SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SOUTH AFRICA Pre-Election 2019

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JOURNAL FOR SAFETY & SECURITY LEADERS JOURNAL sOUTH AFRICA

SAFETY and SECURITY is a subject of enquiry which can on no account be NEGLECTED




CREDITS

KEY FEATURES Pansy Tlakula former IEC Chairperson Advocate Matome Kapa Civil Society Political Parties Government Business

Executive Director Elton Pienaar Financial Manager Valery Pienaar Marketing Manager Leon Mbori – leon@hitimemedia.co.za Business Development Manager Tumelo Pienaar – tumelo@hitimemedia.co.za Sales and Production Manager Samuel Mokone – samuel@hitimemedia.co.za Editorial Elton Pienaar Distribution and Subscription Winston Alie – winston@hitimemedia.co.za Tshwaro Pienaar - tshwaro@hitimemedia.co.za Tel: 021 955 7017 Fax: 086 144 8463 Web: hitimemedia.co.za Physical Address 20 Sipres street, Suburban Delft South 7100


TABLE OF CONTENTS Message from the Minister of SAPS Interview with Pansy Tlakula Publisher’s note Metro FM Church prayer SANEF ICASA Transnet IEC Civil Society SAJBD Political Parties Provincial Focus Matome Kapa Child Safety Government Business Sports & Recreation Lifestyle

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6 8 10 11 12 14 17 23 26 31 56 58 112 129 132 135 144 182 186


THE STATE OF READINESS

FOR THE SIXTH GENERAL ELECTIONS

JCPS CLUSTER MINISTERS Members of the media, I address this brieng today on behalf of the Ministers of the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security (JCPS) Cluster, with the intention of updating you on the cluster's state of readiness for the 6th general elections which will take place in the next six days. The cluster's approach is that safety and security during the elections must be coordinated by all concerned departments and stakeholders with aim of ensuring that all South Africans exercise their Constitutional right to vote freely and fairly. Ever since the pronouncement of the date of the 6th general election by His Excellency the President, the JCPS Cluster has been hard at work analysing the safety and security situation in the country and putting measures in place to protect all our citizens as they exercise their constitutional right to choose a political party of their choice for the next administration of the country. At this stage, we can reemphasise our condence that all safety and security measures have been put in place to create an environment for free and fair elections starting from the 6th to the 8th of May 2019. Through our intelligence driven operations, hotspots in the country have been identied and will be prioritised. As part of the deployment strategy, a capacity of ve teams will be maintained at national level to be deployed to any part of the country where the situation requires urgent intervention to deal with high risk situations. The highest risk areas are the North West and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces. All relevant security-aligned departments within the three spheres of government are continuously working tirelessly to ensure the successful delivery of the 6th general elections. As a force multiplier we will be deploying around 3 504 reservists nationwide. The elections security plan is managed by National, Provincial, District and Local JOINTS structures of the JCPS Cluster. These JOINTS structures consist of the SANDF, SAPS, Home Affairs, IEC, the Demarcation Board, Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, the State Security Agency (SSA) and other stakeholders. As the cluster we want to reassure the public that all areas will be accessible for all citizens to exercise their constitutional right to vote. On the day of the elections, 22 924 voting stations will be opened for all citizens to vote. There will also be 9 results centres in each province and TSWABAC designated for the national results. Members of the South African Police Service (SAPS) will enhance visibility and prevent any form of criminal activity in and around voting stations and the results centres. Furthermore, police ofcials will monitor all forms of protestation or 'shutdowns' to ensure that no individual's constitutional right to vote will be infringed. Police ofcers will escort Presiding Ofcers who will visit homes of those people who will participate in special voting on the 6th and 7th May 2019. Law enforcement agencies will also provide security services to the presiding and voting ofcers when they collect and deliver ballot papers/boxes to voting stations. In total, 51 306 police ofcers will be deployed in the voting stations on Election Day. The Department of Correctional Services (DCS) which houses a population of over 170 000 inmates is mandated by the Electoral Amendment Act of 2013, to ensure that every inmate, irrespective of the type

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of sentence imposed, or the type of offence committed, is entitled to register as a voter and vote in the election of the National Assembly and a provincial legislatures. Therefore the Department will be deploying voting ofcials in the 243 correctional facilities around the country to allow all the registered inmates with relevant identication documents to exercise their constitutional right to vote. A protocol has been established between the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, SAPS Detectives and the NPA to prioritise all election related cases. No specialised courts have been established. To ensure access to the correct documentation, the Department of Home Affairs will extend operational hours at frontline ofces from the 6th to the 8th May 2019 in a drive to assist eligible voters to collect identity documents (IDs) they had applied for, or to apply for new Identity Documents (IDs) or Temporary Identity Certicates. The frontline ofces of the Department of Home Affairs will also align its operational hours for identication services to those of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). This means that Home Affairs ofces' operational hours will be extended from 16h00 to 19h00 to cater for people seeking access to services on these two special voting days. This will provide further opportunities for citizens to collect their uncollected documents (from 08h00 to 19h00). Home Affairs frontline ofces will also provide public services on Election Day, from 07h00 until 21h00. Anyone in possession of an enabling document like a smart ID card, green ID book or Temporary Identity Certicate will be afforded an opportunity to cast his/her vote. To assist the people who lost their belongings and identication documents in the ood-ravaged areas in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape, the Department of Home Affairs will issue more than 300 identity documents in Eastern Cape and 121 in eThekwini, KwaZulu-Natal. The Umngeni Ofce will open on Saturday to assist the victims. The Department will continue to issue more temporal identication documents to those affected by the oods. The Department therefore appeals to citizens to collect their smart ID cards or green ID books, or to apply for Temporary Identity Certicates so that they may exercise their democratic right to vote. The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) will work with all the JCPS cluster departments to ensure that these elections happen in a safe and secure environment. Under the ambit of the National JOINTS, the SANDF will be on stand-by to provide support to the IEC. In the case of a disaster, the SANDF is on standby and ready to support, as they have contributed to assisting in the recent oods in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape. Ladies and gentlemen, the JCPS cluster will ensure that the 6th general elections will be conducted in a safe and secure environment. As the cluster we reemphasise that we are operationally ready to execute our mandate and ensure a safe and secure environment for free and fair elections to prevail. Many South Africans sacriced their lives so that we can enjoy a democracy that is strong and vibrant which allows everyone, irrespective of race, colour, gender or religion to make their voice head through voting. Together we can build on the achievements of the past 25 years by going to the different voting stations to make sure that we build on the gains we have made since 1994. We wish all South Africans well as they exercise their constitutional right to vote for the party of their choice in the 6th general elections. I thank you

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An Interview with Former IEC Chairperson

Pansy Tlakula 1. Why is the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) important? One of the founding values of the Constitution of South Africa is "universal adult suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections and a multi-party system of democratic government, to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness.” The Bill of Rights entrenches, amongst others, the right of every citizen to free, fair and regular elections for any legislative body, to vote and to do so in secret and to stand for public office and, if elected, to hold office. The right to vote is the cornerstone of democracy. The Electoral Commission is one of the state institutions supporting constitutional democracy. The Commission is important because it enables the citizens to exercise the right to vote through the management of elections.

2. Having had 12 years' experience leading the IEC, what challenges do you expect the upcoming elections to bring? Many people think that the challenge with the forthcoming elections is the large number of parties who are contesting them. Whilst I accept that the ballot paper for these elections will be longer than usual and that it might take a longer time for voters to navigate it, this is by no means the biggest challenge facing the IEC. The 2019 elections are in many ways different because they are taking place at a time when there is more reliance on technology than ever before. For instance, the candidate nomination process is now electronic and political parties use technology for campaigning. Whilst technology enhances the efficiency and professionalism of the electoral process, it also has unintended consequences which the Commission has to manage. Whereas in the past, political parties used conventional methods of campaigning such as posters, billboards and door-to-door campaigns, they now also make use of digital platforms. The Electoral Commission is responsible for ensuring not only that the electoral code of conduct is adhered to by all the contesting political parties, but also that the elections are free and fair. This requires the Commission to monitor social media for the spread of fake news against a political party, as well as for campaign messages that are likely to influence the outcome of the elections, as was the case in the United Kingdom with Cambridge Analytica. The advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution will undoubtedly affect every aspect of our lives, including the electoral process. The IEC and other regulatory authorities such as the Information Regulator, which is responsible for the protection of, amongst other information; personal information, will have to work together and put in place mechanisms which will counter the disruptive impact of information and communication technology in the electoral process. This is the new challenge facing election management bodies.

3. During your tenure as the chairperson of the IEC, how did you help other countries with the complexities of delivering a free and fair election to improve their relationships with political parties, while maintaining the institution's independence? First and foremost, we have to accept that each country is unique and its historical context has a bearing on its electoral legislative framework. However, there are minimum requirements for the delivery of free and fair


elections. One of these is the independence of the election management body. Without dictating to other countries how they managed their elections, we used to share with them that in order to engender trust in the electoral process, the independence of the body responsible for the management of elections should be enshrined in the Constitution. This will serve to assist in insulating the body from executive interference. Secondly, the method of appointing the members of this body should be transparent. Finally, the body should enjoy functional, institutional and financial independence and must be accountable to Parliament. On improving the relationship between the election management body and political parties, the framework for the management of this relationship must be spelt out in the electoral law. In our country, the law provides for the establishment of party liaison committees at all levels of government. The IEC consults with the members of these committees on every aspect of the electoral process. These consultations enable the IEC to give parties information relating to the elections at the same time. However, the Commission should ensure that whilst it has to consult the political parties on all electoral processes, it should guard against co-managing the elections with the parties. South Africa was one of the first countries to have a law which provided for the establishment of party liaison committees. I am proud to say that through our interaction with other electoral management bodies, particularly on the African Continent, the establishment of party liaison committees has now been institutionalised.

4. What are your thoughts on safety and security regarding the rising level of violence towards the upcoming elections currently being experienced around the country? The law enforcement agencies play a central role in ensuring the safety and security of the entire electoral process, including the safety and security of election officials, the security of voting stations and election material. Without safety and security, the elections cannot be free and fair. Whilst the constitution recognises the right to peaceful assembly and to demonstrate, these rights should be exercised with due regard to the rights of others, such as the right to vote. Law enforcement agencies must ensure that the elections are not disrupted, that the IEC is able to operate in all the voting stations and that those who wish to exercise their right to vote can do so freely and in peace. Action must be taken against those who disrupt elections. In addition to this, the law enforcement agencies must also act without fear or favour against any person who breaks the law, including political parties and election officials.

5. Any word of encouragement for South Africans and the IEC as we prepare for the sixth general election to be held since the end of apartheid? On the 21st of March 1996, the late President Mandela signed the new Constitution into law. The Preamble to the Constitution states as follows, "We, the people of South Africa, recognise the injustice of our past; honour those who suffered for injustice and freedom in our land; respect those who have worked to build and develop our country; and believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity. We therefore, through our freely elected representatives, adopt this Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic so as to heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights." The right to vote is one of the most important in our Bill of Rights. For many years, black South Africans were disenfranchised by the apartheid regime. Many people lost their lives to ensure that today, we can enjoy the rights in the constitution. These rights, including the right to vote, should never be taken for granted. I have heard a number of people saying that they are not going to vote because voting has not changed their lives. Those who choose not to vote not only trivialise the sacrifices of those who fought for our freedom, but also allow those who vote to take decisions on their behalf. A saying often heard in election management circles states, "Members of an election management body must be as wise as an owl, as cunning as a fox and as brave as a lion." My former colleagues at the IEC have long since passed this test. They have stood the test of time and have always risen to the occasion to run a free, fair and credible election. I have no doubt that they will do so again.

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Publisher’s Note

DEEPENING DEMOCRACY through Safety and Security

It gives me great pleasure to introduce to you the South African Safety and Security PreElections Journal 2019. This issue is not primarily about safety and security as a state of being, but rather as a platform for dialogue on Safety and Security readiness and contributions amongst South Africans as we are heading to our 6th democratic elections. It is the intention of the Journal to engage law enforcement agencies, political parties, the business sector, government departments and civil society to share information in ways they did not in the past, on their roles in reducing election related conict and promote a peaceful electoral environment for a prosperous South Africa. We are not so loving that we do not speak the truth, or so truthful that we do not speak with love. The risk is to not have such dialogue, while riddled with mutual distrust, misunderstanding and suspicion. It is the responsibility of South African leaders not to create supercial harmony that bellies conict, but to tackle tough issues and admit to mistakes, deal with them and move on for the deepening of democracy, hence safety and security: a subject of enquiry which can on no account be neglected. The pages in this journal provides an overview of the political scene in South Africa on the run-up to the elections and how we can all work together to make sure that voters enjoy greatly improved levels of security. We will distort reality and fail to encourage people's efforts if we are not to celebrate safety and security successes in the post-election edition. Besides looking forward to the next July/August post-election edition, we eagerly await our upcoming INDABA. It is here that the much needed 'hold-you-by-the-shoulder-and-look-you-in-the-eyes' moment of real talk amongst South African and International Safety and Security leaders will take place. I would like to thank everyone who has contributed articles to this issue. We want to hear from you, thus making the journal to be the best that it can be. May the spirit of Ubuntu, peace, growth, love and understanding grace our lives as we head to the polls to make our voices heard.

Elton Pienaar

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Father we come to you in the mighty name of Jesus Christ we thank you for your love, grace and mercy that has brought us together as a nation in unity in the midst of diversity. We come to you lord god almighty as your children with the following requests:

WE PRAY FOR PEACEFUL, FAIR AND JUST ELECTIONS IN 2019:

Father we ask for your hand upon our land and our leaders for the upcoming elections in 2019. We ask that your spirit of peace is upon our people and all political parties represented in the elections as well as for the electoral commission (IEC), our Police Service, International Observers and all those involved in monitoring that the elections are peaceful, fair and just. We pray that you grant us wisdom Lord, that we - your people - would make the right choices regarding the leaders that will lead our land.

WE PRAY FOR GOD'S GUIDANCE AND BLESSINGS FOR ALL SOUTH AFRICANS:

We pray for our leaders in government, political and business leaders, our kings and traditional leaders, and our religious leaders that you grant us wisdom and lead our people with the understanding that these are your creation – we ask that they lead with humility, gentleness and wisdom – increase wisdom to all our leaders.

WE PRAY FOR UNITY:

Where there is disunity bring unity.

Where there is hatred bring love and make us instruments of peace. Unite us with unity in the midst of diversity in our cultures and races and languages. Cultivate in us Lord a desire to enlarge our hearts and embrace and appreciate each other.

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WE PRAY FOR THE POOR AND MARGINALISED:

Father open our hearts to have compassion on our fellow brothers and sisters in our land, those suffering through poverty and unemployment and inequality.

Father we pray that we not only pray but that we respond to the needs of our people. That we add feet to our prayers and use our resources that you have blessed us with to reach out to those suffering. We also pray for our economy for the transformation of our economy to include everybody not a select few. We pray for guidance and leadership and blessings for all South Africans.

WE PRAY FOR THE CURRENT LAND REFORM DISCUSSIONS TO RESULT IN LAND BEING MADE AVAILABLE:

For the people living in the rural and urban areas and their communities, and for a successful and secure future for both black and white farmers in our land. We pray for a peaceful resolution for the land reforms – land must be shared and the poor and marginalised must be given land. Give our political and religious leaders, civil society, the courts and our justice systems, wisdom to resolve the land issue in a godly manner - without violence, ghting and strife in our nation.

WE PRAY AGAINST VIOLENCE

Father we ask for divine intervention, we have seen a scourge of violence against women and children increase in our land and we bind the spirit of violence against women and children. We pray for our men and young men God that you would turn their hearts towards you to be gentle towards women and children and to treat them with dignity and respect because this is an honour to you. We pray you would bring more men as role models to the younger men and we pray for all activities taking place to be not only outward actions but that it will change the hearts of the men, as well as change our thinking, attitudes and actions. We pray that we would value and invest in our children as they are the next generation. Father we thank you when we pray you always answer us. AMEN Reverend Ray McCauley Rhema Bible Church

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The South African National Editors' Forum (SANEF) SANEF includes the most senior print, magazine, broadcast and other electronic media editors and media educators in the country. SANEF has committed itself to a programme of action to defend and promote media freedom and independence. The Forum is founded on the belief and understanding that: · Public and media scrutiny of the exercise of political and economic power is essential; · The law related to the operation of media should be consistent with South Africa 's Bill of Rights in its protection of freedom of expression; · Journalists and media owners have a duty to work to the highest professional standards and ethics; and · Journalists and media educators should embrace a learning culture by committing themselves to ongoing education and training. The primary objectives of SANEF include: · The promotion of access to and dissemination of information in the media and a free, independent and pluralistic media; and · The promotion or advocacy of human rights and democracy. The ancillary objectives of the Forum include: · To nurture and deepen media freedom as a democratic value in all our communities and at all levels of our society; · To foster solidarity among journalists and to promote cooperation in all matters of common concern among the print and electronic media; · To address and redress racial and gender imbalances prevalent in journalism and news organisations in South Africa and to encourage the equitable spread of media ownership; · To promote media diversity in the interests of fostering maximum expression of opinion; · To help aspirant and practising journalists to acquire or develop new skills and enhance professionalism through media education programmes; · To promote rules and regulations guaranteeing professional freedom and independence in broadcast media and all media funded by public authorities; · To encourage government to ensure transparency and openness in administration and to pass laws ensuring maximum freedom of information; and · To defend media freedom through all available institutions, including the Constitutional Court. For more information: Website - www.sanef.org.za; Director - director@sanef.org.za; Administrator - admin@sanef.org.za

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SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL EDITORS FORUM (SANEF) Covering Elections in South Africa The South African National Editors' Forum (SANEF) champions media freedom and the protection of journalists under threat. We promote ethical journalism and constantly lobby for our members and journalists in our industry to abide by the Press Code of ethics that is sacrosanct to excellence in journalism. We strive to be a representative and credible voice of journalism in society, to facilitate diversity in newsrooms and reporting, enable a culture of real debate and promote free and independent journalism of the highest standard. We campaign for the amendment and repeal of legislation and the limiting of commercial pressures that restrict media. SANEF's election campaign 2019 is a milestone in our organisation's 23-year history. SANEF has compiled an elections manual that forms part of a collection of online materials that we have designed to support journalists. See www.sanef.org.za. We encourage journalists from around the country, region and continent to use this book as a resource. Please see: https://sanef.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/190226-SANEF-South-Africa-Elections-2019Handbook-for-Journalists.pdf. The manual contains modules on how elections work, elections regulations and policies in South Africa, how best to cover elections stories, safety of journalists and practical tips to deal with “fake news”, disinformation and misinformation. We have also worked closely with the Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ) based in New York to produce a special safety toolkit for South African journalists specically for the 2019 elections. CPJ's Emergencies Response Team (ERT) compiled the Kit. The kit contains information for editors, reporters, and photojournalists on how to prepare for the election and how to mitigate digital, physical and psychological risk. Please see: https://cpj.org/2019/02/south-africa-electionjournalist-safety-kit.php SANEF has also included a link on our website to allow journalists to log in and report harassment and assault. We have included useful contacts and tips on organisations that can offer journalists assistance when they are threatened including the police, Human Rights Commission and Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). Please see: https://sanef.org.za/elections-2019/#urgent together/

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Further, and most importantly, SANEF has been running elections workshops in all nine provinces to build journalists skills to cover the 2019 elections. To date SANEF has run 12 workshops around the country in partnership with a host of NGOs, trainers and the IEC. SANEF believes that media freedom runs hand-in-hand with the pursuit of ethical reporting. Our election workshops and materials have thus included a focus on ethics and a specic workbook has been designed on the new 2019 Press Code. Please see: https://sanef.org.za/wpcontent/uploads/2019/02/Press-Ombusman-Decoding-the-Code-January-2019.pdf Finally, SANEF has supplemented its elections materials and workshops with a land mark 'Media freedom is your freedom' campaign supported by Ogilvy – to strengthen faith in our industry, promote the importance of the media in elections and ght disinformation. SANEF's election programme has been supported by the Independent Electoral Commission, Code for Africa, Google, Media Monitoring Africa and the Committee for the Protection of Journalists. Overall the programme has been funded by the Open Society Foundation. SANEF is immensely proud to have coordinated such a complex, multifaceted and comprehensive election campaign to support the media industry.

We are deeply grateful to all our partners for their support.

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ICASA – REGULATING IN THE PUBLIC INTEREST WHILE CREATING AN INCLUSIVE DIGITAL SOCIETY It is the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa's mission to ensure that all South Africans have access to a wide range of high quality communication services at affordable prices Established in July 2000, as a merger of the telecommunications regulator, the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (SATRA) and the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA), the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) is a product of statute, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Amendment Act of 2000, amended in 2005. The ICASA Council is the highest decision making body of the Authority and consist of eight members and the Chairperson. In terms of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Act, No. 13 of 2000 [as amended by Broadcasting Amendment Act, No 64 of 2002 and Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Amendment Act, No 2 of 2014]; ICASA councillors are appointed by the minister on the recommendation of the National Assembly according to the following principles: a)

participation by the public in the nomination process;

b)

transparency and openness; and

c)

the publication of a shortlist of candidates for appointment

Persons appointed to the Council must be committed to fairness, freedom of expression, openness and accountability and must be representative of a broad cross-section of the population of the Republic and possess suitable qualiď€ cations, SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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expertise and experience in the elds of, amongst others, broadcasting and telecommunications policy, engineering, technology, frequency band planning, law, marketing, journalism, entertainment, education, economics, business practice and nance or any other related expertise or qualications. Currently lead by Willington Ngwepe (Chief Executive Ofcer), ICASA, a Chapter 9 institution, is responsible for regulating the telecommunications, broadcasting and postal industries in the public interest and ensuring affordable services of a high quality for all South Africans. The Authority also issues licenses to telecommunications and broadcasting service providers, enforces compliance with rules and regulations, protects consumers from unfair business practices and poor quality services, hears and decides on disputes and complaints brought against licensees and controls and manages the effective use of radio frequency spectrum. Willington Ngwepe holds a B.A (Law), LLB and LLM (Communications Law) degrees from the University of the Witwatersrand as well as LLM (Tax) from the University of South Africa. He has also completed a number of certicate programs including the Certicate on Leadership in Development (Kennedy School of Government – Harvard University) June 2015; and the Vodacom Advanced Executive Program – UNISA School of Business Leadership 2008. Supervised by 9 (nine) highly qualied and experienced Councillors, Ngwepe, a lawyer by profession, runs a tight ship to ensure that the ICASA's strategic objectives are met. Talking about the company's Strategic Planning Process, Ngwepe says, “The annual update is done by taking into consideration several inputs; a scan of important developments in the internal and external environment, an updated analysis of perceived strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT), and engagement with internal and external stakeholders. Changes in the strategy are inuenced by the availability of funding, recommendations from institutional reviews and changes in leadership.” According to Ngwepe, the following national policy developments impact on the work of ICASA: · MTSF allocations were made to enable the Authority to participate in the integrated implementation of the plan, especially when creating a digital society. · In addressing Government's strategy for service delivery, the Authority has taken note of Outcome 6 (Building an Efcient, Competitive and Responsive Economic Infrastructure Network), which emphasises increasing broadband penetration and the digital terrestrial television infrastructure roll-out. The Authorityhas placed the provision of broadband services at the front and centre of its work plan and is committed to ensuring a successful migration to digital terrestrial television. · Outcome 12 highlights service delivery quality and access as key areas, while Outcome 14 promotes the ve long-term nation-building goals. These goals include knowledge of the Constitution, equalising opportunities, promoting

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social cohesion and active citizenry, and achieving a social compact to lay the basis for equity, inclusion and prosperity for all. “Monitoring implementation of the strategy provides regular feedback on the progress of operational plans, and together with evaluating the achievement or nonachievement of predetermined objectives and targets provides managers, decision makers and other stakeholders with performance measurements. This information informs the Authority's progress in its annual report and in turn is used in the next planning cycle. In accordance with prescripts stipulating that the Accounting Ofcer must establish procedures for quarterly reporting to facilitate effective performance monitoring, evaluation and corrective action, the Authority has a formal report framework with emphasis on quarterly progress reporting against the quarterly targets committed to in the Annual Performance Plan (APP). Furthermore, monitoring is also done against implementation of programme and project plans as well as operational plans which unpack quarterly targets into action steps and deliverables. “This ensures a proactive approach to the monitoring and evaluation process, thus ensuring adherence to targets and mitigation of challenges affecting performance. This year's performance report informs the annual report, which provides an overall indication of the Authority's progress towards achieving the strategic objectives and targets set out in this strategic plan,” says Ngwepe. The CEO says that the market for electronic communications in South Africa is fast expanding and is likely to continue at an exponential rate in the years ahead, driven by rapid growth in mobile telephony, broadband connectivity and the advent of digital broadcasting. “With a network that is 99.9% digital and includes the latest in xed-line, wireless and satellite communication, and with 80% coverage of digital broadcasting, the country has the most developed electronic communications network in Africa,” states Ngwepe. South Africa, however, is lagging behind on both digital migration and development of fast, advanced broadband (LTE). “We have the opportunity to create a buffer of progress on LTE and therefore, digital broadcasting. We need to ensure that in the long-term, we are on par in standardisation of work-related to the next generation (5G), as consumer behaviour and the new technologies are driving change in the market and the Authority needs to ensure that its work reects and responds to these developments,” he says. As industrial revolutions have moved from the mechanization of production in the rst industrial revolution, to the mass production in the second, and to the automation of production in the third, the standards of living for most people around the world have greatly improved. Undoubtedly, the capability of advancing technology from the Fourth Industrial Revolution (or 4IR) has the potential to make even bigger and

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greater improvements on every aspect of our lives than the rst three industrial revolutions combined. On the other hand, there are a variety of challenges stemming from the 4IR to overcome. The benets of the revolution have obstacles that must be harnessed, directed and overcome, such as income inequality, cybersecurity, and ethical dilemmas. According to Ngwepe, technology and advancements in science drive transformation around the world. They create ripple effects on societies, institutions, and economies; while they transform the ways in which we live, work, and interact with one another. Understanding these new technologies and their disruption potential is critical for all nations and especially developing countries. ICASA is already positioning and aligning itself to the demands of the new technological shift brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution. This is evident in that the Authority is preparing to assign the International Mobile Telephony (IMT) spectrum soon after the Policy Directive has been issued. ICASA has already published the IMT roadmap that identies the bands for IMT deployment and the migration of a number of current licensees out of (or within) bands identied for IMT services. For bands where costs and benets of the migration were not straightforward, ICASA has conducted feasibility studies to determine the appropriateness of the migration. Furthermore, ICASA has published the Findings Document and Position Paper on cybersecurity which is a culmination of a consultative process involving all relevant and interested stakeholders where written submissions and oral representations were made to ICASA for consideration. In this regard, ICASA found that there are several legislative processes that are underway such as the Cybercrime and Critical Infrastructure Bills which relate to some aspects of cybersecurity and might affect how this is dealt with in future. However, ICASA is of the view that there is a provision in the Electronic Communications Act that is sufcient enough and empowers the Authority to play a role in the cybersecurity space even though it is only limited to network reliability and information security. Among other things, ICASA found that there is a need to collaborate with public and private sector organisations; and in collaborating with these organisations, the Authority may assume different levels of responsibilities in those collaborations. According to ICASA, the promotion of competition is seen as a crucial element in achieving the goals of Outcome 6 of Government's 14 Priority Outcomes for the MTSF period from 2014 to 2019. “Broadband fast Internet has become a key tool for social and economic development, and needs to be prioritised, even in the world's poorest nations. The price of broadband in South Africa has dropped, with more affordable and faster xed-line services and mobile data products. In order to facilitate increased access to broadband at fair prices, the Authority continues to conduct a review of all input costs that drive the retail prices that consumers paid to access the Internet.” Ngwepe says there is a need for rapid transformation of the broadcasting sector with digital migration opening possibilities for more public, commercial and community

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free-to-air and subscription broadcasting at national, provincial and community level. “Furthermore, the availability of spectrum is key for the proliferation of wireless technologies to meet the country's economic and social needs in order to have efcient spectrum planning, location and assignment in accordance with international best practice, protocols and standards. The spectrum that will become available with the migration from analogue to digital broadcasting will be assigned to facilitate the universal roll out of broadband networks and broadcasting services,” he concludes. On the election front, ICASA is required in terms of Section 57 of the Electronic Communications Act to publish in the government gazette the Regulations on Party Election Broadcasts, Political Advertisements and the Equitable treatment of Political Parties by Broadcasting Service Licensees. The regulations were published on 25 February 2019. The Authority further made slight amendments to the Regulations on 02 April 2019 to allow equitable airtime to be allocated to political parties. The allocation of PEB slots to all political parties was made on 04 February 2019. These Regulations came into being subsequent to the Authority's extensive consultation and workshops held with political parties, civil society organizations and broadcasting service licensees across the nine (9) provinces. All contributions were considered in developing the nal regulations that are currently governing fair and equitable coverage of the 2019 elections by licensed broadcasters. Regulation 5 of the Party Elections Broadcasts (PEBs) and Political Advertisements (PAs) Regulations provides for the allocation of PEB slots to registered political parties contesting the national and provincial elections on the basis of the respective principles set out in the Regulations. To achieve the above, the Authority depended on the nal list of contesting political parties provided by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). ICASA nally received the list from IEC and commenced with the allocation of slots to allow political parties enough time to share and communicate their electoral messages with their electorates and constituencies. The allocation process was based on the following principles: All political parties were given an opportunity to randomly draw their basic slots provided for in terms of the Regulations. The three principles provided for in the regulations are: Ÿ

Basic Allocation both Nationally and Provincially

Ÿ

Number of Seats currently held both Nationally and Provincially

Ÿ

Number of elded candidates both Nationally and Provincially

The amended Regulations (2019) make a provision for a broadcasting service

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licensee to transmit ten (10) PEB slots per day. Each recorded PEB should not exceed ď€ fty (50) seconds. The 10 slots per day is an increase from the 2014 Regulations which made provision for eight (8) slots per day. The PEBs are not paid for in order to be transmitted but the legislation provides for them to assist all contesting political parties to have access to the airwaves as they garner support and votes for the elections. In terms of the Electronic Communications Act, the SABC is the only licensee that is legally mandated to carry PEBs, while all other broadcasters are given an option to decide whether they would like to carry PEBs and are therefore required to inform ICASA in writing. A number of broadcasters have indicated their willingness to do so. A list of broadcasters that will carry PEBs is available on the ICASA website. Political party are permitted by the Regulations to approach any broadcasting service licensee that has indicated an interest in transmitting PEBs and hand over such PEB for transmission at the time or slot allocated. When submitting such PEBs for transmission, political parties are requested to observe the language requirements of the broadcasting service concerned, the code of conduct for broadcasters and adhere to the technical standards as outlined in the Regulations.

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The right to

WATER and SANITATION “leave no one behind”

The United Nations has dedicated the 22rd of March as World Water Day, in efforts to raise awareness about this vital resource and to encourage commitments by States that in the quest for water, no one should be left behind. January 2019 marked ve years after the tragic death of Michael Komape, a 5 year old boy who helplessly drowned in excrement after falling into a pit latrine in 2014. The incident was sadly not the rst to occupy prominent headlines exposing the shockingly unacceptable state of school infrastructure in South Africa. Shortly before the death of Komape, in 2013, the National Minimum Uniform Norms and Standards for School Infrastructure (Norms and Standards) were promulgated. The Norms and Standards outlined legally binding responsibilities in respect of infrastructural requirements along with time-bound commitments for implementation. In line with the Norms and Standards, Provincial MECs are required to provide detailed plans to the Minister, together with reports on implementation for planned reforms. By November 2016, no school should have been without water and sanitation, and all pit latrines should have been eradicated. Today, around 4,500 schools still have pit latrines, and in July 2018, 23 schools in the Eastern Cape were still without sanitation facilities at all. Tragically, in March 2018, just four years later, 5 year old Lumka Mkethwa from Bizana, Eastern Cape, drowned after falling into a pit latrine at her school, and in July of the same year, news surfaced SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

that, 3 year old Omari Monono from Limpopo, drowned in a pit latrine at her school. Public outrage, mobilised the intervention of the Presidency, the National Department of Basic Education

CEO Tseliso Thipanyane

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(DBE) and its MECs to obtain an accurate national picture beyond those provided through annual reporting about the status of infrastructure in schools. While the majority of households in South Africa now have access to sanitation, still too many remain without this basic service. According to Statistics South Africa (StatsSA) approximately 3.1% of people in South Africa have no access to sanitation or are still using the bucket system. This gure translates to approximately 1.7 million people including women and children, the elderly and people with disabilities. A consideration of current conditions in the country involving frequent evictions and dislocation of people, the steady inux of people into mushrooming informal settlements, and large numbers ofpeople such as undocumented migrants, who live outside the realm of conventional protections, this number appears signicantly conservative. Noting the call for urgent action by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC or Commission), as far back as 2014, the projections of current numbers of people without adequate access makes it clear that a call to serious action is non-negotiable and urgent. Such action must see more effective collaboration by local government when evictions, town planning and informal settlements are being evaluated for existing levels of need and for delivery. In addition, more effective intergovernmental cooperation is required between related national and provincial departments, including between the Departments of Education, Water and Sanitation, Health and Human Settlements. This cooperation would benet from an analysis of historical and real-time monitoring information to

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project on immediate needs. Delivery that does not factor in people participation is doomed to fail. This type of participation, is needed not only to better inform and improve the quality of delivery, but also to root out corruption. In the latter instance, the scus would benet a great deal if people were provided accessible information through which delivery could be monitored and where service delivery agents could be held accountable for failures in delivery. The Rapid Action Plan being developed by the DBE is an example of a measure where planning could benet from the sharing of information and consultation. The Commission has on this basis formally requested that the plan be made available for public participation and consultation, noting amongst other things, the scale of planning and the need for a holistic delivery of services. Such participation, would include considerations around impact, as but one example, whether the use of pitlatrines for so long, with daily exposure to harsh chemicals used in these latrines poses health risks for users. What would also need to be considered are the steps to be taken to address these risks to ensure that remedial action is in fact “t for purpose”. In its report of 2014, the Commission highlighted systemic challenges around the lack of appropriate dedicated

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budget allocations, particularly for poor rural communities, in respect of water and sanitation at municipal level, as well as insufcient oversight and monitoring of expenditure and project implementation. The report was the product of public inquiries conducted by the Commission across all 9 provinces into the status of water and sanitation in the country. The inquiry revealed that most if not all of the affected areas were poor and mostly black regions in the country that had been disadvantaged during apartheid. Invariably those who remain without access to basic sanitation are the poor and forgotten, for whom the realisation of the basket of basic guarantees in our bill of rights are out of reach. Delays in the provision of at least basic services to schools and informal settlements all over the country, compound violations to related rights such as health, education, privacy and - most signicantly – dignity, on a daily basis. Where such violations persist for a number of years, the legacy of inequality nds opportunity to more deeply embed in our country far beyond 4,500 schools. President Cyril Ramaphosa's announcement in August of an intended rollout of a plan called the Sanitation Appropriate for Education (SAFE), to eradicate pit latrines across all schools in the country, lacking proper sanitation, within the next two years, was heartening. More recently during the State of the Nation Address, the President reafrmed the commitment, but increased the period for implementation by a further year. The articulation of political will is promising but will require, according to an interim government report, approximately 11 billion Rand to roll out; a sum government hopes to raise with help from the private sector. While recourse to the private sector may be a viable option (and perhaps a necessary recourse given the role business must play in respecting human rights), an unequivocal commitment from government is needed. Anything less bodes poorly for those whose hopes of privacy, dignity and the simple need to use the toilet in safety are eroded on a daily basis, both at home and at school. Given the constitutional responsibility to provide access to adequate sanitation, and judgements by our courts to the effect that efforts to meet the responsibility were long overdue, it is clear that the need for safe schools with access to adequate services is now urgent and reprioritising is required. This duty to provide schools which are 't for purpose', must apply with equal urgency in respect of learners with disabilities. On paper, the South African Constitution expresses and guarantees all people the rights to life, human dignity and equality but the day-to-day lived realities tell a different story. The State should heed the injunction by the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which urged the implementation of measures to improve school infrastructure and take immediate steps to ensure that all schools have access to sanitation and basic services; and safe infrastructure. This massive undertaking can be achieved by effectively monitoring, including through civic monitoring, consulting, planning, and budgeting to meet its remit as a protector and promoter of basic human rights. A key success factor in this process would be capacitating school governing bodies, school management teams, provincial and district authorities to monitor and report on needs in all schools. These opportunities to increase vigilance, prevent tragedies, and to simply ensure that no one is left behind would constitute important steps in restoring the dignity of our children and the vulnerable in our society. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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THE INTRACTABLE NATURE OF RACISM. Reflections and implications for South Africa today and beyond democracy. The post-apartheid South African society as per section 1 of the 1996 Constitution is founded on values of equality, the advancement of human rights and nonracialism amongst others. Despite many measures, initiatives and efforts, including the enactment of laws, policies and CEO Tseliso Thipanyane establishment of institutions such as the South African Human Rights Commission; to build a South Africa where all those who live in it, black and white, equally belong; the challenge of racism and its polarizing effects still persist in our beloved country. This state of affairs, highlights the intransigent nature of the challenge of racism and the need for more intensive, smart, dynamic and effective measures and ways to address the scourge that has aficted our nation for many decades and could, if not tackled properly could undermine all the gains made in the rst twenty ve years of our constitutional democracy and embroil our country into a racial conict that would cause much damage to our nation.

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The conicts in much of the Middle-East, Somalia, and many other parts of the world are living and continuing evidence of what racial, religious and other differences amongst human beings can lead to if not resolved effectively, fairly and justly. The recent killing of 49 people, including children, in two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, is a deadly and sad reminder of the racism and religious intolerance - happening in a country regarded as stable and democratic, and in a country where many people, the world over, never imagined witnessing this level of intolerance and violence. While there is no scientic, logical or rational basis for racism and for that matter any other form of prejudice – such as sexism, and religious discrimination and intolerance – all of them nothing but social constructs designed to serve the interests of those motivated by hatred, fear, exploitation and oppression of those perceived to be different – these false and baseless perceptions are un for tu nat ely real a nd h ave h ad devastating impact on millions of those deemed different and inferior. Slavery, colonialism, Nazism, apartheid are clear examples in this regard. The false and unscientic perception of the inferiority and hatred of those SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


deemed different on the base of race and any other ground knows no boundaries and aficts the poor, rich and highly educated and judges alike. As an example of this, Lord De Villers, the rst Chief Justice of the Union of South Africa said the following in the then highest court in the land, the Appellate Division, in Moller v Keimoes School Committee 1911 AD 635 at pp643-644 “As a matter of public history we know that the rst civilized legislators in South Africa came from Holland and regarded the aboriginal natives of this country as belonging to an inferior race, whom the Dutch as Europeans, were entitled to rule over, and whom they refused to admit to social or political equality. We know also that, while slavery existed, the slaves were blacks and that their descendants, who form a large proportion of the coloured races of South Africa, were never admitted to social equality with the socalled whites. Believing as these whites did, that intimacy with the black or yellow

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races would lower the whites without raising the supposed inferior races in the scale of civilization, they condemned intermarriage or illicit intercourse between persons of two races. Unfortunately the practice of many white men has often been inconsistent with that belief, but the vast majority of Europeans have always condemned such unions, and have regarded the offspring of such unions as being in the same racial condition as their black parents. These prepossessions, or, as many might term them, these prejudices, have never died out, and are not is deeply rooted at the present day among the Europeans in South Africa, whether of Dutch or English or French. We many not from a philosophical or humanitarian point of view be able to approve this prevalent sentiment, but we cannot as judges, who are called upon to construe an Act of Parliament, ignore the reasons which must have induced the legislature to adopt policy of separate education for European and nonEuropean children.”

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More than one hundred years since the above views, and sadly and unfortunately so, the perceptions of racial superiority and inferiority still persist in our country, racist utterances including the usage of the k- word continues in some quarters, so do the adverse effects of apartheid such as racial spatial planning, and economic inequalities amongst many others. What is clear, more so, as we celebrate 25 years of constitutional democracy, is the need for more concerted efforts by all role players - government, the business sector and citizens alike - to address the

challenge of racism and get rid this practice and false belief and perception in the minds of all South Africans, black and white and young and old. Racism, like sexism and religious intolerance are taught and learnt behavior and perceptions and can be unlearned. However, this can only be achieved through greater determination and greater efforts and persistence than seen in the rst 25 years of our democracy. Tseliso Thipanyane 16 March 2019

Human Rights Commission

CEO Tseliso Thipanyane

Writers Bio

The Intractable Nature of Racism – by our CEO, Advocate Tseliso Thipanyane His Bio Follows Adv. Tseliso Thipanyane, B.Sc, LL.B, LL.M (Cons tu onal li ga on) and LL.M (Corporate law) is Chief Execu ve Officer of the South African Human Rights Commission and former chief execu ve officer of the Safer South Africa Founda on. Sanita on Leave No-One Behind – by our Chief Opera ons Officer (COO) Chantal Kisoon. Her Bio Follows: Chantal Kisoon is an a orney and former senior researcher of the Cons tu onal Court of South Africa having par cipated in the cer fica on of the SA's Cons tu on. She obtained sum cum laude post graduate qualifica ons in Interna onal Financial Trade Rela ons, Environmental Law and European Human Rights Law in Holland. She was a senior lecturer of law and Deputy Director of the Centre of Human Rights at the University of Pretoria. Working through the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for Human Rights she was instrumental in bringing together African NGO's and CBO's when South Africa held the World Conference Against Racism and Xenophobia during 2001 - its first world conference a�er apartheid. She has wri en extensively on human rights both na onally and interna onally.

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DEFEND THE RIGHT TO PROTEST as a fundamental human right!

On May 8, South Africans will go to the polls to vote in the sixth national general elections. After 25 years of “democracy” and yet the majority of South Africans are still struggling to access basic services. Many communities feel left out as the fruits of democracy only benet a few politically connected individuals. Corruption is rampant and politicians continue to loot with impunity. For many, democracy has not meant any signicant change in their daily lived experience. Many of the rights contained in the Bill of Rights in the Constitution feel far removed and foreign. One right that marginalised communities exercise when frustrations over a lack of change boil over, is to protest in order to raise issues around corruption, unemployment and the lack of service delivery by the local, provincial and national government. But we have noted with concern that for many people across South Africa, the right to protest — and associated rights like freedom of expression and the right to access to information — are under threat. Police and other government ofcials manipulate the Regulation of Gatherings Act and other legislation to nd reasons to shut down protests and make it even harder for activists to organise and participate in protests lawfully.

Police brutality at protests continues to be a major problem for many communities across the country. To address this challenge, the Right2Know Campaign published an Activist Guide to the Gatherings Act, Arrests and Court Processes. The pocket-sized publication was published in 2013 and the second edition in 2015. It is intended to inform citizens of their rights and enable them to engage the overzealous ofcials who act outside the law to suppress our freedom of assembly. ●

Section 1 of this booklet provides basic information about the main law affecting the right to protest, the Regulation of Gatherings Act. It explains the legal denition of a “gathering” and the legal rights and duties of the organisers, and explains that in terms of the law, you are required to give notice of a planned gathering – which is different from “asking permission”. You do not need to ask permission to have a protest.

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Section 2 is a new addition to the booklet, focussing on police brutality and the rules and regulations that govern the police at protests.

Section 3 gives a basic explanation of court processes that may follow an arrest and what to do in those situations.

Section 4 gives general advice on protecting the right to protest, learning from the lessons of other activist movements, and some useful contacts for further information.

We know that the right to protest plays a critical function in ensuring a government and private sector that is more responsive to the needs of ordinary people. In 2018, the publication was translated to isiZulu, seSotho and Afrikaans to reach a wider audience. We have witnessed sporadic protests leading up to the elections and there is a public panic about the phenomenon of 'violent protests' which ignores that the vast majority of protests in South Africa are peaceful and that one of the major driving factors of civil unrest in protests is the actions taken by ofcials to clamp down on dissent. The authorities regularly contravene the Regulation of Gatherings Act with impunity. For instance, in many municipalities, ofcials have adopted their own rules/bylaws that demand protesters to do extra things before allowing a protest to go ahead like paying a “protest fee” which is not part of the Gatherings Act. Sometimes Municipalities manipulate the protest by using the SAFREA ACT, which governs sport and recreation events, which requires the convenors to apply for risk categorisation of the event and safety plan including public liability/indemnity, waste management plan and medical provision; this is not in the Gatherings Act which regulates public protest. Protests are inherently political and may criticise the conduct of politicians, ofcials and business people in ways that they may not like; hence, the greater potential for suppression of protests, even peaceful and nonviolent ones. The Right2Protest Project was formed specically to provide legal support to protesters. Coalition members of the Project include: ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

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Centre for Child Law (CCL) Equal Education Law Centre (EELC) Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU) PROBONO.ORG SECTION27 Social Justice Coalition (SJC) Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI); and Right2Know Campaign (R2K)

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The project provides support to protesters who encounter problems in exercising their right to protest peacefully and unarmed. The project aims to support protesters in three ways: rst, providing a telephonic advice service for victims of violations of the right to protest; secondly, a protest alert service for the media, civil society and others to obtain real-time information about protests and their underlying issues; thirdly, research on protest to inform advocacy efforts. Since its inception in October 2016, R2P has assisted 484 protestors with legal assistance. The Protest Hotline Number is 0800 212 111 and is operational during business hours. As the nation prepares for elections, the Right2Know Campaign urges everyone to ensure that their voice is heard - also in how they petition decision-makers and those in authority; the right to protest and petition is a fundamental right guaranteed in the our Constitution; we owe it to ourselves to protect and promote it. About R2K: The Right2Know Campaign launched in August 2010 and has grown into a movement centred on freedom of expression and access to information. We are a democratic, activist-driven campaign that strengthens and unites citizens to raise public awareness, mobilise communities and undertake research and targeted advocacy that aims to ensure the free ow of information necessary to meet people's social, economic, political and ecological needs and live free from want, inequality and indignity. In keeping with this commitment, the Right2Know Campaign now mobilises on three focuses: 1.

2. 3.

Advance Protests Rights: To promote the right to protest as a critical freedom of expression issue, support protesters to understand and defend their rights, and challenge the state and private security when laws, policies, or practice frustrate protest including the electronic and ofine surveillance of activists. Communication Rights: To ensure more equitable access to the internet by reducing the cost of mobile data and expanding the rollout of bre, and challenging online surveillance as well as promoting the right to privacy. Participatory Democracy: To support other CSOs (especially local organisations situated in poor communities) to ensure they receive meaningful engagement, and to campaign for Open MeetingsWe current organise through three democratic provincial working groups based in the Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape – as well as an elected national committee made up of representatives from key civil society organisations, community groups and social movements from across our support bases. For more information about the Right2Know Campaign go to:

www.r2k.org.za | www.twitter.com/r2kcampaign | www.facebook.com/r2kcampaign/ | www.instagram.com/r2kcampaign/

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BEATING

CORRUPTION TO ADVANCE HUMAN RIGHTS The devastating effects of corruption on ordinary lives

Kavisha Pillay and Deborah Mutemwa-Tumbo

We live in a society where corruption has become a culture, a normalised act, a sickness of our being. Presidents, politicians, businessmen, false prophets and the like have tried to rope our nation into a state of submission, one that will tolerate the decay of democratic principles and at the same time give the nger to our Constitution. We have heard of the many bribes that were paid, the kickbacks that were received, and the billions that have been laundered to offshore accounts. But corruption does not only affect economic or material issues – those working in the anti-corruption space understand that corruption's real cost has been on the lives of ordinary people, the communities that it has broken, and the serious threat that it poses towards meeting our constitutional obligations towards human dignity, the achievement of equality, and the advancement of human rights. The differentiation between “petty” and “grand” corruption has led us to believe that grand corruption, such as state capture, affects the country more because of its economic implications and the erosion of public trust in our leadership and state institutions. Whilst this is undoubtedly true, petty corruption poses a similar threat to our nation's wellbeing. Although petty corruption involves smaller amounts of money and is usually engaged in to either avoid consequence, make quick money or fast-track a public service, it often occurs in important areas of service delivery that have been established to advance human rights and dignities such as the education system, healthcare infrastructure, social development and justice sectors. This has resulted in a growing sense of injustice and inequality in many communities across South Africa. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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Since our establishment in January 2012, Corruption Watch's teams have come face to face with the devastating threat of corruption, and have watched it destroy the livelihoods and potential of ordinary people, communities and society at large. Over the years, we have travelled to many different communities across the country to conduct eld work. Our trips gave us a rst-hand experience of how corruption impinges on human dignity and prevents various groups of people from accessing their basic human rights. In the rural villages of Limpopo, children are being holed up in schools that are not conducive for growth, forced to learn in uninspiring environments that have already set them up for failure due to a lack of school infrastructure, little or no sanitation, and not enough learning materials. There is no running water and school feeding schemes are repeatedly abused by those in positions of power. Pupils are learning on empty stomachs and the majority are likely to fall back into cycles of poverty and inequality that has choked the generations before them into oppression. Meanwhile in the dusty township of Ritchie in the Northern Cape, schools are a breeding ground for violence and drug dealing. Young boys have been indoctrinated into a lifestyle of gangsterism because it seems to be the only solution to surviving the desolate surroundings. The idea that education has the power to break systems of inequality, unfortunately, does not hold true in Ritchie and many similar communities across the country. In Gauteng, we were exposed to an ailing health system that cannot serve large parts of the population with dignity and provide adequate treatment. Patients sleep on oors, medicines are stolen and sold to sponsor drug epidemics in communities, doctors moonlight during public working hours, foreign nationals are denied access to health facilities and people have to bribe just to get treatment. At the same time, those responsible, such as former Gauteng MECs for Health Brian Hlongwa and Qedani Mahlangu, have yet to be held accountable and criminally sanctioned for their roles in crippling the health system. Since our democratic dispensation, access to adequate healthcare and treatment has been a hotspot for civil society mobilisation – but it was difcult to predict that in 2019, corruption would be considered as a public health risk that prevents millions from accessing healthcare in South Africa. Over in the Western Cape, we were exposed to the shocking lived reality for communities in the Cape Flats. Manenberg, a community that once inspired Dollar Brand to honour its activism in the famous struggle anthem of the same name, is an oozing infected wound that has been left untreated for far too long. Entire generations of people have been subject to violent criminality, addiction, classism, unemployment and continued oppression. And corruption? Well it has been weaved into the fabric of this community, strengthening the grip of injustice and whipping anyone who attempts to ght it, back into surrender. In these dreary streets, corruption is not discreet. It screams in your face and does not masquerade as a silent or victimless crime. It walks around in ofcial blue uniforms, it stares at you as you look down the barrel of a contraband rearm, and it proudly puts a price tag on our law. During our visit, it became increasingly apparent that in a room of close to 100 people, almost everyone had some form of experience with abuse of

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police power. We were told about how the police serve as the private security detail for gangsters and how they are in cahoots with local drug syndicates. An elderly woman bravely recounted her experience of being gang raped by police ofcers while she was walking home, because she “looked like she had just had sex”. Another spoke of her repeated rape by police ofcers in the holding cells of the local police station. A young mother told us about her twin daughters who were sexually abused by a family member but were denied help by the police because the mother was an addict and deemed unt. In one of our recent visits to a mine-affected community in the North West, that cannot develop because hundreds of millions of rands of its mining royalties have been lost to corruption, an elderly community member endeavoured to paint a picture of the impact of corruption on his life and on the lives of those around him. Describing what it feels like to live above vast reserves of mineral riches and yet to suffer from abject poverty with a lack of access to basic services, he said: “It is like standing in the middle of a river and dying of thirst”. These are the stories, the everyday experiences, and the lived realities of many people in South Africa, who are dying of thirst. Our Constitution, through its robust and progressive Bill of Rights, promises fountains of living water to a people devastated by a painful history – but corruption is destroying the dream and has created generational webs of inequality, poverty and injustice. When we talk about the effects of corruption, let's not forget about the people whose dreams it has broken and how it has become a loud and systemic part of our national identity. Our engagements with these communities were difcult and on most days, we were left feeling defeated. However, we also encountered small groups of people who are actively working towards rooting out corruption from their communities. These brave activists are hardly ever recognised for their determination and commitment to values of human dignity, equality and freedom. After listening to the traumatic experiences in Manenberg, a brave woman stood up and said “But people, there's hope!” And there is hope, so we cannot lament. Whilst we hold onto the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the few pillars of democracy that were not eroded completely by state capture, we have 25 years of liberation to reect on, centuries of oppression to contemplate, and the recognition that collective people's power is the only solution to ght the scourge of corruption in South Africa. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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1. Introduction about LAMOSA and what they do to bring about the balance of emotions on land issues. Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The organisation has expanded its membership from those who were dispossessed to include other landless communities, including farm dwellers. LAMOSA advocates for a legislative and policy framework that seeks to undo the unequal society created by racist measures emanating from our colonial and Apartheid past. LAMOSA has therefore worked with rural women and men in tribal areas, and have been part of South Africa's land reform programme since its inception. Our intention is to make analysis of the question before us versus the real challenges on the ground, compare and come up with recommendations towards a progressive and constructive contribution to LAMOSA works in partnership with development and transformation. government and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in four provinces – Campaigns Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Northwest and 1 9 9 8 - L A M O S A d i d a R e s t i t u t i o n Gauteng and the Eastern part of Northern Campaign to raise awareness about the Cape because of Cross-borders. In intention of parliament to close the additions it cooperates with other lodging of the land claim which was April n a t i o n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l N o n - 1998, and later extended to 31 December

The Land Access Movement of South Africa (LAMOSA) is federation of community based organisations, Communal Property Associations, community and family trust who lost land during apartheid era and are organising to get their land back. LAMOSA was established in 1991 as Transvaal Land Restoration Committee (TLRC) as a result of the 1991 back to the land Campaign of the National Land Committee. The name was later changed in 1996 to LAMOSA to include other communities outside Transvaal. The then Transvaal Rural Action Committee (TRAC) facilitated the setting up process of LAMOSA until 1999 when LAMOSA retained its autonomy, and established an ofď€ ce.

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1998. LAMOSA travelled to the remote rural areas with TRAC and Legal Resources Centre to assist the rural communities to lodge their land claims before the cut of date. This is set out in the founding afdavit of LAMOSA in the Constitutional Court in 2015. LAMOSA, when it went to the Constitutional Court, did not oppose re opening of land claims for those claimants that failed to lodge claims timeously. LAMOSA opposed re opening without clear and unambiguous ring fencing of existing claims. 2002-2006 – LAMOSA launched 2 campaigns and key messages such as “ NO TO CHEQUEBOOK LAND REFORM, SAY NO TO CASH COMPENSATION AND OPT FOR LAND” Demand One tenure legislation for all south Africans, Down with Communal Land Rights Act LAMOSA generally found CLARA as a awed piece of legislation that will undermine more rights than it secures. Some of the problems experienced in tenure reform on communal land was as follows: Ÿ The nature and content of the 'new

order rights' created by CLARA where not clearly dened, as required by the constitution. (The constitution requires the extent of secure rights to be dened by a new law) Ÿ The wide discretionary powers were given to the Minister to make determinations on people's land rights and were unconstitutional. (There were no clear criteria and factors to guide the Minister's decisions) Ÿ CLARA undermined the existing property rights of communities who owned communal land historically, or through trusts and Communal Property Associations. (Many communities have had their land restored to them through restitution, and many did not support or SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

recognise traditional leaders that were imposed on them in the apartheid era). The new Communal land Tenure Bill was then introduced in 2015, commonly called the wagon wheel, was also awed in that it gives the outer boundaries of the land to the traditional authority, undermining people's access rights to grazing and other livelihood derived from natural resources.

2. Stop The Bantustan Bills This campaign was visible during the 2005 land summit in Nasrec, where LAMOSA co-chaired the sessions and mobilised 40% for the Other Constitutional Court challenges. LAMOSA was a party in an number of Constitutional Court cases to uphold the bill of rights including: Ÿ Lamosa v The Speaker [judgment 2016

and 2018]; Maledu [2018]; participated in the Northwest Commission on the nancial affairs of the Bakgatla Ba Kgafela chief Nyalala Pilane and made submissions to Parliament on the expropriation bill in 2015, the restitution amendment bill of 2014; the MPRDA amendment bill that was withdrawn by Zuma, and section 25.

LAMOSA is an active member of the Alliance for Rural Democracy. The Alliance for Rural Democracy (ARD) is a dynamic grouping of civil society organizations and communities which come together voluntarily whenever there is a need to contest policy and legislation that threatens to dilute the rights of rural citizens living in the former homeland areas. Such laws and practices

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distort customary law, undermine security of tenure and rights in land while entrenching the powers of traditional authorities, The ARD has challenged these undemocratic practices and proposed laws on the ground and through the courts. Throughout the policy debates and submissions, The ARD succeeded in amplifying the voices of rural women who have been at the forefront of opposition to the TCB, arguing that it would create a separate legal system for the 17 million people living in the former Bantustans and render them as subjects of traditional leaders with second class rights in the South African democracy.

Implications of these bad laws for Land and Agrarian Reform 1.1The TCB comes following the repeal in 2010 of the Communal Land Rights Act of 2014, The Restitution of land rights amendment act of 2016 by the Constitutional Court and now the passing of Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill bill National Assembly. The judgment of the Constitutional Court on CLARA 2004

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indicated that Parliament should urgently revise a draft which would be in line with the Constitution. This has not been done, and on the Restitution of Land Rights Amendment Bill the Department of Rural Development where instructed to ď€ nalise the old valid claims before reopening the new claims. The Public Participation issue was also emphasised, and Parliament ruled that meaningful Public Participation SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


with adequate notices, clarity on the purpose of the hearings as well as accessability of the venues must be considered. A s s u c h T ra d i t i o n a l C o u rt s w i l l b e operating in a legislative vacuum as regards the overall national policy relating to communal land tenure. Because of this vacuum, the traditional courts will become the de facto governance system on land matters arising in rural communities (eg. land claims, inheritance disputes, allocation of traditional land etc.) Because traditional customs are prone to selective/biased and even arbitrary interpretation, there will be no other reference point that would be able to assist in ensuring fair and impartial judgments in land cases. In a situation where communal land is coming under increased pressure from mining, tourism, agribusiness and other powerful interests, the traditional leaders (themselves interested parties in how land is allocated) would be the party, judge and jury where there is dissatisfaction within communities about how land is allocated. It is not possible for traditional courts to function in the spirit intended in the absence of a clear guiding policy and legal framework regarding communal land tenure, and the TCB must be developed in concert with such legislation.

2.2 A tangled web of institutions, policy and legislation

economic, environmental, cultural and political questions, which are currently dealt with in a variety of laws and policies. The TCB, which covers a many, though not all, criminal and civil cases, is naive about the number of existing and forthcoming policies and legislation that traditional courts will have to navigate. It is not possible to expect that customary law can exist in isolation from other laws and policies as was the case under apartheid. On the whole, the Traditional Courts Bill is being promulgated in a context of disarray of communal land governance arrangements. Concurrently with the Traditional Courts Bill, the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs is preparing a National Traditional Affairs Bill which will combine the Traditional Leadership and Governance Act and the National Traditional Leadership Act; the Minister of Land Reform and Rural Development is working to reď€ ne new a Land Administration Framework under the Green Paper on Land Reform. Other laws such as those relating to mineral resources or environmental preservation are also being developed which will are likely to affect customary land laws. Traditional Courts can not be expected to function in harmony with other laws and policies when so many critical pieces of policy and legislation remain at the drafting, consultation and review stage. More than one commentator has called for a more holistic review of laws governing the former Bantustans, which continue to be the most poverty stricken regions in South Africa. Given that land is the primary livelihood source for communities living in these areas, it is necessary to approach the political, administrative, legal and developmental aspects of these areas in a holistic fashion.

The TCB does not provide for the involvement of other statutory traditional and communal institutions, nor how traditional courts will interface with them. Y e t c u s t o m a r y l a w c o v e r s s o c i a l , The month of February 2019 saw the SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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NCOP convening special meetings to rush through a number of bills, namely the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill, Traditional and Khoisan Leadership Bill, The Traditional Courts Bill. These bill are proposing separate laws that would exclusively apply to the 18 million South Africans that live in the former Bantustans. They also make those living under traditional leaders vulnerable to having the land they lived on seized and given to multinational corporations to exploit the land without consultation and without beneď€ t to the communities living there. These shocking special sittings happen when Parliament is in recess, leaving us to wonder. What is the rush? These sittings follow a failed attempt to ram the bills through in the last week of parliament. At face value last minute amendments to the bill are an attempt to override important legal victories for mining affected rural communities in October and November of 2018. We already had two letters written by our Alliance partners to the president requesting him not to sign the bills (insert links) we are hoping that the President will listen and not sign. Should he sign these bills into law, our litigation partners are preparing a legal challenge to these bills is on both procedural and substantive grounds. These Bantustan bills are also a threat to subsistence farmers who depends on communal land for their small enterprises. South Africans have the right to choose their leaders, and that's why we demand the rights to opt in and out as per Khoisan Leadership condition as opposed to be locked in the traditional system by virtue of jurisdiction, because TKLB gives African Traditional leaders authority over land and jurisdiction, yet Khoisan leaders are offered authority over people who

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choose to afď€ liate under them democratically. LAMOSA is the strongest mobilisation pillar of the Alliance for Rural Democracy. The Alliance for Rural Democracy (ARD) is a dynamic grouping of civil society organizations and communities which come together voluntarily whenever there is a need to contest policy and legislation that threatens to dilute the rights of rural citizens living in the former homeland areas. Such laws and practices distort customary law, undermine security of tenure and rights in land while entrenching the powers of traditional authorities, The ARD has challenged these undemocratic practices and proposed laws on the ground and through the courts. The ARD has mobilized for review of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act which prevented rural people from democratically transforming their lived realities and addressing the complex legacies of the apartheid Bantustans, recently the Department has introduced the amendment act to give a lifespan to the existing Traditional Council who are mostly illegal. Together with its legal advisors the Alliance successfully contested the implementation of the Communal Land Rights Act (CLRA) in 20014, and the Restitution of land rights amendment bill in 2016 through Land Access Movement of South Africa (LAMOSA and others) which was struck down by the Constitutional Court. The ARD campaigned tirelessly against the Traditional Courts Bill from 2008 to 2012, this resulted in a vote against the government-sponsored draft law in parliament's National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The Department has SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


re-introduced it again in 2016, and we need to campaign vigorously against it. Throughout the policy debates and submissions, The ARD succeeded in amplifying the voices of rural women who have been at the forefront of opposition to the TCB, arguing that it would create a separate legal system for the 17 million people living in the former Bantustans and render them as subjects of traditional leaders with second class rights in the South African democracy.

they occupy unoccupied land is because they want to survive and to Ÿ LAMOSA stands in solidarity with the thrive. It is progressive when grassroots urban movements who continue to movements occupy land for living. It is occupy land even if it means that they regressive when government attacks face the barrel of the gun from the people who are opening new land for SAPS, the Anti–Land Invasion Unit, the living. It is regressive when government, JMPD, the Red Ants and the so called or other forces, claim that there is a Law Enforcement in Johannesburg, 'third force' driving us to occupy land Durban, East London and Cape Town. and to build our autonomous power These poor law abiding citizens are from below. The South African criminalised for losing parience with the government is a government of the rich collapsing housing distribution system. that speaks in the name of the poor. They are impoverished people who They are deeply threatened when continue to face evictions throughout urban people organise outside of the the country. political structures of the party and Ÿ We continue to pay for land with speak for themselves. Our constitution struggle, suffering and blood. Yet the guarantees people's democratic right hypocrites in the South African to organise freely and to express Parliament are speaking about land themselves freely and unless expropriation without compensation! Government starts to tke responsibility We agree that land should be of proactively identifying and and expropriated, and that it is already surveying it for redistribution, people will provided for in Section 25(2,3,4 ) but not turn back from the path that we Parliament has failed us. We don't have taken. agree that Constitution needs to be amended for expropriation to happen. Ÿ And more importantly a message from LAMOSA to South Africans on PreŸ People want to be closer to the cities so elections 2019. that they can improve their lives. When SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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Voters, you need to watch out for party Manifestos which are not crystal clear on their po bills that seek to give way to unscrupulous mining and business deals whilst stripping people

LAMOSA has written to the president to plead with him not to sign the letter, and we hope deals and legalise the looting of community goods without any beneď€ ts.

The time to assert our citizenship power is now, and after May 8, 2019 we will have to wait a

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ositions around land redistribution as the future of this country, ambiguous on Bantustan e of their rights to land.

e that he will listen. Should the TKLB be signed into law, it will make way for shady mining

another 5 years so, let's choose our leaders wisely. Future is in our hands.

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FREEDOM OF EXPRESSIO

1. Introduction The Freedom of Expression Institute was established in 1993, just before the advent of democracy, with the aim to do the following: Ÿ Fight for media diversity Ÿ Fight and defend freedom of

expression Ÿ Oppose all forms of censorship Ÿ Fight for the right of access to information Ÿ Proactively develop policy ensuring the free ow of information. Currently our work centres on enforcing, promoting and defending the constitutional right to freedom of expression and included therein is the right to protest as a basic human right that ensures the exercise of the right to freedom of expression. Other freedoms that are also included are freedom to receive or impart information and ideas, freedom of artistic creativity as well as academic freedom and freedom of scientic research. 2. Services (a)Education: promoting and distributing information on freedom of expression and the right to protest through community engagements, information sessions at schools, social media sharing newsletters to individuals and institutions, radio and television interviews as well as roundtables. We popularise the Regulations of Gatherings Act (RGA) and The Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA). Our

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work on bullying is increasing. (b)Opinions: giving input and opinion on draft legislation to parliamentary committees upon request. (c)Monitoring: issues impacting on freedom of expression like internet shut downs, litigation, harassment, detention and killing of journalists and artists. (d)Legal services and Strategic litigation: advising and acting on behalf of members

ON

of the public and journalists in defending the right to assembly and protest, artistic freedom, academic access to information and media freedom. (e)Solidarity work: engage and network with organisations with similar objectives locally, on the African continent and internationally as members of AFEX (African Freedom of Exchange) and IFEX (International Freedom of Exchange).

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3. Creating a safe and secure environment for people, communities and the State The education that we offer does help create a safe and secure environment for people and communities in that communities become aware of not only their rights but their responsibilities as well regarding freedom of expression specially the right to assembly and protest before, during and after elections. Whenever people and communities are not certain about their rights and or their rights are being infringed our Law Clinic represents them in negotiations and court actions. Sometimes all it takes is a phone call from an attorney in the Law Clinic to resolve what could turn out to be an explosive situation. Sometimes the persons in authority on behalf of the State are uncertain about the extent of their authority in dealing in particular with applications for holding protests. The Law Clinic's clariď€ cation of their authority allows both the applicants and the State to maintain a cordial relationship. Opportunities to assist the State also come in the form of our organisation's input into draft policies and

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legislation in the parliamentary committees. Our continental and international networks assist us input into the State the latest trends in freedom of expression internationally. Education on topical issues was undertaken, for instance, by doing interviews and issuing a position paper on Hate Speech. Lastly, protecting the right to freedom of expression requires vigilance and nipping encroachments in the bud which is done through our monitoring services. The Law Clinic represented a student leader from a TVET college who was summarily deregistered allegedly for activities related to his leadership position. Similarly, the Law Clinic has represented a journalist from the High Court until the Constitutional Court. The Law Clinic also joins litigation of speciď€ c relevance to freedom of expression from time to time as a friend of the court. With the upsurge in protests, a fair amount of the law clinic's work also entails defending the right to protest.

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It is common cause that South Africa's crime rate is too high and is among the highest in the world. As South Africans, we also experience a level of lawlessness and violence, a general carelessness about human safety. Consider, for example, how, while facing both petty and serious crime every day on commuter trains which often run late and are full beyond capacity, many commuters hang out of train doors and windows, with no censure. Some run on tracks to catch moving trains, and it goes without saying that this is extremely dangerous. Consider taxi drivers, who often put their passengers lives and other drivers around them at risk by driving recklessly and ignoring the rules of the road. How many are stopped for this, let alone ď€ ned or prosecuted? Taxi associations are often run by gangsters who use their routes to ferry drugs and guns in some areas. Many South African drivers disregard speed limits, overtake on blind rises, do not have car seats for their children, do not wear seat belts, are prone to road rage, and do not leave a safe following distance. As a result, we have one of the highest death rates from car accidents in the world. Littering, vandalism, petty theft, public urination are all against the law but are seldom prosecuted. This all leads to a pervading climate of lawlessness which allows the larger problems of crime to proliferate. The more there is disorder the higher the crime rate grows. Serious crimes often have very low conviction rates. The statistics we use for this are old as is no recent research available. The latest conviction rates are based on cases that make it to court, not on reported cases. Cases that are prosecuted have a high success rate. It is the cases not prosecuted that are cause for concern. Available statistics on reported cases were provided by the South African Law Review Commission, who focussed on and analysed the conviction rates of reported cases in eight police stations over a two year period. This does not give us a true reection of cases across the country. Nevertheless, even in the unlikely event that conviction rates have risen by between 20 and 30 per cent, this statistic is still shocking and grossly unsatisfactory in terms of our justice system. Murder, the most serious crime of all, has a conviction rate of just 10.6% of all reported murders. Contact crime, such as aggravated robbery, is just 3%. Rape of children is 9% and adult rape is 5%. This means that the vast majority of criminals get away with crime. They do not fear the law or being caught for their offences. The image below taken from the latest Crime Statistics released by the South African Police Service (SAPS) – an analysis of crime from the 1 April 2017 to the 31 March 2018. When we consider these 30 police stations by murder rates we start to get a clearer picture of what is happening in South Africa. The same areas that were violent and neglected under apartheid, with the exception of Johannesburg central and Hillbrow, are still the most violent and neglected areas after 25 years of our democratic dispensation. Surely one may conclude then that past murder rates in an area are a predictor of future murder rates.

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The safest areas in South Africa are still the suburbs which have better special development, lighting, infrastructure, neighbourhood watches, security guards, fences and alarms. There are nearly ve security guards for every policeman. In the suburbs there is very little disorder, no litter or broken windows.

The ACDP's response to the high crime rate One of the key functions of government is to protect society. This is a function we believe the present government has not adequately fullled. Reducing crime requires an intricate multi-tiered approach requires a consistent, and determined effort. Many government departments play a role in reducing crime. If we look at the murder rate in the townships and dense urban city areas where these 30 police stations are situated as an example of a multi-layered approach, the ACDP would consider a number of approaches to bring down crime and increase conviction rates. At Local Government level, we will: Ÿ Ensure that adequate lighting is installed ,either street lighting or high level mast

lighting in both formal and informal areas;

Ÿ Ensure that informal settlements are formalised with addresses or house numbers,

and that access to toilets and water points are well lit so that it is not easy for criminals to disappear or hide;

Ÿ Ensure roads and pathways are passable; Ÿ Run effective crime prevention trafc and metro observation operations to

prevent drugs and gun running in all areas including townships. Place a special focus on high crime areas.

Ÿ Make sure that metro police are adequately trained and staffed; Ÿ Emphasise spatial planning and its role in crime prevention; and Ÿ Encourage good relations and liaison between metro police, SAPS and the

community.

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At Provincial Government level, we will: Ÿ Adequately fund and regularly train community police forums. Monitor

turnoverand ensure that they are not being threatened or ignored;

Ÿ Fund and train neighbourhood watches with a focus on high crime areas; Ÿ Practise good relations and oversight of metro police and SAPS; Ÿ Have regular public meetings with communities and act on their complaints and

issues;

Ÿ Ensure that reports are followed up and that witnesses are adequately protected;

and

Ÿ Liaise with national government about additional resources where violent crimes

are highest.

At National Government level, we will: SAPS Ÿ Increase resources such as cars, extra police stations and and send specialised

personnel to high crime areas;

Ÿ Have specialised units for crimes such as murder, gangs, sex crimes and domestic

violence, and violent assault and robbery;

Ÿ Ensure regular ongoing training for detectives; Ÿ Support both prosecutors and detectives with adequate, timely and professional

forensic services;

Ÿ Regularly analyse cases where the prosecutors decline to prosecute; Ÿ Resolve common problems with training, oversight and liaison; Ÿ Set up a cold case review process for unsolved murders; and Ÿ Review all political appointments and verify all qualications.

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Justice System Ÿ Increase the number of specialised courts such as sexual offences courts; Ÿ Ensure that heavier minimum sentences are imposed for more serious crimes; and Ÿ Review the parole system and deny bail for those accused of murder, rape, armed

robbery, human trafcking and car hijacking.

On a broader level, the ACDP will deal with general lawlessness by adopting a model which was used very successfully in New York . During the 1990s, crime rates in New York City dropped dramatically, when compared to the United States as a whole. Violent crime declined by more than 56 per cent in the city, compared to about 28 per cent in for the United States of America as a whole. Property crimes tumbled by about 65 per cent, but fell only 26 per cent nationally. Many attribute New York's crime reduction to specic "get-tough" policies instituted by former Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's administration. The most prominent of his policy changes was the aggressive policing of lower-level crimes, a policy dubbed the "broken windows" approach to law enforcement. Its premise was that small disorders lead to larger ones and perhaps even to crime. In 1988, Mr Guiliani was reported to say that "obviously murder and grafti are two vastly different crimes. But they are part of the same continuum, and a climate that tolerates one is more likely to tolerate the other.” New York adopted a no-tolerance policy towards even minor crimes such as littering and public drunkenness and general disorder. They also used CompStat, a computerised system which reported weekly crime statistics showing trends in specic policing areas. This allowed specic problem policing areas to be addressed immediately. The ACDP wants to adopt a similar approach as various scientic studies have showed that disorder creates a greater predeliction towards crime. We believe that the entire criminal justice system should be computerised so that accurate weekly trends in crime can be properly monitored. This will also improve communication between police, prosecutors and forensics, allowing for a more streamlined management of cases. A rise in property crime in a particular area, for example, could be shared by the private sector or vice versa.

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We all want to live in a South Africa where we feel safe; whether it is in our homes or playing in recreational spaces; going to work or school; or surď€ ng the Internet. We believe the ACDP has the right policies to bring down the ever-increasing rate of crime in South Africa and to ensure that our justice system is run effectively and efď€ ciently, so that we will see an improved successful conviction rate for all reported crimes. Article written by Jo Ann Downs, ACDP National Executive Member www.acdp.org.za

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IFP

POLICY ON SAFETY AND SECURITY

Safety and Security Effective policing is a pre-requisite for a law-abiding and orderly society, within which the lives and property of citizens are protected, thus allowing people to pursue their everyday lives in peace and harmony. Law and order is, therefore, a prerequisite for the attainment of justice and equity in society. The IFP believes that policing is most effectively controlled at provincial and local government level. Each province should have its own provincial police force under the command of a Provincial Commissioner who should report to the Provincial Minister for Safety and Security. The functions of the national police force should be limited to international police co-operation, the investigation of national crime and advanced training. The Safety and Security Ministry should be empowered to effect control over national policing policy. Policing and the constitutional dispensation Staff appointments, including those of advisors, should be based strictly on appropriate qualications and experience so as to ensure that policies formulated by the government of the day are implemented. Police recruitment should match the demographic composition of the population, but quality and merit should be paramount considerations in stafng. Within the constraints of the budget, police ofcers should be paid fair, work-related salaries. Internal policing Because the police cannot independently investigate themselves, a highly professional independent and well-resourced body, free from political inuence, should be established to full this role. Community policing While crime prevention remains the responsibility of the entire community, community policing does not absolve the government from the primary responsibility SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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of maintaining law and order and ď€ ghting crime. Community police forums should develop comprehensive plans to identify and to address key crime problems and areas. Police stations in rural areas should be optimally sited. Problem orientation and visible policing Policing should be goal orientated and the police visibility within the community must be enhanced. Petty crimes and criminals should not be overlooked while police concentrate resources on more serious crime. Serious policing of petty crime has the effect of reducing crime at all levels. The National Police Commissioner must identify national priorities and keep proper crime statistics. Effective support structures, including technical resources, must be available to the police in order to enable them to operate effectively. Role of national government Policing should be prioritised in government spending and police services should be provided on an impartial, apolitical basis. Decentralisation and training are priorities for government spending on safety and security. Border policing Although the South African National Defence Force is presently assisting with border policing due to manpower shortages within the South African Police Services, the IFP regards border policing as a police function and full responsibility for this should therefore revert back to the SAPS as soon as possible.

On debating the Death Penalty: The NEC notes the overwhelmingly positive response by thousands of South Africans in talking about the reinstatement of capital punishment. IFP Chief Whip in Parliament, Hon. Narend Singh MP, will continue to engage South Africans on various platforms in order to start a conversation on ways to deter crime in our society. In a statement released last week, by Hon Singh MP, the NEC echoes the sentiments expressed by many South Africans in that we feel that government should at the very least open this matter up to the national discourse for discussion by our citizens in a process akin to the recent Constitutional Review Committee process on expropriation of Land. Let's talk about the death penalty, let's talk about hard labour in our prisons without the chance of early parole for violent contact crimes, let's have this discussion and we call upon government to immediately facilitate such national process of discourse. South Africans no longer feel, nor are safe. It is the duty of the State to ensure that all citizens are protected and kept safe.

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UDM 2019 National and Provincial Elections Manifesto Foreword by the President Dear Voter The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a prosperous and winning nation. The UDM has demonstrated integrity amongst all our members and leadership. All our work in serving the nation has been done to restore and preserve the dignity of our people. Our dream for this country is to ensure that each woman, man and child live a prosperous and ourishing life. Our three guiding pillars, integrity, dignity and prosperity, feed our minds and our actions as a modern political party that rmly stands against corruption and the exploitation of South Africans; especially the poor who cannot weather the effects of the ruling party's dishonest, bungling government and don't care attitude. It is thus that the UDM, with our anticorruption and good governance stance, has for the past two decades left no stone unturned in our ght to have corruption eradicated wherever we found it. The UDM's track record speaks for itself. We fought the immoral oor-crossing legislation and were vindicated when it was eventually removed from the country's statute books. The UDM took the matter of the irregular lease agreement of the Independent Electoral Commission's ofces to the Public Protector, after which Advocate Tlakula was forced to resign. Post 2016 Local Government Elections, the UDM was the catalyst in establishing coalition governments in several metropolitan municipalities. We were part of organising the biggest march to the Union Buildings, which called for the former president to vacate his ofce. The UDM was at the lead when various opposition parties took the matter of the secret ballot on the nocondence motion in the former president to the constitutional court and succeeded in forcing the speaker of the national assembly to pronounce on how the balloting would take place. Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of rands and called for the chief executive ofcer to leave, which has happened, and we asked the president to institute a commission of inquiry into the matter.

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Many would argue that the hopes and dreams of a “New South Africa” and the “Rainbow Nation” have rapidly, and sadly, faded away over the past 24 years. Although some progress has been made, no-one can deny that ruling party has led South Africa sliding further down the slippery slope and the disgrace continues. In fact, the past 24 years are a lesson in point about “what not to do”. Our economy is in the doldrums and the cost of living is so high that the average South African struggles to afford the bare necessities. Civil disobedience, as fostered by the incumbent government's unwillingness to listen, is an everyday occurrence. Vicious crime and general lawlessness permeate our daily lives and rampant corruption and maladministration discolours our country's future. The “Gupta leaks" saga, of which we are still experiencing the ripple effect, shocked the nation and world. The South African Revenue Service's credibility is shot. Billions of rands are involved with alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation that puts hundreds of thousands of government employees' pensions at risk. Even top leaders at the National Prosecuting Authority, which is responsible for the prosecution of corruption cases and safeguarding of our public purse, are in the ring line. The Steinhoff debacle is also a stark reminder that corruption pervades not only in the public sector, but also in the private sector. South Africa can simply not afford these knocks and our people must no longer accept that a small group of the so-called elite decide our future without ever asking our opinion or ever taking responsibility for their actions when they get it wrong. In contrast to the status quo, a UDM government shall be a listening and responsive government that works from the premise of responsible and ethical leadership. We will foster a disciplined and stable society in which entrepreneurial spirit and productive enterprise can develop and ourish. In this way the UDM shall generate a sense of pride in all South Africans and allow for their ownership of government by establishing a new ethical framework of incorruptibility, accountability, transparency and impartiality. The UDM with this manifesto showcase the plans we have for South Africa and if you, the voter, gives us a chance to govern we shall implement. We invite you on a journey where our people are put rst; where government goes back to basics to do more to ensure that all South Africans live a life of Integrity, Dignity and Prosperity in the spirit of ubuntu. Bantu Holomisa, UDM President

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The UDM's proposal for an Economic Indaba

South Africa needs an inspiring and shared economic vision of where we are going in the next ten to twenty years, where all South Africans will feel that they have a meaningful role to play in making the country an economic, social and political success.

Looking back, the Codesa negotiations only focused on political freedom and consequently economic policy formulation has been left to individual ministers to the detriment of the development of a comprehensive and coherent economic plan for South Africa. This approach to policy formulation is not sustainable, because as soon as changes occur in government, a new administration tends to disown previously adopted policies. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance's differing stances on the economy further confuses policies with the National Development Plan being the white elephant in the room. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration's economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathering under one roof to hammer out South Africa's economic policy. This Economic Indaba should emerge with consensus after which its decisions should directly go to parliament for ratication and implementation.

Sustainable job creation

Not only is South Africa one of the most unequal societies in the world, it also has one of the highest unemployment rates. The primary objective must be an attempt to stem the tide of rising unemployment, with its obvious adverse consequences for social and economic stability.

Ultimately, each South African should have the opportunity to be gainfully employed in order to contribute to the economy and society, irrespective of race, gender or class. The unemployment crisis in South Africa has many causes that underscore the need for a comprehensive strategy. As one solution, a UDM government will launch a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development. This planned sustainable development project will be driven by government through the department of public works in coordination with all departments. Furthermore, the UDM's response to the challenge of unemployment encompasses: Ÿ Identifying markets for small rms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. Ÿ Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. Ÿ Promoting the efcient and effective use of public resources to serve the dual goal of small business development and skills creation in the productive labour force. Ÿ Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. Ÿ Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specic banks to provide nancial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Ÿ Devoting more resources to promote “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation.

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Another critical challenge facing South Africa is that of the poor management of immigration. The UDM believes that legal immigrants can contribute to enterprise development and growth. However, the incumbent government's failure to deal with the employment of illegal immigrants for lower salaries, while millions of South Africans are locked outside the labour market, is a major cause for concern. A UDM government will protect its citizens against unfair competition and deal with the exploitation of illegal immigrants in the private sector. A UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner in line with our continental and international obligations.

Land

As we all know, land ownership in South Africa has a painful history, since it played a central role in the racially divisive politics of the past. The majority of our citizens remain landless 24 years into our democracy. The incumbent government's failure to deliver on the issue of land, has had a severe impact on the lives of most South Africans, depriving them economically, culturally and emotionally of opportunities to become active citizens. When the new South Africa was ushered in, the issue of land was placed on the backburner with political freedom as item number one on the agenda. That said, the land issue, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation should have been tackled much sooner to avoid the emotional tug-andpull we now witness. The National Assembly, on 27 February 2018, took a resolution on the expropriation of land without compensation and the UDM voted in favour of this resolution, after it was amended. The UDM certainly did not vote for free-for-all land grabs and evictions. Even though the constitutional review committee's consultation process has taken its course, opinions are still poles apart in terms nding an agreed upon solution to address land question. In this regard, the UDM has long promoted the view that the matter can only be denitively resolved at the proposed Economic Indaba, where all stakeholders can congregate to discuss the macro economy, with land at the apex of the debate. This exercise would ensure that South Africans enter a structured debate and that they take ownership of any decisions made. Specically, in terms of expropriation without compensation, a UDM government will convene an Economic Indaba that should emerge with answers to, amongst others, the following questions: Ÿ Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? Ÿ How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specic circumstances, and what those would be? Ÿ How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the concomitant denuding of rural communities and local economies? Ÿ How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? Ÿ How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust be impacted? Ÿ What will be the effect on the land tenure system? Ÿ What would the position be on the sale of, in main, urban land to foreigners? Ÿ How will the issuing of title deeds be sped up so that entrepreneurs may use them as collateral to secure capital for start-ups?

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Infrastructure development and maintenance

Infrastructure development has always been recognised as a critical factor in promoting economic growth. It has a positive impact on the individuals, households and rural communities, in particular, in terms of quality life. There are also a number of economic benets that are associated with infrastructure-led growth i.e. increased income, employment, productivity improvement, income redistribution, to mention but a few. We however need a holistic plan for the development of South Africa. Although several infrastructure development projects have been introduced, most of the country's infrastructure is deteriorating due to insufcient or total lack of maintenance. Such deterioration even occurs at institutions that are supposed to deliver efcient services, such as the company registrar's ofce, the patent ofce, tender ofces, the Masters of the High Court and other courts. Rapid infrastructure development and maintenance should be designed to stimulate economic development, growth and job creation. In this regard, a UDM government will act as an important role player, coordinating the efforts of all spheres of government through planned sustainable development programmes. Expenditure on such programmes could be nanced from the proceeds obtained from the successful implementation of a restructuring programme and the clever disposal of unused public works property. In addition, the UDM with its integrated policy approach, will ensure that the work of the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission (PICC) is driven from grassroots level. A comprehensive ward, municipal, district and provincial based infrastructure development plan will be devised which shall be centrally coordinated by the PICC. A UDM government will ensure that its investment in education aligns with the infrastructure development goals to avoid this sector being dominated by foreign experts and we will draw on the invaluable expertise that South Africans in all sectors possess.

Good governance

South Africa is constantly challenged by scandals of corruption and abuses of power that negatively impact on service delivery. This ranges from top ranking ofcials to levels lower down and even petty corruption such as bribery of government ofcials. At the heart of the problem is that government and those in its ranks do not care about the money they manage on behalf of our people. The Auditor General recently announced that almost R80 billion have been irregularly spent by government and major parastatals over the 2017/18 nancial year. Not only is this an egregious abuse of taxpayers' monies, but it deprives those in the greatest need of the misused billions. A UDM government will therefore enforce the Public Audit Amendment Act to the letter. Ofcials who hide behind struggle credentials have looted state resources and, in many instances, “loyalty” is rewarded with protection against investigation and prosecution. There is a clear lack of political will to implement performance and consequence management. So-called political appointments result in the increased use of consultants, because the political appointees are incompetent and useless. It therefore costs substantially more just to keep

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government services going. To exacerbate this problem, once a directive comes from on high, those lower down the chain make use of the opportunity to pad tenders for their own benet. At other times they collude with consultants to have government business directed to line their own pockets. A UDM government will therefore professionalise the civil service to reduce the reliance on consultants and it will eradicate the culture of making political appointments. Corruption and maladministration are so pervasive in our state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that it is no wonder that they are ailing about and sinking deeper and deeper into trouble. Instead of ourishing SOEs (all of which were inherited from the apartheid regime) the ruling party government has time and again used taxpayers' monies earmarked for other projects to bail them out. Worse still is the practice of bailing out SOEs by using Public Investment Corporation (PIC) funds, which means that the Government Employees Pension Fund is put at risk. To further compound matters, the PIC itself is mired in allegations of corruption running into billions of rands. At every turn, the people of South Africa bear the brunt of government's failure to effectively run SOEs. Therefore, untying the tangled web of corruption where SEOs are concerned, would be a one of the highest priorities of a UDM government. Under a UDM administration all board members and ofcials of SOEs shall be vetted to professionalise their operations and improve on service delivery. The rot of corruption has even affected law enforcement agencies; the very bodies which should be squeaky clean and credible, and should lead by example. Even the State Security Agency has fallen into the trap of corruption and cannot account for an alleged R1 billion. In addition, many senior police ofcials have been involved in corruption‚ fraud and money laundering. Once those guilty of corruption have been exposed, a UDM government will ensure that there are signicant consequences and not just a slap on the wrist as we have seen with the ruling party, with the former president leading this march. Merely leaving a post cannot be the end of the road; corrupt individuals must face the full might of the law. To ensure clean governance a UDM government will implement the following principles: Ÿ A zero-tolerance for corruption and abuse of Ÿ Ÿ

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power. Government ofcials and politicians must serve the people and not themselves. Integrity, commitment and hard work are required from all in government and in the private sector. The best quality must be ensured in all appointments, so that merit, responsibility and integrity will be guaranteed, and excellence rewarded. Effective procedures and special courts must be established and implemented to investigate and prosecute those in the public and private sector involved in corruption. A sense of pride in and ownership of government must be encouraged and nurtured in all South Africans by establishing a new ethical framework of incorruptibility, accountability, transparency and impartiality in governance. Independent anti-corruption task teams must be established in each province to determine the level of corruption and to immediately introduce recovery steps.

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2019 ELECTIONS STATUS REPORT FOR THE KZN DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY SAFETY AND LIAISON. On 27 April (Freedom Day), South Africans will be celebrating 25 years since the advent of democracy. In the period leading up to the rst democratic national elections, KwaZulu-Natal was at a knife's edge due to political intolerance caused by a number of factors. It has taken excruciatingly many high-level meetings and negotiations to ensure that peace and stability is realised in the province. The Government, police, community crime ghting structures and the society have all played and continue to play a key role in making it possible for all the people of KZN to enjoy their hard-earned freedom, the rights and benets that come with it. The provincial government through the Department of Community Safety and Liaison has indeed played an instrumental role in creating a safer, tolerant and conducive environment for all civil society formations. The Department of Community safety and Liaison is mandated to be the lead agency in driving the integration of community safety initiatives, towards a crimefree KwaZulu-Natal. Therefore, we are making sure that the people of this province live in a safe and secure environment. As we are fast approaching May 8 General Elections, the Department is working closely with other law enforcement agencies in nalising plans and strategies to ensure that these elections are peaceful, free and fair.

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Under the leadership of the MEC for Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, Mr Mxolisi Kaunda, we have also adopted a pro-active approach by resuscitating the Multi –Party Political Intervention Committee (MPPIC) as a means to ensure that political tolerance is practiced by all registered political parties in the province. This committee, which is chaired by the MEC, has and continues to work tirelessly to put out any slight hint of political instability or intolerance throughout the province. This committee has held a series of engagements with political parties registered with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in a continued attempt to create a conducive political environment. The South African Police Service(SAPS) has also been working closely with the department of Community Safety and Liaison and the Multi-Party Political Intervention Committee in areas where political instability has reared its ugly head to root-out any destabilising elements. The Department, SAPS and the Multi-Party Political Intervention Committee has identiď€ ed a number of areas (Hot Spots) in the province, w h i c h r e q u i r e a n augmentation of police visibility and monitoring to ensure that there is stability pre, during and post the elections. The department of Community Safety and Liaison will deploy its personnel, outsourced Lawyers with the intention of bringing in transparency and the police monitoring and evaluation component to help play an oversight role to conď€ rm that the police execute their duties of ensuring that these elections are free, fair and without any criminal activity. In addition, the department of Community Safety and Liaison has trained 1605 social crime prevention volunteers to work closely with the police and community leading up to the elections. These volunteers are attached to police stations in all the districts of our province. They work as agents of safety and peace in all communities. During the elections, these volunteers will assist the police in monitoring the situation in various voting district around the province. Another advantage of having these crime prevention volunteers is their ability to gather credible information, which is often useful in detecting criminal activity in their communities. As the province of KwaZulu-Natal, we are indeed poised to deliver peaceful, free and fair 2019 General Elections.

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ALAN WINDE, MINISTER OF COMMUNITY SAFETY 28 March 2019 On 1 November 2018, Mr. Alan Winde was inaugurated as the Western Cape Minister of Community Safety. Minister Winde is also a premier candidate for the Western Cape 2019 election. Upon taking up his new post, Minister Winde said: “For the past decade, my number one focus has been to create jobs in the Western Cape, to make this a better place for all the people living here. We have worked hard to achieve this goal, adding the most jobs to the economy of any province in South Africa. In my new role, I am determined to build on what we have achieved, by making the Western Cape a safe and secure environment. We need to do this so that we can raise the quality of life of all our residents – women and children especially, and make our environment attractive for emerging entrepreneurs and investors. My key priorities include partnering with all the safety stakeholders – including the excellent programmes within and supported by our own department, - to forge a collaborative safety action plan, and identifying and implementing alternative ways of addressing crime in this province. I am looking forward to working with each and every member of the DoCS team to ensure that together, we create a #SaferWesternCape.” Short Biography Date of birth: 18 March 1965 Ÿ Before Alan Winde began his career in politics, he started and successfully

operated 10 businesses in his home town of Knysna. Ÿ In 1996, he ran as an independent candidate and was successfully elected to the South Cape District Council.

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Ÿ Following this, Mr Winde was approached by the leadership of the Democratic

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Alliance to run for Provincial Parliament in the Western Cape, a responsibility and challenge he gladly accepted. Between 1999 and 2009, he served in various political roles, including as Chief Whip of the ofcial opposition and Western Cape Provincial Finance Chairperson. In 2009, following the DA's victory in the provincial election, he became the Western Cape Minister of Finance, Economic Development and Tourism. In 2014, the Democratic Alliance once again won the Western Cape. Mr Winde took up the position of Minister of Economic Opportunities, in charge of the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Economic Development and Tourism. On 1 November 2018, he became the Western Cape Minister of Community Safety. He enjoys spending time with his wife, Tracy, and children, Jason and Lauren. In his spare time, Mr Winde is a keen cyclist and coffee drinker. He serves on the governing body of his daughter's school, as its Chair.

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DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY SAFETY The Department of Community Safety consists of 4 programmes, (i) Administration, (ii) Civilian Oversight, (iii) Provincial Policing Functions and (iv) Security Risk Management. Each programme has various subprogrammes. The Department's 2019/20 budget allocation increased with a nominal 4.99% to R359 301 million from R342 237 million during the 2018/19 nancial year. The Department is aligned to the Western Cape Government's ve strategic goals, with an emphasis on

The Western Cape Department of Health's mortuary statistics informs us that between November 2018 and February 2019, 1226 people were killed in the Province. It's been reported that for the month of February alone, 25 people were killed in Mitchells Plain and since the beginning of the year, 20 people have been killed in Bonteheuwel. The Western Cape's police-topopulation ratio remains at an alarming 1 ofcer for every 509 residents. In Cape Town, it's worse at 1:560. The national average is 1:375. The Province has a

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strategic goal three, which is to “Increase Wellness and Tackle Social Ills.” Minister Winde said: “Early on, I set myself the goal of becoming the safest province in South Africa. The situation our residents are currently faced with is untenable. Every day, an average of 10 people are murdered in our province. Many are innocent children, bystanders going about their daily business, women in their own homes.

shortage of 4500 police ofcers. These numbers are abysmal, and more resources would undoubtedly assist. But, it is also clear to me that conventional policing methods will not address this scourge. We need to move our crime ghting efforts into the 21st century, using the manpower, through various partnerships, of all our people, and technology. As a Provincial Government, The Constitution limits us to an oversight role regarding policing. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


We have now taken the decision to push this role to the limit. One of the rst engagements I held was a two-day Safer Western Cape Conference, at the River Club in Observatory, on 13 and 14 November, with all the crime-ghting and safety role players, including SAPS, local and international experts, academics, civil society partners, all three spheres of government and community stakeholders, such as representatives of Neighbourhood Watches (NHW) and Community Policing Forums (CPFs). Premier Helen Zille, and the National Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, were also present and addressed the delegates. Pursuant to the Safer Western Cape Conference, the following initiatives were launched: Ÿ The R10 000 reward system for reporting where an illegal rearm is located.

Residents can call 078 330 9333 to report the illegal rearm. Once the police have conscated the illegal rearm, the individual who reported it, will be rewarded by the Department of Community Safety.

Ÿ R5 million, to reignite the reservist programme. Ÿ The Crime-Fighter Recognition Award, which aims to recognise the efforts by

individuals and groups in their pursuit of creating a #SaferWesternCape. The rst recipient of the award was Sergeant Daryl van Noie, a SAPS detective based at Manenberg Police Station who dealt a swift arrest to the ve alleged perpetrators of an armed attack on a female Emergency Medical Service (EMS) staff member.

I am pleased to announce that we have made our rst reward payment of R10 000. The individual reported the illegal rearm in middle December and after SAPS followed its processes, we could release the funds. What pleases me most, is that this individual took the reward and donated it the NHW, for them to purchase license plate recognition (LPR) cameras. I commend this individual for this seless act. It is unfortunate that the identity of this hero has to be kept a secret, as this person needs to be fully celebrated. given the nature of crime in this Province however, and how witnesses are threatened and at times killed, it is fully understandable.

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We are hoping to issue further rewards in the near future, and are driving this matter with the Provincial Police Commissioner, Lt Gen K Jula. I want to urge residents to continue reporting illegal rearms, as we need to get them off our streets if we are to curb the various shootings in communities. As an additional intervention, I have engaged with City of Cape Town Mayco Member, JP Smith around law enforcement ofcers facilitating the conscation process. These discussions are

progressing.

Just as the initial PNP letter was ignored, so to was the second correspondence. By law, the national minister is beholden to take our recommendations and requests into consideration, but, this Minister prefers to play politics with people's safety. The Western Cape Government will shortly be taking further steps to ensure our PNP recommendations are adhered to. In terms of acting in good faith, provinces are called to declare an intergovernmental dispute before proceeding to court, and that is exactly what we're in the process of discussing.

On 10 December 2018, following the launch of the Anti-Gang Unit (AGU), which we have welcomed, I wrote to Minister Bheki Cele to acquire information on the stafng and resourcing of this unit, as we have not received any formal correspondence. I had heard from community members that investigating ofcers were pulled from the murder cases of their loved ones, to serve in the AGU. One mother told me that she had been unable to bury her daughter since the case remains open.

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On the 10th of October 2018, the Western Cape Cabinet wrote emergency correspondence to the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, on the Province's Policing Needs and Priorities (PnP). Due to the urgency of correspondence, which sought to address massive underresourcing of police in the province, a response was requested within 30 days. I wrote a follow-up letter on 11 December 2018.

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No response has been received. I have however had sight of a parliamentary response which proved that ofcers had simply been pulled from elsewhere, which would have a knock-on effect in those communities. I have on many occasions asked myself whether the AGU is a serious body out to catch top gangsters, or whether it is a political ploy. I have yet to learn of the arrest of a single high yer, and the answer therefore seems clear. The tragedy is that our residents feel crime every day of every year, not just in the run up to an election. On 10 January 2019, pursuant to various reports and the conduct of Major-General Vearey, where he appears to have been caught in a blatant lie regarding a telephonic conversation with a journalist, I wrote to the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele and the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID), requesting that Mr Vearey be investigated. We cannot have individuals with questionable character in strategic leadership positions in the SAPS. It was acknowledged to the press that my request was received, and I expect a follow up on this matter shortly.

Even though the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, is spending a lot of his time in the Western Cape, this is pretence at its best, as the Minister refuses to acknowledge the role that all spheres of Government should play in combatting crime. Not once has the Minister ever invited myself to any of his engagements in the Western Cape. How do we as a collective ght crime, if the national Minister constantly refuses to include his Provincial counterpart, yet when he travels to other Provinces, the local MEC is included? It has become abundantly clear that the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele, has no plan to address the shortage of police resources in the Western Cape.

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OVERSIGHT

INNOVATION

I have visited various police stations, two base camps and walked with Neighbourhood Watches, Community Police Forums and other volunteer community safety structures across the Province. Among others, they include Steenberg, Bishop Lavis, Philippi, Ravensmead, Athlone, Mitchells Plain, George Central, Pacaltsdorp and Strand.

As part of our efforts to address the shortage of police ofcers on our streets and to get more members on active patrolling duty, I launched a pilot project from 12 February – 4 March at Cape Town Central police station, which saw Western Cape Government employees volunteering as Commissioners of Oaths so that police ofcers can focus on averting crime. This pilot was a huge success. During this period, 2582 persons assisted, 4216 documents certied.

The project conrmed that 4 ofcers can be relieved if volunteers are there to certify documents. I am pleased to announce that we will be proceeding with the full role out of this programme, incrementally and at key points, across the province. If Minister Cele does not allow us to use a room in the station, despite our requests which have gone unanswered, we will use our own safety kiosks and station they nearby, as we did during the pilot phase.

I refuse to play Minister Cele's political game with crime. Too many people are dying due to invisible policing, as they either do not have the manpower or resources to patrol our communities.”

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COURT WATCHING BRIEFS Through our Watching Brief programme, which is part of our oversight role, we have identied systemic failures in policing. Just for the period of 1 October to 31 December 2018, we found that 312 cases had to be struck off the roll due to:

CASES STRUCK OFF COURT ROLE FOR QUARTER 3 DOCKETS NOT AT COURT INVESTIGATION INCPOMPLETE WITNESSES NOT AT COURT UNAVAILABILITY OF FORENSIC REPORTS ACCUSED NOT BROUGHT TO COURT TOTAL

129 126 31 19 7 312

For this period, it was found that Nyanga was responsible for 20% of the dockets not being at court. “Pursuant to receiving this report, I wrote Minister Cele and proposed that “a team of suitably skilled and qualied individuals be established, to develop an intervention so that these failures could be addressed.” In response to Minister Winde's proposal, Minister Cele said: “I am in support of the proposal as outlined in the letter from the MEC, Western Cape Community Safety. The Secretariat is advised to adopt the project and implement the project at a National level and by all Provinces (Department of Community Safety and Liaison).” [sic] “This is part of the reason why I am calling for the decentralisation of the police service in South Africa. All other countries with functioning democracies have regionalised police services that are highly effective, because their superiors have in-depth knowledge of the local conditions and how resources should be allocated. Thus far, I have had 3 meetings with the Provincial Police Commissioner. Amongst others, we have discussed the current in-ghting amongst the SAPS Provincial top management, addressing the search warrant issue when an illegal rearm is reported and the quarterly release of the crime statistics. Lieutenant-General Khombinkosi Jula has in all cases been helpful and responsive, yet appears stymied by his bosses in Pretoria.” As mentioned, the Western Cape Department of Community Safety is eager and ready to play a more active role in addressing safety, within our powers.

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ADJUSTMENT BUDGET ALLOCATION Through the adjustment budget tables in a November 2018, R26 million additional was allocated to the Department for the following: Ÿ Support for drug and abalone parching K-9 Unit. Ÿ Strengthening and professionalising NHWs. In this respect, we have been pleased to

take learnings from amongst others, the NSRI, who emphasized resourcing, training and communications as key to successful volunteer organizations. Ÿ Commissioner of Oaths initiative and Ÿ To assist Municipalities to counter violence and damage of property, due to protest action. Part of this funding will go to the City of Cape Town to support their law enforcement operations. Mayor Dan Plato and I have met, and have agreed to the importance of cleaning up the City. Crime is directly linked to grime. The Mayor has embarked on a massive clean-up programme, which is visible in many of our communities and is being rolled out aggressively. Minister Winde said: “I would like to thank the Mayor for his dedication to ghting crime, and for being a true partner of the province in addressing issues that matter to our residents.”

CHRYSALIS ACADEMY

This is one of our youth development and empowerment programmes. The purpose of the Chrysalis Academy is to serve as a platform for youth to deepen their resilience and unleash their potential through physical, mental, emotional and spiritual development, enabling them to be role models and agents of positive change. “I attended the graduation of 190 females from Chrysalis Academy. The ladies were part of the 18 BRAVO course, which ran from 1 September 2018 until the end of November. Students came from various communities across the province, including Khayelitsha, Mitchells Plain, Hanover Park, Plettenberg bay, George, Mossel Bay, Knysna, Beaufort West, Saldanha, Hermanus, Piketberg, Albertinia, Van Rhynsdorp and Worcester among many others. I am extremely proud of these young leaders of our communities, who have shown that they are ready to work hard, and play active roles in their communities. I will be attending the 18 CHARLIE men's course graduation in April.”

NEIGHBOURHOOD WATCHES

Minister Winde said: “I committed to the community safety volunteer structures that we will strengthen, support and empower them even more, as they are essential cogs in our safety machine. We have set a budget aside for the Neighbourhood Watch(NHW) programme which will see accredited NHW's receiving R10 000 each, so that they are able to acquire further equipment or items to strengthen their crime-ghting efforts.

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NHW's are in the process of receiving their payments of R10 000. Our goal is to ensure that all NHW's are eventually resourced equally. I have also recently launched the Neighbourhood Watch Volunteerism (NHWV) campaign. This NHWV campaign forms part of the Department's efforts to professionalise NHW's with the objective of enhancing the image of the programme and re-enforcing safety messaging and initiatives within communities. The introduction of our new brand shows our commitment to changing the old positioning and stigmas, as we take Neighbourhood Watches (NHW) into the future. The community volunteer safety structures are essential in the ght against crime. The have already demonstrated how effective they are in this regard. The 2017/18 crime statistics, shows that through their visibility and patrols in communities, property related crimes, which includes residential- and business burglary and the theft of-and out of a motor vehicle, were reduced by 6,8%. My hope is that we will see a further reduction, and by becoming active proponents of crime prevention, we can create safer neighbourhoods, and increase perceptions of safety in our areas.”

Youth Safety and Religious Partnership (YSRP) programme This is another agship partnership programme.

This annual YSRP-programme, which is implemented during the June/July and December/January holiday period, was rst piloted during 2012/13, and targets young people between the ages of 14 – 21 years. The YSRP ensures that young people are provided a safe space where they participate in activities, such as life skills awareness and education, sport, recreation and vocational training. Since the programme's inception, the Department has spent R29 131 285, partnered with 1205 approved institutions and reached 133 972 young people.

SAFETY ADVISORY COMMITTEE

Since the beginning of the year, I have hosted two Western Cape Provincial Safety Advisory Committee (PSAC) meetings. The committee, which is established in terms of section 25(1) of the Western Cape Community Safety Act (CSA), advises the Minister on strategies, policies, budgets and annual performance plans, issues relating to safety and security and any other matters arising from the implementation of the CSA. It meets on a quarterly basis. Minister Winde said: “We still have a long way to go to making this the safest province in the country. Noting the failures of the national government in addressing crime, I believe that a decentralised police service and an active community safety volunteer structure are our best tools to make a difference.”

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FREE STATE READY FOR THE Our Department forms part of Security Cluster whose preoccupation should center around ensuring that the people of Free State will be casting their votes within a free and fair environment as we approach the upcoming General Elections. We are once again ready, and rearing to intensify operations to clamp down on criminals and all forms of destruction so as to maintain the zero tolerance approach during that time. Of course, we will be partnering with other law enforcement agencies, including Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in particular aimed at maintaining law and order during the general elections. We would like to issue a stern warning to all those who might ď€ nd themselves intimidating others not to vote or removing posters of other political parties, that they will face full might of the law. Our forces will be deployed throughout all 110 police stations to police the elections both static and mobile in 1529 polling stations, hence we appeal to our people to responsibly execute their democratic right and in an orderly manner. Those with criminal intentions will face the repercussions of their actions. We also remain resolute that the saga of lawlessness normally demonstrated by some people before, during and after the elections will not be tolerated this time around. As joint forces, we will spare neither effort nor strength to bring all these habitual perpetrators to book.

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FORTHCOMING ELECTIONS

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North West Pre-Election

The South African General Elections will be held on the 08 May 2019, this follows the President of the Republic of South Africa, his Excellency Cyril Matamela Ramaphosa, pronounced the 08 May 2019 the sixth democratic general elections where millions of citizens will be marking their X to determine the future of this country. One of the founding values of The Republic of South Africa is universal adult suffrage, a national common voter's roll, regular elections and a multi-party system of democratic government, to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness. Section 19(3)(a) of the Constitution also states that every adult citizen has the right to vote in elections for any legislative body established in terms of the Constitution, and to do so in a secret. All these, emphasise the signiď€ cance of voting by citizens. The election process of ensuring free and fair elections is managed by the Chapter 9 institution known as Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). It is obvious that in order to ensure smooth running of National and Provincial elections which are held every ď€ ve years, the IEC need to work together with other government departments and state owned enterprises at all three spheres of government. Just to mention a few, they include South African Police Service (SAPS), South African National Defence Force (SANDF), ESKOM, Home Affairs and Correctional Services. These entities are among others responsible to ensure a safe and secure elections within the province through Provincial Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure (PROVJOINTS). As part of ensuring a safe and secure environment, the structure of which SAPS is one of the leading departments, has a mammoth responsibility among others, of establishing uncompromising security measures and limiting the impact of any critical incidents through planning. The readiness of the structure to secure elections was outlined by the Provincial Commissioner of North West, Lieutenant General Baile Motswenyane on Friday, 26 April 2019. She said during the parade attended by various role players of the structure and in which the MEC for Community Safety and Transport Management, Dr Mpho Motlhabane was the functionary, that although the role players will be working hard to ensure safety and security and enforce the law in terms of Section 205(3) of the Constitution, 1996, all participants especially voters and political parties conduct themselves properly and professionally because casting a vote is a

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Constitutional right that cannot be compromised due to security related issues. It is equally important to remind all voters and elections participants that the police will not tolerate any criminal activity. Daily deployments to deal with normal policing services will be done. The Provincial Commissioner, Lieutenant General Baile Motswenyane conrmed and advised that voting stations will be gun free. "This means that no rearms will

citizens voluntarily strengthen 25 years of constitutional democracy by doing what is expected of them and avoid unnecessary transgressions. It is with pride to mention that previous elections in the North West Province were successful and free of crime or any other thing that threatened safety and security. It is on this basis that there is no reason why the same thing cannot be achieved in the 2019 elections. This is mentioned despite violent community protests that have been experienced in SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

be allowed within the boundaries of the voting stations, and this includes licenced rearms," said the Provincial Commissioner. She also pointed out that in order to ensure safety and security and avoiding any risk, the provisions of the Firearms Control Act, 2000 will be applied. Voters and all other elections participants are urged to leave their rearms at home. Although the SAPS is there for safety and security, it is important that voters and

the province. SAPS as one of the leading departments in the structure and responsible for maintaining public order; is hopeful that those have unresolved service delivery related complaints or demands will prioritise this important exercise of afrming our democracy by casting their votes peacefully as opposed to inuencing people to embark on illegal and violent acts. This will not only be a positive sign of maturity in addressing issues, but also putting one's province and the country

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rst. The move will also instil condence in the citizens' tolerance and the ability to deal with issues in a non-violent and peaceful manner. While a proactive and peaceful approach is preferred, the structure is ultimately responsible to ensure that elections in the province are safe, secure, fair and free from any incident. The message is clear that any behaviour or action that threatens stability during elections will be dealt with effectively,

and dignity. As Province we are ready with the coming elections and having a broader team to the Prov Joint with all key stakeholders of government and State Entities. South Africa has made remarkable progress in the transition from apartheid to democracy. This transition has been peacefully despite the country's history of violent conict and dispossession. Government recognises and respects the right of

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within the ambit of the law and without any fear or favour. MEC for Community Safety and transport Management in his keynote address during the launch of Provincial Election State of Readiness mentioned that electoral process is one of the most signicant features of our democratic society. It is a right that we as South Africans fought long and hard for and it is therefore incumbent on all of us to exercise this hard won right with pride

every individual citizen to engage in peaceful protest and demonstration. However, we condemn unreservedly any acts of violence, vandalism and criminality committed under the guise of service delivery concerns. The mandate of the South African Police Service demands us to lead in the process of securing the elections and to allow all citizens of the Province to cast their democratic vote without fear nor intimidation. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


The safety and security of environmental activists is under threat, can the private security industry step up? By Matome Kapa, Attorney Centre for Environmental Rights mkapa@cer.org.za

I preface this article with a story about a resident from a village near Burgersfort, in Limpopo province. The area is surrounded by about 35 active mining and prospecting operations and people who live there often complain about the environmental, social and economic impacts of these operations. They often complain about the toxic chemicals from the mines polluting their rivers and streams and places the health of their communities in jeopardy. There is dust from the operations that causes respiratory illnesses and premature death. Community champions – those we often call activists are always in the in the frontlines raising their voices to protect their communities. The brave community rights activists I work with and who raise their voices to demand governmental oversight over mining operations face dangerous repercussions for exercising their rights. Unknown agents threaten, attack and even kill community activists. The activist in this story lives in Ga-Mampa village in Sekhukhune region in Limpopo province which has been continuously exploited by mining operations for some years now. The resident has a mine as a neighbor and since 2018, this mine has been expanding and has brought the activity within 500 meters of his home. The blasting, toxic dust, and noise pollution has eroded his family's home and their health. The mine did not consult with the community regarding the expansion of their operations – they community members were just surprised to see the mine moving closer and closer to their homes. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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In February of this year, the activist lodged a complaint on behalf of himself, his family and other community members to the Department of Mineral Resources in Pretoria. In the complaint he indicated that the mining operations are causing a destruction of their homes and placing their health and wellbeing in danger. The department conducted some investigations and found that the mine was in contravention of the law, as a result the department directed the mine to cease all mining operations until they comply with the law. The complaint and the consequent action by the department intensied the threats and intimidation acts towards the activist and his family as well as the burning of his house as well as its contents. On the night of Thursday, 11 April 2019, the activist's mother and nephews were in a house adjacent to his home when they noticed that the lights went out in his house and a massive re grew inside. His family managed to escape but the house and its contents were completely destroyed. The police came, but claimed they were unable to take any further action. Two days later on Saturday, 13 April 2019 at about 10pm, the activist's brother saw man wearing all black and carrying a rie rummaging around the remains of his home. The following night, the man in black was back again searching for the activist – it was only after the family called on other members of the community to come to the their aid that the man jumped the fence and disappeared. Despite this pattern of threat and violence, the police have not offered any additional security measures. His family almost lost their lives and their lives continue to be in danger. His life is in danger as there are people who will stop at nothing to nd and eliminate him. He and his family cannot their home because we must tend to our livestock and their means of making a living, however they live every day in fear of what new violence is waiting. The South African Constitution guarantees everyone a right to an environment that is not harmful to their health or wellbeing. The state [government] has an obligation to ensure that this right is protected and realised. The very same Constitution gives everyone a rights to freedom of expression and to peaceful assembly. These rights are key for communities facing injustices from mines to raise their grievances and demand compliance with the law and the protection of their health. Upholding these rights is critical for the survival of South Africa's young democracy. My organization, the Centre for Environmental Rights, has collaborated with groundWork, Human Rights Watch and Earthjustice to document many such incidents of human right abuses in mining-affected communities in South Africa. Our joint report, “’We know our lives are in danger’: Environment of Fear in South Africa’s

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Mining-Affected Communities”, reveals that threats, attacks, municipal harassment, and police violence are not isolated incidences. It also urges government and mining companies to take action to respect the rights of these activists and to protect them. Government needs to condemn the harassment and intimidation of activists. Local authorities must be directed to comply with the obligations in South Africa's Constitution to respect, protect and promote human rights. The government must, however, not only ensure that activists can peacefully protest; government ofcials must listen when they do. The Departments of Mineral Resources, Environmental Affairs and Energy need to guarantee that communities are adequately informed of the environmental risks they face from current and proposed mining operations, and adopt policies to regulate mining operations properly by holding companies accountable when they cause environmental degradation and endanger the health of communities. Activists need a lot of assistance to deal with these unlawful threats to their lives and health. For example the activist from Ga-Mampa needs nancial assistance to rebuild his home and restore its contents. He also needs assistance with upgrading the security of his home. His home home has already been violated three times by arson and intruders seeking his life, and despite all of this, the police have been able to do nothing to ensure the future safety for him or my family. While things are still intense, he needs to hire private security to watch for their safety at night and when we are most vulnerable. He needs to equip his home with locks, cameras, alarms, and a security gate. There are organisations such as Frontline Defenders, CIVICUS, Protect Defenders.EU and others that offer grants to activists in danger for various purposes including relocation and securing their homes. While these grants are extremely important and are effective in protecting activists and their families, the grants are often small and the costs of security are high. This is a space where the private safety and security industry can step in and be active promoters of South Africa's constitutional democracy. The private safety and security industry has been an important actor in providing alternative protection security services to a lot of afuent neighborhoods across South Africa that compliments the South African Police Services and ll in any gaps left. This can be done through specials arrangements between activists and the industry for the provision of security goods and services either at a discounted rate and/or in extreme cases on a 'pro-bono' basis. Matome Kapa Bio: Matome Kapa was born and raised in a small village in Limpopo. He is currently an attorney and head of the Activist Training & Support project at the Centre for Environmental Right and the national coordinator for the Mining and Environmental Justice Communities Network of South Africa (MEJCON-SA). Matome is a passionate advocate for community rights and environmental justice in mining. Some of his work includes providing environmental rights training to mining-affected communities in various parts of the country, and – using his criminal defense experience – secured the release of three activists in Burgersfort arrested unlawfully during a protest at a mine.

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CHILD SAFETY - SCHOLAR TRANSPORT Introduction

In pursuing the vision of its founder, the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund continues to work with different stakeholders in creating a safer, productive and nurturing environment where children can play, ď€ nd their voices and develop into their full potential. In the past few years we have seen an increase in the reporting of incidences that threatens the safety of children in homes, schools and public spaces. South African children feel threaten adults around their lives and there seem to be no hope and remedy for this. Access to quality education is not just a right that our children, in Mr Mandela's words: “educating all of our children must be one of our most urgent priorities. We all know that education more than anything else, improves our chances of building better livesâ€?.

Whose role is it to ensure the safety of children

Parents entrust the schools with the safety of their children when they sign a contract to enrol their children. The expectation from the parent is that the school community will keep the child safe while in their care. The numerous incidences of violence and brutality in schools and ECD centres have proved that this partnership is not working the way it's meant to. Parents seem to have abdicated their responsibility by not asking and demanding that schools and ECD centres are the places that nurture and develop the character of their children. The schools are places to impart knowledge and allow children to reach their potential. The schools have become so violent that in some schools learning and teaching does not happen as it's supposed to. There has been incidences where learners have killed the educators as well as the kill each other. It cannot be that as a society we are desensitised to accept this in our schools. We are all responsible to creating a safe and protective environment for leaning and teaching. Parents need to be more vigilant in terms of who the teachers and have discussion with their children. Recently there was social media frenzy about the ECD educator who was beating up Recently there was social media frenzy about the ECD educator who was beating up children. In the video the one child was beaten because she vomited. Any adult who is humane enough would know that a child does not vomit on purpose any human does not vomit deliberately. She may have eaten something that upset her stomach or she may be sick. We were disgraced by this behaviour for a moment, up in arms on social media about the incidents of these children being abused by an adult who is meant to care of them. In no time we have moved to a new event, the centre is closed the woman is arrested. We need to ask ourselves where are the children who endured the abuse in the place where they were meant to be nurtured and simulated to be ready for school?

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Who was meant to ensure that the employees in this centre and others are t to work with children? I can hear someone saying that its government's responsibility, which to some extent may be true that government has the responsibility to register the centre and ensure they meet the safety requirements. The owner of the centre, the parents of the children who attend this centre, as well the as the employees were trusted to protect the children. Our children live in fear and experience violence almost every day. In the baseline study put together by the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund in 2017 amongst 1000 learners in four provinces, shocking results were revealed: The majority of respondents (57%) were aware of a minimum of two forms of violence (category combinations), 32% were aware of bullying, 5% were aware of sexual, 4% were aware of physical and 2% were of corporal punishment. This means that most of the children are exposed to violence, which somehow explains the high incidents of violence involving our precious young people. As adults we have demonstrated the violent behaviour making it acceptable to resolve problems through violence. As a society we have not worked enough hard to create an environment that allows children to grow, we have not modelled a society that prioritise safety hence when an incident violence occurs in front of us we do not interfere or try help the victim. As the society we have normalised violence leading to a state where our children are unsafe even in places where they should be protected. In the years of working towards the safety of children, the Fund has learned that there are various factors that leave children vulnerable to violence in their everyday environment. Access to education has become deadly, literally and guratively for most children in South Africa. One of the major issue that threatens safety of children is when travelling between their homes and school or ECD centre. In urban and peri-urban areas the most common issues include reckless drivers who are inconsiderate of children walking to school and becomes difcult for children to cross the road. Scholar transport in these areas is also a major challenge. The transport is not effective or trustworthy and drivers do not care to ensure safety and the wellbeing of the children they transport. Parents are at the mercy of these inconsiderate drivers to bring their children back home in one piece. The vehicles transporting children are in mostly in a bad state and not roadworthy. The children are overloaded in these vehicles like animals going to the slaughter house. In the quest to give their children a good and quality education parents in townships have to expose their children to daily death traps that transport their children from the townships to 'better' schools in the City. The lack of good education across the country, especially in rural and peri-urban areas does not only put the children in danger it takes away the right to play. The children wake up as early as 5am to go to schools and return home after 17h00. By the time they get to school they are tired and their concertation is affected. Children are left in the mercy and trust of transport drivers who no one has vetted, to know if they are safe to work with children or not.

Imagine the rst child who is picked up by a driver at 5h00 in the morning what happens between the pick up the second child. The child may not report abuse because of fear and threats as it with most the case with the paedophile. Most parent do not take time to know who is with their child for the better part of the day. There are cases where parent do not even go out to see if the driver of the vehicle their child is going is the same person they have a verbal contract with. There are parents who only know the rst name of the driver, do not know where the driver lives. In rural and farming communities access to good education is a struggle due to the fact that schools are far from some of the villages. A thirteen-year-old girl was raped on her way to school in the Eastern Cape. The stranger waited for them on their way which goes through the forest. The child rights to safety was not only taken by the stranger, it is those who have not to provided access education with the ve (5) kilometre radius for each child. The children are forced to travel long distances which makes them vulnerable to various dangers such as wild animals, sex predators, robbers etc.

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Whose job is it to ensure that children are safe on their way to school or ECD centre Mr Mandela once said: “Safety and security don't' just happen, they are the results of collective consensus and public investment we owe our children, the most vulnerable citizens in our society a life free of violence and fear”. All adults have the duciary duty to protect and ensure that the future leaders of the country are safe and well taken care of, starting from the parents, the community, businesses, civil society and government. Parents entrust their children who are as young as two years to scholar transport drivers who are most of the time not vetted and sometimes drives taxis that are not roadworthy. As a result of desperation to try and secure transportation for their children, vetting and checking on the roadworthiness of the car tends to be the last thing on their minds. Even nding out the total number of children transported on a daily basis is an important factor to ensure that children are not overloaded. How many times do community members in general witness children packed like sardines in a scholar transport but have never reported it. The other question is, what is the role of businesses in ensuring the safety and wellbeing of children? Most of their employees are forced to live their children in an ECD centre in order for them to go to work to provide for their children. Some of them have no choice but to hire a scholar transport to take their children to an ECD centre. Work based ECD centres could decrease children's exposure to unsafe scholar transport, as they will be travelling with their parents to work. Parents need to observe their children's behaviour and listen and believe them when they tell them that something is wrong, when they refuse to go school or get into the scholar transport. It is important for parents to know who spend the day with their children, know if the school or the ECD centre has taken responsibility by vetting their staff. The vetting is not only limited to teachers it means everyone, from the support staff to the founder and manager of the centre. If in doubt, ask your local municipality for help they are the ones that register ECD centres if it's the school go to the department of education in your area. It is you right and responsibility as parent to ensure that the place where your child's opinion and character is developed is doing that not damaging him or her for life. Through the Fund's intervention and the work of its implementing partners has seen children in the Eastern and Western Cape receive transport from the Department of Education and the Department of Transport, leading to accredited transport and safer travelling for children in those communities. The Fund's work is made possible by the donations from funders, individuals and corporates. Our work spreads across the country and reaches even the most remote communities of our country. Any donation given makes a difference in the life of the child who has limited access to resources. To make a contribution to the work of to the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund and make a difference in a child's life please visit our website: https://www.nelsonmandelachildrensfund.com/donate1.html

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DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND SECURITY W he n on e t h i n ks abou t the environment little or no thought is given to the need to protect the natural world for present and future generations.

successful conservation history, our wildlife – both plants and animals – has attracted the interests of international criminal syndicates.

The Department of Environmental Affairs has been entrusted, through Section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, to ensuring all the people of this beautiful country have the right to an environment that is not harmful to their health or well-being, that the environment is protected for the benet of present and future generations through reasonable legislative means and other measures. These measures and laws should ensure that pollution and ecological degradation is prevented, conservation is promoted and that ecologically sustainable development and use of natural resources is secured while promoting justiable economic and social development.

Additionally, unchecked mining and construction, and dated industrial practices, continue to violate the rights of communities through, for example, air pollution, illegal construction, illegal sand mining, not conducting Environmental Impact Assessments, destruction of wetlands or sensitive environmental systems, failing to rehabilitate or clean up areas damaged during mining or related activities, or illegal disposal of hazardous waste.

Environmental management and crimes are managed through a number of laws and policies, including the National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998 and its associated measures related to biodiversity, integrated coastal management, air quality, protected areas and waste. Because South Africa is the third most mega-biological diverse country in the world with a

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It is therefore important that the Department, its entities – SANParks and the iSimangaliso Wetland Authority, as well as the nine provincial environmental departments, are able to ensure compliance with national environmental legislation, and international agreements guiding the use and protection of the environment. Most well-known is the Integrated Strategic Management Approach that was adopted by Cabinet in 2014 as a collaborative means to combat rhino poaching in South Africa. This Approach comprises four pillars, namely Compulsory Interventions, the management of rhino populations, long-term

sustainability and gamechanging interventions. Also prioritised has been information coordination and strengthening of partnerships with neighbouring countries, law enforcement authorities, as well as communities surrounding the country's national parks. Rhino poaching, alongside all wil dlife crime, remains a National Priority Crime. The strategic intervention and the National Strategy for the Safety and Security of Rhinoceros Populations, adopted in 2010, are presently under review to ensure that all actions being taken are relevant and effective. Poaching patterns appear to have changed in light of the successful implementation of our plans and operations in the Kruger National Park – the area that had borne the brunt of poaching since 2008. Because of this poaching in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape has increased considerably. Wildlife crime, including rhino poaching, is usually perpetrated by international criminal syndicates who prey on vulnerable individuals and communities to commit the crimes for them. These criminal syndicates are often linked to other cross-border crimes, including human trafcking and drug smuggling, thus the importance of addressing wildlife crime as part of a holistic approach to eradicating crime in

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South Africa, and the region as a whole. The rhino is a key member of the Big Five which contribute to largescale job creation in rural communities, and economic growth through eco-tourism. Without the rhino there will be no Big Five – the reason millions of people from all over the world travel to South Africa and many of our neighbouring countries every year. South Africa has already seen positive results through the implementation of the Integrated Approach. Most signicantly, there has been a decrease in rhino poaching in the past three years, alongside a signicant increase in the number of people being arrested for rhino poachingrelated offences. In 2018 the country saw a decrease in rhino poaching with 769 of these iconic animals killed for their horns during the year. This was a decrease of 259 rhino compared to 2017 when 1 028 rhino were poached, and was the rst time in 5 years that the annual gure was under 1000. From 1 January to 31 December 2018, a total of 365 alleged rhino poachers and 36 alleged rhino horn trafckers were arrested nationally. A total of 229

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alleged poachers were arrested inside and adjacent to the Kruger National Park, 40 more than the 189 arrested in 2017. During 2018, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) obtained convictions in 78 of the 82 cases that went to trial. This represents a 95.1% conviction rate. The 78 cases involved 135 accused, all of whom were convicted of rhino poaching and related matters and this translated into sentences of over 500 years imprisonment in respect of these guilty verdicts. On the other hand, elephant poaching is on the increase with 71 elephants being poached in the Kruger National Park and one in KwaZulu-Natal in 2018. Specic risk areas have been identied and strategies to address the threat are being adapted and implemented. Besides developing solutions for rhino poaching at the Rhino Lab in 2016, interventions such as the intensive protection zones and use of new and tried and tested technology, have been made. Technology developed by, amongst others, the CSIR is used to detect and track poachers, while the planning and execution of actions led by the rangers and supported by other role players are coordinated in Joint Operations Centres situated in various

parts of the country. Both government and private partners continue to explore digital technology security solutions as force multipliers with the aim of improving early detection measures on its high risk reserves. The Department's Green Scorpions have been regularly training ofcials based at ports of entry and exit across the country on matters pertaining to the illegal trade in wildlife, such as rhino horns and other parts and derivatives. During 2018, 909 SA National Defence Force (SANDF) members responsible for patrolling border lines between ports received training. Joint inspections and operations were also conducted at a number of border posts in collaboration with the Border Management Authority. The improved sharing of information between all law enforcement agencies has allowed for more focused prevention, effective investigations, and successes. On the long term, Biodiversity Management Plans have been developed for black and white rhino, while the National Rhino Research Strategy has been approved for implementation. Since the dismissal by the Constitutional Court in 2017, of the application by the Minister of Environmental Affairs to appeal the 2015 decision of the High Court of South

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Africa (Gauteng Division, Pretoria) to set aside the moratorium on the domestic trade in rhino horn, a total of 36 permits have been issued for the national trade in rhinoceros horns. One of the new amendments to the Norms and Standards for the marking of rhinoceros and rhinoceros and the hunting of rhinoceros for trophy hunting purposes, published for implementation on 21 September 2018, is the reporting of any rhinoceros mortality, irrespective of the cause of such mortality, as well as the theft of a rhinoceros horn, which must be reported to the permit issuing authority within 5 working days of discovering the death of such rhinoceros or the theft of such rhinoceros horn. Rhino owners and managers of farms where rhinoceros are kept have to ensure that they comply with the amended Norms and Standards. The revised Norms and Standards are being implemented and require, amongst others, the collection of DNA for genetic proling. The draft regulatory measures relating to trade in rhino horn are being nalised following public comment, and will regulate the sale and purchase of rhino horn within South Africa. It should be noted that the international trade in rhino horn is prohibited in terms of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). International cooperation remains a critical component of our overall response

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strategy (both at a regional and international level) to halt rhino poaching, and related wildlife crime. As South Africa we continue to engage countries where rhino horn seizures take place in order to request that samples of the rhino horn DNA be sent to South Africa for analysis in line with the CITES resolutions. This enables us to link these seized horns to poaching cases and live rhino or rhino horn stockpiles, thus providing key information to further support investigations and understand transit routes. Poaching of rhino is not the only environmental crime requiring security intervention. The Department's Environmental Management Inspectors, or Green Scorpions, have, in the past 12 years, given effect to Section 24 of the Constitution through a number of compliance and enforcement actions. The Green Scorpions comprise 2 973 ofcials who work in 18 entities, including the environmental

departments of national, provincial and local government, the Department of Water and Sanitation, and entities such as SANParks, iSimangaliso Wetland Park, Ezemvelo KZN Wildlife, CapeNature and Mpumlanga Parks and Tourism. These ofcials operate across the country, covering environmental compliance and enforcement in the green (biodiversity/protected areas), brown (pollution, waste, impact assessment) and blue (integrated coastal management) sub-sectors. Their task is to ensure the implementation of, and adherence to, specic pieces of national environmental legislation. Looking at the National Environmental Compliance and Enforcement Report for the 2017/18 nancial year a pattern emerges in relation to the most prevalent types of environmental crimes being detected countrywide. For the brown subsector, the unlawful commencement of environmental impact assessment listed activities continues to be the most common noncompliance, while in the green sub-sector, illegal hunting and illegal entry to national parks and other protected areas continues to be the predominant environmental crime. With regard to ensuring conformity in the industrial sector, proactive compliance monitoring and enforcement work continued in relation to priority sectors.

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These include the Ferro-Alloy, steel and iron sectors, reneries, power generation and identied landll sites. In addition to pursuing the criminal prosecution and conviction of offenders of biodiversity legislation, the Green Scorpions had also been involved in a number of proactive international and domestic projects/ initiatives that seek to improve the capacity of the EMIs to combat these types of offences. In support of Operation Phakisa: Oceans Economy, Green Scorpions from a range of institutions supported by other law enforcement and intelligence stakeholders, implemented a coordinated and integrated compliance and enforcement programme that focused on the monitoring and associated enforcement of Illegal, Unregulated and Unreported (IUU) shing activities. pollution activities, illegal efuent discharges, illegal structural developments within the terrestrial coastal zone, piracy, armed robbery at sea, human trafcking and smuggling, introduction of alien and invasive species through the ballast systems and all customs and excise requirements. Known as Phakisa Initiative 5, the operation was carried out in the Northern, Western and Eastern Cape, and KwaZulu-Natal for the third consecutive year. Until 31 March 2018, 32 joint operations were planned and executed. A total of 7 842 searches were conducted, 999 establishments were visited and 5 410 operational activities took place. Members were deployed for a period of 207 days, with conscations valued at more than R40, 4 million. Fines to the value of R215 220 were issued and 302 cases registered. Although the 2017/18 NECER indicates a decrease in the number of criminal dockets registered by the Green Scorpions, from 1 527 in 2016/17 to 1 257 in 1017/18, the number of dockets nalised and handed to the NPA for prosecution increased to 446. There was a 9.4% increase in the number of warning letters issued, alongside an increase in the number of notices issued which ensure that non-compliances are addressed and improvements to the environment are effected. The value of Section 24G administrative nes also increased to more than R10 million in the past year in respect of activities commenced with in the absence of the necessary environmental authorisations. The execution of the compliance monitoring function of the Inspectorate resulted in 4 210 facilities being inspected. Of these, 1 495 were reactive and were triggered by complaints. A total of 1 255 were based on environmental authorisations and permits, while 1 232 were considered routine inspections on prioritised sectors. In May 2018, the Green Scorpion participated Operation Thunderstorm. Four live sharks, a live pangolin, 700kg of abalone, ivory and rhino horn were seized, and 13 people were arrested for a range of illegal wildlife trade charges as part of South Africa's contribution to the global action. The INTERPOL Wildlife Crime Working Group had initiated the operation to target the people and networks behind cross-border wildlife crime. During the global operation INTERPOL announced that 1 974 seizures were recorded and 1 400 people arrested during investigations and searches in 92 countries during the month of May. In the same month, the Department of Environmental Affairs had hosted INTERPOL's Environmental Compliance and Enforcement Committee (ECEC) Advisory Board and the 23rd Pollution Crime Working Group (PCWG) meetings at Skukuza in the Kruger National Park. The PCWG network meets annually to discuss new and growing global concerns relating to pollution crime, share best practice, and develop strategies going forward. During the meeting, delegated had considered key trends and emerging threats linked to pollution crime, discussed challenges and opportunities in achieving effective enforcement against pollution crime, especially through international and multi-agency cooperation, and identied opportunities and risks associated with information and intelligence sharing, data management and analysis. The Pollution Crime Working Group, together with the Wildlife Crime Working Group (WCWG), the Forestry Crime Working Group and the Fisheries Crime Working Group (FCWG), support the ECEC and are responsible for the operational and tactical responses within INTERPOL in relation to environmental crime. These working groups focus specically on how to tackle crime in these areas. Taking the environment for granted is no longer an option. As the world moves towards greater action against climate change to ensure the survival of the human race, and the restoration of the abundance of the natural world, safety and security play a greater role. Without policing at our borders, of companies and state-owned entities, and even individuals, we would not be able to full our Constitutional mandate of ensuring a healthy environment for present and future generations.

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Government remains concerned about the disregard of our road rules by both motorists and pedestrians. The primary contributory factors in fatal crashes or serious injuries in South Africa include excessive speed, driving under the inuence of alcohol, fatigue, usage of electronic gagdets and nonwearing of seatbelts. Motor vehicles, light delivery vehicles and minibuses are amongst the leading three vehicle types highly involved in crashes, with pedestrians accounting of 50% of these crashes. This costs the country more than R14billion annually. In addition to our 365 Road Safety Campaign, with visible policing and tight law enforcement, we continue to seek partnerships of South Africans at large.

police recruits who have commenced training on the new higher-level qualication. The groundbreaking qualication is intended to produce a 21st century cadre of trafc ofcers who will be equipped in all aspects of trafc legislation, ethics and communication among others. The RTMC together with provincial trafc authorities have embarked on a consultation processes on the new code for trafc ofcers and all other law enforcement ofcers with a mandate to enforce trafc laws. We are also working closely with the Department of Basic Education to increase the rate in which we conduct road safety education and scholar transport activities throughout the country.

300 NEW TRAFFIC OFFICERS AND A NEW HIGHER LEVEL QUALIFICATION Given the increase in the number of road crashes and fatalities on our road, we have taken a decision to increase the number of law enforcement ofcers on public roads. Our efforts include declaring trafc law enforcement as an essential service. Through the Road Trafc Management Corporation (RTMC), we also have received 300 trafc

AARTO We now have come to the end of a lengthy process of the  n a l i z a t i o n o f t h e Administrative Adjudication of Road Trafc Offences (AARTO) Bill. AARTO seeks to effect an efcient road trafc management environment in the country to enhance a culture of compliance through a demerit point system.

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AARTO wants to make roads safe by: Ÿ Establishing a procedure for the effective and expeditious adjudication of infringements; Ÿ Alleviating the burden on the courts of trying offenders for infringements; Ÿ Penalizing drivers and operators who are guilty of infringements or offences through the imposition of demerit points leading to the suspension and cancellation of driving licences, professional driving permits or operator cards; and Ÿ Rewarding law-abiding behaviour by reducing demerit points if infringements or offences are not committed over a specic period In a nutshell, AARTO is being introduced to improve law abiding and safer driving behaviour in order to reduce road accidents.

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NATIONAL ROAD SAFETY STRATEGY Our goal in implementing the National Road Safety Strategy is rstly to stabilize and then reduce road trafc fatalities. This Strategy is implemented through a plan that is organized around a United Nations (UN) ve-pillar approach to improve road safety. The ve pillars are: Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ Ÿ

Road safety management; Infrastructure; Safe vehicles; Road user behaviour, and Post-crash response

The pillars which continuously require major attention are the road user behaviour and safe vehicles. By their nature, these pillars are dependable on road users and vehicle owners. In response to these, as government we are relentless in improving our road trafc laws, regulations and strategies. We will also continue unabated in inculcating a culture of road

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safety awareness and taking responsibility by road users. EBAT The EBAT system uses a machine that can read the amount of alcohol in a person's breath. It then produces a printout of the results which can be used as evidence that could lead to a court conviction. The rollout of the Evidential Breath Alcohol Test (EBAT) in December 2018/January 2019 to deal with drunk driving, has resulted in the Department managing to reduce crashes by two percent (2%) and seven percent (7%) for fatalities. We will be launching Evidential Breath Alcohol Testing Centres in Pietermaritzburg.

CORRUPTION Our focused attention on corruption resulted in the arrest of 17 ofcials implicated in the fraudulent issuing of learner licences and roadworthy certicates. The ofcials were arrested in Gauteng, KwaZulu Natal and Limpopo. In addition, four motorists were arrested in January this year on separate incidents in the Western Cape, Gauteng and Mpumalanga for trying to bribe trafc ofcials.

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LEGISLATIVE AND OTHER MANDATES 1. Constitutional Mandate

The IPID is guided by the principles set out in Chapter 11 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa that govern national security in the Republic. Section 198(a) of the Constitution provides that: “National security must reect the resolve of South Africans, as individuals and as a nation, to live as equals, to live in peace and harmony, to be free from fear and want to seek a better life.” Section 206(6) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa makes provision for the establishment of an independent police complaints body and stipulates that: “On receipt of a complaint lodged by a provincial executive, an independent police complaints body established by national legislation must investigate any alleged misconduct of, or offence committed by, a member of the police services in the province.”

2.

Legislative Mandates

2.1 Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) Act No.1 of 2011 The former Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) was established in 1997 in terms of chapter 10 of the SAPS Act No.68 of 1995, which pre-dates the 1996 Constitution, to promote consistent proper conduct by members of the SAPS

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and the MPS. The legal mandate of the ICD was primarily to investigate all deaths in police custody or as a result of police action, as well as criminal offences and serious misconduct alleged to have been committed by members of the SAPS and the MPS. The ICD functioned independently of the SAPS. The ICD was renamed the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The IPID Act No. 1 of 2011 gives effect to the provision of section 206(6) of the Constitution, ensuring independent oversight of the SAPS and MPS. The IPID resides under the Ministry of Police and functions independently of the SAPS. The IPID Act empowers the Directorate to focus primarily on identied priority crimes committed by members of the SAPS and the MPS. It compels the SAPS and MPS to report on matters prescribed hereunder. In terms of section 28 (1) of the Act, the Department is obliged to investigate: (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Any death in police custody Deaths as a result of police actions; Complaints relating to the discharge of an ofcial rearm by any police ofcer; Rape by a police ofcer, whether the police ofcer is on or off duty; Rape of any person in police custody; SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA


(f) (g)

(h)

Any complaint of torture or assault against a police ofcer in the execution of his or her duties; Corruption matters within the police initiated by the Executive Director, or after a complaint from a member of the public or referred to the Department by the Minister, MEC or the Secretary for the Police Service; Any other matter referred to the IPID as a result of a decision by the Executive Director or if so requested by the Minister, an MEC or the Secretary for the Police Service as the case may be.

Section 28 (2) further provides that the Directorate may investigate matters relating to systemic corruption involving the police. In terms of Section 30 of the IPID Act, the National Commissioner or the appropriate Provincial Commissioner must: (a)

(b)

(c)

within 30 days of receipt thereof, initiate disciplinary proceedings in terms of the recommendations made by the Directorate and inform the Minister in writing, and provide a copy thereof to the Executive Director and the Secretary; quarterly submit a written report to the Minister on the progress regarding disciplinary matters made in terms of paragraph (a) and provide a copy thereof to the Executive Director and the Secretary; and immediately on nalisation of any disciplinary matter referred to it by the Directorate, to inform the Minister in writing of the outcome thereof and provide a copy thereof to the Executive Director and the Secretary.

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BUDGET PROGRAMMES

To effectively and efciently deliver on our mandate, our activities and priorities are organized according to the following budget programmes: Ÿ Programme 1: Administration The purpose of this programme is to provide strategic leadership, management and support services to the Directorate. Ÿ Programme 2: Investigation and Information Management This programme coordinates and facilitates the Directorate's investigation processes, through the development of policy and strategic frameworks that guide and report on investigations. The Programme will also enhance efciency in case management and maintain relationships with other state security agencies, such as the South African Police Service, the National Prosecuting Authority, Civilian Secretariat for Police Service and community stakeholders, through on-going national and provincial engagement forums. Ÿ Programme 3: Legal Services The programmes exists to provide overall legal advice, guidance and support, manage the legal obligations and ensure Constitutional, Legislative as well as Regulatory compliance by the Directorate. This Programme provides support to the Directorate as a whole and to investigators in particular. Ÿ Programme 4: Compliance Monitoring and Stakeholder Management The purpose of this programme is to safeguard the principles of cooperative governance and stakeholder relations. Monitor and evaluate the relevance and appropriateness of recommendations made to the South African Police Service and Municipal Police Services in terms of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate Act, 2011.

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AGRI SECURITAS PROTECTS THE FARMING COMMUNITY The Agri Securitas Trust Fund has over the years allocated millions of rands to farmer associations to make their communities safer and to protect them against crime. Since 2017, more than 4 230 farmers and 51 600 farm workers have beneď€ ted from 43 security projects thanks to the money spent by the Trust Fund to make their communities safer. The work done by the Trust Fund in promoting farm safety also supports the objectives of the National Rural Saftey Strategy. Agriculture is a valuable sector in the South African economy and indispensable in terms of its contribution towards social welfare, local development and national stability. The continuing high incidence of crime in rural areas, especially the ongoing wave of attacks on farmers and farm workers, is seriously undermining the stabilising role that agriculture plays. After the Rural Safety Summit held on 10 October 1998, it was decided to establish the Agri Securitas Trust Fund to generate funds that could be used for rural protection projects within farmer association context. With the inception of the Trust Fund, former president Nelson Mandela expressed his support for the initiative. The Trust Fund is managed by a team of experts from agriculture and the public sector who accepted responsibility for handling the funds and the allocation thereof. Every farm attack is usually traumatic and extremely disruptive, and nothing can really prepare you for such an incident. What is positive, however, is the effort made by organisations such as the Agri Securitas Trust Fund across a wide front to address the situation. Statements issued about farm attacks and the handling thereof will always sound hollow to those who have been exposed to them, but the stance taken against farm attacks from various sides is at least a factor that unites a signiď€ cant section of the population, as does the role that the Trust Fund plays in keeping farming communities safer. The farming community alone can never be held responsible for combating crime. It remains the government's responsibility to keep its citizens safe; however, the threat to rural safety is such that the farming community must ensure their own safety.

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And yet, the community is not alone in the ght against farm crime. With an ally like the Agri Securitas Trust Fund, farmers continue to make plans to safeguard themselves. The Trust Fund has over the years contributed nancially to rural security systems at farmer association level, including the installation of camera and communication systems, the erection of booms, the provision of rural protection equipment such as night vision cameras, drones and even trauma counselling. The farming community, in conjunction with the Trust Fund, devises plans to help safeguard themselves and their workers against farm attacks, as in the case of Hartbeesfontein farmers in North West and the Albany Bathurst district agricultural union in the Eastern Cape. Both these areas are affected, among others, by stock theft, home burglaries, armed robberies and farm attacks. Rural safty plans have been developed to help prevent crime with the assistance of the police. Camera systems funded partly by the Trust Fund are used to monitor the movement of vehicles in the area. The cameras, which are continuously monitored by a control room, provide a permanent observation capacity across the entire area. Cooperation between the police and the rural community of Hartbeesfontein and Albany Bathurst has led to many successes. Crime is combated proactively, with the focus on problem areas as well as crimes regarded as a priority by the community. During the time since the camera system was installed in the Albany Bathurst area, the community has succeeded in providing the police with information in various cases where suspicious vehicles were involved. The police can use this information to mount road blocks, with suspects being arrested as far as Gauteng. The Hartbeesfontein cameras also monitor veld res, while civil unrest can be dealt with more effectively. In Greytown in KwaZulu-Natal, cameras funded partly by the Trust Fund are also used with great success in monitoring the movement of vehicles in the area. The information obtained from the cameras is stored on a national database, thus creating a national network of information to track criminal elements. The system is highly effective in tracing stolen and suspicious vehicles. It also helps in identifying cloned number plates. As soon as suspicious vehicles are identied, the information is relayed to the police who then launch the necessary actions. Kobus Visser

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A concept of celebrating accomplishments with regards to your contact centre solutions, offering services that are tailored for growth and sustainability and in full alignment with safety and security in your sector respectively.

A CONTACT CENTRE FOR THE PEOPLE Zailab was founded in 2014 by banking system developer and philanthropist Nour Addine Ayyoub. His vision was to change the conversation around contact centres – seen by many as gloried phone-call factories – and bring much-needed humanity back to the industry. Contact centres have historically been seen as expensive enterprises. Capital costs such as rent, equipment and infrastructure are the biggest roadblocks standing in the way of small businesses wanting to make an impact in the market. Ayyoub and his team embraced new technology, particularly the shift towards the cloud and omnichannel, to replace the old mindset of overly complex spaghetti systems with something fresh, and purpose-built for a thoroughly modern industry that would be both inexpensive and easy to set up. With Zailab, small businesses can eliminate capital costs and do away with the need for brick-and-mortar infrastructure entirely – by operating their entire contact centre digitally. And because Zailab's entire feature-set is cloud-based, agents and satellite ofces can access the platform remotely – from anywhere in the world. The cloud-based contact centre solution was also designed to grow as the business grows, helping smaller ventures to become the future enterprises of tomorrow. This is because unlike other software models that require contracts, license fees or installation costs, Zailab is entirely consumption-based, which means businesses only pay for the features they use, when they actually use them. Zailab's consumption-based pricing model has a further, more far-reaching effect. By allowing business owners to keep costs down, it promotes the growth of small homebased contact centres. In 2017, Ayyoub set out to prove it was possible to operate a contact centre in one of the Western Cape's most outlying community, Delft, which could be run by residents of the community. Plans were drawn up and meetings scheduled with stakeholders, including the Zoë Incubation Centre and Home of Compassion Ministries, run by Pastor Charles George, which employs and upskills residents in an effort to alleviate unemployment in the area. SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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One year later, the community-based contact centre opened its doors, outtted with custom-designed workpods and furniture created in-house by the Zailab industrial design team, with computers from which agents can access Zailab's cloud-based solution. 'Cloud-based technology has changed the way contact centres do business,' explains Ayyoub. 'With Zailab's solution, anyone can set up a contact centre anytime, anywhere – all that's needed is an Internet connection.’ He explains that with Zailab's consumption-based pricing model, clients are charged per transaction, not per seat. 'You only pay for the features you use. There are no licence fees. No start-up costs. Businesses of any size can access the software without huge capital outlay and the risk of long-term contracts. The contact centre saves on their bottom line and the agents save on travel costs.’ The aim of the project was to train and employ agents from the community, creating much-needed employment, and enabling resident agents to go into business for themselves as home-based agents instead of having to travel long-distances into the CBD. Being able to work closer to or even from home, reduces congestion on the roads, prevents road accidents and allows parents to be closer to their families. It also reduces the risk of occupational health and safety issues. 'With our blueprint, we will in effect have created a huge agent marketplace from one incubation centre,' says Ayyoub. 'Imagine if we could replicate this model in any rural area that is overpopulated and riddled with high unemployment. The social advantage is that agents can work closer to home. It results in massive job creation and community upliftment,' says Ayyoub. Ayyoub believes Zailab has made operating a contact centre accessible to the mass market, giving small countries like South Africa the potential to nally compete with big outsource markets like the Philippines, which is known as the call centre capital of the world. 'Zailab wants to disrupt the way people think about contact centres and make a huge social impact while we do it. This is the future I want for the contact centre,' he says. In recognition for its efforts, Zailab was awarded two Frost & Sullivan Visionary Innovation Leadership Awards and a Best Practice Award, a Finances Online Great User Experience Award and was included in Call Centre Helper's Top 10 Contact Centre Technology Awards 2018. For more information visit www.zailab.com

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ICT-Works is an organisation that not only provides innovative technology solutions. At the core, it enhances the lives of millions of people, making things easier every day. It impacts lives by pushing boundaries to innovate technological rsts from public transport to the nancial sector. The ICT-Works story is an inspiring journey that continues to grow and evolve with each innovation and contribution to its industry. It's a story of bravery, mobility and forward thinking. The story began as an audacious dream when Xoliswa Kakana founded the company in 1999 with nothing more than an idea and her mother's pension pay-out. Fuelled by an unshakable passion for technology, Xoliswa took her vision and shaped it into a business that stands toe-to-toe with the largest players in the ICT world today. As a 100 percent black woman owned entity, ICT-Works has over the years, evolved to become a leader in the ICT industry in South Africa and has expanded its service offering to clients in the African region. ICT-Works offers numerous ICT services, namely, Transportation technology solutions such as the development and implementation of Automated Fare Collection Systems and Intelligent Transport solutions as well as Fleet Management solutions for transit authorities. The solutions are fully compliant with the South African National Department of Transport (NDOT) transit regulations, Europay, MasterCard and Visa (EMV) payment standards. ICT-Works, together with its global partners, has delivered to the Transport for Cape Town, the City of Cape Town's transit authority, the MyCiTi Automated Fare Collection (AFC) Solution, which has been operational since 2012. ICT-Works has since increased the system's functionality through the addition of more features that are aimed at improving the travel experience of the commuters, such as a transit product known as the “Job Seeker” that has been designed to ensure that qualifying people travelling for purposes of seeking employment are able to make use of the MyCiTi services without having to pay for travel. Further, this service has been expanded to include more vehicles and stations within the city and surrounding areas. In the agship CoCT AFC project, ICT-Works has successfully delivered multiple stations and software rollouts (known as Go-Lives) in line with the client's requirements thus enabling service delivery for the benet of the travelling masses.

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Although the MyCiTi Automated Fare Collection systems was successful at a technical and operational level, but because ICT-Works along with its international counterparts, processes, transmits and stores payment card data, it has had to adhere, comply and main stringent requirements and compliance with from the, Payment Card Industry Data Security Standard (PCI DSS) to ensure that cardholders data is protected, and fraud is avoided. The Payment Card Industry Data Security is an international data security standard that protects the condentiality of payment card information against theft. The PCI has been mandated by card brands such as Visa, MasterCard and American Express and administered by the Payment Card Industry Security Standards Council. The standard was formed to increase controls around cardholder data to reduce credit card fraud. As of 2006, large corporates are PPCI DSS compliant and the acquirers of this compliance are responsible in ensuring that merchants of all sizes, are compliant. This includes service providers, processors merchants, acquirers and issuers but also any company that stores, processes or transmits cardholder data. The PCI council has created a network of franchises to assist merchants with their compliance. This compliance can be done by a Qualied Security Assessors / Auditors (QSAs). There are four levels that the QSA's base their compliance. Level 1 are for merchants with more than 6,000,000 MasterCard or Visa transactions per year. At this level, a complex audit must be performed by a Qualied Security Assessor. Level 2 is for merchants with more than 1,000,000 MasterCard or Visa transactions per year. Level 3 is for merchants with more than 20,000 MasterCard or Visa e-commerce transactions per year and Level 4 is for all other merchants. For levels 2 to 4 Self-Assessment Questionnaire (SAQ) can simply be completed. However, there are various levels of SAQ and these need to be clearly understood. Organisations that manage a vast number of card transactions are required to validate their compliance annually or quarterly. The PCI Data Security Standard has specied twelve compliance requirements and grouped these requirements into six groups. These six groups are 1. Build and Maintain a Secure Network and Systems, 2. Protect Cardholder Data, 3. Maintain a Vulnerability Management Programme, 4. Implement Strong Monitor and Test Networks and 6. Maintain an Information Security Policy.

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Achieving and attaining the PCI DSS compliance should not be a challenge but careful attention is required. There are challenges that the PCI DSS Compliance has created, however with every challenge, there is a solution to overcoming them. The PCI DSS standard consists of numerous requirements which all need to be met to achieve compliance and having an experienced certied ASV and QSA plays a vital role in ensuring that all these requirements are met. Unlike other industry standards and regulations, the PCI DSS is much more complex and technical. It is imperative that when choosing a consulting company to validate compliance, the one with extensive knowledge of security technology be selected. There is a lot of organisational pressure from top management that required certication urgently and this can lead to poor implementation and the misuse0 of data information could result in much greater damage than hefty nes. It then becomes very important that companies avoid sourcing their own auditors but instead rely on proven PCI expertise to help work through the compliance process. Corporates should also avoid putting an auditor in charge of PCI compliance unless they have signicant and specic PCI knowledge and experience. Organisations also need to understand that PCI is on going and should not fall into the “annual check point” but instead treat the PCI compliance as a continuous process.

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5

THINGS

YOU NEED TO KNOW ABOUT

PREPAID WATER

by Marcus Thulsidas Director: Business Development, Utility Systems

You already know that we live in a water-stressed country, receiving an annual rainfall of 492mm, while the rest of the earth receives 985mm. In addition, cautions the WWF, 98% of South Africa's water has already been allocated to users, leaving little surplus water to cater for a growing population and increasing demand. In this context, could it be that prepaid water – like prepaid electricity – is the answer to more sustainable water consumption and management? Well, we at Utility Systems believe it is. But there are 5 important things that South Africans need to know about installing prepaid water meters.

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1

What is 'prepaid water'?

Prepaid water means that the consumer purchases water credit in the form of a prepaid water token. When entered into the User Interface Unit (located in the consumer's home), the token instructs the water management device to allow a certain amount of water through the meter before closing. Consumers can track usage, load credit remotely, and decrease the possibility of bill shock due to leakages or incorrect monitoring. A prepaid water meter can also be used to limit water owing to a particular area. This helps municipalities and property owners to control the amount of water used at certain outputs and prevents wastage in low-income households that can't afford to pay for excess use of this basic need. They can make payment in smaller, frequent increments. This prevents their falling into debt, which can compound in a post-paid arrangement.

2

Who can access it?

This is completely dependent on the municipality. So even if you're feeling inspired to install a smart water management device to enable prepaid water, you may not be able to – based on where you live or work. That being said, most municipalities are beginning to embrace prepaid water management technology. So it may just be a waiting game. To nd out your eligibility for prepaid water, it's wise to approach your municipality and ask. If you have a garden cottage, however, you can add an additional meter and smart water management device to the building, to ensure that your tenants don't rack up huge bills in your name - and then refuse to pay, or leave.

3

How does it affect rental properties and body corporates?

The implications for rental properties and body corporates are signicant. Prepaid metering reduces admin to a minimum, while removing the risk and frustration of late or non-payment of water bills. This is why housing estates are swiftly moving to prepaid water, as they did with prepaid electricity. Gone are the days of splitting the entire estate's water bill by the number of units. Prepaid metering means that users pay for their consumption only. If you're a developer or estate body corporate, visit the Ultility Systems website where you'll nd a list of approved distributors.

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4

What's in it for municipalities?

Prepaid systems are cost-effective solutions to sustainable water management in that they have a low cost of acquisition and, by curbing water usage, capital recovery is possible within months. The systems are also able to distribute water equally, based on free water quotas, water balancing and uctuating demand. Aside from their ability to alert municipalities to leaks, prepaid water meters also drastically reduce government's admin costs. This is because municipalities don't need to chase bad debts or budget for legal fees on unpaid accounts. Public sector cash ow is immediately improved. Collecting data from prepaid meters is also more efcient than the manual collection required for post-paid meters. A radio link receiver can be xed, vehicle-mounted, or carried by municipality personnel.

5

Is prepaid water cheaper?

No – this is a myth. Prepaid and post-paid water cost exactly the same. (It is illegal to sell municipal water above the municipal tariff rate declared.) That being said, prepaid water gives consumers the opportunity to monitor their consumption and react immediately to possible leaks. The bottom line? Even the simplest smart water management device can provide the tools to track and control water usage. Prepaid water meters are smart tools with the potential to revolutionise water conservation efforts and revenue management worldwide. But it'll be a while before every South African household is able to benet from this enormous potential.

About Utility Systems

For more information about Utility Systems, visit www.utility-systems.co.za

Utility Systems is a proudly South African company and global leader in providing smart solutions for the responsible management of the world's most valuable resource, water. Established in 2001, the company offers the latest in smart, next generation digital technology for water metering with an international customer base. Utility Systems encourages the protection of water through the production of innovative water management systems to ensure customers have the best technology available to meet the needs of the communities they serve. In 2018, Utility Systems earned Frost & Sullivan's Competitive Strategy Innovation and Leadership Award in Sub-Saharan Africa for the smart water management solutions market. Utility Systems is part of Sebata Holdings Limited.

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Reshebile Aviation & Protection Services (Pty) Ltd Bradford Corner Building, No 2 Bradford Road, Bedfordview, 2007 , www.reshebile.co.za RAPS : 086 111 RAPS (7277), Corporate Office : +27 (11) 616 0134, Fax: +27 (11) 616 0315, Email : info@reshebile.co.za


Reshebile Aviation & Protection Services (Pty) Ltd Bradford Corner Building, No 2 Bradford Road, Bedfordview, 2007 , www.reshebile.co.za RAPS : 086 111 RAPS (7277), Corporate Office : +27 (11) 616 0134, Fax: +27 (11) 616 0315, Email : info@reshebile.co.za


Reshebile Aviation & Protection Services (Pty) Ltd Bradford Corner Building, No 2 Bradford Road, Bedfordview, 2007 , www.reshebile.co.za RAPS : 086 111 RAPS (7277), Corporate Office : +27 (11) 616 0134, Fax: +27 (11) 616 0315, Email : info@reshebile.co.za


Reshebile Aviation & Protection Services (Pty) Ltd Bradford Corner Building, No 2 Bradford Road, Bedfordview, 2007 , www.reshebile.co.za RAPS : 086 111 RAPS (7277), Corporate Office : +27 (11) 616 0134, Fax: +27 (11) 616 0315, Email : info@reshebile.co.za


Experience, technology prowess and professionalism combine to make Sparks & Ellis an industry leader Specialising in complete uniform solutions, Sparks & Ellis offers a head-to-toe quarter-mastering service. Sparks & Ellis is the oldest, most trusted and leading supplier of uniforms and accessories in South Africa with ofces in Cape Town, Gauteng, KZN and Port Elizabeth. Unusually, Sparks & Ellis is one of the few suppliers to have its own factory – K-Way Manufacturers (also part of the Cape Union Mart Group) - and prides itself on the fact that all uniform garments are manufactured in South Africa. Where possible, local fabrics are also preferred and sourced. The company was established in the early 1930s, and bought in 1967 by Cape Union Mart. Sparks & Ellis is now owned by Cape Union Mart Group (70%) and Thebe Investment Corporation, the empowerment partner has 30%. It is one of the few suppliers of uniforms to have an Empowerdex rating of AAA+ - Level 1 contributor – 135% procurement recognition. MD Sue de Wet says: “We focus on using technology to streamline our business processes as far as possible. Our on-line order system allows clients to access full history per person as well as 13 months nancial history by account. We also have our own in-house design studio which allows us to develop unique products and ensure consistency in terms of quality and t.” In developing technologically advanced products, Sparks & Ellis offers uniforms and equipment for clients in the Security, Trafc, Fire and Rescue, Ambulance, Law Enforcement, and Corporate sectors. Sue de Wet adds: “We strongly maintain that the quality of the company is equal to the quality of its people." Sparks & Ellis has a dedicated group of long serving staff members who take responsibility very seriously and are often commended on their high levels of service excellence. Staff stay with Sparks & Ellis for an average of 18 years and this is attributed to the company not only offering a nice place to work, but an empowering one too. The company invests hundreds of thousands of Rands every year in training its people and allowing them the opportunity to upskill themselves. “We also help them with travel assistance if they cannot get to their classes or arrange for the classes to be given in the ofce. We do what we can to help,” says Sue, who herself has been with the company for 40 years, so perhaps it could be said that she's setting a good example in every way. www.sparks.co.za For more information and prices, please contact Sparks & Ellis: 021 404 1240 I info@sparks.co.za

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CEO - Sue de Wet SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

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New CEO takes the

FEDHASA helm

The Federated Hospitality Association of Southern Africa (FEDHASA) has announced the appointment of Lee Zama as its new Chief Executive Ofcer (CEO). Zama, who is the rst female CEO appointed at FEDHASA, has taken up the position as of 1 March 2019. FEDHASA is the body representing hospitality industry role-players, and is recognised by government as the voice for the South African hospitality industry. The association turns 70 this year. “With this rich history, the association has consistently served its members and the industry at large. It is a great opportunity for me to drive this organisation towards an even greater future. It is a privilege that my career objectives are complementary to those of FEDHASA. I am looking forward to being of service,” Zama says. With over 25 years of experience in senior and executive management, Zama has a wealth of knowledge in the hospitality, food and facilities services elds. She has lled a variety of leadership roles during her career, in which she has demonstrated the necessary skills to lead FEDHASA.

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“We believe that we have secured the services of a talented and dynamic CEO, in Lee Zama and we look forward to Lee taking control of FEDHASA's recently adopted strategic objectives in our drive to secure additional new and exciting benets for all of our members,”, says Jeff Rosenberg, FEDHASA National Chairperson. “In addition, on behalf of the Board, I would like to thank our outgoing CEO, Tshifhiwa Tshivhengwa, for all that he brought to FEDHASA during his term and to wish him continued success in his new role as CEO of the Tourism Business Council of South Africa (TBCSA).” Zama aims to drive strategic objectives recently adopted by the FEDHASA board. “These include the holistic adoption of an approach that encompasses consolidation and strengthening representation across the tourism industry and beyond, and to ensure an all-inclusive path to future growth,” Zama explains. Zama began her career in the hospitality industry, working in operations and sales development within the catering sector, and has served on the BEECA cleaning association board. “My recent experience serving on a cleaning association as strategic partnership committee leader, investment committee member as well as the wage negotiations committee member, has placed me in good stead in the holistic understanding of membership mandates and the serving thereof,” Zama adds. Zama has extensive experience building and leading teams to success, and enjoys helping people towards their goals. In her free time, she is a keen golfer and avid traveller.

About FEDHASA National FEDHASA is recognised and respected by government and all industry role players since 1949 as the prime representative and voice for the South African Hospitality Industry. The association aims to ensure a sustainable and protable business environment for the Hospitality Industry as a private business sector voice. For more information on FEDHASA or media queries, contact:

Issued By

Positive Dialogue Communications

On Behalf Of

FEDHASA National

For Further Information Contact

Jaylene W illiams

Tel

(021) 461 5108

E-Mail

jaylene@positivedialogue.co.za

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SA Women in Sport: 1994 – 2018 Achievements Name

Surname

Sporting Code Year

Event

Liezel

Huber

Tennis

2007 Women's Tennis: Co-World No 1 in Doubles with Cara Black. 2010 Became the sole No 1.

Mariaan

De Swardt

Tennis

1999 Grand Slam 2000

Comments

Won 2 Grand Slam titles in mixed doubles competitions.

1998 WTA Singles Charlene Wittstock

Swimming

2007 Sydney Olympic Games

Represented SA at the Sydney Olympics, with her team finishing fifth in the 4 x 100m medley relay

Chanelle

Tennis

2001 Winner May Jun Jul

ITF Singles - Final

2004 Winner Feb Nov

ITF Singles - Final

2007 2009 2010 2011

ITF Singles - Final ITF Singles - Final ITF Singles - Final The Guangzhou International Women's Open is a tennis tournament held in Guangzhou, People's Republic of China.

Scheepers

Winner Winner Winner Winner

2013 Winner

The Internationaux de Strasbourg (formally known as the Strasbourg Grand Prix) is a professional women's tennis tournament held in Strasbourg, France. It is an International-level outdoor event of the WTA Tour played on clay courts.

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Name

Surname

Sporting Code Year

Event

Chanelle

Scheepers

Tennis

2001 Winner of ITF Double 2003 events 2004 2006 2007 2009 2010

Natalie

Grandin

Tennis

2002 Won the WTA Finals 2005 2008

Comments

Won 2 Grand Slam titles in mixed doubles competitions.

1999 Winners of WTA 2000 Finals - Doubles 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 Caster

Semenya

Athletics

2012 London Olympic Games Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 800 m 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games 2009 World Championships Berlin 2011 Daegu 2017 London

Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 800 m Bronze medal – third place 1500 m

2018 Continental Cup Ostrava

Gold medal – first place 800 m Silver medal – second place 400 m Silver medal – second place Mixed 4x400 m

2018 Commonwealth Games Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 1500 m Gold Coast

SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

2015 African Games 2018 Brazzaville 2016 Asaba Durban

Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 400 m Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 800 m Gold medal – first place 1500 m Gold medal – first place 4x400 m relay

2008 2016 2017 2018

Gold medal – first place 800 m Sportswomen of the year

World Jnr Championships Bydgoszcz SA Sports Awards

2017 SA Sports Awards 2018

People's Choice

2018 SA Sports Awards

Sports star of the year

2016 SA Sports Awards

International Accomplishment

2015 SA Sports Awards

Ministers Excellence

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Name

Surname

Sporting Code Year

Tatjana

Schoenmaker Athletics

Hestrie

Cloete

Athletics

Event

Comments

2018 Commonwealth Games Won gold medals in women's 800m breaststroke and the women's 200m breaststroke. 2004 Athens Olympic Games Silver medal – second place High jump 2000 Sydney Olympic Games Silver medal – second place High jump 2003 World Champs – Paris

Gold medal – first place High jump

2001 Edmonton

Gold medal – first place High jump

1998 Commonwealth Games Gold medal – first place High jump Kuala Lumpur 2002 Commonwealth Games Gold medal – first place High jump Manchester 1995 All Africa Games Harare 1999 All Africa Games JHB

Gold medal – first place High jump Gold medal – first place High jump

1998 African Championships Gold medal – first place High jump Dakar Gold medal – first place High jump 2002 Tunis Gold medal – first place High jump Brazzaville 2004 SA Sports Awards Ashleigh

Moolman

Sportswoman of the year Major wins Stage races Auensteiner–Radsporttage (2015, 2016) One day races

Athletics

National Road Race Championships (2012–2015, 2019) National Time Trial Championships (2013–2015, 2017) Boels Rental Hills Classic (2013) La Classique Morbihan (2017) Grand Prix de Plumelec-Morbihan Dames (2017)

Geraldine Pillay

Athletics

2014 SA Sports Awards 2015

Sportswomen of the year

2015

Ministers: Excellence Awards

2008 African Championships Bronze medal (4x100 metres relay) 2006 2006 African Championships - Silver medal 2004 (200 metres) 2004 African Championships - Bronze medal (100 metres), gold medal (200 metres) 2006 Commonwealth Games 2006 Commonwealth Games - Silver medal (100 metres), bronze medal (200 metres)

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Name Ilse

Surname Hayes

Sporting Code Year Paralympics

Event

2008 Beijing

Paralympic Games Gold medal – first place - Long jump F13

2012 London

Gold medal – first place - Long jump F13

2008 Beijing

Silver medal – second place - 100 m T13

2012 London

Silver medal – second place - 100 m T13

2016 Rio de Janeiro 2016 Rio de Janeiro

Silver medal – second place - 100 m T13 Silver medal – second place - 400 m T13

2004 Athens 2002 Lille 2011 Christchurch 2011 Christchurch

Bronze medal – third place - 400 m T13 IPC World Championships Gold medal – first place - 400 m T13 Gold medal – first place - 100 m T13 Gold medal – first place - Long jump T13

2013 Lyon 2015 Doha 2015 Doha

Gold medal – first place - Long jump T13 Gold medal – first place - 100 m T13 Gold medal – first place - 200 m T13

2013 Lyon

Silver medal – second place - 100 m T13

2002 Lille

Bronze medal – third place - 100 m T13

2006 Assen 2006 Assen

Bronze medal – third place - 200 m T13 Bronze medal – third place - 400 m T13

2011 Christchurch

Bronze medal – third place - 200 m T13

2015 SA Sports Awards 2016 2017

Sportswomen of the year with Disability

2006 Women's African Football 2012 London Olympics

South African women's footballer who was named Player of the Championship at the 2006 Women's African Football Championship. She represented the South Africa women's national football team at the 2012 London Olympics. She became the first African player to score 100 international goals. Sportswoman of the year.

2007 SA Sports Awards Elana

Meyer

Football

1994 Victoria 1999 Johannesburg 1992 Belle-Bue 1993 Durban 1994 Oslo 1998 Uster

SAFETY & SECURITY JOURNAL SA

Comments

Commonwealth Games Silver medal – second place - 10,000 m All-Africa Games Silver medal – second place - 5,000 m African Championships Gold medal – first place - 1,500 m Gold medal – first place - 1,500 m World Half Marathon Championships Gold medal – first place - Half-Marathon Silver medal – second place - Half-Marathon

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