THE NEIGHBOURHOOD AND ITS ENEMIES by Hilâl Kuşcu

THE NEIGHBOURHOOD AND ITS E N E M I E S

'BENEATH THE KNOW SURFACES OF ARCHITEC OF A DARK MATTER ARE THE NEW, THE ALIEN A 2

- Joshua Taron.

WABLE AND SENSIBLE CTURE, THE CONTOURS E TAKING SHAPE WHERE AND THE SPECULATIVE OPERATE.' 3

A dedication to Deniz Efe.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank Jorge Fiori, Dominic Papa, Elena Pascolo,

Francesco Zuddas, Giorgio Talocci and every fellow student I

met at the Architectural Association for the knowledge I gained during this amazing, yet short time of our H&U programme.

Thank you Lawrence Barth and Irénée Scalbert for your dedication, powerful inspiration and extraordinary way of thinking and sharing ideas. With both of your help and insight

I transformed a part of me. I also want to thank Anna Shapiro for being the most inspiring woman, with her dedication,

discipline, sharp sight, talent, and for believing in us. Alper Derinboğaz, Francis Kéré and Oruç Çakmaklı, thank

you for being an endless inspiration and preparing me for the time before joining the Architectural Association. Special Selçuk

thanks

Durdu,

Nikola

Aylin

Knežević,

Dedek,

Aşkım

Mehmet Nehir

Akif

Ünal,

Sarı, Naz

Küpelikilinc, Pino Heye, and Yuuki Noguchi for listening to

my never ending ideas during the production of this research.

ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE GRADUATE SCHOOL PROGRAMME HOUSING AND URBANISM THE NEIGHBOURHOOD AND ITS ENEMIES fairytales about anonymous intimacy 7 Author: Supervisor:

Hilâl Kuşcu Irénée Scalbert and Anna Shapiro

I certify that this piece of work is entirely my own and that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of others is duly acknowledged.

CONTENT 00 Introduction

01 The Relationship Between The Home And The Anonymity Of The City

01.01 01.02 01.03 01.04

The Definition Of Home Self-Development Breaks Free The Birth Of The City-Zen A Heterotopian Neighbour

02 The Open Society – An Utopia? 02.01 02.02

Elements Of Localism – Democractic Negotiation Elements Of Localism – Anonymous Intimacy

03 Diagrams Of The Neighbourhood In Contemporary Democracies 03.01 03.02 03.03

18 20 42 54 64 70 86 102

Permanence - The Ills Of Zoning And Centralisation 108 Succession - Opening The System 122 Simultaneity - An Alternative New Neighbourhood 135

04 Conclusion

175

Bibliography

182

List of Figures

194

'Space has always had value, but now it means something different […] once you take things that have traditionally lived in four sacred walls […] this holy layer for purists, and you intersect it […] with people who are authentic 1 to themselves, then you could get change.'

1 Baldwin, Eric. 2018. “Rem Koolhaas and Virgil Abloh Discuss Consumerism, IKEA and Millennial Design.” Archdaily, Accessed September 17, 2020. https:// www.archdaily.com/902931/remkoolhaas-and-virgil-abloh-discussconsumerism-ikea-and-millennialdesign

INTRODUCTION

Today there are as many new concepts of households as there are different phases in our lives. Combined with the fresh understanding of living being something rather political and constituted around shared experience and innovation, the home is becoming a scene of autonomy with an end goal for self-development. Looking at the conception of our cities, this raises the question, whether the home itself is sufficient on its own to bring up the cultivation of the next generation of people. Is there any reason to retain the traditional hierarchy with a focus on home being the foundation of neighbourhood in our current understanding? In my opinion, we have to switch to the scale of the neighbourhood to answer this question.

2 Pettman, Dominic. 2019. “Get Thee to a Phalanstery or, How Fourier Can Still Teach Us to Make Lemonade.” The Public Domain Review, Accessed September 16, 2020. https:// publicdomainreview.org/essay/ get-thee-to-a-phalanstery-or-howfourier-can-still-teach-us-to-makelemonade/#2-0

The original definition of the neighbourhood is one in which big and small businesses have little relationship to it other than economical reasons and the provision of goods. Along with this the neighbourhoods traditionally have very few cultural foundations. Further services for educational, health or knowledge purposes, are regarded as a provision by the state and located strategically in the centre. Given this, there is no layered understanding yet of how we provide care and wellbeing of the subject throughout the city. Nevertheless, we might see a return to values that have been embroidered in the evolution of cities and take advantage of the full potential to produce liberal subjects. This research argues that the process of re-thinking the city as a complex network, gives a promising possibility to start at the home as a concept of living and expand its characteristics into urban fabric. The execution in form of an Architectural framework has to provide a degree of neighbourliness and intimacy of the anonymous. I therefore claim by thinking about the city in a decentralised way, there is a promising chance of enhancing the notion of a

next generation of care and wellbeing, which is not based on the separation of the market's purpose, state provision and individual housing. Linked to this point, this research explains we don't need to force a revolution in order to accommodate the modern citizen in a neighbourhood the age he lives in demands; 'we just need to rearrange some of our social mechanisms and better regulate our 2 intimate relations' . Here the home itself still plays an important role, since it becomes a part of the whole system instead of remaining on its own, completely private area. Along with the home there comes neighbourliness, as well as the family, as an equipment for self-development and the task to negotiate. We are connected to everyone, but always at a certain distance having our private rooms, or houses, sharing a transformed form of intimacy. So the cultivation of the next generation of people is brought up by homes as scenes of interaction, memory, warmth and even the cultivation of art - all of this being a part of an anonymous intimacy as the cities key ingredient. Given this background, this research is a critique on the concept of the neighbourhood, based on the idea of deeply enriching the understanding of subjectivity and inter-subjectivity, by reflecting on a completely different set of elements, that make notion of the neighbourhood. I argue, there is a personal space that is part of the blossoming of the self, but it is not the foundation for larger spaces.

3 Holden, Meg. “Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42413-0180005-1

Rather, it is part of a complex accommodation of care, culture and services in a more local distribution. Here the value of the neighbourhood is to recognize it as a simultaneously 'spatial container for social connections through common activities performed outside the home and for local political 3 connections through shared action' . The research is starting with the establishment of the known definition of home and neighbourhood today, leading to observations about self-development and anonymous intimacy, developed from historical forms of interaction and the wish to be accommodated in open societies. After explaining the benefits and tools of a localist approach, it is finally ending with re-thinking the neighbourhood made necessary by this social and democratic thought. The research outcome does not concentrate on a specific neighbourhood or city. Rather it is aiming to update principles by which we can define and discuss the neighbourhood or give an idea of it, which serves an extended awareness of indifferences amongst conditions and places and pays attention to diagnose the conditions itself.

THE RELA BETWEEN AND THE AN OF THE CIT

ATIONSHIP THE HOME NONYMITY TY

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE HOME AND THE ANONYMITY OF THE CITY 'home is an underappreciated moral and psychological phenomenon, […] . A place that’s yours, that you can control, that you can close the door on, that you can keep people out of. 4

And that you can let people into.'

01.01

4 Gibson, Lydialyle. 2016. “The Democracy of Everyday Life. Nancy Rosenblum studies neighbors and the power of proximity ” Harvard Magazine, Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www. harvardmagazine.com/2016/09/ democracy-of-everyday-life 5 Beck, Ulrich.“Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics” In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. p.164. 6 Ibid. p.165. 7 Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Knopf, 1976. p.42. 8 Beck, Ulrich.“Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics” In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. p.165. 9 Ibid. p.166.

THE DEFINITION OF HOME The roots of today's neighbourhood originally are in the idea of an accumulation of housing structured in a certain way to ensure services and mobility. Nowadays this hierarchy of urban elements is transforming into a place aiming for continuous learning and well-being, and a wish to develop the self by care, education and culture. According to Ulrich Beck, having a place on one's own becomes expanded by the highest principle of having 'a life of your own […] (which has become) the collective experience of the Western 5 world' . In other words, self-development is becoming the most important principle in modern society, not only because family patterns are changing but also because of the revolution regarding politics and collective workplace. 'We live in an age in which the social order of the national state, class, ethnicity and the traditional family is in decline. The ethic

of individual self-fulfilment and achievement is the most powerful' . Looking back at the 19th century, Beck criticises its modern society by claiming that 'conditions for a meaningful public geography were thrown into a state of confusion, and finally in the modern age into a sate of dissolution. […] the terms of how society understood human expressivity moved from presentation 7 to representation.' This process led to the following problems we face today: 6

Firstly, we are forced to integrate ourselves partly in the city, moving between different spheres in society in the course of our daily life. Those spheres are described by activities we do and the purposes these have. For example, as 'taxpayers' we behave differently than being 'car drivers'. Constantly moving between these, requires negotiation and adaptability to more than one characteristic of ourselves. The problematic therefore is that we are not integrated in the city as 'whole persons into […] functional systems; rather it relies on the fact that individuals are not integrated but only partly and 8 temporarily involved as they wander between different functional worlds.' Secondly, there is a paradox in the support of individualism by institutions designed for it, because the merging of individual interest with the rationalised society through socialisation and education does not overlap: 'People used to be born into traditional societies, as they were into social classes or religions. 9 Today even God himself has to be chosen.' Therefore, the individual has the task to be actively and continuously engaged in learning - so he began to develop his own. But it has not always been this way. Where does this particular understanding of the home and neighbourhood in the 21st century come from?

01.02

SELF-DEVELOPMENT BREAKS FREE

Fig.1: Clarence Perry's neighborhood unit re-tought Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020.

Fig.2: The basic components of Clarence Perry's neighborhood unit. Drawing by Perry, 1929.

Fig.3: The basic components of Clarence Perry's neighborhood unit. Drawing by Perry, 1929.

While in the 19th century, the home was characterized 'as a place of retreat 10 for the family and of a dialectic between public and private spheres' , it was not yet the general model of housing as we are familiar with today. To understand the roots of modern domestic family housing, one has to take a look at the evolution of the neighbourhood with a task to accommodate the home.

In the 1920s cities were growing and the neighbourhood planning was born as a response to regulate the traffic of American cities. Therefore, Clarence A. Perry 'defined the term 'Neighbourhood Unit' in 1929, pointing out that the 'enormous traffic […] formed absolute barriers, dividing up the city into a 11 number of large blocks' . By this, it was 'especially dangerous for children to go from one such block to another, (so) each of these divisions should be laid out as a town-planning 12 unit grouped round a school.' This notion of the neighbourhood unit was proposed as a course of action to 'protect and improve the lives of families and children by organizing what we would now call complete communities'. The neighbourhood unit was built around a school, 'walkable for all in the unit, and […] was intended to serve all the functions of households, viewed in a 13 traditional kind of way.’ It was the beginning of the housing being designed in a social manner, but still very raw and depended on the understanding of serviced housing only.

Fig.4: Plan of the Karl-Marx-Hof, 1930.

Fig.5: Plan of the Karl-Marx-Hof, 1930.

10 Wietzorrek, Ulrike. Housing+ - On Thresholds, Transitions, and Transparencies. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2013. p.243. 11 Rasmussen, Steen Eiler. “Neighbourhood Planning.” The Town Planning Review, vol.27, no.4 (1957). Accessed July 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40102229. p.199. 12 Ibid.

13 Perry, C. A. Housing for the machine age. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1939. In Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and OpenMinded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods, edited by Holden, Meg. International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42413-018-0005-1 14 Albon, Mary. 2010. “Witness of Change At 80, Red Vienna’s Karl-Marx-Hof is still a landmark in public housing that the world used to watch with great interest.” The Vienna Review, Accessed September 18, 2020. https://www. theviennareview.at/archives/2010/ witness-of-change 15 Rasmussen, Steen Eiler. “Neighbourhood Planning.” The Town Planning Review, vol.27, no.4 (1957). Accessed July 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40102229. pp.197 - 198.

Around the same time in Europe residential areas were also defined by workers housing such as in Karl-Marx-Hof (Vienna, 1930) designed by Karl Ehn. It is an accumulation of serialised homes within one large building, created as a response to the housing shortage coming along with the industrial age. A mid-rise, centrally located mega-block is enclosing schools, baths, a healthcare centre and a library. Furthermore the 156,027 square metres are including several courtyards, which are the areas allowing to meet the neighbour or engage in public activities with each other. However, the central idea of Red Vienna’s megablock concept was 'to build a city within a city, with its own infrastructure, services and park-like open spaces, to improve the quality of life for workers 14 and their families.' But are such homogenous environments really sufficient enough? Don't 'the inhabitants have but little opportunity to develop fully and harmoniously through intercourse with many 15 kinds of people' within a neighbourhood? Does the housing block have an actual relationship to its surrounding? These were questions soon to be asked, but there was still an idea of absolute privacy,

forcing the neighbourhood to act as a means of service and accessibility for the home.

Fig.6: In comparison: the organisation of today's neighbourhoods in London, Brentford, 2020. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

Fig.7: In comparison: the organisation of today's blocks. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

Fig.8: In comparison: the organisation of today's blocks. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

Fig.9: Plan of Die Neue Wohnung, 1924.

This phenomenon was also recognized inside the homes. In Bruno Taut's plan for family housing 16 (Die Neue Wohnung, 1924) , we can see the ideal form described boundaries of intimate relationships within the family in a strongly controlled way by the Architect. Family members had private rooms, in a private home, but started being in negotiation during their daily life. The layout is aiming to prioritize a living based on functionalism and human movement. Looking at the dots, one can easily grasp, that the floor plan is creating zones avoiding much interaction with one another. On the other hand it includes 'togetherness in a space of responsibility and autonomy, […] separation of intimacies and the exclusion of strangers […] (serving the) project of the modern domestic family, including [...] pitting individual 17 autonomies against the space of care.' The family is becoming institutionalized, because the demand for establishing the autonomy of the individual still was controlled by the government leading to contradiction in this case. Self-development was regarded as something happening inside the traditional family home only and remained very limited at this time.

16 Taut, Bruno. Die Neue Wohnung. Die Frau als Schöpferin. Leipzig: Verlag von Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1924. 17 Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. “Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.” In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. Cloud-Cuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo.net/ leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/article_borsi_shapiro.pdf. p.159.

Fig.10: Hampstead Garden Suburb, 1907 - 1911.

18 Rasmussen, Steen Eiler. “Neighbourhood Planning.” The Town Planning Review, vol.27, no.4 (1957). Accessed July 30, 2020. w w w.jstor.org/stable/40102229. p.198.

19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. p.197. 21 Ibid. p.201. 22 Ibid. p.202. 23 Ibid. p.198. 24 Linke, Gabriele. “The Public, The Private, And The Intimate: Richard Sennett's And Lauren Berlant's Cultural Criticism In Dialogue.” Biography, vol.34, no.1 (2011): 11-24. Accessed September 16, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23541175. p.14.

It was only at the end of the 19th century, when the intention to take care of one's self became predominant and started to be shaped by Urbanism in form of Christian Settlements on the periphery. It was understood as a collective experience, in the hope to achieve a mix of classes founded by social minded citizens. According to Rasmussen 'the Christian Settlements hoped to achieve [...] the 18 equal advantage of all.' One example at this time was Hampstead Garden Suburb (London, 1907), designed by Sir Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker. The outcome was 'an ideal suburb […] It contains lowrent accommodation in terraced houses, detached houses for the middle-class, institutional homes for working women and old people, and houses for the 19 well-to-do.'

Fig.11: Hampstead Garden Suburb, 1946.

However, this intended mix of classes and thus 'man's greatest achievement […], the ability to found his community structure on taking advantage of the 20 differences in abilities of various individuals' didn't happen, because mostly interactions within the community remained among the middle-class. The result was a segregation within the neighbourhood 'which may do more harm to the individual than if he lived in the traditional manner with neighbours of 21 his own kind' .

Fig.12: Illustration of Darmstädter Künstlerkolonie, 1901.

Where interaction actually was present, was in places designed for one specific community and class, like the Darmstädter Künstlerkolonie, established in 1901 by like-minded artists. Amongst them Ernst Ludwig, Peter Behrens, Joseph Maria Olbrich and others were present and led by the goal to create a modern and forward-looking form of living in a neighbourhood. It was defined by village characteristics with the 'highest grade of interaction […] with a 22 completely homogeneous group of inhabitants' . Overall, the problem was that these kind of specific communities, as well as the separation of the home and the neighbourhood, didn't show potential to change the urban fabric, neither develop the self in a democratic way. 'When only one class of society is represented throughout a large area, there is no incentive to public discussion [...] the individual has no opportunity to form 23 his own opinion.' Although the housing itself was high quality, surrounded by like-minded neighbours, it did not do more than develop the self under the opinion of this specific group of people. Referring to Richard Sennett, in this sense communities became “'an act of mutual self disclosure“ preventing interchanges, a rational understanding of society, and obscure the continuing 24 importance of class' , against which they originally argued.

01.03

THE BIRTH OF THE CITY-ZEN - SELFDEVELOPMENT AND TOGETHERNESS IN AN AGE OF DIVERSITY In point of fact, the most important progress, changing the notion of home completely and thus of the neighbourhood and the city, appeared after the second World War. The role of the home transformed from a simple search for four walls and a roof into something rather political, because there was a new kind of citizen emerging. He was born out of the wish to become a more autonomous individual and liberal citizen, demanding a corresponding change of the neighbourhood and the spatiality of the home.

After the second World War, the planned neighbourhood units were about to join Urbanism in England. 'The war taught the English people […] how 25 very important good neighbours are.' With this the concept of neighbourliness was becoming relevant and the idea of a private home was changing into a private home next to good neighbours. 'During bombing attacks people were forced to live close together in small, isolated communities. Cut off from the rest of the world [...] in such close contact with their neighbours, they learned how human beings

can supplement each other when they pool their 26 different abilities.' As a consequence, the mentality shifted towards a more subjective state, in which a negotiating nature challenged the understanding of relationships between the family and the individual, as well as the neighbour. Instead of 'defining families as a particular set of social ties, […] (there was) the need to focus on families as something we do, rather than 27 as something we are.’ At the same time essential transformations were happening, such as the demographic changes of increasing average age and the turn from an industrialized service economy to a knowledge economy, 'which has led to increasing 28 individualization' . Along with this, the importance of private and intimate definitions, did not only reflect the level of economic and commercial progress made in the development of the society, but also the question of self-development.

25 Rasmussen, Steen Eiler. “Neighbourhood Planning.” The Town Planning Review, vol.27, no.4 (1957). Accessed July 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40102229. p.199. 26 Ibid. 27 Morgan, D.H. Family Connections. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996. In Shared Space, Distant Lives? Understanding Family and Intimacy at Home through the Lens of Internet Gambling, edited by Valentine, Gill, and Kahryn, Hughes. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.37, no. 2 (2012): 242-255. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor. org/stable/41427944. pp.242-243. 28 Wietzorrek, Ulrike. Housing+ - On Thresholds, Transitions, and Transparencies. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2013. p.243.

29 Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/IntimateAnonymity. pdf. p.3. 30 Ábalos, Iñaki. The good life: A guided visit to the houses of modernity. Zürich: Park Books, 2001. 31 Rose, Nikolas S. Governing the Soul: The Shaping of the Private Self. London: Free Association Books, 2006.

32 Ajzenstadt, Mimi, and Robert Menzies. “Review.”The Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers Canadiens De Sociologie, vol.16, no. 2 (1991): 223-27. Accessed August 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/3341282. p.222. 33 Armstrong, David. “Review.” Sociology, vol.24, no. 4 (1990): 746-47. Accessed September 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42854780. p.747. 34 Hewitt, John P. Social Forces, vol.69, no. 3 (1991): 972-73. Accessed August 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/2579520. p.972.

'In order to create a sense of self, the individual needs to develop an identity. To achieve this, there needs to be a part of a community with which to identify […] the city should provide the possibility of making 29 contact with a variety of people and activities'

As examined by Iñaki Ábalos in The Good Life: A Guided Visit To The 30 Houses Of Modernity (2001) the home is regarded as a scene of conceiving autonomy as an end-goal. He agrees, that the family is and was the question of how we are going to cultivate our personal development in order to produce liberal subjects that are super-dynamic. For a more detailed understanding let us look at Nikolas Rose's theory in 31 Governing the Soul: The Shaping of the Private Self (2006) and the question

of how we can we maximize the concept of home and neighbourhood for autonomy of life. Rose explains that 'new psychological knowledge systems and treatment methods […] have been organized around the delineation of selfhood and the training of internally literate citizens in [..] self-evaluation, 32 and self-regulation’. Here he makes a reference to Foucaulťs ideas on discipline and disciplinary power, rejecting the 'conventional view that the 'soul' is an imminent part of the human condition; instead it is seen as a product of various techniques, particularly psychological, which have been 33 developed and refined in the twentieth century' . Accordingly, the modern

self is now in search of freedom and identity, transforming citizens by 'turning from an ethical way into a psychological mode of experiencing the help of the 34 public powers' (governmental regulations) being more supportive and less limiting than in the 19th century.

How is self-development aimed to be achieved in today's neighbourhood? How can Urbanism and Architecture adapt to today’s social conditions? Foucault is stating that there are no spaces that are in themselves spaces of freedom or unfreedom; rather they are practices, meaning the act of self-development is accompanied by freedom. The goal is searching for an answer of how we can be free of constraints, not asking the question of whether we are free. Instead, the question of how we are historically constrained and what might we do about it is of interest. By actively asking this question, we agree on a definition of self-development being 'what we make of ourselves when we do 35 devote ourselves to taking care of ourselves.’ Now the role of the citizen, in order to fully experience self-development, is escaping a closed and limiting society and 'the idea that freedom is [...] a matter of re-making ourselves into 36 what we would like to be.’ This idea suggests diversity in Urbanism: within a time frame of 100 years 'family forms and house-hold composition became increasingly diverse, such that the term “family“ is now widely understood to embrace a range of forms outside the traditional nuclear model, including growing recognition of non37 biological kinship practices' among neighbours. Given this, the family itself is evolving from 'an institution with fixed roles and hierarchical relations where the emphasis was on discipline, conformity and duty, […] (to) a more fluid entity where greater emphasis is placed on individual members' agency and 38 expressivity' , also affecting the roles of the family members to assume a more responsible form of togetherness. As a result, private homes in which individuals remain in closed societies disappear,

communal projects are growing and cooperative building associations are replacing anonymous investors. Following this, the concept of the neighbourhood 'consistently correlates how to house and group the urban population with question of how to promote its health, happiness and prosperity […] problematizing 39 an […] already emergent subjectivity.' Consequently, self-development is not achieved by the self only and the family any more - it is found in negotiation with the neighbourhood and the framework of culture and care offered by the city. At this point the philosopher Peter Sloterdjik stresses, that nowadays the core of housing is 'located outside 40 of traditional family homes’ , in homes, which are accommodating a diverse collection of floor plans. Looking at current examples of a freshly emerging understanding of housing, we can notice that there is more to this idea. The context and complexity these kind of projects create in relation to the neighbourhood, transforms the hierarchy of relationships within the family into a hierarchy of intimacy with the neighbour or fellow resident. In reverse this is supporting a strong interplay between an anonymous kind of intimacy and openness.

35 Taylor, Dianna. Michel Foucault Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2010. p.141. 36 Ibid. p.93. 37 Roseneil, S. and S. Budgeon. “Cultures of intimacy and care beyond 'the family': personal life and social change in the early 21st century.” Current Sociology, vol.52 (2004): 13559. In Shared Space, Distant Lives? Understanding Family and Intimacy at Home through the Lens of Internet Gambling, edited by Valentine, Gill, and Kahryn, Hughes. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.37, no. 2 (2012): 242-255. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/ stable/41427944. pp.242-243. 38 Beck, Ulrich and E. Beck‐ Gernsheim. Individualization Sage. London: 2002. In Intimate encounters: the negotiation of difference within the family and its implications for social relations in public space, edited by Gill, Valentine, Aneta Piekut, et.al., The Geographical Journal, vol.181, no.3 (2015). Accessed June 05, 2020. https://core.ac.uk/ download/pdf/46166703.pdf. p.280. 39 Rabinow, Paul. French modern. Norms and forms of the social environment. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. In Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas, edited by Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no. 38 (2019): p.153 . 40 Wietzorrek, Ulrike. Housing+ - On Thresholds, Transitions, and Transparencies. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2013. p.243.

Fig.13: Am Lokdepot (marked pink), Berlin.

Fig.14: Am Lokdepot, Berlin.

Taking a look at the project Am Lokdepot, designed by Robertneun Architekten (Berlin, 2014), we can see an opportunity to kick-start this process of generating an improved urban pattern brought along by single, domestic projects. Am Lokdepot is a long, red, industrially designed building, resembling a monument located at the edge of the Gleisdreieck, a new kind of urban park in Berlin. It is joining the already existent housing scheme and generating a mega-block consisting out of more than 200 homes. In contrast to Taut's plan of the ideal family home, here 'the social diagram, [...] multiplies connections, propelling the potential of multiple relationships 41 of association and care“ : the Architectural office has designed three types of housing (S, M, L), which have a width from 7,14 metres to 21 metres, and demonstrating the core idea of diversity. Another important point is the strong shell construction, which is allowing for the actual living spaces to be created through additional interior fittings, for which the Architects offer a system of masonry, wooden sliding doors, glass partitions or walls generated by cupboards. Therefore, looking inside the building, we can notice a careful Architecture, where 'cores and service zones are the only fixed elements, the location of the dividing walls are governed by individual needs and negotiation amongst inhabitants […] (and) the need for spatial quality for rendering the communal 42 space into a space of encounter.“ There is a new possibility emerging with this project, re-positioning the role of the home re-thinking the neighbourhood unit, which did not undergo major changes since Clarence Perry's concept of more than one hundred years ago.

Fig.15: Am Lokdepot, Berlin. Skeleton of L-Type.

In addition, this example shows that 'individualization processes do not lead to a loss of community, but instead bring in aspects such as higher levels of selfresponsibility, a desire for collectivity in traditional family 43 groups and elective families and pursuit of autonomy.“ An essential ingredient making this possible is an upgraded and expanded definition of intimacy and neighbourliness, transforming from familiarity and closeness to a tool for negotiation and growth. Like Foucault underlines, the individual 'is not a self-standing being [...] that exists within us whether we look for it or not [...]. It is brought into existence as the upshot of 44 some form of relational activity.“ This finally shifts to an awareness, which builds up a right to a city, providing a platform to constantly develop the self. Does there come a new form of Architectural intimacy with the familiar as our direct neighbour? How can neighbourliness help us to develop further?

41 Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. “Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.” In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. Cloud-Cuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www. cloud-cuckoo.net/ leadmin/ issues_en/issue_38/article_ borsi_shapiro.pdf. p.163. 42 Ibid. p.160. 43 Philippsen, Christine. “Soziale Netzwerke in gemeinschaftlichen Wohnprojekten: eine empirische Analyse von Freundschaften und sozialer Unterstützung.” PhD Thesis, Leverkusen: Budrich UniPress, 2014. p.43. In A History of Collective Living: Forms of Shared Housing, edited by Schmid, S., D. Eberle and M. Hugentobler. (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p.300. 44 Taylor, Dianna. Michel Foucault Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2010. p.142.

'Those not up to the task of politics would have done better to cultivate neighborly contacts with other people, individually, in a simple and straightforward way, and [...] 45

to go about their daily work without any fuss.'

01.04

A HETEROTOPIAN NEIGHBOUR To give a recent example, during the experiences of the pandemic in 2020 encountering a neighbour suddenly turned into something important. We started to observe the common sense, provided by neighbourhood organization, better because we spent more time at home than we are used to do. We began to use our house as our workplace, the café, we always go, a restaurant, or even our gym. On the one hand we started losing contact to our surrounding - especially in peripheral areas of the city. While collective spaces normally expand the living room and offer different intensities of living together, where participatory offers are versatile and the door of our homes can be closed to keep privacy, the choice to close the door and windows transformed into a responsibility towards the neighbour on the other hand.

Fig.16: Siedlung Halen in green surrounding

In other words, distancing created a stronger sense of the wish for neighbourliness and the following question arose: what is the actual value of neighbourliness? Is it only mutual help and necessities, or does it have social and political attributes? Analysing the Siedlung Halen by Atelier5 (Bern, 1961), we can see that neighbourliness was understood as a social ideal in the 1960s. The estate is made up by 79 single-family, three storey homes, between a generous 120 to 170 square metres in floor space, located in a peripheral, dreamy woodland. These homes were designed to be incredibly individual: just like Am Lokdepot, a core characteristic of the buildings is that no internal wall of each home is structural, so inhabitants can play with their interior layout as much as they like.

Fig.17: Siedlung Halen, Plan 1961

Fig.18: Siedlung Halen, South View

Fig.19: Siedlung Halen, Section House Type 380 (smaller house)

The only fixed walls are the ones in between of each home located directly next to each other. Privacy only introduced by these walls and an air cavity only, separating each house from its neighbour for noise insulation. Moreover, the communal spaces, including a swimming pool, shop, petrol station, garage, community hall and playground, enjoyed shared ownership, which was an avant-garde idea at that time. Another interesting aspect is that Siedlung Halen comes with a social code: every home has an outside door that connects the small private courtyard of each house to the street, and if it is 46 open, 'anyone can pop in.'

How does the relationship between privacy and the neighbour look today? In this day and age, the avant-garde underwent transformation: now there is a balancing act between necessity and desire when certain spaces are shared. On the report of Nancy Rosenblum in Good Neighbors: The Democracy of 47 Everyday Life in America (2016) , a neighbour already comes with moral principles without being necessary to be watched and forced to do so. This means, closely linked to the problem of surveillance explained by Foucault, a neighbour has the potential to help regulate self-development because being a neighbour 'demands 48 judgment day after day' .

45 Weber, Max. Politik als Beruf. 1919. In Good Neighbors: The Democracy of Everyday Life in America, 234-48, edited by Rosenblum, Nancy. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2016. Accessed July 11, 2020. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1q1xqr8. p.234. 46 Macdonald, Hugo. “Estate of the art.” Monocle, Accessed September 24, 2020. https:// monocle.com/magazine/issues/65/estate-of-the-art/ 47 Rosenblum, Nancy L. Good Neighbors: The Democracy of Everyday Life in America. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2016. 48 Rosenblum, Nancy L. “CONCLUSION: Political Theory and the Democracy of Everyday Life in America.” In Good Neighbors: The Democracy of Everyday Life in America. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2016. Accessed July 11, 2020. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1q1xqr8. p.234.

Talking about the concept of Heterotopia . It is including observations about the nature of defined spaces surrounding the individual in social existence and 50 reducing his 'autonomy and even his sense of identity' . That's why Foucault understands the body (or self) as culturally malleable by surveillance. A heterotopian institute is described as a watched space, including every kind of public shared facility from health institutions to schools. By the surveillance of visitors in these urban facilities, he claims that each one of us can be regarded as 'members of the social structure and as having free will, but at the same time [...] subjects of a culture which examines, labels and constructs them as 51 socially adapted entities.' At this point he says these have 'the capacity of […] (differentiating) the normal from the abnormal and through this to constitute 52 a groups identity as well as the private identity of each of its members’ , we 49

can start to understand the urgent importance of neighbourliness today. Freedom is very likely to be ensured through neighbourliness and pluralism coming along with it. Living in neighbourhoods 'as a series of locally-scaled collective political projects demands an understanding of engagement at the local scale. […] For this [...] we turn to [...] critique and engagement […] (which) begins from a recognition of a plurality of layers of understanding within the 53 socio-political landscape of liberal democracy.' Thus, the current idea of a structured urban pattern, with punctuating elements in the city centre, providing shared culture, knowledge and service, is regarded as simple and doesn’t do justice to the problem of subjectivity and neighbourliness that we need to explore. In relation to traditional understandings of this phenomenon there is a missing complexity in

sophistication: for example, the idea that the school is the only foundation of civic life is not real, neither is the church the single foundation of moral engagement with one another, like it was in the Christian Settlements at the end of the 19th century. This, in turn, leads us to the realisation that named buildings are not the source of self-development and links to the explanation of the paradox in the support of individualism by institutions designed for it in chapter 01.01 The Definition of Home. It is rather their context in space and programme, as well as the fellow citizen – or neighbour - associated with it. Therefore the new goal becomes to re-conceive neighbourliness across scales from a point of view so there can be a much richer understanding of inter-subjectivity that we need to aim for and pursue. 61

49 Foucault, Michel. Les Mots et les Choses: Une Archeologie des Sciences Humaines. Paris: Gallimard, 1990. 50 Culltural Reader. 2011. “Foucault's concept of heterotopia”, Cultural Reader, Accessed June 02, 2020. http://culturalstudiesnow.blogspot. com/2011/05/foucaults-concept-of-heterotopia.html 51 Ibid. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid.

To sum up, neighbours bring democratic principles and practices into domestic life. Today society is described by social spheres, being the starting point of pluralism, differentiated by law, modes of authority and internal organization. The goal should thus be the notion of an ethic of neighbourliness that goes a step beyond given moral decency. In a longer time frame this can give us the power to find unity in difference, and thus serve as a democratic platform converting the neighbours into self-governing citizens, forming and sharing associations and participatory membership. And finally it can lead to the ultimate goal of wellbeing and self-development. Now, the next chapter will be focusing on the question of how Urbanism can provide tools to establish this active citizenship and well-being in the neighbourhood, experienced day by day. 62

THE OPEN – AN UT

N SOCIETY TOPIA?

THE OPEN SOCIETY – AN UTOPIA?

'Utopia is particularly dangerous since the invention of Utopias is likely to occur in periods of rapid social change.'

66 54 Rowe, Colin and Fred Koetter. “Collage City ” The Architectural Review, vol. 158, no.942 (August 1975): p.77. 55 The Economist. 2016. “Karl Popper on democracy. From the archives: the open society and its enemies revisited ” The Economist, Accessed September 16, 2020. https://www. economist.com/democracy-in-america/2016/01/31/from-the-archivesthe-open-society-and-its-enemiesrevisited 56 Popper, Karl, and E.H. Gombrich. The Open Society and Its Enemies. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 1994. Accessed September 15, 2020. doi:10.2307/j.ctt24hqxs. p.168. 57 Ibid. p.164. 58 Ibid. p.180.

Describing the perfect society, Plato claims the state exists for helping us to lead a good and virtuous life. He mentions a moral law of the state supporting economics, where we are dividing tasks according to our gifts. In his opinion each individual contributes something different to the city, described as a state in which children should be taught by philosophers. He argues the state should be led by guardians, warriors and the artists. However, the question of who should rule, nowadays turned into the question of how the state, and society, is to be structured, so that 'bad rulers can be got rid of without bloodshed, 55 without violence' . To arrive at the current definition of Urbanity, and analyse possible tools for its development afterwards, it is first of all important to investigate the revolution from the closed society and tribalism to the open society, as explained by Karl Popper in

The Open Society and its Enemies (1994). Popper defines the tribal community 56 (closed society) as 'the place of security for the member of the tribe.' The first tribal communities were found by Ancient Greeks in form of a 'semi-organic unit whose members are held together by […] kinship, living together, sharing common efforts, common dangers, common joys and common distress.' The problematic behind these communities was that they were based 'upon the collective tribal tradition, (so) the institutions leave no room for personal 57 responsibility.' This means tribal communities had strictly defined rules and prescribed patterns of neighbourliness. Therefore, the act of negotiating was left fictional, rejecting rational attempts to improve social conditions. Only with Socrates the recommendation 'that individualism should not be merely the dissolution of tribalism, but that the individual should prove worthy of his 58 liberation' was manifested.

59 Popper, Karl, and E.H. Gombrich. The Open Society and Its Enemies. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 1994. Accessed September 15, 2020. doi:10.2307/j.ctt24hqxs. p.177. 60 Ibid. p.187. 61 Ibid. p.167. 62 Ibid. p.167. 63 Ibid. pp.167 - 168. 64 Ibid. p.169. 65 Ibid. p.165.

The revolution of the social term began with philosophers such as Socrates, who found schools and in them looked for an invention of 'the tradition of 59 criticism and discussion.' His fellow philosophers, amongst them Plato, underlined 'we should be ready 60 to help our neighbours.' On an Urban level the idea to solve this problem was at first 'the creation 61 of daughter cities.' This act led to contact to new cultures and a new 'class engaged in trade and 62 seafaring […] political revolutions and reactions' but most importantly a 'great spiritual revolution, the 63 invention of critical discussion' . Overall it is important to note, the 15th century Athens showed beginnings of a democracy starting 64 with 'naval policy, and its democratic tendencies' , evolving into an essential element of living together and neighbourliness in our time. Given this, in Popper's opinion the solution to the problematic of closed societies lies in selfdevelopment and enforcing personal decision, leading to what the calls an open society and 'the alteration of taboos, and even of political laws. The great difference is the possibility of rational 65 reﬂection' .

02.01

ELEMENTS OF LOCALISM – DEMOCRACTIC NEGOTIATION 'If anything is described by an architectural plan, it is the nature of human relationships, since the elements (…) are employed first to divide and then selectively 66 to re-unite inhabited space.’

What kind of society, and what kind of urban pattern, are we looking for to be able to call it democratic? Although the closed society of tribal communities was regarded as Utopian, also the wish for an open society soon was misunderstood in the age of Modernism. It is described as being 'conducted by individuals in isolation […] who have no […] intimate personal contacts, 67 who live in anonymity and isolation, and consequently in unhappiness.' The rejection of Utopian views, conducted by the critiques of Modernism , is 69 discussed in Colin Rowe's Collage City , claiming 'an all embracing revolution 70 of design would create a clean logic of social and biological relationships.' The term of Utopia is differentiated between an 'object of contemplation and 71 Utopia as an, explicit, instrument of social change.' 68

Rowe's idea of an 'aggregation of small, and even contradictory, set pieces' was suggesting a kind of collaged city, 'supporting the Utopian illusion of 73 changelessness and finality' and adapting those to future city planning at the same time. This criticism was aiming to improve the new spatial and social conditions of cities, able to perform better by a local understanding of neighbourliness, anonymous intimacy and democracy - creating 'an 74 architecture that recognizes passion, carnality and sociality.’ In view of this, the question of how we can bring people together and let them be engaged in today's democracy, emerges. Thinking in spatial terms about neighbourhoods, this means a variety of spaces accumulated into an overall whole that is connected and integrated through a conceptual logic, causing unity and differentiation of spaces simultaneously. 72

66 Evans, Robin. “Figures, doors, and passages” In Translations from drawing to building and other essays, published by Robin Evans and Architectural Association. London: AA documents, 1978. p.56. 67 Popper, Karl, and E.H. Gombrich. The Open Society and Its Enemies. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 1994. Accessed September 15, 2020. doi:10.2307/j. ctt24hqxs. pp.165 - 166. 68 The critiques were either arguing for a return to village life or a very abstract, exaggerated, and isolated form of living in towers. 69 Rowe, Colin and Fred Koetter. Collage City. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1984. 70 Rowe, Colin and Fred, Koetter. “Collage City ” The Architectural Review, vol. 158, no.942 (August 1975): p.68. 71 Ibid. p.77. 72 Ibid. p.81.

73 Ibid. p.90. 74 Evans, Robin. “Figures, doors, and passages” In Translations from drawing to building and other essays, published by Robin Evans and Architectural Association. London: AA documents, 1978. p.90. 75 Massey, Doreen. For Space. London: Sage, 2005. In Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods, edited by Holden, Meg. International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s42413-018-0005-1. 76 Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. “Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.” In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. CloudCuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo.net/ leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/article_borsi_shapiro. pdf. p.163.

Robin Evans gives a perfect example for this, observing the opening and closing of doors and resulting into an understanding that there is no difference between the way through a house and the inhabitation of the house, since everything is interconnected. This leads him to the principle saying we don’t need to isolate for privacy and if we have an unwanted guest we can keep him in a distant room or behind a door. What allowed differentiation to find a new possibility of space? Differentiated categories of inhabitance within a dwelling started showing off at end of the 1960s, with the emergence of a corridor due to the purpose of reducing doors. The corridor was an element providing 'the opportunity to walk through and 75 get mixed up together in a diversity of people and practices' . These kind of environments emerge as something that is not home but makes use of the patterns of trust building and sense of accomplishment and achieving things together. It therefore defines new versions of intimate space and communication. 'Thresholds, intimacies and privacies need to be negotiated and reflected upon. While [...] the relative freedom of choice (is) opposed to Taut’s didactic reductions, we might notice that the project of 76 optimization of life still inheres within the domestic.'

Fig.20: Phalanstère Plan

Fig.21: Phalanstère Vision

To understand this, let us take a look at how Architectural elements behave central to negotiation in Charles Fourier's design of the Phalanstère and compare if with the Musikerwohnhaus (2010, Basel) designed by Buol & Zünd Architekten.

The Phalanstère was developed in 1808, as a reaction to the French Revolution and the emergence of new inequalities generated by capitalism. The idea emerged out of the thought to follow a democratic principle of Urbanism, claiming 'that we don't need to force a violent revolution in order to usher in a new age; we just need to rearrange some of our social mechanisms and 77 better regulate our intimate relations' . The diagram (Fig.17) shows a communal building, a city in a city, consisting of 300 households with diverse economic and social backgrounds. These are constructed around a central core and two wings generating multiple courtyards. One of these wings includes workshops that are 'not peaceful (noisy) “such as the carpenter-shop, the forge, all hammer-work […] and all the industrial gathering of children”, while the others contain enclosed 78 ballrooms and the caravansary 'appropriated to intercourse with outsiders.' These were facilities included in order to ensure the desired mix of classes within one single community of 1620 members. However, directed spatiality becomes the fundamental principle of this project: the centre is dedicated to 'peaceful uses, and contain the dining-halls, halls 79 for finance, libraries' . It is organized in form of a continuous gallery, allowing for circulation from one program to another. The gallery is inspired by Parisian 80 galleries and described as a 'distinct space, an inhabited space' , which is the core for social interaction amongst its members and intended to connect the urban quality of outdoor public place to the familiar surrounding of the interior. Hence, the goal of this diagram is a self-sufficient and negotiating society.

Fig.22: La Familistère Godin À Guise

Inspired by this diagram, the French industrialist Jean-Baptiste André Godin designed a social community, the Familistère - 'a city of 2000 inhabitants 81 dwelled in 500 apartments organized around giant interior courtyards' . The core (gallery) in the previous example was replaced by interior pathways. Both of these examples didn't succeed, although they proposed a 'recombination of social ethos, territorial economics and architectural form as a counterpart to what was already happening within the capitalist society, […] 82 in the city of Paris.' I argue that the transposition to this new social system should have been in the scale of a neighbourhood in order for this Utopia to be less utopian and a generator of a new kind of urban pattern, so that the 83 dynamic of multiplicity or the promise of plenitude is allowed free reign.’

77 Pettman, Dominic. 2019. “Get Thee to a Phalanstery or, How Fourier Can Still Teach Us to Make Lemonade.” The Public Domain Review, Accessed September 16, 2020. https:// publicdomainreview.org/essay/ get-thee-to-a-phalanstery-orhow-fourier-can-still-teach-usto-make-lemonade/#2-0 78 Fourier, Charles. “Selections Describing the Phalanstery” In The Utopia Reader, edited by Claeys, Gregory and Tower Sargent, Lyman. New York: New York University Press, 1999. p.196. 79 Ibid. p.195. 80 Angel, F. Jessica. “REFLEXION ON FOURIER'S PHALANSTERY” Website of the Architect. http://jessica-f-angel.com/phalanstere. Accessed September 16, 2020. Fig.23: La Familistère Godin À Guise, Gallery

81 Ibid. 82 Ibid.

The Phalanstère and Familistère were project designs aiming to be located in peripheral concepts and sharing a huge Architectural scale. The kind of city we are familiar with today is not able to support such big projects due to economic and spatial reasons opposed to the values these create in the current state of mind. In order to be able to 'recover a true sense of perspective, in order to instigate an effective polemic, bigness must be matched with its opposite, with smallness, so that 84 like can be compared with like as well as with unlike.'

83 Amin, Ash. “Collective culture and urban public space.” City, vol.12, no.1 (2008). https://www. tandfonline.com/doi/ 84 Scalbert, Irénée. “The City of Small Things.” Building Material 12 (Autumn 2004): 4-7.

Fig.24: Musikerwohnhaus, Shared Core

81 Fig.25: Musikerwohnhaus, Components

Fig.26: Musikerwohnhaus

Fig.27: Musikerwohnhaus, Floorplan Relationships

Opposed to these examples, the Musikerwohnhaus is built in a much smaller scale. It is converted from a factory into a house for musicians and creatives with high-quality living and working space. The residential complex is divided into thirteen very differently organized residential units featuring family apartments, shared apartments, which are mainly inhabited by music

students, four guest apartments, and spacious maisonette apartments. Moreover the structural execution and the arrangement of the housing units ensures a constant movement across all floors. The White Hall and a small café, which is open to visitors, contribute to the networking within the residential complex, as well as separate practice rooms, a recording studio, a play hall for children and a cafeteria. These promote joint activities and thus interaction and negotiation. The shared ownership and the core, as a place in which interaction of the inhabitants makes up the spaces purpose, is central to its argument of enhancing self-development. Its diagram is showing spaces rejecting hierarchy, 'organized and controlled just enough for people to venture forth into them, but not enough to take away the freedom within for urbanites to enact their right to the collective 85 experience of being human in the city' . So comparing the Musikerwohnhaus from the same point of view, one can grasp that this modern day example gives a hint to a more resilient approach.

85 Harvey, D. “The right to the city.” New Left Review, vol.53 (September/October 2008): p.23. In Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods, edited by Holden, Meg. International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42413-018-0005-1. 86 Bengston, V., T. Bilbarz and R. Roberts. How families still matter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. In Shared Space, Distant Lives?, edited by Valentine, Gill, and Kahryn Hughes. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.37, no. 2 (2012): pp.242-255. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/ stable/41427944. pp.242-243. 87 Beck, Ulrich. “Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics” In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. p.171. 88 Valentine, Gill, and Kahryn Hughes.“Shared Space, Distant Lives? Understanding Family and Intimacy at Home through the Lens of Internet Gambling.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.37, no. 2 (2012): 242-255. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/4142794. full/10.1080/13604810801933495. Accessed June 04, 2020. p.11.

Fig.28: Musikerwohnhaus, Individual Walls

The successful design points out that 'individual biographies cannot be understood in isolation but are only meaningful in the context of the lives of 86 others with whom we are connected.' Connected to the previous chapters of this research, it not only shows a take on self-development and selfreflection being a collective goal and achievement. Additionally, it is creating individualism in the new kind of collective: 'in the old value system, the self always had to be subordinated to patterns of collectivity, these new 'we' orientations are creating something like a co-operative or altruistic 87 individualism.' The difference is, by its scale and diagram, the space helps to 'manage the boundary between the personal and the social/familial 88 with intimacy' . The atrium forces the individual to negotiate using time and shared action - the public sphere thus becomes intimate, in a rather anonymous way.

02.02

89 Questia. Gozzi, Raymond, Jr. “Anonymous Intimacy ” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://www.questia.com/library/ journal/1G1-138483283/anonymous-intimacy 90 Ibid. 91 Linke, Gabriele. “The Public, The Private, And The Intimate: Richard Sennett's And Lauren Berlant's Cultural Criticism In Dialogue.” Biography, vol.34, no.1 (2011): 11-24. Accessed September 16, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/23541175. p.12.

92 Ibid. 93 Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Knopf, 1976. p.39. In The Two Richard Sennetts, edited by Lears, T. J. Jackson. Journal of American Studies, vol.19, no.1 (1985): 81-94. Accessed September 18, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/27554548. p.86. 94 Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Norton, 1992. 95 Lears, T. J. Jackson. “The Two Richard Sennetts.” Journal of American Studies, vol.19, no.1 (1985): 81-94. Accessed September 18, 2020. http://www. jstor.org/stable/27554548. p.85. full/10.1080/13604810801933495. Accessed June 04, 2020. p.11.

ELEMENTS OF LOCALISM – ANONYMOUS INTIMACY 'I do not know Michael Jackson, nor does he know me. But I am finding out more than I wish to know about his personal, private life. I call this phenomenon 89 anonymous intimacy.’

Having established the principle of the importance of negotiation and self-development, supported by democratic neighbourliness, the next question to be asked is: how can we learn from these intimate diagrams and apply these principles to the scale of the neighbourhood? Is there now another form of intimate than the entirely private understanding? Intimacy normally implies a personal and private relationship, 'usually we keep intimate information to ourselves, or share only with our family or close friends. But putting intimate information over the mass media results in anonymous people knowing 90 it.’ Urban intimacy turning into anonymous is similar to this phenomenon.

In order to approach this expanded definition of the term intimacy, one can start with the ideas of Richard Sennett's The Fall of Public Man (1977) and Lauren Berlant's Intimacy (2000) and The Female Complaint (2008). Both of them trace 'what happens to „intimate“ acts of self-disclosure such as 91 autobiographical acts when they enter the public sphere.' The term of intimacy in cities transformed around 1750, for example in London and Paris, acting as a models in which people, who don't know each other, were invited to meet, because its geography supported an environment, where 'through the presence of a confident non-aristocratic and mercantile 92 bourgeoisie, a vibrant public life developed' . In these cities 'modern intimacy had taken root, and the only obstacle to its absolute hegemony was the 93. 94 persistence of a vestigial public culture' According to Sennett public relationships were existent while personal life was still kept private at that time. On the contrary, today narcissist versions of intimacy and self‐disclosure are taking place, and along with the pandemic and lockdowns, creating alienation in our society. Citizens become strangers, whereas by the creation of an 'autonomous, free-floating self […] (and) creative disorder, people would not 95 „care for“ but would „care about“ each other' .

'WARMTH IS OUR GOD' , SENNETT WROTE. 96

To carry on with this thought, in my opinion intimacy should be regarded foundational to space, as 'space must be seen as ways of regulating and 97 ordering acts, that is shaping relations between acting “elements“' . However, if Architecture is a very personal occurrence, is it impossible to create public spheres for an intimate, subjective experience?

I argue territoriality as perceived by the human 'emanates from the feeling of personal space, and shows the sense of individual and group belongings […] 98 These spaces provide the optimization of neighbourliness' . In this sense, the familiar, warm intimacy, as the source of relationships in a family, has to take an alternative form in order to be applied to the neighbourhood and city. Particularly, the notion that there can be a sense of shared experience within the city that doesn’t belong to the household, building or block, rather it is part of an anonymous intimacy. It would lead to a completely new geometry of the hierarchy of the urban elements, inverting the origin of intimacy from something that belongs to the subject to something that is generated by shared experiences and comes to us via media, sense of collective action, shared innovation and situating the home in a complete new framework. So we might imagine the neighbourhood as a system of accommodation for the individual or family, in which he is understood to be largely self-sufficient and living close to his neighbours within an area of connection to wider services.

'the city is as natural to the human animal as the beehive is to the bees. It is not required to form a utopia in order to understand why bees produce these […] structures […] . One must simply study the nature of bees in order to 99 accept the beehive as the direct result of this nature.' Let us now take a look at the nature of the neighbourhood and city and understand what anonymous intimacy means and why it is essential. The definition of anonymous was first developed by Ancient Greeks to name things 'thought to exist but without identification […] translating into a class of unknowable things that can operate outside of language and by extension 100 of understanding.' Looking at the city, which is a place that allows us to form relations with others at various levels of intimacy, while simultaneously remaining at a certain distance, we can see the anonymity and its necessity: the city consists of a network of anonymous homes and neighbourhoods. We operate with the places and citizens we choose to, while still being able to keep privacy if desired so. Before arriving at his particular point, the 'boundaries of privacy and intimacy have changed over the decades adapting as forms of living have changed [...] characterised by additional parameters such as legal 101 circumstances, familial traditions and household forms' . Today, a successful city is 'one in which, when exiting a private domain into the public domain, a 102 person should see people around him but know nothing about them’ and be exposed to the possibility of interaction.

96 Ibid. 97 Pløger, John. “FOUCAULT'S "DISPOSITIF" AND THE CITY.” Planning Theory, vol.7, no.1 (2008): 51-70. Accessed August 23, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/26004186. p. 57. 98 Bardeesi, Talal M. Noor. “Optimizing Dwelling Transitional Space.” Ekistics, vol.59, no.354/355 (1992): 206-16. Accessed August 23, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/43622250. pp.208-209. 99 Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/ wp-content/uploads/2014/10/ IntimateAnonymity.pdf. p.1.

100Taron, Joshua. “Anonymity and the Making of a Non-relational Architecture” In The Expanding Periphery and the Migrating Center. Essay, University of Calgary, 2015. p.137. 101Baum, Frances. “Shared Housing - Making Alternative Lifestyles Work” Australian Journal of Social Issues, vol.21, no.3 (August 1986). Accessed September 06, 2020. https:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/ abs/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1986. tb00824.x 102Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/ wp-content/uploads/2014/10/ IntimateAnonymity.pdf. p.3.

For example, in Bruno Taut's 1924 plan for the perfect home as described in chapter 01.02 Self Development breaks free, we can see the boundaries of intimacy, in a rather controlled way by the Architect: having private rooms, within a private home, but still being in negotiation with the family. On the other hand, analysing the recently built examples of Am Lokdepot in Berlin and Musikerwohnhaus in Basel we come across an anonymous intimacy of a group of neighbours. Accordingly, to be autonomous in our time, the citizen has to be anonymous but nevertheless existing within a group of fellow citizens so he can experience selfdevelopment by democratic discussion and negotiation. However, the only place, in which anonymity is abolished to an almost absolute level, is the family or the collective we live in – our home. As discussed in the previous chapters, the home is the place where self-development starts from the very early age of being a child. A part of the reason for these two examples to be successful, is that the opportunity to ensure self-development is based on anonymous intimacy. These are examples of non-relational Architecture, meaning an Architecture, which

addresses 'the relationship between architecture and the city, for it is here where a foundational disciplinary 103 distinction within relationism lies.’ It takes note of an 'ethical approach to urban design by putting human contacts in the forefront and making esthetical 104 considerations secondary.'

103Taron, Joshua. “Anonymity and the Making of a Non-relational Architecture” In The Expanding Periphery and the Migrating Center. Essay, University of Calgary, 2015. p.138. 104Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/wpcontent/uploads/2014/10/ IntimateAnonymity.pdf. p.4. 105Ibid. p.3.

Another problematic is the notion of community and collective living, which is regarded as contrary to this kind of anonymity 'expressed in the idea of a small, homogeneous and intimate village or neighborhood, where everyone knows everyone else and feels more 105 or less comfortable in a familiar setting.' It is not a familiarity or feeling of comfort depended on numbers of people, which will generate autonomy. Trying to explore this question, thinkers of the postpandemic world start talking about the return of the 106 village now . This is not something happening purely because of the pandemic but we can already see that it is coming along with the idea of having a social quality to something people are searching, which is not foreign to a collective sense being both inside the house and outside the house.

106Truong, Par Nicolas. “Le Retour De L'utopie La France Des Oasis.” Le Monde, August 18, 2020.

Fig.29: System of the Panchayat Raj

It is true that the village can have benefits, especially considering democratic environments. It is a form of living, which is representative of the particular 107 generation of younger people nowadays and even existed in a democratic way at the time of Gandhi asking the question of how to make it possible for the villagers of India to be autonomous. He therefore developed the concept of Panchayat Raj (a new form of an Indian village), supporting local and thus political decentralisation:

'a little republic, self-sufficient […] and non-hierarchically linked with the larger spatial bodies and enjoying the maximum freedom of deciding the affairs of 108 the locality. Gandhi wanted political power to be distributed' . The end-goal was ensuring maximum freedom and an offering a possibility to 'develop his 109 personality to the greatest extent.' One main principle was, that it 'has to be small enough to permit everyone to participate directly in the decision-making 110 process. It is the basic institution of participatory democracy.' Nonetheless, I argue neither collective living in big communal buildings, nor the village, is beneficial and the idea can't reach its full potential because it turns into gated communities interested in idealism an resulting in rejection of the anonymous. For example Rossi's Architecure of the City (1966) formulates the city as a complex aggregation of individual urban, and autonomous artefacts, being the citizens. 'Each artifact reveals a particular history that is both a history of itself as well as 111 the city that it is a part of; each artifact indicative of an irreducible autonomy.’ If the human is regarded as an artefact, the effective management of this infinite number of individuals, as well as exposing the impossibility of a total and immediate interaction with each other, becomes difficult. He goes on by claiming these artefacts 'exist precisely because they are able to remain distinct and withdrawn from one another. So how can architecture properly 112 address this irreducible separation?’

Just like in the Darmstädter Künstlerkolonie these kind of specific communities don't promise a starting point for the integration into the urban fabric. They can't be regarded as general prototypes, or an equipment of Urbanism because they require a unification in what differs the residents from the wider society (being artists), in other words a community of the like-minded, just like the Karl-Marx Hof required being a member of the working class. There is an utopian view of desire and the ideal, where like-minded people experience well-being daily, but on the other hand it is very limited and not something to consider for general city building and self-development. On the contrary, a city supports the agglomeration of anonymous people and creates a sense of cultural affinity that defines relationships: living in a city we are not related by having the exact same point of view but we are all strangers to one another. Therefore, the city is never going to be successful, if we will turn it to villages creating specific communities. Rather it has to continue to be anonymous but we have to be able to build it in a way that can still expect local, cultural adherence and smallness as a foundation. Regardless, the modernist thought also fails to address this question. In the 20th century the individual side of life has been reduced by Modernist Architecture, while the collective has been made more anonymous like mentioned in Collage City by Colin Rowe. Modernism has brought a new approach to our cities, but some critics think there are fundamental problems with this and take extreme positions. Either they suggest an absolute freedom, going even further than Modernism, including science etc. or return to the idea of townscape, since according to them Modernism reduced the capacity

to be connected to our neighbour. Colin Rowe is rejecting both positions and is trying to keep the advantages of the latter and refine it further. In other words he is encouraging to find the middle ground between what was lost during the process and the idea of freedom Modernism has brought along. 107Ibid. 108Rathi, Dr. Shubhangi. “Gandhian concept of Village Development and India's Development Policy” Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal Gandhi Book Centre. Accessed September 16, 2020. https:// www.mkgandhi.org/articles/ village_development.html 109Shah, Dr.Hemantkumar. Harijan Vol. 7: 1939-1940. Ahmedabad: Navjivan Trust, 2013. p.391. In Rathi, Dr. Shubhangi. “Gandhian concept of Village Development and India's Development Policy” Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal Gandhi Book Centre. Accessed September 16, 2020. https://www.mkgandhi. org/articles/village_ development.html 110Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand. Panchayat Raj. Ahamedabad: Navjivan Publishing House, 1959. p. 16 111Taron, Joshua. “Anonymity and the Making of a Non-relational Architecture” In The Expanding Periphery and the Migrating Center. Essay, University of Calgary, 2015. pp.137 - 138. 112Ibid. p.139.

Fig.30: Area before Boundary Estate. The Nichol, Early 1890s - Metropolitan Archives

Fig.31: Boundary StreetShared Scheme, 1900 - Metropolitan Archives Fig.20: The Musikerwohnhaus, Core

For example the Boundary Estate (London) was built at end of 19th century around a central circle. Next to housing it was including schools, laundries, workshops and was a understanding to build more than a community and rather a piece of the city as a part of the urban fabric. The goal was to build aspects of culture, education and the management of intergenerational relationships, which should not only be supported by the mentioned services, but also by its specific characteristic - the central garden: its innovation was situating blocks of housing and tiny courtyards along wide avenues, revolving around the circular Arnold Circus and the Boundary Gardens. It defined all of the residential buildings around it, but was critical. If we for example start dancing with each other in this circle or take part in another collective activity, we don't really engage in a plurality.

Fig.32: Arnold Circus Looking East, 1901 © Metropolitan Archives

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Fig.33: Arnold Circus Looking West, 1907

Rather it is putting the individual in display, meaning although the content is useful, the organization lacks the requirement of anonymity. As a conclusion, the creation of well-being doesn't have to inhere within the domestic only. It also can take advantage of the full potential of a city. The process of rethinking the bigger network of a city, gives a promising possibility to start at the home as a concept of living and expand its characteristics into urban fabric to produce liberal subjects. This is likely to be executed in form of an Architectural framework with a degree of neighbourliness and intimacy of the anonymous. The formal expression of anonymous intimacy leans on the term diversity because of the cultural, economic, technologic, geographic and variety of circumstances specific to every urban space. […] If we plan cities promoting anonymous intimacy 'and not on yet another utopia, the result will

Fig.34: Garden, Hurley & Culham Houses, 1907 © Metropolitan Archives

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be a true expression of our times that will best serve 113 our human needs.' With regard to this, the emerging idea suggest something in between, in which the 'democracy of everyday life is ground for maintaining our democratic bearings [...] because it grows out of experiences of sociability that are not fastened to particular institutions [...] One that is known, accessible, 114 contained already in our day-to-day encounters.'

113Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/wpcontent/uploads/2014/10/ IntimateAnonymity.pdf. p.4. 114Rosenblum, Nancy L. “CONCLUSION: Political Theory and the Democracy of Everyday Life in America.” In Good Neighbors: The Democracy of Everyday Life in America, 234-48. Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2016. Accessed July 11, 2020. doi:10.2307/j.ctt1q1xqr8. p.248.

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DIAGRAMS NEIGHBO IN CONTE DEMOCRAC

S OF THE OURHOOD EMPORARY CIES

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'the city, like an unconscious of architecture unveils itself, three modes of time in three analogues of experience: permanence, succession, simultaneity. A register of urban inscription [...] the boundaries are not clear. […] there are no monuments to speak of an established and unitary system of architecture. Like an optical illusion, the grid becomes an 115 object, then the fabric, then the object again.'

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DIAGRAMS OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD IN CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRACIES

In the previous chapters we came to the conclusion that anonymous intimacy, democratic negotiation, and neighbourliness are becoming new drivers of change. These elements require a local scale - the neighbourhood - to succeed. Nevertheless, while the layout of the diagram of the neighbourhood is about to change, the home cannot exist on its own - it has to exist within a network, or sequence of offers. In this chapter I will therefore focus on the 105 answer to the following questions: What does it mean, if the home is not foundational and the set of experiences that constitute a local expression of anonymous intimacy, have a completely different starting point than the domestic itself? How do we begin to describe such systems, not necessary central, but nodal and based on a localist approach? Simultaneously, we will take look at historical and recent diagrams of Urbanism, where we can see a subtle degradation from the individual to the shared. In the recent projects Architecture is secondary to making up a city – rather it is the citizens that produces the network where Architecture operates without having full authority.

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Fig.35: London: The World’s Largest City In 1825 AD

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03.01 PERMANENCE - THE ILLS OF ZONING AND CENTRALISATION

By 1825 London was hosting a population of 1.3 million people and had evolved into the world’s largest, capitalist city. The main reason for its rapid growth was the tremendous economic change with a rise of 50% of the foreign trade between 1700 to 1780. Also Paris was growing and this process had 'both physical and social results […] growing trade (on the river) […] had 116 the effect of stretching out the city to the west' . Especially in London, the

centre always was and remained an 'economically and socially integrated 117 environment, but [...] was loosing its meaning' - it began adapting a picture 108 consisting of expansion sharing village characteristics, some of them transforming into slums. A form of zoning was taking place and the zones located historically outside of the city were dominated by storage, transport industry and manufacturing industry, which led to a fragmented accumulation of housing on the periphery. The city was taking an interesting shape; 'London had no neat […] borders. There was the administrative county of London; an outer ring beyond this which transformed London into “greater London“; and 118 even beyond the ring more sprawl.'

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Fig.36: Map of London development to 1830. Drawing by Allison Shepherd.

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Fig.37: Diagram of the Garden City Plan by Ebenezer Howard

One of the examples created in order to give a shape to London was the Garden City plan (1898/1902), created at a time 'when housing sited in landscaping and outdoor recreation areas was becoming 119 fashionable.' This trend and movement was based on the theory of the stenographer and utopian Theorist Ebenezer Howard in his work To-morrow: 120 A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (1898) , edited and published again with the title Garden Cities of 121 Tomorrow (1902) . It appeared at the same time as a rapid change took place in the growing and urbanization of cities. Following this theory the Garden City Association was founded in 1901, in England, 'whose goal was to relocate workers from overcrowded, unsanitary, and often dangerous urban areas to newly built Garden Cities sited amid agricultural fields at the metropolitan 122 periphery.' The periphery was now advertising

recreational housing for the working class, pushing them out of the city centre.

115Agrest, Diane. Architecture from Without: Theoretical Framings for a Critical Practice. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993. In Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, edited by Borden, Iain, Barbara Penner et.al. London: Routledge, 2002. p.368. 116Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Knopf, 1976. pp.56 - 57. 117Ibid. p. 136. 118Ibid. p.132. 119Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.87. 120Howard, Ebenezer. ToMorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform. Bath: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1898. 121Howard, Ebenezer. Garden Cities of Tomorrow. Bath: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1902. 122Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.87.

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Fig.38: The London Concentric Express Ring Road System. Drawing by Sir Patrick Abercrombie.

Another form of an exemplar organisation was the Greater London Plan (1944) by JH Forshaw and Patrick Abercrombie. This, as well as further plans developed later on, were based on the purpose of separating industrial factories and workers from 'what were then densely inhabited, mostly nineteenth-century neighborhoods into greener and healthier surroundings 123 at the urban periphery' .

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Fig.39: County of London Plan, 1943. Drawing by Sir Patrick Abercrombie.

They were proposing a city organisation made up by communities, emphasizing the identity and meaning of each one with its own subunits, small services and educational facilities. Looking at the drawings, one can notice that it was not limiting the communities' size. Instead, all of these possible growth areas were organized around a central neighbourhood acting as a core for further development.

123Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.223. 124Alexander, Christopher. “A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)” Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). p.5. In Design After Modernism: Beyond the Object, edited by Thackara, J., London: Thames and Hudson, pp. 67 - 84. 125Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Knopf, 1976. p.135. 126Ibid.

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127Alexander, Christopher. “A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)” Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). p.5. In Contradictions and Complexities: Jane Jacobs's and Robert Venturi's Complexity Theories, edited by Laurence, Peter L., Journal of Architectural Education (1984), vol.59, no. 3 (2006): 49-60. Accessed June 2, 2020. www. jstor.org/stable/40480645. p.57. 128Ibid. 129Alexander, Christopher. “A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)” Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). p.5. In Design After Modernism: Beyond the Object, edited by Thackara, J., London: Thames and Hudson, pp. 67 - 84. 130Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.87.

Fig.40: The Three Magnets by Ebenezer Howard

But was this characteristic supporting the pluralism and neighbourliness in these communities? Au contraire, it was on its way to 'increase their degree of segregation, and where necessary to recognize them as separate and 124 definite entities.' Particularly, the act of zoning in cities started showing its negative effects in form of a 'process of what [...] Robert Park called the forming of social 125 “molecules“ […] (becoming) at once homogenized on a small turf' due to 126 'the extension of the city rather than by the internal compression of classes’ . Christopher Alexander, who acknowledged Jane Jacobs' idea of complexity in his essay A City is Not a Tree (1965), rejected this kind of city planning. He 115 argues that Urbanism has to abandon 'hierarchal tree-like understanding of 127 the city' . In this sense, considering the city as a tree meant a separation of civic institutions, traffic and facilities of culture, care and education, adding to the establishment of zones based on pure functionalism. As well as 'social 128 segregation [...] resulted from "the city as a tree" concept.' This plan thus can be regarded as 'a large number of communities, each sharply separated 129 from all adjacent communities' . Hence, a zonal plan is recognized as auto-destructive since it disturbs the relationship between the home and the city because one whole, equally defined masterplan becomes superior to the idea of locally organized neighbourhoods making up a sequence.

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Fig.41: Segment of the Garden City Plan by Howard Ebenezer

On the contrary, the Garden City plan already showed characteristics belonging to a kind of nodal planning in England. The movement was advocating for the 'concept that massive industrial cities like London should be reorganized into compact smaller tracts', and 'a full range of employment, cultural, entertainment, and housing options, providing all the advantages of 130 the city as well as those of the countryside' . So, what is its fundamental weakness from today's perspective? Looking at this diagram in 2020, we can see why it is not able to become the ideal solution. The problem is its main characteristic: the radial repetition and symmetry, which didn't generate

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Fig.42: Segment of the Garden City Plan by Howard Ebenezer

complexity at all and has no narrative to it. Each node represents one single function and all of them are equally balanced. It is lacking pluralism, diversity, and a layered understanding of an urban pattern, assuming that known beginnings very much are producing predictable endings. It becomes obvious in this example, that these developments were lacking individualism. If one would construct a whole city based on this idea today, the outcome would be nothing more than living in an suburb in which everything resembles one another. Still, it was groundbreaking and innovative due to its nodal systematic.

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Fig.43: Le Corbusier, Contemporary City For Three Million, 1922, Contrasted With Lower Manhattan, 1929

Nevertheless, the results of the Garden City movement were celebrated also in Paris and Germany and opened up a discussion for further Architects. For example, the idea went hand in hand with Le Corbusier's interpretation, proposed by the project Ville Contemporaine (1922). Le Corbusier was advocating for an absolute kind of Modernism. He planned a 'counter- model of the “chaos” of the typical American downtown [...] In contrast to the close spacing of such buildings in cities like New York and Chicago, […] (this) was an attempt to create orderly, high- density work environments that would 131 reduce “friction” in the movement of crowds and various forms of traffic'

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Fig.44: Ludwig Hilberseimer, HOCHHAUSSTADT perspective view of North- South Street, 1924

Hilbersheimer suggested that the emerging Grossstadt (Metropolis) should (also) 'be organized vertically. Tall, widely spaced housing slabs would be built above elevated pedestrian walkways, with office buildings at ground 132 level and limited- access highways and rail lines below' . He was arguing that this systematic approach would benefit to organize the traffic congestion problems of Le Corbusier’s diagram. The mood of planning was changing fundamentally: instead of the 'extended metropolitan regions that resulted from the application of Garden City ideas, these visions attempted to offer a 133 different kind of centralized city.'

Fig.45: La grille - Urban Re-Identification, par Alison et Peter Smithson

Why is this a disadvantage? There is a kind of tendency - whenever we talk about planning of neighbourhoods – to talk in terms of district centres as tough we need to concentrate things versus the idea of dispersal in distribution of 120 services and enjoy a nodal or clustered organisation without a strong sense of centrality. Jane Jacobs analysed the negative effects of zoning coming along with centralisation and has drawn a conclusion claiming that a person's anonymity is sacrificed by being seen in a particular environment doing exactly what it prescribes: ' A person walking in a zoned "business district" reveals their occupation and social standing. A person seen in a university campus is probably a student. […] They all sacrifice a portion of their anonymity […] Zoning is therefore, according to the tenets of Intimate Anonymity, an anti134 urban practice.' In her opinion, the new city was one in which complexity was celebrated to the highest extend. A complex fabric was needed, like 'the 135 structure of living things, of great paintings and symphonies.' The results of centralisation and zoning were also interpreted negatively by Team10 and

CIAM. The critics of Modernism observed interactions of people and argued for the importance of communities being structures that linked people. On the contrary, the citizens were locked into towers now and started to lose contact, with venues for daily interaction being destroyed. CIAM was keen on the idea 'that the redesign and future development of industrial metropolises should be based on the biological, psychological, and 136 social needs of the working masses.' To facilitate this, they proposed a diagrammatical approach to the analysis of the urban pattern and its future. In his lecture at CIAM 2 on The Sociological Foundations of the Minimum Dwelling (1929) Walter Gropius stated that 'the entry of women into the workforce required “centralized master households” where each individual would be given a basic Existenzminimum (minimal) dwelling within a larger structure of communal dining, daycare, and recreational 137 facilities. Not only innovative use of type was planned, but also 'prefabrication, and the integration of 138 landscape elements with built ones.' A kind of mechanical, systematic reorganization was proposed, which was fully planned up to the tiniest detail. And finally became overdetermined.

131 Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.148. 132 Ibid. p.149. 133 Ibid.p.150. 134 Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/wpcontent/uploads/2014/10/ IntimateAnonymity.pdf. p.4. 135 Alexander, Christopher. “A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)” Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). p.5. In Design After Modernism: Beyond the Object, edited by Thackara, J., London: Thames and Hudson, pp. 67 - 84. 136 Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.155. 137 Ibid. p.159. 138 Ibid.p.155.

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03.02 SUCCESSION - OPENING THE SYSTEM

However, where was the middle ground between an utopian view of the idealistic city and an improved, slightly determined version? A city in which like-minded people experience well-being, and democratic neighbourliness makes up cities? Soon writers of the Chicago School of Urban Studies agreed upon the fact that a 'movement from neighbourhood to neighbourhood, from scene to scene, was the essence of urban experience. […] That […] did not belong 139 to all urbanites of the last century equally, it had a class character.’ The drivers of change for a more successful city appeared to be in the detail of 122 the home and from there they expand into the city – a city in which people are living differently and the home is being re-thought beginning with the decorative arts. The city thus could act as a framework for accommodation of a singularity to exist in difference. This therefore would support the idea of a city as an 'human settlement in which strangers are likely to meet […] the 140 settlement has to have a large, heterogeneous population.' In order to be able to draw up a new diagram of the neighbourhood promoting a fundamental change in urban pattern, we have to establish a logic to it. This means, we have to look for ways describing a design, and already existing conditions, that scale up in order to enable a city to be constructed by spontaneous, anonymous and intimate events in a city in which people meet and engage in democratic interaction. For example, we can think about 141 a rather 'open system' , which is depicted as having five major principles:

1.You cannot substitute one urban element for another. 2.Simple rules generate complexity. 3.Known beginnings can produce unpredictable results. 4. A small scale event can trigger a massive change. 5.Complex systems can self-organize by analysing emerging condition, responding to triggers and accommodating chaos or complexity. In other words, urban form and composition needs to be determined, even if it is slightly, in order to eliminate homogeneity, over-determination or total chaos. This adds a design factor to the politics, that aims to make up a 123 city, which has a socialist character. Freedom of form alone can not reach this desired state. According to Irénée Scalbert in The City of Small Things 142 (2004) , Architects have idealised the European city and its model has collapsed and remained in old town centres. This happened because the victory of capitalism over communism appeared and the city presented itself in pure economic quality, making the question of Architectural form become irrelevant at that time. 'In the same way that the victory of Capitalism over Communism appears to be complete and definitive, in the same way that big issues in politics are subsumed in the workings of the economy, the city no 143 longer admits ideological impositions on its form.' Instead of holding on to something, which didn't prove to function (absolute bigness) he is suggesting a rather local approach of the small in continuity.

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Fig.46: Concept of local integration of small and fragmented facilities into neighbourhoods in Brentford/London. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

What is the neighbourhood in the perception of the citizen? How can we describe this idea of the framework more accurately? A framework is a system, which is accommodating its elements. As explained by Venturi in Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (1966), the term 'accommodation' deals with the relationship of complexity and contradiction, stating that a work of Architecture never owes its prominence to a one location, but it has to find an accommodation amongst 'elements which are hybrid rather than “pure”, compromising rather than “clean”, […] accommodating rather than excluding […] An architecture of complexity and contradiction must embody the difficult unity of inclusion rather than the 144 easy unity of exclusion.’ We therefore cannot substitute one urban element for another because 'buildings are meaningful only in the context of their 145 surroundings' This means Venturi’s point of view is constructed by an understanding of 146 space 'as opposed to Le Corbusier’s' .

139 Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. New York: Knopf, 1976. p.136. 140 Ibid. p.39. 141 Sennett, Richard. “The Open City.” Harvard GSD Lecture, September 21, 2013. YouTube video, 15:04. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=eEx1apBAS9A 142 Scalbert, Irénée. “The City of Small Things.” Building Material, 12 (Autumn 2004): 4-7. 143 Ibid., In Review of Modern Architecture and Other Essays, edited by Scully, Vincent. London: AA Files, Winter 2005. 144 Stierli, Martino. 2016. “Complexity and Contradiction changed how we look at, think and talk about architecture”, Architectural Review. Accessed April 27, 2020. www.architectural-review. com/essays/reviews/books/ complexity-and-contradictionchanged-how-we-lookat-think-and-talk-aboutarchitecture/10015872.article 145 Ibid. 146 Ibid.

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Fig.47: Willem Jan Neutelings. Patchwork metropolis in The Hague and Rotterdam region, 1990. Collection Het Nieuwe Instituut.

Thinking further, this simple rule generates complexity: Architecture that is a part of a successful community, also qualifies the role of the self within a society and generates solidarity, creativity, and responsibility. 'Complexity of 147 program alone breeds a formalism of false simplicity.' Complex systems can self-organize by analysing emerging condition, responding to triggers and accommodating chaos or complexity. One proposal illustrating this thought is Patchwork Metropolis or Tapijtmetropool (1989, Netherlands) by Willem Jan Neutelings. Inspired by Ulrich Beck's writings about the society and the idea of layering, Neutelings studied the urbanisation process of Randstad in Netherlands prior to an 127 expansion of the city to the south. Soon he noticed the area was resembling a carpet supporting a mix of spaces and functions already. There is already an integrity to the idea of a larger space expanding from the household, and there is an expectation that these spaces also have their own kind of integrity and logic. Linked to this he mentions 'everybody was looking to the reconstruction of the inner city, but actually everything was happening 148 outside the cities along the main roads.' So its main principle also argues against the conception of a centralised city embedded in a green, rural area. It thus rejects the traditional contrast between the city and the mostly domestic periphery and replaces it with a rather regional composition consisting of a collage of smaller fragments, which improves the whole picture.

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Fig.48: Paul Klee - Im Stil von Kairouan, 1914.

By creating a vision for a city resembling a carpet with a collection of patches, Neutelings and Rowe both opened up a new way of thinking, which we can see in Paul Klee's or Wassily Kandinsky's paintings, in which the colours are layered in a subtle degradation. Thinking in a scale smaller than the city but bigger than the home – the neighbourhood, and planning in layers was considered the future of Urbanism. With the help of this idea, it is easier to replace old fragments in the city with new ones. These urban patches are grouped to create a carpet pattern, which is the result of 'recycling all the

strands of urban fabric, with a sense of contemporaneity, which offers a […] territory [...] of […] complete continuations and narrations, thresholds between 149 urban elements.' These have the possibility to become various strips in the urban pattern and spaces of encounter.Therefore, this is the starting point of a promising way to construct a sequential, continuous city, in which citizens are 'continuously moving from one patch to another. Every patch has something different to offer and therefore 150 attracts various sectors of population.' Neutelings compares this to a 'kilt sewn by only one person, able to control the overall result, or the same kilt done by then different people working on it at different times. 151 […] it is not feasible to work at the great scale' , within a framework of complexity and contradiction. It grows project by project, or block by block, carried out by various Architects, but does not proceed under the demands of one single masterplan any more because a 'problem now is that the city cannot be understood any more as a spatial element, because (it) is not a 152 spatial composition.'

147 Venturi, Robert. “Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture: Selections from a Forthcoming Book.” Perspecta, vol.9, no.10 (1965): 17-56. Accessed June 4, 2020. doi:10.2307/1566911. p.19. 148 Pisabo, C. “The Patchwork metropolis” European postgraduate Master in Urbanism, TU Delft, 2011. Accessed September 27, 2020. http://resolver.tudelft. nl/uuid:7cc06848-7ce8-4198ad2e-13c659b60e13. p.48. 149 Rivas, Navarro, Juan Luís and Belén Bravo Rodríguez. “Creative City in Suburban Areas: Geographical and Agricultural Matrix as the Basis for the New Nodal Space” In Spaces and Flows: An International Journal of Urban and ExtraUrban Studies, vol.3, no.4 (2013): 1-16. Accessed September 28, 2020. doi:10.18848/2154-8676/CGP/ v03i04/53712 150 Pisabo, C. “The Patchwork metropolis” European postgraduate Master in Urbanism, TU Delft, 2011. Accessed September 27, 2020. http://resolver.tudelft. nl/uuid:7cc06848-7ce8-4198ad2e-13c659b60e13. p.51. 151 Ibid. p.49. 152 Ibid. p.51.

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Fig.49: Wassily Kandinsky - Layered, 1932.

Another essential point to add is that today 'the areas of homogeneity are much smaller than during the 19th century. The fragments are becoming 153 stronger and less related to the context' , meaning on a sociological level, the city's starting point is moved to an assemblage of different subcultures with a shared diversity. It is now subject to constant change of the city and the self. In summary, all of the critics arguments on the importance of complexity 'reflected a need for inclusiveness and diversity that, directly or indirectly, 154 opposed the segregation of functions and people in the modern city.’

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Fig.50: Friedensreich Hundertwasser, Pavillions and Bungalows.

Given all of this, what appearance do the more flexible and interesting patterns of grouping nowadays have and which pieces of key equipment do we need to redefine space as layered? Let us now look at projects, that are pointing towards this direction and searching for plurality and a sense of neighbourliness, without going into one extreme direction or the other.

153 Ibid. p.53. 154 Laurence, Peter L. “Contradictions and Complexities: Jane Jacobs's and Robert Venturi's Complexity Theories.” Journal of Architectural Education (1984), vol.59, no. 3 (2006). Accessed June 2, 2020. www. jstor.org/stable/40480645. p.59.

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Fig.51: Concept of patches and urban pattern in Brentford/London. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

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'my alternative to masterplanning is [...] seed planning [...] taking a distinctive, non exchangable, different in form, object or program an putting it in different places and letting it grow.' 155

03.03 SIMULTANEITY - AN ALTERNATIVE NEW NEIGHBOURHOOD Localism was discovered to be a driver of change during the phase of globalisation since we became more mobile and multi-local transnationalists: 'It is a travelling life, both literally and metaphorically, a nomadic life, a life spent in cars, aeroplanes and trains, on the telephone or the internet, supported by the mass media, a transnational life stretching 156 across frontiers.' With this the citizens came in contact with different cultures, inviting to intersect and 157 combine various cultures and 'hybrid identities' , so de-traditionalisation happened. According to Ulrich Beck, this is an essential ingredient that enables us to coexist is culture: 'While culture was previously defined by traditions, today it must be defined as an arca of freedom which protects each group individuals and [...] is the field in which we assert that we can Iive 158 together, equal yet different.' The neighbourhood we live in had to adapt to the importance of culture and provide the ground for these to coexist and engage with one another. Therefore 'the public realm no longer has anything to do with collective decisions. It is a question not of solidarity or obligation but of [...] 159 coexistence.'

155 Sennett, Richard. “The Open City.” Harvard GSD Lecture, September 21, 2013. YouTube video, 53:32. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=eEx1apBAS9A 156 Beck, Ulrich. “Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics” In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. p.168. 157 Ibid. p.169. 158 Ibid. p.171. 159 Ibid. p.169.

135

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Fig.52: Small Integrations into neighbourhoods today. Cabinet Gallery / London. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

137

Fig.53: Integrations of Urban Parks into neighbourhoods today. Gleisdreieck Before - After / Berlin. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

A: BORNEO-SPORENBURG

138

Fig.54: Aerial map, Borneo Sporenburg.

West8's work Borneo-Sporenburg (Amsterdam, 1993-1996) is an example of another, more linear patchwork based on a community of interests and anonymous intimacy. 'Adriaan Geuze of West 8 Landscape Architects tried to develop the Borneo Sporenburg area into a kind of old fashioned 160 neighbourhood' . As he calls it he suggested a wide and flat sea of houses into which three meteorites (the huge residential buildings) hit.

139 Fig.55: 3D View, Borneo Sporenburg.

Projects like this represents areas where our sense of care accommodates difference and avoids making demands upon personal identity. An anonymous intimacy becomes the foundation for stronger future neighbourhoods while challenging their morphology and organization. This project consists of two peninsulas on the converted harbour and accommodates 2500 low-rise dwelling units. Each of these homes is inspired by the narrow Dutch canal housing, up to three stories high with patios and roof gardens.

Fig.56: Individual Dwellings, Borneo Sporenburg.

Fig.57: Individual Dwelling, Example unit my MVRDV

The dwellings are focusing on individualism with contributions of more than 100 Architects. By a repetition of typologies every 5 to 12 parcels, a high 140 diversity in housing layouts, as well as household formats, is achieved. Also this allows the Urbanists and Architects to achieve a sustainable urban pattern since it is more flexible and based on a complexity, which repeats type instead of blocks. Additionally the development accommodates 60 free parcels, which are allocated to private owners: here the owners are allowed to build distinctive homes, but nevertheless have to be in negotiation with the block and residents' homes.Another very important feature is the integration of a sports centre, commercial and gastronomy, a medical institute, a school and even a yacht club: all of these facilities are integrated directly at the ends of the lines of housing and are in smaller scale than the usual measurement of these types. There is a set that regulates and governs neighbourhood interactions. In this case, small size and accessible areas with fewer cognitive demands

Fig.58: Free Parcel (White), Borneo Sporenburg.

and responsiveness in terms of protecting intimacy, create an ideal space for active citizenship. Converting the neighbours into self-governing citizens, this scheme thus can rely on community participation, sharing of social and cultural knowledge and common trust. Neighbourhoods allowing to interact with the anonymous suggest 'a richer understanding of the mix of intimate, personal, social, cultural, economic, and ecological aspects of any person’s well-being, and this richness of understanding may suggest a more powerful structuring of attempts to improve well-being at 161 the neighbourhood scale.'

Fig.59: System of Small Integrations 160 MVRDV. “Borneo 18” MVRDV Homepage, Accessed September 25, 2020. https:// www.mvrdv.nl/projects/162/ borneo-18 161 Holden, Meg. 2018. “Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Community WellBeing, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42413-018-0005-1. p.59.

141

142

Fig.60: Framework with small integrations for wellbeing and possible connections with talentpool, Borneo Sporenburg. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşc

cu.

143

144

Fig.61: Framework with small integrations, Layering Analysis in Amsterdam. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

145

B: SAEMANGEUM ISLAND CITY

146

Fig.62: A vision plan for the Saemangeum Island City in approximately 25-30 years.

147

Fig.63: Exploring the form of the new island plates. Drawing by Philip Christou, February 2008

148

Fig.64: Longer and narrower islands maintain an island experience, where one is always relatively close to a waterbody. Drawing by Florian Beigel and Philip Christou, March 2008

Florian Beigel and Philip Christou's proposal for Saemangeum Island City in Korea is an example of how we can cope with our differences and complexity in the city and describe an image of identity, simultaneously. It is demonstrating that 'accomplishing this work of commoning as a series of locally-scaled collective political projects demands an understanding of engagement at 162 the local scale.' As an addition to Borneo-Sporenburg this design is based on an idea of the decentralisation of the centre and a turn to a pragmatic 163 localism. It begins from a 'recognition of a plurality of layers' of districts tied together with landscape in between. This creates 'spaces that display the “powerful symbolic and sensory code of public culture” and that generate the 164 “urban capacity to negotiate complexity' '' . Firstly, the infrastructure of the 165 landscape as 'artificial islands and estuary land reclamations was designed.' This was defined as the shared realm of the inhabitants. After studying urban

Fig.65: Inspiration: Álvaro Siza Vieira tests possible urban block structures for the extension of Macau, China,1983-84.

Fig.66: Exploring island positions with a highly controlled series of dams and ﬂood gates. Drawing by Thomas Gantner, March 2008

patterns in metropolitan cities, a catalogue of principles was created describing a city 'that could be collaged on 166 to the islands (in the sense of Colin Rowe).' With this the Architects aim to bring various programmes in close proximity to each other and 'reduce the need for single functional zones in the city such as bed-towns, business 167 parks or large self-contained tourist resorts' , as well as eliminating urban sprawl. Instead, the patches and neighbourhoods have a specific structure based on its location and inspired by urban structures found all over the world, like demonstrated here. For example, the middle segment, called Food Cluster City (see Fig.61), is inspired by the Central Park in Manhattan, New York.

162 Holden, Meg. 2018. “Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Community WellBeing, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42413-018-0005-1. 163 Ibid. 164 Amin, Ash. “Collective culture and urban public space.” City, vol.12, no.1 (2008). Accessed June 04, 2020. https://www. tandfonline.com/doi/ 165 Christou, Philip and Florian Beigel. Architecture as City: Saemangeum Island City. Berlin: Springer, 2010. p.23. 166 Ibid. 167 Ibid.p.25.

149

Adapted studies of the following urban places: 1 L'Example City Block, Barcelona 2 Mews Block, London 3 La Barcelonata, Barcelona 4 Canal City Block, Malmo 5 Hombaekhus City Block, Copenhagen 6 Oido City Block, Korea 7 Canal Block, Hamburg 8 Cambridge University Quadrangle, Cambridge 9 Farm and Guesthouse Ensemble 10 Bedford Square, London 11 Place des Vosges, Paris 12 Urban Woodland in Central Park, New York

8, 7 150

3, 5

1, 3, 5

1, 2

Fig.67: Inhabiting the islands with City Structures

1, 7, 10, 6

6, 7, 10

4, 7, 6, 10

7, 12

4, 12, 8

4, 12

2, 8

151 1, 3 9, 12

5, 7 9

1, 3, 2, 7

2, 3, 7 4

152

168 Harvey, D. “The right to the city.” New Left Review, vol.53 (September/October 2008). p.23. Ibid. 169 Christou, Philip and Florian Beigel. Architecture as City: Saemangeum Island City. Berlin: Springer, 2010. pp.60 - 62. 170 Ibid. p.118. 171 Ibid. p.142. 172 Ibid. p.142.

This method is especially beneficial because it is analysing already existing and promising patterns and applying its principles – it is learning from what is already achieved in Urbanism and not trying to design from ground zero. This is shifting the focus on 'non-hierarchical spaces […] to enact their right to the collective experience of being human in the city and “a right to change 168 ourselves by changing the city' '' . For example, the Harbour City in the centre of the development is designed to serve the idea of 'coexistence as a starting point. […] The intention is to concentrate urban fabric in localities of density, […] placed in relation to spots of exceptional beauty in the island landscape. People will have the opportunity to live near to where they work, 169 and share the beauty of their surroundings with tourists and wildlife.' Within this network 'six lead programmes are envisaged. Following the guiding principle of a city of coexistence, these […] will be 153 170 located in close urban proximity to [...] compatible programmes' , ensuring economical flexibility. Inside each of these patches the programmes are colocated with domestic buildings, altogether becoming cities in a city. 'It is about 171 designing the rug but not the picnic' and according to Beigel and Christou stakeholders are supportive, because the only decisions Saemangeum Island City is making belongs to the morphology. Beigel is stating they prefer this method to masterplanning 'because […] To fix every nook and cranny and every street corner into a masterplan form, [...] doesn’t bear fruit, because the 172 masterplan is overtaken by time and circumstance.' Given this, the principle of repeating type instead of blocks and building the city constantly, block by block, within a framework of complexity and contradiction has also proven to be promising .

154

Fig.68: Framework Saemangeum Island City. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

155

156

Fig.69: Programme drawing: lead industries co-existing together on the islands. Note: This map is very diagrammatic, and the various colours should really be overlapping each other, as several programmes often exist within the same building.

157

C: OMA'S SEQUENCES

158

Fig.70: Diagram for Yokohoma Masterplan - OMA

Continuity and designing in sequences of neighbourhoods and blocks is also a technique OMA uses. Given that there is a change of perspective in today’s successful areas, where there is a great variety of living environments, but also a growing framework serving as a platform of coexistence of talent pools, this method proves necessary. The pandemic has crystallised these emerging trends and 'appears as an opportunity to reflect in a sense of suspension on what the new mechanisms to address not only this challenge, but the ones to come, are […] that dense central areas can thrive trough the association of 173 institutions, trust-building and mutualism.' 159 Looking at these diagramming techniques of OMA, describing a nodal and sequential approach, we see it is not a pre given definition of where the neighbourhood is located or ends, but within there is an expectation for it to establish a sense of belonging. Urbanism has regarded the platform, in which an anonymous-intimacy in neighbourliness, and self-development through negotiation exists, as an intention to something mostly spatial or territorial by now, while it is richer and able to expand into an equipment to describe the future of cities.

For instance, as which could sti thinking the city What allows this of doing that e question is com as something t accomplishmen not only for a p opportunities of more vibrant mi In contrast to a growing deman 'modern guideli sets of guidelin demands that in

160

Fig.71: Parc de La Vilette - OMA

lead to insecurit society on the o yourself biograp collapse are ev the possibility o failures of indiv which 'the emp crisis phenome shoulders of ind

s a local expression it can have a more global awareness and lead to an intimacy, ill be pulled into the home. But this would not be the only starting point of rey of the future. s diversity to find a new possibility of space? What is it that the citizen is capable enables him to be an addition to the space? I'm claiming the answer to this mmunicating, interacting and negotiating. These kind of environments emerge that is not home, but makes use of its patterns of trust building and sense of nt and achieving things together. With this, it more willingly becomes a platform programmatic life to unfold, but also accommodates difference leading to new f coexistence, collaborations amongst industries or fields of profession and a ix or attraction of talent pools. agrarian societies or villages, today life has less strict guidelines leading to the nd of self-organisation and negotiation. This is calling for a change of heart because 161 ines actually compel the self-thematisation of people's biographies. […] many nes - in the educational system, the labour market, or the welfare state - involve 174 ndividuals should run their own lives' . Having less guidelines to hold on to can

ty on the one hand, and in an ideal case, to a more open, stronger and adaptable other hand, because 'standard biographies become elective biographies, “do-itphies“, risk biographies […] (where) possibilities of biographical slippage and 175 ver present.' So another point pushing the demand for self-development is of failing, because social crisis and failures of the community are regarded as viduals. Along with this there comes a sense of responsibility for the society in phasis today is on individual blame and responsibility. […] Consequently, social ena such as structural unemployment can be shifted as a burden of risk onto the 176 dividuals.'

162

Fig.72: Exodus - Rem Koolhaas

Fig.73: Dubai Knowledge Fund - OMA

Fig.74: West Kowloon Cultural District, Hongkong - OMA

In response to these fears and wishes developments in socialism and modern capitalism have 'made collective intimacy a public and social ideal, creating new institutions of intimacy and collective experience [...], through which modes of political allegiance and 177 belonging can be negotiated.' With this in mind, the research explains that the drivers of change are not only in the household: the new goal - the creation of well-being and selfdevelopment – 'that understands neighbourhoods as both physical, designed spaces and as webs of primarily social relations through which we accomplish human existence in timeframes from daily to inter178 generational time' , does not have to inhere within the domestic only. This means we have to take a look at what the city is becoming and is perceived as by the subject of our time. A new plan or idea for an urban pattern therefore has to reflect on these subjects and provide a framework, in which parts or patches are exhangable and expandable, acommocating a variety of living inside and outside of the home. As we can clearly see in OMA's diagrammes, this idea starts with layering and switching to a subtle degradation of intimacy.

173 Barth, Lawrence and Claudio Rossi. (2020, July). 2020_Post-Covid Imaginary, presented at the meeting of the Non-Fictional Cities Workshop, USA and Europe. 174 Beck, Ulrich. “Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics” In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. p.166. 175 Ibid. p.167. 176 Ibid. p.167. 177 Linke, Gabriele. “The Public, The Private, And The Intimate: Richard Sennett's And Lauren Berlant's Cultural Criticism In Dialogue.” Biography, vol.34, no.1 (2011): 11-24. Accessed September 16, 2020. http:// www.jstor.org/stable/23541175. p.15. 178 Holden, Meg. 2018. “Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Community WellBeing, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42413-018-0005-1. p.49.

163

EXAMPLE: THE CARE HUB

164

Fig.75: The Concept of Layering in Urbanism. A Care Hub (yellow, dotted lines) as driver for Urban Growth. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

165

Fig.76: The Concept of a Care Hub as driver for Urban Growth. Drawings by Hilâl Kuşcu.

Given this, what is the next generation of development models? For example looking at the idea of contemporary care environments one can already notice there is a restructuring of hospitals, education and knowledge landscapes taking place. In order to cultivate healthier living, this creates new design challenges for the relationship between care and housing. To give an instance, a new kind of patch can be imagined as a hub, where care takers, as well as care givers are being integrated into residential neighbourhoods, allowing for more efficient forms of therapy and collaborations between education, culture, and health. Where would the anonymous intimacy be located in this particular example? 168 Since it was discovered in the previous chapters, the drivers of change lie in the detail of the building, the block, and finally expand. The care hub initiates a reorganization of the neighborhood as a transformation of the civic life itself. The new model has potential to contribute to a conceivable emergence of different kinds of urban patterns, and accommodate continuous learning, and engagement. As a critique of commercial models, the serviced housing is becoming just one point to the next generation of care: it is shaped by arranged encounters in a wider framework of care and culture, which can articulate the interest of diverse stakeholders. [For further information on this concept please visit https://www.researchgate. net/publication/349181109_EUDAEMONIA_-_POLYRHYTHMIC_ EXPLORATIONS ]

Going back to the block, the integration of specific elements, for example, education, art therapy, and temporary workshops, can encourage creating nodes of intensification in the city to attract participants from across generations and genres. Thinking in a bigger scale, it can unlock further nodes, towards moving to a polycentric city structure. What is lacking in contemporary care hubs? These are mainly focusing on bringing together residents with only one kind of service, such as integrating a care home or a nursery, and expecting this to be a driver of change. While the future is going towards a city that contains a differentiation of spaces, accumulated into an overall whole and integrated through a conceptual logic. Using its adaptability and the capacity of type is also demonstrating how we can combine multi-scalar programs, and 169 integrate existing buildings into an efficient, unified scheme with a typological repetition rather than block repetition. If we imagine inseparable volumes with a spatial sequence of interlocked exterior spaces, we can see the potential of conveying feelings of intimacy and distance at the same time. What makes the integration of smaller elements convenient? If they add up to a continuous strip the whole area becomes stronger, but the blocks can also work on their own, just like imagining a polyrhythmic symphony. This helps to build the idea block by block, while still giving proliferation of diversity resulting in rich neighbourhoods. The elements are therefore employed first to divide and then selectively to re-unite inhabited space.

170

171

Fig.77 & 78: Care and Wellbeing insertions and Framework creation - a concept for Brentford/London. Drawings by Hilâl Kuşcu.

172

Fig.79: Future Cities. Illustration by Hilâl Kuşcu.

173

174

179Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. “Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.” In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. Cloud-Cuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo.net/ leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/article_borsi_shapiro.pdf. p.158. 180Moser, Bruno, Theo Malzieu, et.al. 2020. “Tactical Urbanism: Reimagining Our Cities post-Covid-19” Archdaily. Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www.archdaily. com/940877/tactical-urbanism-reimagining-our-cities-post-covid-19 181Ibid.

CONCLUSION

'perception of housing as a culture, […] fully imbedded in the everyday life, and linking between the patterns of 179 working, training, performance, hospitality and play.'

In 2020 the pandemic has highlighted spatial inequalities in the urban pattern 'between people who have private gardens and those who don’t; those who have access to public [..] spaces versus people who live too far away from 175 180 them.' The city centre became silent, nearly a ghost-town, after COVID-19 knocked on our doors. Only areas with a strong local economy had the possibilities to offer service and support in the neighbourhoods, while the centre was left aside and locked away. To give an example, in German cities the distribution of health and care is more locally oriented, corresponding in a local ability to respond faster and more efficiently to a changing number of patients. Healthcare is only one aspect offered by the city; also living 'under lockdown is to be deprived of these museums, restaurants, concert halls and clubs that offer us social 181 solace and respite from our cramped homes' .

This partially broken balance of the centre and the periphery demonstrates for sure the emerging importance of a model, polycentric and nodal, with the centre being integrated into it. It raises the question whether there should be a closer attention to the local needs of residential communities. By this alteration of centre and periphery, suburbian areas became 'lively agglomerations that 182 were able to adapt more quickly to the changes' due to their smaller scale and purification from narcissistic types of intimacy. Also, the private home was not in the centre of the perception of neighbourhoods any more. Even when CityLab asked 'people from all over the world to create maps of their lives under lockdown […] (a) consistent theme among the handdrawn maps […] were local parks and leafy streets. The buildings seemed to 183 almost disappear' .

176

The challenge now turned into the question of 'how to preserve this acquired 184 local economic goal' , that provides autonomous self-development and well185 being and 'is less dependant in transport connectivity' - on which the first neighbourhood concept was based on. Localism has proved how it helps to reduce traffic, 'supports the existence of more services and leisure offers, generates a sense of belonging and civic support of cultural and social initiatives 186 as schools and local clinics became paramount to the neighbourhood.' Today the spatiality of the home and its relation to the neighbourhood always relies on a pluralistic behaviour. At the same time, precisely because of 'its relative autonomy in formal and spatial experimentation, it has the capacity of opening up new domains of dispute and discussion, and thereby flex the 187 very diagram of the domestic and the neighbourhood.' There is a growing interest

'in the role of a range of neighbourhood attributes in terms of the quality of “everyday life” that they offer. And we are interested in those neighbourhoods that are pushing the boundaries of the expectations [...] toward much more sustainable behaviours than we 188 find triggers for in dominant modern society.’ Even the smallest efforts start to matter. To illustrate this aspect, it is enough to look at the new WhatsApp neighbourhood groups 'which aim to support vulnerable members of our community and address issues around loneliness and food poverty. […] For these newly found forms of solidarity [….] and for communities to become more resilient in a post189 COVID-19 chapter' . When we imagine a city where experiences constitute a local expression of intimacy, we can start to see it has a different starting point connected to the notion of localism – meaning each of the events in our lives can allow us to reflect how we share a common sense. With COVID-19 and the Civil Rights Movement, we can already point towards a future, that is ready and willing to change, and in which 'the urban is the space that allows for collective expression, for places where gatherings can happen that wouldn’t otherwise happen, that don’t cater only 190 to the individual.’

182 Barth, Lawrence and Claudio Rossi. (2020, July). 2020_Post-Covid Imaginary, presented at the meeting of the Non-Fictional Cities Workshop, USA and Europe. 183 Moser, Bruno, Theo Malzieu, et.al. 2020. “Tactical Urbanism: Reimagining Our Cities post-Covid-19” Archdaily. Accessed September 17, 2020. https:// www.archdaily.com/940877/tacticalurbanism-reimagining-our-cities-postcovid-19 184 Barth, Lawrence and Claudio Rossi. (2020, July). 2020_Post-Covid Imaginary, presented at the meeting of the Non-Fictional Cities Workshop, USA and Europe. 185 Ibid. 186 Ibid. 187 Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. “Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.” In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. Cloud-Cuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo. net/ leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/ article_borsi_shapiro.pdf. p.155. 188 Holden, Meg. 2018. “Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42413018-0005-1. 189 Ribet, Louise. 2020. “How will the pandemic change urban life?” LSE Blog. Accessed September 17, 2020. https:// blogs.lse.ac.uk/covid19/2020/04/28/ how-will-the-pandemic-change-urban-life/ 190 Krieger, Alex, and William S. Saunders. Urban Design. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009. Accessed June 4, 2020. www.jstor.org/ stable/10.5749/j.ctttspsh. p.293.

177

Also, integrating smaller elements into neighbourhoods, we can change the notion of localism. Instead of overemphasizing and assembling hospitality in the city centre, which became less useful, we can involve health and well-being, education, local services any many more with crossovers between working and industry, healthcare, education, research, creative industry, and emerging technologies. Especially, with a shift in today's collective public spaces (new forms of urban parks, museums, care institutions, active lifestyle facilities, et cetera) already happening and being fragmented and distributed around the city, Urbanism 178 can create new forms of working together more easily. Additionally in Metropolitan cities 'no one manages to find work which suits him near his home.[...] whenever the worker and his workplace belong to separately administered municipalities (in London), the community which contains the workplace collects huge taxes and has relatively little on which to spend the tax revenue. The community where the worker lives, if it is mainly 191 residential, collects only little in the way of taxes' . So what seems dangerous and risky to invest in at a first look, can very well promise economic rise as well as well-being in a social manner with housing, co-located with service and culture on the other hand.

Fig.80: Analysis of Talentpool in Bre

entford/London. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

179

180

Fig.81: Framework Diagramme as result of talent pool studies in Brentford/London. Drawing by Hilâl Kuşcu.

Finally, accompanied by engagement with the anonymous fellow citizen, as well as interaction and shared democracy of everyday life, the city starts transforming into a definition of a new, more resilient and flexible network, which can be imagined as a system, where 'democratic principles provide the means to operationalize [...] in local contexts, diversity principles provide the situational components for constructive work together, and equity principles constitute the 192 ethical imperative' . In other words, the city is becoming more human.

191 Alexander, Christopher.“A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)” Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). p.5. In Design After Modernism: Beyond the Object, edited by Thackara, J., London: Thames and Hudson, pp. 67 - 84. 192 Cuthill, M. “Strengthening the 'social’ in sustainable development: developing a conceptual framework for social sustainability in a rapid growth urban region in Australia.” Sustainable Development, vol.18 (2010): 362–373. In Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and OpenMinded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods, edited by Holden, Meg. International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42413018-0005-1. p.49.

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Summerson, Sir John. Georgian London. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. Taut, Bruno. Die Neue Wohnung. Die Frau als Schöpferin. Leipzig: Verlag von Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1924. Taylor, Dianna. Michel Foucault Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2010. Thackara, John. Design After Modernism: Beyond the Object. London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. Venturi, Robert. Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture. New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1966. Weber, Max. Politik als Beruf. 1919. Wietzorrek, Ulrike. Housing+ - On Thresholds, Transitions, and Transparencies. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2013.

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JOURNALS Ajzenstadt, Mimi, and Robert Menzies. ''Review.'' The Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers Canadiens De Sociologie, vol.16, no.2 (1991): 223-27. Accessed August 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/3341282. Alexander, Christopher. "A City is Not a Tree (Part 2)." Architectural Forum, vol.122, no.2 (1965). Amin, Ash. “Collective culture and urban public space.” City, vol.12, no.1 (2008). Accessed June 04, 2020. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13604810801933495. Armstrong, David. ''Review.'' Sociology, vol.24, no.4 (1990): 746-47. Accessed September 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42854780. 186

Bardeesi, Talal M. Noor. "Optimizing Dwelling Transitional Space." Ekistics, vol.59, no.354/355 (1992): 206-16. Accessed August 23, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43622250 Baum, Frances. ''Shared Housing - Making Alternative Lifestyles Work'' Australian Journal of Social Issues, vol.21, no.3 (August 1986). Accessed September 06, 2020. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1986.tb00824.x Beck, Ulrich. ''Living Your Own Life in a Runaway World: Individualisation, Globalisation and politics'' In On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism, edited by Giddens, Anthony and Will Hutton. New York: Vintage Books, 2001. Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. ''Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.'' In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. Cloud-CuckooLand, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo.net/ leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/article_borsi_shapiro.pdf

Cuthill, M. ''Strengthening the ‘social’ in sustainable development: developing a conceptual framework for social sustainability in a rapid growth urban region in Australia.'' Sustainable Development, vol.18 (2010): 362–373. Fourier, Charles. “Selections Describing the Phalanstery” In The Utopia Reader, edited by Claeys, Gregory and Tower Sargent Lyman. New York: New York University Press, 1999. Harvey, D. ''The right to the city.'' New Left Review, vol.53 (September/October 2008). Hewitt, John P. Social Forces, vol.69, no.3 (1991): 972-73. Accessed August 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/2579520. Holden, Meg. 2018. ''Community Well-Being in Neighbourhoods: Achieving Community and Open-Minded Space through Engagement in Neighbourhoods.'' International Journal of Community Well-Being, vol.1, no.1 (2018): 45–61. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42413-018-0005-1 Köhl, Florian. ''Reframing the Social.'' Interviewed with Ertaş Hülya. XXIMAGAZINE, April 25, 2017. Accessed September 19, 2020. https://xximagazine.com/c/reframing-the-social Laurence, Peter L. "Contradictions and Complexities: Jane Jacobs's and Robert Venturi's Complexity Theories." Journal of Architectural Education (1984-), vol.59, no.3 (2006). Accessed June 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40480645. Lears, T. J. Jackson. "The Two Richard Sennetts." Journal of American Studies, vol.19, no.1 (1985): 81-94. Accessed September 18, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27554548.

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Linke, Gabriele. "The Public, The Private, And The Intimate: Richard Sennett's And Lauren Berlant's Cultural Criticism In Dialogue." Biography, vol.34, no.1 (2011): 1124. Accessed September 16, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23541175 Moneo, Rafael. ''On Typology'', Oppositions, no.13: 22–45. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1978. Pløger, John. "FOUCAULT'S "DISPOSITIF" AND THE CITY." Planning Theory, vol.7, no.1 (2008): 51-70. Accessed August 23, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26004186 Rasmussen, Steen Eiler. "Neighbourhood Planning." The Town Planning Review, vol.27, no.4 (1957). Accessed July 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40102229

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Rivas, Navarro, Juan Luís and Belén Bravo Rodríguez. ''Creative City in Suburban Areas: Geographical and Agricultural Matrix as the Basis for the New Nodal Space'' In Spaces and Flows: An International Journal of Urban and ExtraUrban Studies, vol.3, no.4 (2013): 1-16. Accessed September 28, 2020. doi:10.18848/21548676/CGP/v03i04/53712 Roseneil, S. and Budgeon, S. ''Cultures of intimacy and care beyond 'the family': personal life and social change in the early 21st century.'' Current Sociology, vol.52 (2004): 135-59. Rowe, Colin and Fred Koetter. ''Collage City'' The Architectural Review, vol. 158, no.942 (August 1975). Scalbert, Irénée. ''The City of Small Things.'' Building Material, vol.12 (Autumn 2004): 4-7. Schocken, Hillel. “Intimate Anonymity Breaking the Code of the Urban Genome.” Intbau, vol.1, no.5 (2003). Accessed June 01, 2020. https://intbau.org/wpcontent/uploads/2014/10/IntimateAnonymity.pdf

Scully, Vincent. ''Review of Modern Architecture and Other Essays'' AA Files, London (Winter 2005). Valentine, Gill, and Kahryn, Hughes. "Shared Space, Distant Lives? Understanding Family and Intimacy at Home through the Lens of Internet Gambling."Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.37, no.2 (2012): 242-255. Accessed July 16, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/41427944 Venturi, Robert. "Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture: Selections from a Forthcoming Book." Perspecta, vol.9, no.10 (1965): 17-56. Accessed June 4, 2020. doi:10.2307/1566911

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DISSERTATIONS AND ESSAYS Evans, Robin.''Figures, doors, and passages'' In Translations from drawing to building and other essays, published by Robin Evans and Architectural Association. London: AA documents, 1978. p.90. Philippsen, Christine. ''Soziale Netzwerke in gemeinschaftlichen Wohnprojekten: eine empirische Analyse von Freundschaften und sozialer Unterstützung.'' PhD Thesis, Leverkusen: Budrich UniPress, 2014. Accessed July 16, 2020. https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/50011/ssoar-2014philippsen-Soziale_Netzwerke_in_gemeinschaftlichen_Wohnprojekten.pdf? sequence=1&isAllowed=y&lnkname=ssoar-2014-philippsenSoziale_Netzwerke_in_gemeinschaftlichen_Wohnprojekten.pdf

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Pisabo, C. ''The Patchwork metropolis'' European postgraduate Master in Urbanism, TU Delft, 2011. Accessed September 27, 2020. http://resolver.tudelft.nl/uuid:7cc06848-7ce8-4198-ad2e-13c659b60e13 Taron, Joshua. ''Anonymity and the Making of a Non-relational Architecture'' In The Expanding Periphery and the Migrating Center. Essay, University of Calgary, 2015.

LECTURES AND WORKSHOPS Barth, Lawrence and Claudio Rossi. (2020, July). 2020_Post-Covid Imaginary, presented at the meeting of the Non-Fictional Cities Workshop, USA and Europe. Barth, Lawrence. “Domesticity” Class lecture, Housing and Urbanism from Architectural Association, London, February 2020. Sennett, Richard. ''The Open City.'' Harvard GSD Lecture, September 21, 2013. YouTube video, 15:04. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eEx1apBAS9A NEWSPAPER ARTICLES Truong, Par Nicolas. “Le Retour De L'utopie La France Des Oasis.” Le Monde, August 18, 2020. 191

ONLINE SOURCES Albon, Mary. 2010. ''Witness of Change At 80, Red Vienna’s Karl-Marx-Hof is still a landmark in public housing that the world used to watch with great interest.'' The Vienna Review, Accessed September 18, 2020. https://www.theviennareview.at/archives/2010/witness-of-change Angel, F. Jessica. ''REFLEXION ON FOURIER'S PHALANSTERY'' Website of the Architect. http://jessica-f-angel.com/phalanstere. Accessed September 16, 2020. Baldwin, Eric. 2018. ''Rem Koolhaas and Virgil Abloh Discuss Consumerism, IKEA and Millennial Design.'' Archdaily, Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www.archdaily.com/902931/rem-koolhaas-and-virgil-abloh-discussconsumerism-ikea-and-millennial-design Cultural Reader. 2011. “Foucault's concept of heterotopia” Cultural Reader, Accessed June 02, 2020. http://culturalstudiesnow.blogspot.com/2011/05/foucaults192 concept-of-heterotopia.html Gibson, Lydialyle. 2016. ''The Democracy of Everyday Life. Nancy Rosenblum studies neighbors and the power of proximity'' Harvard Magazine, Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www.harvardmagazine.com/2016/09/democracy-ofeveryday-life Macdonald, Hugo. ''Estate of the art.“ Monocle, Accessed September 24, 2020. https://monocle.com/magazine/issues/65/estate-of-the-art/ Moser, Bruno, Theo Malzieu, et.al. 2020. ''Tactical Urbanism: Reimagining Our Cities post-Covid-19'' Archdaily. Accessed September 17, 2020. https://www.archdaily.com/940877/tactical-urbanism-reimagining-our-cities-postcovid-19 MVRDV. ''Borneo 18'' MVRDV Homepage, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.mvrdv.nl/projects/162/borneo-18

Pettman, Dominic. 2019. ''Get Thee to a Phalanstery or, How Fourier Can Still Teach Us to Make Lemonade.'' The Public Domain Review, Accessed September 16, 2020. https://publicdomainreview.org/essay/get-thee-to-a-phalanstery-or-howfourier-can-still-teach-us-to-make-lemonade/#2-0 Questia. Gozzi, Raymond, Jr. ‘’Anonymous Intimacy’’ ETC.: A Review of General Semantics. Accessed June 05, 2020. https://www.questia.com/library/ journal/1G1138483283/anonymous-intimacy Rathi, Dr. Shubhangi. ''Gandhian concept of Village Development and India's Development Policy'' Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal Gandhi Book Centre. Accessed September 16, 2020. https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/village_development.html Ribet, Louise. 2020. ''How will the pandemic change urban life?'' LSE Blog. Accessed September 17, 2020. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/covid19/2020/04/28/how-willthe-pandemic-change-urban-life/ Stierli, Martino. 2016. “Complexity and Contradiction changed how we look at, think and talk about architecture”, Architectural Review. Accessed April 27, 2020. www.architectural-review.com/essays/reviews/books/complexity-and-contradictionchanged-how-we-look-at-think-and-talk-about-architecture/10015872.article The Economist. 2016. ''Karl Popper on democracy. From the archives: the open society and its enemies revisited'' The Economist, Accessed September 16, 2020. https://www.economist.com/democracy-in-america/2016/01/31/from-the-archivesthe-open-society-and-its-enemies-revisited

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LIST OF FIGURES Fig.1: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.2: Patel, Rajnandi, Jagruti Shah and Bhasker Bhatt. ''A Social Infrastructure Planning Based on Accessibility Analysis - A Review.'' In Conference: Emerging Research and Innovations in Civil Engineering. Surat, Gujarat: February 2019. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332604678_A_Social_Infrastructure_Planning_Based_on_ Accessibility_Analysis_-A_Review Fig.3: Sharifi, Ayyoob. ''Sustainability at the Neighborhood Level: Assessment Tools and the Pursuit of Sustainability.'' Doctor of Engineering Thesis, Hiroshima University, 2013. Accessed September 27, 2020. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/260038282_Sustainability_at_the_Neighborhood_Level_ Assessment_Tools_and_the_Pursuit_of_Sustainability Fig.4: EL KIOSKO DE LA ARQUITECTURA. 2013. ''Karl Marx Hof'', EL KIOSKO DE LA ARQUITECTURA Blog, Accessed September 29, 2020. http://elkioskoarq.blogspot.com/2013/11/karl-marx-hof-hoy-vamos-hablar-deuno.html

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Fig.5: Pinterest. Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.pinterest.com.mx/pin/783696772641484169/ Fig.6: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.7: Ibid. Fig.8: Ibid. Fig.9: Borsi, Katharina and Anna Shapiro. ''Type, New Urban Domesticities And Urban Areas.'' In Ballestrem, edited by Matthias von and Jörg H. Gleiter. CloudCuckoo-Land, International Journal of Architectural Theory, vol.24, no.38 (2019): 149–166. Accessed September 10, 2020. www.cloud-cuckoo. net/leadmin/issues_en/issue_38/article_borsi_shapiro.pdf. p.152. Fig.10: Hampstead Garden Suburb Trust. ''Raymond Unwin's Map'', Own Homepage, Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.hgstrust.org/thesuburb/maps.shtml Fig.11: Ibid.

Fig.12: Art Nouveau Worldwide. ''Visit Darmstadt Art Nouveau'', Art Nouveau Worldwide, Accessed September 29, 2020. https://artnouveau.pagespersoorange.fr/en/villes/darmstadt.htm Fig.13: competitiononline. ''Am Lokdepot 123 (1. Bauabschnitt)'', competitiononline, Accessed September 27, 2020. https://www.competitionline.com/de/projekte/57158 Fig.14: Ibid. Fig.15: Ibid. Fig.16: Schweiz. ''Siedlung Halen - Meilenstein moderner Siedlungsarchitektur'', Schweiz. Accessed September 27, 2020. https://www.myswitzerland.com/dede/erlebnisse/siedlung-halen-meilenstein-modernersiedlungsarchitektur/ Fig.17: Atelier5. ''Siedlung Halen, Herrenschwanden'', Atelier5 Homepage, Accessed September 27, 2020. https://atelier5.ch/arbeiten/1961-siedlung-halenherrenschwanden/ Fig.18: Ibid. Fig.19: Ibid. Fig.20: DHIPARIS. 2019. ''DHIP Summer University 2018: Cooperation and selfgovernment: Sociopolitical experiments in the 19th and 20th centuries'', Hypotheses, Acessed September 23, 2020. https://dhip.hypotheses.org/726 Fig.21: The Charnel-House. 2013. ''Charles Fourier, Phalanstère'', The CharnelHouse Homepage, Accessed September 23, 2020. https://thecharnelhouse.org/2013/04/03/utopia-and-program/fourier-phalanstere-2/ Fig.22: European Route of Industrial Heritage. ''LA FAMILISTÈRE GODIN À GUISE'', Council of Europe, Accessed September 23, 2020. https://www.erih.de/dawill-ich-hin/site/show/Sites/la-familistere-godin-a-guise/

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Fig.23: Wikipedia. ''Innenhof, zentraler Flügel'', Accessed September 29, 2020. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Familist%C3%A8re#/media/Datei:Familist%C3%A8re_Central_Guise_ Int%C3%A9rieur.JPG Fig.24: Reallabor Space Sharing. 2019. ''OUTPUT HAPPINESS RESEARCH: MUSIKERWOHNHAUS, BASEL (CH)'', Reallabor Space Sharing Homepage, Accessed September 29, 2020. http://spacesharingblog.info/2019/08/12/outputhappiness-research-musikerwohnhaus-basel/ Fig.25: Ibid. Fig.26: Ibid. Fig.27: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.28: Flierl, Christian. ''Hausmusik möglich: Mike Svoboda und Anne-May Krüger in ihrem Basler Domizil.'', StiftungHabitat, Accessed September 29, 2020. https://www.nmz.de/artikel/ein-hauch-kommuneleben-auf-luxurioesem-niveau Fig.29: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing.

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Fig.30: Metropolitan Archives. 2010. ''Boundary Estate 1 – A Brief History'', Boundary Estate Community Launderette Company, Accessed September 29, 2020. https://boundarylaunderette.wordpress.com/boundary-estate-a-history/ Fig.31: Ibid. Fig.32: Ibid. Fig.33: Ibid. Fig.34: Ibid. Fig.35: Highbrow. ''London: The World’s Largest City In 1825 AD'', Highbrow Homepage, Accessed September 29, 2020. https://gohighbrow.com/london-the-worlds-largest-city-in-1825-ad/ Fig.36: Shepherd, Allison. Summerson, Sir John. Georgian London. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. p.3. In Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.8. Fig.37: Wikipedia. ''Garden Cities of To-morrow'', Accessed September 29, 2020. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garden_Cities_of_To-morrow

Fig.38: Abercrombie, Sir Patrick. Greater London Plan 1944. London: Her Majesties Stationery Office, 1945, p.78. In Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.222. Fig.39: UCL, Accessed September 23, 2020. https://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/files/patrick-abercrombie-county-london-plan1943jpeg Fig.40: Wikipedia. ''Garden Cities of To-morrow'', Accessed September 29, 2020. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garden_Cities_of_To-morrow Fig.41: Ibid. Fig.42: Ibid. Fig.43: Le Corbusier. The City Of Tomorrow and its planning. NewYork: Payson and Clarke, 1929, p.173. And: F.L.C./ADAGP, Paris/ Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York 2016. In Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.148. Fig.44: Mumford, Eric. Designing the Modern City, Urbanism since 1850. London: Yale University Press, 2018. p.150. Fig.45: Kenley, S. ''2. Enfants dans la rue et le Land Rover sur le Deck: Le concept de connectivité urbaine dans les projets d’Alison et Peter Smithson.'' In Le Team X et le logement à grande échelle en Europe: Un retour critique des pratiques vers la théorie [en ligne]. Pessac: Maison des Sciences de l’Homme d’Aquitaine, 2008. Accessed September 23, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.msha.10249. https://books.openedition.org/msha/10249 Fig.46: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.47: Total Space. ''Patchwork Metropolis'', Total Space Website, Accessed September 23, 2020. https://totalspace.hetnieuweinstituut.nl/en/habitat-expandingarchitecture/patchwork-metropolis Fig.48: WikiArt. ''In the Style of Kairouan'', Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.wikiart.org/en/paul-klee/in-the-style-of-kairouan-1914 Fig.49: Kandinsky. ''Layered'', Kandinsky Website, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.wassilykandinsky.net/ Fig.50: Pinterest, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.pinterest.de/pin/436638126344322239/

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Fig.51: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.52: Ibid. Fig.53: Ibid. Fig.54: Gray, Dr. Fiona, Matt Novacevski and Sarah Auld. ''Case Study Analysis of Brownfield Redevelopments Relevant to the Moolap Coastal Strategic Framework Plan'' In Centre For Regional And Rural Futures (2016). Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Aerial-map-BorneoSporenburg_fig11_305942369 Fig.55: John Desmond Limited. ''Borneo-Sporenburg, Amsterdam, The Netherlands'' John Desmond Limited Website, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.johndesmond.com/blog/design/borneo-sporenburg-amsterdam-thenetherlands/ Fig.56: MVRDV. ''Borneo 18'' MVRDV Homepage, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.mvrdv.nl/projects/162/borneo-18?photo=2234 Fig.57: MVRDV. ''Borneo 18'' MVRDV Homepage, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.mvrdv.nl/projects/162/borneo-18

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Fig.58: van der Velde, René. (2020). ''Oxymoron: introduction urban landscape.'', ResearchGate. Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Borneo-Sporenburg-development-AmsterdamPhoto-Rene-de-Wit_ fig2_254807612 Fig.59: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.60: Ibid. Fig.61: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2021. Handdrawing. Fig.62: Christou, Philip and Florian Beigel. Architecture as City: Saemangeum Island City. Berlin: Springer, 2010. pp.42 – 43. Fig.63: Ibid. p.69. Fig.64: Ibid. p.73. Fig.65: Ibid. p.56.

Fig.66: Ibid. p.75. Fig.67: Ibid. pp.90 – 91. Fig.68: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.69: Ibid. pp.122 – 123. Fig.70: Abásolo, Taller. ''O.M.A. Diagram Tokio '' Flickr, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.flickr. com/photos/14745965@N06/1737384607/ Fig.71: Bigmat International Architecture Agend. Accessed September 25, 2020. https://www.bmiaa.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Drawing_Ambience.jpg Fig.72: ''Exodus, or the Voluntary Prisoners of Architecture. The Strip, project'' 1972. MoMA Collection. In ''Exodus, or the Voluntary Prisoners of Architecture '', Tehran Projects Website, Accessed September 25, 2020. http://www.tehranprojects.com/Exodus-or-the-Voluntary-Prisoners-of-Architecture Fig.73: WA Contents. 2019. ''OMA Designs Checkerboard-Like Mixed-Use Masterplan For The Government Of Dubai Knowledge Fund'', World Architecture Community, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://worldarchitecture.org/articlelinks/eepnc/oma-designs-checkerboardlike-mixeduse-masterplan-forthegovernment-of-dubai-knowledge-fund.html Fig.74: OMA. ''West Kowloon Cultural District'', OMA Homepage, Accessed September 25, 2020. https://oma.eu/projects/west-kowloon-cultural-district Fig.75: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.76: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2021. Handdrawing. Fig.77: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.78: Ibid. Fig.79: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2021. Handdrawing. Fig.80: Hilâl Kuşcu, 2020. Handdrawing. Fig.81: Ibid.

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