual offenses. Federal Member States retain significant autonomy, with some, like Puntland, enacting separate laws from those of the federal government.11
This political fragmentation has challenged Somalia’s ability to meet its international human rights obligations. National institutions are fragile and absent in many parts of the country, including areas controlled by clan militias, extremist groups, and regional administrations. The absence of effective governance and law enforcement particularly endangered women, leaving them more vulnerable to sexual violence.
METHODOLOGY
This research began with a desk review of available sources on sexual violence in Somalia this included UN News Global Perspective Human Stories on Somalia, and reports by the WHO, as well as UNICEF and UNDP Reports on GBV in Somalia. We also reviewed scholarly studies on prevalence, causes, and impact of sexual violence in the region and well as existing response services and the barriers to accessing them. The study also reviewed existing law and policy frameworks in both Somalia and Somaliland.
The research also built on both desk and field research in Hargeisa and Mogadishu carried out by SIHA in January 2023 as part of the baseline assessment for this project. An additional 21 key informant interviews (12 women and 9 men) were conducted in Hargeisa and Mogadishu specifically for this research between October to December 2023.
10 Elmi, A. A. (2010), Understanding the Somalia Conflagration: Identity, Political Islam and Peacebuilding.
11 National report submitted in accordance with paragraph 15 (a) of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 5/1, Somalia, A/HRC/WG.6/11/SOM/1, 11 April 2011: paragraph 15, page 5.
The project prioritised gender sensitivity, incorporating practices such as ensuring a gender-balanced team for data collection, providing gender and protection training for consultants and enumerators, prioritising safety and security for all team members and respondents, obtaining informed consent, and designing data collection tools with gender-specific questions. This data was analysed to identify emerging themes.
PREVALENCE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND
Women in Somalia and Somaliland suffer from high levels of Sexual and GenderBased Violence (SGBV), which builds on a variety of factors, including global discrimination against women12 and the impact of conflict, both of which increases vulnerability. Women are vulnerable to attack by armed actors and also to attack within their families as resources strain and stress increases.
Women and girls who are from minority clans and those who are displaced face a higher level of risk. The US Department of State’s Annual Human Rights Report for 2023 highlighted the increased vulnerability of displaced women and girls to sexual violence, noting that they could be raped by armed men, whether part of the army, clan militias, opposition groups such as Al-Shabaab or simply unidentified men.13 For example, in December 2021, a 15-year-old girl was gang raped by 15 members of the Somali National Army and later died of her injuries.14 Although the alleged perpetrators were arrested, no trial date has been set.15 In 2022, 50% of the total documented sexual violence cases impacted women in displacement camps.16 According to a 2021 UNFPA advocacy brief, 75% of reported incidents of GBV in 2020 were women or children from displaced communities.17 As another study on
12 UNHCR, “Gender-based violence” Available at: https://www.unhcr.org/what-we-do/protect-human-rights/protection/gender-based-violence, Accessed February 09, 2024.
13 US Department of State (2022), “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” Available at https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia/
14 US Department of State (2022), “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” Available at https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia/
15 UN Security Council, “Conflict-related sexual violence,” 4 April 2024, https://www.un.org/sexualviolenceinconflict/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/report/report-of-the-secretary-general-on-conflict-related-sexual-violence/202404-SG-annual-report-on-CRSV-EN.pdf
16 Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (2023), Conflict Related Sexual Violence, https://www.un.org/sexualviolenceinconflict/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/SG-REPORT-2023SPREAD-1.pdf.
17 UNFPA (2021), “Overview of Gender-Based Violence in Somalia” Available at http://somalia.un.org/ sites/default/files/2021-04/somalia_gbv_advocacy_brief_05march21.pdf.
the prevalence of gender-based violence generally put it, “migration and internal displacement, as well as minority clan status, were also associated with several forms of violence.”18
Sexual violence reported by interviewees and reported in the literature occurred in homes, schools, workplaces, and outdoors. Survivors are attacked by close family members, neighbours, people in positions of power, and sometimes strangers.
Displacement increases the risk of gender-based violence by removing women from the community structures that offer some protection, lodging them in impermanent and insecure camps, and creating greater stress in families. In Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps a range of deficiencies in physical infrastructure including poor lighting, lack of doors on toilets, and lack of disaggregation of sanitary facilities increase the risk of sexual violence. IDPs themselves recognise these vulnerabilities:
“Houses in IDPs are open. They are mostly made up of cloth and cartons. They cannot be locked. At night, it is dangerous. During the day, adult family members leave for work, and those left behind are in danger. Mostly they are young children. Always it is dangerous.” 19
In addition, a range of services, from food distributions to water points, markets, health facilities and schools require women to cross long stretches of dangerous territories, increasing their vulnerability. Of particular concern among the displaced and minority women interviewed by SIHA was the vulnerability to rape of women gathering firewood. Referring to the reality that many IDPs need to travel long distances into the city to work, one IDP committee member said:
“Some IDPs in Hargeisa are far away from the city and with no service or place to work.”.20
“Women in IDPs travel to cities for work. This makes them vulnerable to attack. Also, family members they left behind are in weak position.”21
18 Andrea Wirtz, Nancy A Perrin, Amelie Desgroppes, Verena Phipps, Ali A Abdi, Brendan Ross, Francesco Kaburu, Isatu Kajue, Ezekiel Kutto, Eri Taniguchi, and Nancy Glass, “Lifetime prevalence, correlates and health consequences of gender-based violence victimization among men and women in Somalia,” BMJ Global Health, 2018, https://gh.bmj.com/content/bmjgh/3/4/e000773.full.pdf.
19 Interview, Mogadishu, 14 November 2023.
20 Interview with IDP committee member, Hargeisa, 1 November 2023.
21 Interview, Mogadishu, 15 November 2023.
Both the travel to work locations and the nature of women’s work can increase vulnerability. Women may need to travel long distances or travel at times when there is little population on the streets, making them more vulnerable to attack. In the words of one survivor:
“People who are in internally displaced persons camps are very vulnerable to rape and many other social issues. Because they are poor, they are not in a position to fight while they are struggling with day-to-day incomes. Sometimes we have to work and clean offices, stores and other places and we can only do it at night or early in the morning, which puts you in a situation where you can get raped, or even killed, since the streets are empty.”22
Work available for women is often low-paid and carried in houses, teashops, and other places where protection is limited or non-existent. Families headed by single mothers may also face increased risk.23 In addition, economic vulnerability is linked to physical vulnerability. The exclusion of women from food distributions contributes to impoverishing them and in that way increasing their risk of gender-based violence.24 Women and girls in camps can be vulnerable to sexual exploitation at the hands of gatekeepers who may extort sexual favours in exchange for access to aid.
In Somalia, flooding, droughts, and armed conflicts had displaced 3.9 million people by the end of 2023, including 673,000 new displacements in 2023.25 Despite the lack of conflict, Somaliland houses significant numbers of IDPs, some of whom have fled the conflicts with Puntland and in Las Anod, some of whom fled violence in South Central Somalia, and a larger number fleeing drought. This has led to the establishment of internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, particularly in and around Hargeisa. As in Somalia, IDPs in Somaliland are vulnerable to various forms of sexual violence.
22 Interview with sexual violence survivor, July 2018, cited in Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF.
23 US Department of State, “2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” https://www. state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia.
24 UNFPA (2022). Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia, Advocacy Brief. Available at: https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/overview-gender-based-violence-situation-somalia-advocacy-brief-2022.
Minority communities face additional discrimination. IDPs may move from areas where their clans are the majority, to areas where members of their clans are not numerous, thereby uprooting the displaced from clan protection systems. In other cases, they may be from groups that are not a majority in any area. This is the case, for example, for the Gabooye in Somaliland. The Gabooye were traditionally defined by their work as shoemakers, tanners, and diggers and face significant discrimination.26 They are also excluded from political power, having gotten their first MP only last year. Intermarriage with these groups is not condoned by others in the area. In the context of these imbalances, girls can be pressured to engage in sexual relationships with majority clan members, who can then abandon them if the girl falls pregnant.27 The constitution of minority groups and their role differs in Somalia where they are recognized politically, at least to some extent, through the 4.5 system which sets aside a portion of political positions for minorities. Minorities in Somalia are also for the most part allowed to intermarry with majority clans.28
Minority women tend to have fewer resources to obtain adequate housing and also tend to have less community support, both before and after displacement. There is no clear census data to establish the size of minority communities in Somalia and Somaliland, but they have been estimated to collectively make up 20-33% of the population.29 However, their vulnerability in both Somalia and Somaliland,30 including socially institutionalised discrimination and severe human rights abuses, is well documented. The traditional clan structure excludes minorities from political participation and employment and limits their access to justice where abuses have been perpetrated against them. The customary clan-based xeer legal system disfavours them, as will be discussed in more detail below. Indeed, even in cases of murder, Somaliland civil society organisations have documented a failure to arrest perpetrators who belong to majority clans when the victims are from minority clans.31 Minority women face discrimination both on the basis of their gender and on the basis of their clan or ethnicity.32
26 European Union Agency for Asylum, Country Guidance Somalia 2022, 2022, https://euaa.europa.eu/ country-guidance-somalia-2022/291-low-status-occupational-minorities.
27 Interview with key informant, July 2024.
28 Interview with key informant, July 2024.
29 Minority Rights Group International, “Somalia,” https://minorityrights.org/country/somalia/
30 Hill, M. (2010). No redress: Somalia’s forgotten minorities. London: Minority Rights Group International.
31 SIHA (2015), The other war: Gang rape in Somaliland, https://issuu.com/home/read/pv8f6t592sg.
32 Hill, M. (2010). No redress: Somalia’s forgotten minorities. London: Minority Rights Group International.
Worsening this situation, women from minority communities are not included in camp leadership positions or committees.33 Their concerns and interests are not shared in forums of decision-making, which impedes action to understand their issues or take action to address them. As one minority IDP put it:
“Some people degrade me as a newcomer in the camp.”34
Child marriage exposes children, particularly girls, to heightened risks of sexual violence. Child marriage remains unregulated by formal law in Somalia and Somaliland. The region grapples with high rates of child marriage, and Somalia has been ranked tenth most affected by child marriage globally, according to Girls Not Brides. Eight percent of girls in Somalia are married before the age of fifteen, and 45% are married before reaching eighteen years old.35 UNICEF reports that 642,200 children were married before the age of 15 and 1.4 million before the age of 18.36 In Somaliland, the government estimates that 75% of girls are vulnerable to early marriage.37 UNICEF reports that “northwest Somalia” (roughly Somaliland) is slightly less affected than South Central Somalia, with 23% of women currently 2024 having been married before 18, as compared to 56% in South Central. In 2018, Save the Children documented the cases of 51 teenage girls who were married off as a result of pressures on their families due to drought.38
These marriages may also be forced, concluded to reinforce peace agreements or as part of blood money payments.39 Al Shabaab is noted for carrying out abductions and forced marriages,40 but the phenomenon is also prevalent in Somaliland, driven
33 There was no woman from a minority who is a camp leader mentioned by the interviewees or met by the researcher.
34 Focus group discussion with minority women, October 2023.
35 Bahja Hassan (August 2023). “Forced marriage is a major concern for mental health of victims: Why are partners not doing enough? A case of Somalia.” AfricLaw. Available at: https://africlaw. com/2023/08/15/forced-marriage-is-a-major-concern-for-mental-health-of-victims-why-are-partnersnot-doing-enough-a-case-of-somalia/, Accessed February 27, 2024.
36 United Nations Children’s Fund (2022). Child Marriage in Eastern and Southern Africa: A statistical overview and reflections on ending the practice, UNICEF, New York., https://data.unicef.org/resources/ child-marriage-in-eastern-and-southern-africa-a-statistical-overview-and-reflections-on-ending-thepractice/.
37 Somaliland National Development Plan, Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF.
38 Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF.
39 European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) (2022), “Country Guidance: Somalia. Common analysis and guidance note,” Available at: https://euaa.europa.eu/sites/default/files/publications/2022-06/2022_ Country_Guidance_Somalia.pdf, Accessed February 27, 2024.
40 US Department of State (2022), “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” Available at https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia/.
by poverty and societal norms, with girls as young as a few years old being married off. Research from SIHA’s baseline assessment shows some of the cultural attitudes that facilitate child marriages, finding that both men and women were about eight times more likely to agree than disagree with the statement that “a man with a very young wife is to be admired.”41 This reflects a deep-seated cultural standard that valorises rather than challenges child marriage, with impoverished communities, including IDPs and minority groups, disproportionately affected.
In Somaliland, similar patterns of sexual violence are noted, but because the country has been relatively peaceful conflict-related sexual violence is less of a concern. That said, Somalia has experienced border tensions with Puntland in the Las Anod region, which displaced tens of thousands and increased exposure to conflict-related sexual violence, including rape, attempted rape, sexual assault, child marriage, forced marriage, and sexual harassment. One organization providing services to survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, Bahi Koob, reported that most of the beneficiaries of its services live in IDP camps or other poor areas.42
Gang rapes are reportedly a serious problem in urban areas of Somaliland, with women and girls being lured – at times by men who present themselves as potential boyfriends – and then gang raped. One respondent interviewed for an earlier SIHA report said that in one such case:
“A boy locked a girl in the room and 19 of his friends raped her.”43
Although these patterns of violence are well documented, establishing their frequency is complex due to obstacles to reporting and research. Two commonly relied upon mechanisms for indicating prevalence are to collect the number of reported incidents or conduct anonymous surveys of women asking whether or not they have experienced such violence, generally asking either about the last year or over their lifetime. Of course, stigma and insecurity can create obstacles to reporting and obstruct surveys.
That said, a variety of documentation data is available. In 2023, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) verified cases of conflict-related sexual violence against 30 women and girls. As part of its monitoring of violations against children, the UN was also able to verify cases of violence against 231 girls.44 This
41 SIHA (2023), Baseline Assessment findings for ‘We Have Rights: Protecting IDP and Minority Women and Girls from SGBV in South Central Somalia and Somaliland’ Project, on file with author.
42 Interview with Bahi Koob, 2018, cited in Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF.
43 SIHA (2015), The other war: Gang rape in Somaliland, https://issuu.com/home/read/pv8f6t592sg.
44 Report of the United Nations Secretary-General, “Conflict-Related Sexual Violence,” 2023, https://
represented a decrease from the number of cases documented in 2020 (400 girls). The height of violence in 2020 was attributed to the increase in Al Shabaab activity in that year, especially as the armed group was implicated in the majority of cases.45 Local NGOs also documented a concerning rise between 2021 and 2022, reporting 2,176 cases in 2021 and 2,343 cases in 2022 —an increase of approximately 7.7%.46 In 2023, 752 cases were documented by the Somaliland National Human Rights Commission a 22.8% increased in reported cases of rape from the 580 reported in 2022, yet only 271 cases were brought to court.47 This also represents a huge increase from 2021, in which 188 cases of rape were reported by the Attorney General’s office.48
One important source of data relating to Somali women as a whole is the Somalia Health and Demographic Survey, which found that 14.4% of women surveyed had experienced physical or sexual violence since age 12 and 7.6% had experienced violence in the last year. 3.6% of those surveyed reported having experienced sexual violence at the hands of their spouses in their lifetimes.49
However, one recent study found that 18.5% of displaced women and girls in a sampling of displaced persons camps in Somalia had been subjected to genderbased violence in the prior year (more than double the number the prevalence in the overall population estimated in the health and demographic survey).
Of those who reported experiencing such violence, 18.8% experienced forced marriage, 7.2% attempted rape, and 4% rape.50
45 Report of the United Nations Secretary-General, “Conflict-Related Sexual Violence,” 2021, https:// www.un.org/sexualviolenceinconflict/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/report/conflict-related-sexual-violence-report-of-the-united-nations-secretary-general/SG-Report-2020editedsmall.pdf?_gl=1*emwp1i*_ ga*NjYxMzU1OTQzLjE2OTg2OTc5MDg.*_ga_TK9BQL5X7Z*MTcxNzM2MzEyMC4zMC4wLjE3MTczNjMxMjAuMC4wLjA.*_ga_S5EKZKSB78*MTcxNzM2MzEyMS4xMy4xLjE3MTczNjMxNTguMjMuMC4w.
46 SIHA (2023), “Statement to the 77th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights,” https://sihanet.org/siha-statement-to-the-77th-ordinary-session-of-the-africancommission-on-human-and-peoples-rights-in-english-french-read-to-the-commission-on-22-october-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=siha-statement-to-the-77th-ordinarysession-of-the-african-commission-on-human-and-peoples-rights-in-english-french-read-to-the-commission-on-22-october-2023.
47 SIHA, “Press Statement: Women’s Rights Organizations Applaud New Measures for Ensuring Accountability and Justice for Perpetrators of Rape in Somaliland and Advocate for Further Action,” 10 July 2024, https://sihanet.org/womens-rights-organizations-applaud-new-measures-for-ensuring-accountability-and-justice-for-perpetrators-of-rape-in-somaliland-and-advocate-for-further-action/.
48 SIHA (2022), “Somaliland’s Rape Crisis Will Not Resolve Itself,” https://issuu.com/halayassin/docs/somaliland_wcw_briefing_paper_final_2022.
49 Federal Republic of Somalia, “The Somali Health and Demographic Survey 2020.”
50 Dahie, H. A., Dakane, M. M., & Hassan, B. S. (2023). Prevalence, patterns, and determinants of gender-based violence among women and girls in IDP camps, Mogadishu-Somalia. Journal of migration and health, 8, 100193.
DRIVERS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND
Sexual violence in Somalia and Somaliland reveals a complex interplay of sociopolitical, cultural, and institutional factors.
Cultural attitudes
Somali society’s deeply entrenched patriarchy and male-dominated culture perpetuate gender inequality and contribute to sexual violence. Men and boys are socialised to view women as inferior. These norms foster an environment where men feel entitled to control women’s bodies in various ways, including perpetuating sexual violence. They also lead to a lack of respect and support when women report incidents of violence. Too often, the institutions from whom women are expected to seek help are male-dominated. This increases the likelihood of unsupportive and victim-blaming responses, and further discourages reporting.
As one example of the cultural attitudes that undermine support for victims of sexual violence, in SIHA’s baseline study both men and women were more than twice as likely to agree with the statement that, “if a woman doesn’t physically fight back, it’s not rape,” than disagree, overlooking the range of types of coercion that can be employed.51
Further, both the literature and interviews, indicated that the increasing prevalence of Salafi teachings in urban Islamic discourse in Somaliland reinforces patriarchal norms and undermines efforts to protect women from sexual violence. Some religious leaders go so far as to propagate beliefs that justify violence against women.
Insecurity and the absence of protective measures
The Federal Government is yet to establish full control even of the capital, Mogadishu, much less the rest of the territory. Ongoing conflict undermines government capacity to offer either physical or legal protection. In this context, those who are armed can and do impose a wide range of abuses, including sexual violence, on those who are unarmed. And women are more likely than their male counterparts to be unarmed.
51 SIHA (2023), Baseline Assessment findings for ‘We Have Rights: Protecting IDP and Minority Women and Girls from SGBV in South Central Somalia and Somaliland’ Project, on file with author.
“Minority people are discriminated by society. People call them names and look down on them.”52
Police are responsible for the protection of women and girls from all forms of violence, including sexual violence. They should both engage in prevention and respond to and investigate incidents after they occur.
However, in both Somalia and Somaliland, the police are weak and have little to no presence in IDP camps and other places due to the weakness of the federal government of Somalia. This means both that they have limited capacity to prevent, e.g. through patrolling and survivors can be discouraged from reporting. Reporting rape cases requires survivors to visit police stations, which are often far from IDP camps, discouraging reporting especially by impoverished women with few resources for transport.
Moreover, the makeup and structure of law enforcement, which is dominated by men, can discourage victims of rape and other sexual violence from reporting. Police are often reluctant to investigate cases of rape and sometimes ask survivors to carry out or pay for investigation of their own cases.53 In part because of these weaknesses, IDP and minority women do not trust the police, which makes them less likely to report, further weakening the ability of the police to respond. It seems that men lack understanding of these weaknesses. For example, in SIHA’s baseline survey men were significantly more likely than women to characterise police response to sexual violence as adequate.54
Further, courts with authority over sexual offences are in main cities, which can be hard for more distant populations to access. The absence of female representation in the judiciary and the lack of gender mainstreaming exacerbates survivors’ difficulties in navigating the legal system.
Impunity and weak protective measures
Furthering this sense of entitlement is the impunity that is enjoyed by those who violate women’s rights. Somali law rests on three schools of law/thought: statutory
52 Interview, Mogadishu, 15 November 2023.
53 US Department of State, “2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” https://www. state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia; SIHA (2022), Somaliland’s Rape Crisis Will Not Resolve Itself,” Available at https://issuu.com/halayassin/docs/somaliland_wcw_ briefing_paper_final_2022.
54 SIHA (2023), Baseline Assessment findings for ‘We Have Rights: Protecting IDP and Minority Women and Girls from SGBV in South Central Somalia and Somaliland’ Project, on file with author.
law, sharia and xeer, but none offer sufficient protection for women or accountability for those who violate their rights (see discussion of the legal framework below).
First, as noted above, survivors are discouraged from reporting and this prevents the justice system from even being engaged. A variety of factors including shame and stigma, financial barriers, perceptions that perpetrators would not be held accountable anyway, fear of retribution, or lack of awareness of, or access to, services all play a role. These factors can be an issue globally, but especially in Somalia and Somaliland. Globally, only about 7% of survivors had disclosed to any authority or official.55
Survivors of sexual violence who do dare to report (including those who report to family members) are often blamed.
“Victims are called names and accused of indecency. Their clothing is called inappropriate, or they are accused of walking outside at the wrong time, etc.”56
This adds insult to injury and deters women from reporting or pursuing cases, thereby enabling impunity. Survivors are blamed publicly by Imams who, in their sermons and other speeches, blame women for “indecency.” Sheikhs accuse women of all sorts of immorality and link that to the commission of sexual violence. This creates an impression that women are responsible for the crimes committed against them and in this way diffuses pressure for accountability.
In Somaliland as well, stigmatisation discourages reporting.
“The men in the family might beat the raped girl/victim, accusing her of dishonouring the family.”57
According to a 2023 Report on Human Rights Practices in Somalia, there were a number of cases in which the alleged perpetrators of violations were members of the military. Although they were in some cases arrested, there is no evidence of them ultimately being convicted.58
55 Palermo, T., Bleck, J., & Peterman, A. (2014). Tip of the iceberg: reporting and gender-based violence in developing countries. American journal of epidemiology, 179(5), 602-612.
56 Interview with displaced person, Mogadishu, 2023.
57 Male focus group participant, Hargeisa, 2023.
58 US Department of State, “2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia,” https://www.
EFFECTS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN SOMALIA
AND SOMALILAND
Sexual violence can cause a range of serious consequences for survivors, including unwanted pregnancies, the transmission of sexually transmitted diseases, gynaecological fistula, stigmatisation, and physical and psychological trauma, which can in turn lead to depression, substance abuse and suicide or attempted suicide. Some flee the areas where the attack occurred, which may remove them from that specific threat but also opens them up to new threats as it removes them from their social support systems. As one survivor described it:
“It seems as if they don’t feel what you are going through, and that makes me feel lonely, sad, and as if no one cares about me. Sometimes I feel like everyone is talking about me, looking at me or even pointing fingers when I am walking on the streets. Other times they will refer to you as the girl who has been raped. I think the reason is that people don’t understand what you are going through as a survivor. They blame you for what ensues and treat you worse than the perpetrators.”
59
These consequences are exacerbated by the lack of specialised response services, which are chronically in short supply.60 Even where they are available, survivors may not be aware of them and may not take advantage.
Further, sexual violence has an impact on the economy. When women are in constant fear of violence, they are hindered from properly and sufficiently engaging with trade and business. Socially, women are largely relegated to the private sphere, disappearing from public social life as well as meaningful political participation. All of these factors continue the cycle of violence and also encourage men to commit sexual violence because they know that there is a high probability of impunity. state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia.
59 Interview with survivor of sexual violence, cited in Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF, https://reliefweb.int/report/ world/no-mother-wants-her-child-migrate-vulnerability-children-move-horn-africa-june-2019.
60 UNFPA (2022). Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia, Advocacy Brief. Available at: https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/overview-gender-based-violence-situation-somalia-advocacy-brief-2022.
LEGAL FRAMEWORK
International legal framework
Somalia’s membership in the United Nations and the African Union binds it to various human rights treaties and conventions, obligating the state to protect, respect, and fulfil the rights of women and girls, including protection from sexual violence.
Key international instruments ratified by Somalia include the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. These treaties underscore Somalia’s commitment to preventing and addressing sexual violence, both in times of conflict and peace.
As an unrecognised state, Somaliland has not been able to formally sign or ratify international human rights treaties. Despite this, it remains bound by certain international legal obligations applicable to the broader international community. In addition, its constitution provides that human rights provisions in its constitution should be interpreted in a way consistent with international standards.61
Types of law
Both Somalia and Somaliland grapple with a mixed legal system comprising formal law, sharia, and xeer (customary clan laws), which create unique challenges to ensuring access to protection for women.
The absence of comprehensive legal protections and the weak enforcement of existing laws contribute significantly to the prevalence of sexual violence. Domestic violence, often considered a private matter, is not addressed in the statutory law.
Sharia draws its principles from various Islamic schools. Somalia has traditionally adopted a more tolerant and inclusive, Sufi school of Islam, although Salafism is increasingly influential, increasing the trend of subjugating women and excluding them from decision-making.62 Sharia has proved weak in addressing sexual violence due to its failure (in most cases) to distinguish rape from adultery and the genderdiscriminatory burdens of proof (typically four male witnesses or pregnancy are
62 Wiktorowicz, Q. (2006). Anatomy of the Salafi movement. Studies in conflict & terrorism, 29(3), 207239.
Silenced Suffering: Unveiling Sexual Violence Against Displaced and Minority Women in Somalia and Somaliland.
required). In this context, making an allegation of rape and failing to substantiate it can leave a woman exposed to being charged with adultery. As a result, in regions under the control of violent extremist groups like al-Shabaab, women who report sexual violence face severe repercussions, including brutal punishments such as stoning to death.
A key weakness of the xeer system is that it is intended primarily to maintain order between clans, rather than creating either accountability or justice for survivors. In this context, the xeer response is generally to mobilise the clan of the perpetrator to pay compensation to the clan of the survivor.63 This is seen by many as too lenient and too diffuse to create real deterrence.
A further problem is that the xeer system does not allow women and girls to access it directly, instead they are forced to engage with the system through a male intermediary. This means that male relatives of the survivor deal with the relatives of the perpetrator, disengaging and disempowering the survivor. The process may also fail to fully value the harm done to the woman and demand a lower level of penalty. There are also reports that cases may be resolved by having the woman marry her rapist.64
Further, the xeer system handles sexual violence cases in secrecy and does not report sexual violence cases to the government authorities, which undermines efforts to monitor and respond to the phenomenon of sexual violence at the national level.
In addition, because the xeer system is intended to keep the peace between clans, the system favours larger clans over minority ones. This means that women from minority clans receive an even lower level of protection, despite their heightened vulnerability. 65 For example, one key informant mentioned that while in some cases marrying a survivor to the perpetrator might be seen by xeer as a response to sexual violence, this will not be considered where the victim is from the Gabooye clan, because of the strength of the prohibition on inter-marriage. In other cases, if the victims is a member of a minority clan, “they can just be offered some little amount of money – they don’t get the same treatment.”66
As a result of the weaknesses in the xeer system, a number of activists argue that the formal system should be prioritised. In the words of one
63 SIHA (2015), The other war: Gang rape in Somaliland, https://issuu.com/home/read/pv8f6t592sg.
64 Lifos Report, “Somalia: the position of women in the clan system,” 2018.
65 Lifos Report, “Somalia: the position of women in the clan system,” 2018.
66 Interview with key informant, July 2024.
“We don’t welcome any traditional solution for gender-based violence, we have no tolerance for elders’ solution, we prefer the court.”67
In Somaliland, there has been a strong tendency to try to resolve sexual violence cases through informal mechanisms such as the xeer. However, in July 2024, the president of Somaliland announced that all rape cases should be addressed in formal courts, rather than through xeer or other local mechanisms.68
National law in Somalia and Somaliland
Both Somalia and Somaliland’s Constitutions include provisions forbidding genderbased discrimination.69 Yet, Somalia ranks fourth from the bottom in UNDP’s gender equality index.70
The 1963 Somali Penal Code serves as the formal legal framework for criminal offences, including sexual offences in both Somalia and Somaliland, having been adopted prior to the separation in 1991. However, its provisions are outdated. For example, in the words of one commentator “the law provides that rape must be a violent act, leaving out the possibility that it could be coerced through verbal or economic threats.”
71 It also does not recognize marital rape.72 In addition, evidentiary standards require complainants to produce corroborating testimony, which is difficult to produce in many rape cases and an insistence on physical injuries and signs of resistance.73
To address these gaps and fulfil its international legal obligations, both Somalia and Somaliland have initiated reform processes.
In Somalia, the Sexual Offences Bill was introduced in 2018. However, despite its potential to enhance protections for women and girls, the bill been mired in the legislative process ever since. In 2020, a new bill titled the Sexual Intercourse and
67 Key informant interview, 2023.
68 SIHA, “Press Statement: Women’s Rights Organizations Applaud New Measures for Ensuring Accountability and Justice for Perpetrators of Rape in Somaliland and Advocate for Further Action,” July 10, 2024, https://sihanet.org/womens-rights-organizations-applaud-new-measures-for-ensuring-accountability-and-justice-for-perpetrators-of-rape-in-somaliland-and-advocate-for-further-action/.
70 UNDP, “Gender Equality and Social Inclusion,” https://www.undp.org/somalia/genderequality#:~:text=The%20country%20ranks%204th%20last,discrimination%20and%20gender%2Dbased%20violence.
71 Nyczak, Natalia (2023), “He Said, She Said: Assessing the Post-Colonial Legacy of Somalia’s Rape Laws,” Emory International Law Review, Vol. 37, Issue 2, https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=1307&context=eilr.
72 Interview with Attorney General’s Office, January 2023.
73 Ibid.
Related Crimes Bill (SIB) emerged, raising concerns about its departure from the original intent of the Sexual Offences Bill. This new bill, supported by religious groups, threatens to undermine efforts to combat sexual violence if approved.
Similarly, in Somaliland, the Rape and Sexual Offences Act was enacted in 2018. However, it has not yet been implemented, in part due to opposition from religious leaders. Subsequent attempts to amend the law, such as those included in the Rape, Fornication, and Other Related Offences Bill, have sparked controversy due to their potential to perpetuate harmful practices, including child marriage and leniency towards perpetrators of sexual violence. Such amendments not only contradict international human rights treaties but also violate the principles enshrined in the Somaliland Constitution.
In addition to laws specifically against rape, both Somalia and Somaliland have adopted policies that can be utilised to combat sexual violence, especially for the most vulnerable. For example, Somaliland has established policy frameworks, such as the National Gender Policy and the National Child Protection Policy, which address violence against women and children. However, these protections need strengthening in some areas. For example, the Child Protection policy forbids forced marriage, but not early marriage, merely “encouraging” that marriages take place after age 18.74
The Federal Government of Somalia has implemented policies to address the needs of refugees, returnees, and internally displaced persons (IDPs), but these policies lack a specific focus on protection against sexual violence. It is clear that legal reform is needed to ensure access to justice for survivors of sexual violence.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Sexual violence remains prevalent in both Somalia and Somaliland, driven by cultural attitudes that denigrate women and exclude them from decision-making, weak protection structures, the context of conflict and displacement and a culture of impunity. The prevalence of this violence carries serious consequences for survivors, who are mostly women and girls, including stigmatisation, isolation and physical and psychological damage. A number of responses to this devastating situation are being mobilised, both in terms of direct services to survivors and in terms of awareness raising and the need for legal and social change to address the issue.
74 Republic of Somaliland, National Child Protection Policy, cited in Olivia Bueno (2019), ‘No Mother Wants her Child to Migrate’ Vulnerability of children on the move in the Horn of Africa, UNICEF, https:// reliefweb.int/report/world/no-mother-wants-her-child-migrate-vulnerability-children-move-horn-africa-june-2019.
To fully address these challenges, a broad range of reforms are needed, including:
1. Legal reform to ensure that sexual violence is comprehensively criminalised in a way that it can be practically prosecuted. This legal reform should ensure compliance with international law and standards.
◆ In Somalia, the Federal Government of Somalia should enact the Sexual Offences Act to ensure compliance with international human rights law and standards.
◆ In Somaliland, the Government should lift the suspension from the 2018 Rape and Sexual Offences Act and implement it and withdraw the proposed amendments in the Rape, Fornication and Other Related Offences Bill.
◆ In both Somalia and Somaliland, the strengths and weaknesses of the parallel legal systems, sharia, xeer and formal law should be analysed and proposals made for more effectively building on them to create protective structures. However customary systems should not be allowed to supersede statutory law.
2. Institutional changes to facilitate the implementation of these new laws. This should include ensuring that institutions such as police and courts are accessible and responsive to sexual violence survivors, especially those who are most vulnerable. This should include:
◆ Judicial and law enforcement reform that ensures that police and court services are accessible to IDP and minority communities. This could include creating permanent or rotating mobile police posts in IDP camps and other vulnerable areas and/or improving transportation options for these communities. Similar initiatives would be needed to make courts accessible.
◆ Allocation of sufficient resources to investigators and prosecutors to ensure that they can thoroughly investigate and prosecute sexual violence cases.
◆ Incorporation of women into police and judicial systems in order to make women feel more comfortable reporting, and to ensure that women’s concerns are more fully integrated into the design of response mechanisms.
◆ Provision of comprehensive training on gender and trauma sensitivity to all judiciary and law enforcement personnel to ensure that they can effectively respond to sexual violence cases.
3. Improvement of the physical infrastructure of IDP settlements in order to address some of the elements that increase vulnerability to sexual violence, including ensuring adequate lighting, housing and lavatory facilities that
can lock and gender-segregated hygienic facilities. Activists interviewed for this research highlighted that addressing the lack of lighting this was the top priority for grassroots displaced women.75
4. Investment in social campaigns to change the conversation about sexual violence. These should include educational programs, curricula and awareness that is designed to teach tolerance and gender equality. Narratives that focus on women’s need to protect themselves and maintain purity need to be challenged and narratives of perpetrator accountability need to be emphasised.
5. Implementation of mechanisms for holding state institutions accountable to their obligation to protect minority women and girls in IDPs from all actors, including nonstate actors (such as Shabab, IDP leaders, and clan elders).
6. Promotion of economic development and empowerment to combat economic inequality, which impoverishes women, particularly minority and displaced women, and contributes to their vulnerability..
All stakeholders invested in the Somali region, including donors, UN agencies, and international and local NGOs working with IDPs have a responsibility to recognize the intersectional vulnerabilities present in IDP situations and address them. The protection of minority and displaced women and girls must be mainstreamed in all projects and activities, including the provision of food and services. Empowering marginalized communities, amplifying survivor voices, and promoting gender equality are essential steps toward combating sexual violence and ensuring the rights and dignity of all women and girls in Somalia.
75 Interview with key informant, July 2024.
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