Quinoa & the southern highlands: Production and food securuty by Hivos Sud América

Introduction Bolivia, a democratic country located in South America, is the world’s second largest quinoa produceri. A culturally and ethnically diverse country that is home to close to 11 million inhabitants, Bolivia can be characterized as predominantly urban, as close to 70 percent of the population lives in cities. The remaining 30 percent of people who reside in rural areas are primarily dedicated to agricultural labors. The country’s economy is mainly sustained by extractive industries and the exportation of natural resources (minerals and natural gas). Agriculture generates about 10 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP)ii and although only five percent of the country’s land is apt for agriculture, the sector employs close to 40 percent of the economically active population (EAP).iii Agricultural activities can be categorized by two types of production: (i) large scale, intensive and mechanized farming, and (ii) small scale, family-based, subsistence farming. Large scale agricultural activities are primarily concentrated in the lowlands where the large beef operations are located…The second type of agricultural production is found in the valleys and highlands of Bolivia and are founded on subsistence based farming models. Family farms are small and produce basic food basket items. Approximately 83 percent of rural families are involved in this type of farming though they only occupy 23 percent of the total cultivated surface. Primary crops include potatoes and other root vegetables, quinoa, other

grains, beans and green vegetables, all of which are complementary to small scale husbandry that revolves around raising llamas, pigs, sheep and cattle.iv Despite having a scantly diversified economy, Bolivia led the economic development of Latin America in 2014, with a 5.5 percent GDP growth.v Notwithstanding, Bolivia portrays high social inequality and a great divide between rich and poor.vi Studies show that approximately 45 percent of the population is characterized as poor.vii and marked by significant nutritional deficiencies.viii In recent years, the Plurinational State of Bolivia has taken significant steps to reduce the economic divide in the country, reflected by a growth of the Bolivian middle class.ix It has also invested in efforts geared towards generating food security. The country has reached important milestones in hunger eradication and the fight against malnutrition.x It is also one of few countries around the world that has recognized the right to food within its Constitution. Complementary government policies have also led to the adoption of subsidies and cash transfer programs that have improved citizen’s access to nutritious food, especially among low income groups. It is important to highlight however that there is still much work to be done in relation to eradicating food insecurity and truly guaranteeing the right to food in Bolivia. In 2014, the United Nations Organization for Food and Agriculture (FAO) registered that approximately 20 percent of the Bolivian population suffers from malnutrition.xi This means that today, one of every five people do not have an adequate nutritional intake to live an active and healthy life.

In recent years, Bolivia – like other countries around the world – has been affected by rising food prices. Considering approximately 45 percent of people in Bolivia live in poverty,xii food price inflation significantly affects people’s capacity to acquire and consume sufficient, appropriate and nutritious food. In this light, it is important to highlight that: The access to nutritious food is a fundamental dimension of food security…Fruit and vegetables are the natural sources of micronutrients, and in developing countries the daily consumption of fruits and vegetables is only 20

to 50 percent of what is recommended by the FAO and the World Health Organization (WHO).xiii In its efforts to generate greater food security around the world, FAO invests in agricultural projects and initiatives while also supporting the efforts of governments to develop agricultural research and investment portfolios. Within this framework, 2013 was known as the International Year of Quinoa (IYQ). The purpose of this event, according to FAO, was to center world attention on the role that quinoa’s biodiversity and nutritional value can play in food security around the world.xiv Quinoa stands out for serving as a good source of quality proteins, dietary fiber and polyunsaturated fats and minerals.xv Today, quinoa is considered one of the world’s super foods, a marketing term used to characterize foods that contain significant quantities of nutrients and supposed health benefits. While quinoa has always been known as a healthy food, and had settled well in growing health niche markets, IYQ offered greater international visibility to the grain and fed its growing demand. Currently, quinoa is exported in growing quantities and is consumed in neighboring countries like Brazil and Colombia as well as in other regions of the world including China and Israel. The United States of America heads the list of countries that imports Bolivian and Peruvian quinoa, followed by Canada.xvi In response to a growing international demand for quinoa, the price of this product has been on the rise in recent years. This price rise has benefitted producers who are able to currently sell the ton for more than US$ 6,500.00 in comparison to US$1,140.00 approximately a decade ago.xvii In response to these market novelties, Bolivia has adopted various laws that seek to support the quinoa industry and has also invested in expanding the agricultural frontier while aiming to improve productivity per hectare, which is currently very low. 1/xviii While it is important to highlight the evident economic benefits that producers enjoy today, it is fundamental to note there are secondary effects that have also arisen as a result of the growing demand for quinoa. 1 Despite Bolivia’s effort to increase quinoa acreage, it is far from increasing yield. Productivity per hectare is progressively reducing.

Noteworthy, greater demand for quinoa has generated important changes in production models in the Southern Highlands of Bolivia, the region where quinoa is predominantly cultivated. This situation is a result of efforts that aim to satisfy domestic and international demands, new and old markets. In recent years many of the adopted production models have become evidently unsustainable, primarily because they cause erosion while also contaminating soil and fresh water sources through the use of agrochemicals. Likewise, traditional peasant know-how is seemingly being forgotten and customs left behind. While it was once customary to allow land to rest where quinoa had been grown during one season, this is no longer a habitual custom.xix New practices generate speculation as regards the capacity to generate long-term sustainable, high-performance production that is capable of satisfying market demands. The interest to perform competitively within the international quinoa market, and the high price of the grain, has brought new actors to this field, including new farmers and investors, who are generally looking to make the most of incentives offered by the State. These incentives, which echo national policy, are largely focused on increasing national quinoa production and expanding the agricultural frontier. In effect, the landscape of the Southern Highlands of Bolivia is changing. It is said that the new “mercantile production of quinoa in the Southern Highlands is taking place at the expense of communal lands that were once allotted to animal husbandry.”2/xx In addition, changes in farming customs and productive systems are spearheading other socio-cultural transitions as well, including the adoption of intensive agricultural production at the expense of the environment and local eco-systems.

It is important to also make note of the existing debate – national and international alike – regarding the impact the quinoa boom has had on farmers and families that grow the grain. The analysis of the debate –from both a positive and negative perspective– largely focuses on the impact the boom is having and has had thus far on farmers’ food security and on the availability and accessibility of quinoa to domestic consumers nationwide. 2 Prior to the quinoa boom, the Southern Highlands population was predominantly populated by breeders who raised llamas, sheep and donkeys.

Many allege quinoa farmers consume their product in fewer quantities than before – because of its price – in detriment of their nutritional health and that of their family.xxi Others claim quinoa farmers have more purchasing power than ever before and therefore the capacity to diversify and improve their diet, thus counteracting their diminished consumption of quinoa.xxii On the other hand, many note that though quinoa has been incorporated into national welfare and food subsidy programs as well as school breakfast programs, the citizenry at large no longer has the purchasing power to consume quinoa in quantities that once characterized household customary diets. This study analyses the impact and sustainability of the quinoa boom, as well as public policies and actions that have arisen in response to these market opportunities. The document presents an overview of dynamics that have come to characterize the Southern Highlands where quinoa is predominantly cultivated. This analysis was constructed by means of a thorough bibliographical review in addition to community site visits and face-to-face interviews in the Southern Highlands with citizens and quinoa farmers.

Map of the Southern Highlands and quinoa producing municipalities

COCHABAMBA

ORURO

1. Productive Communities:

Community traits and challenges 1.1. The Southern Highlands: general information

POTOSÍ

The Southern Highlands of Bolivia stand between 3,600 and 4,000 meters above sea level, engulfed by the Andes mountain range. In the region, the average maximum temperature is 62oF (16 °C) and the average minimum temperature is -20 oF (-6° C). Annually, there are approximately 39 days of rainfall with an average 165 mm/year, and 183 days of freezing temperatures. Winds primarily come from the south east and register an average speed of 16 km per hour (primarily in August). The region is characterized by its sandy soils which are loose and saline – with a pH between 7.1 and 8xxiii – contain little organic material and are very susceptible to erosion.

The Southern Highlands is made up of 16 municipalities of the departments of Potosi and Oruro. According to data collected in 2005, the Human Development Index in this region is comparatively lower than the national average and stands at 0.56 over 1.00.xxiv The primary economic activities include contraband, mining, tourism, farming and services (day labor and agricultural machinery services). Estimates indicate there are 5,987 families that produce quinoa and close to 131,192 hectares of cultivated quinoa in the region.xxv

TONS PRODUCED

300 - 1500

1501 - 5000

5001 - 14200 Source: Designed by the authors with information of the MDRyT, 2015

Given the geographic conditions of the region, the environment of the Southern Highlands is considered unpredictable and tense and one that requires a structured farming system along with complex communal norms.xxvi Farmer associations work in close coordination with local governments, native authorities and private sector institutions to carry out development agendas related to cultivating Quinoa Real - a variety of quinoa that is unique and exclusive to this region – which is currently in high demand in the international quinoa market. 1.2. Quinoa production models: before and after

“In past times we ate plenty of quinoa, now we care more about the money than health”

Prior to the international quinoa boom, communities functioned under usufruct rules3 – individual and family based – and worked small extensions of land. Larger agricultural extensions were communal in nature, primarily dedicated to animal husbandry, and operated under collective usufruct rules. For generations, sustainable Franz, Técnico APQUISA practices were observed including a strict system of crop rotation, complementary animal shepherding and non-mechanized plowing.xxvii Communities had a diversified agricultural vocation, grew food for self-consumption and raised camelid cattle as a source of fertilizer, meat and transportation. Given a low demand for quinoa and difficult road access these crops were usually reserved for self-consumption and farming operated under a synchronized communal system known as aynocas.

Given scant and poor road infrastructure, farmers travelled only occasionally to markets and during these opportunities would only sell excess quinoa (at approximately US$11.6 per quintal4), primarily to purchase a few food items from other regions that were certainly complementary and occasional. The most important market centers then, and still today, were Challapata and Uyuni.

Today, ancestral community dynamics have primarily been unstructured as a result of profound changes in quinoa farming methods and the growing international demand for quinoa. These changes have begun generating social differences among peoples and have led to differentiated and specialized production techniquesxxviii that did not exist before. Many farmers are currently replacing subsistence farming and animal husbandry in an effort to expand their quinoa production. These farmers have adopted a capitalistic approach to quinoa cultivation and have been consistently increasing their volume of production. 1.3. Natural resources and the environment Since the 70s, the agricultural frontier in Bolivia - and particularly in the Southern Highlands - has begun to expand in an accelerated fashion. As regards quinoa production specifically, growth has been registered at an annual 250 percent.xxix This expansion has largely occurred in an unsustainable fashion, reflected through an increase in mono-cropping, a decrease in years land is allowed to remain dormant after harvest, the uncontrolled use of agrochemicals and the adoption of agricultural machinery. These new methods of cultivation have led to a loss in native biodiversity, greater erosion (and the risk of increasing erosion), and the desertification of soils. Evidently, a primary factor of these changes is the substantial increase in market demand for quinoa. As of 1995 a significant transition can be noted in the international demand for quinoa.xxx As of this year, consumers - mainly international consumers - demand an increased volume of quinoa, particularly organic quinoa. And while many quinoa farmers grow the grain organically, and many are looking to adopt this form of production, a significant number has adopted conventional farming techniques that are conducive to massive production. 1.4. Quinoa as a source of food and livelihood 1.4.1. Quinoa as an economic activity

3 Approved use of foraging lands. The holder of usufruct is allowed to use the land but it is not the owner. 4 Weight unit equivalent to 50 kilograms

Quinoa production: Close to 81 percent of farmers in the Southern Highlands register quinoa as their main source of

income.xxxi As an economic activity, quinoa cultivation has very positive market prospects. The growing market persuades the farmer to specialize in quinoa cultivation, increase production, involve family members more actively and hire temporary workers during the busiest months. The Ministry of Rural Development and Land registered the average annual income of a quinoa farmer in the decade of the 90s at approximately US$217.00. Today, it is estimated that a quinoa farmer earns between US$2,200.00 and US$3,600.00.xxxii These figures are not universal, however, and given that experience is essential to quinoa farming, new communities tend to face greater challenges as regards production. Inexperience is primarily reflected through lower performance and production rates, and consequently below average sale prices.xxxiii Quinoa transformation: Some farmers transform quinoa using traditional and artisanal methods and commercialize their products in local markets. These products generate complementary income to other sources and are predominantly easy-to-prepare food items such as quispi単a and pisara5. Some associations have machinery and basic infrastructure which allow farmers to generate value-added quinoa items (vented, washed, strained and/or packaged) which are then sold as ready-to-cook quinoa and are available at higher sale prices.

The transformed quinoa market is more competitive and big companies have dominated this niche market. Associations only produce a percentage of this market given that big companies maintain a competitive advantage as a result of greater investment capital, logistical capacity and access to transportation services. These resources allow them to transform a greater volume of quinoa and commercialize in domestic and international markets alike. As a result, it is the big companies rather than the small companies or associations that generate the largest economic gains within this value-chain.

5 Two kinds of salty quinoa dough

Quinoa derivatives TOOTH PASTE BEER DETERGENT SAPONIN SHAMPOO BUNS PESTICIDES COOKIES ANTIBIOTICS CANDY

QUINOA

CREAM PUREE DESERTS

FLOUR

FLAKES

BEVERAGES

YOGURT

QUINOA MEATBALL

CANDY SAUCE SOUPS CAKES

GRAIN

SYRUP SOUPS EXTRUDED

SNACKS

EXPANDED

QUINOA POPCORN

NOODLES PASTRY

Source: Designed by the authors with information provided by the FAO, 2015

1.4.2. Quinoa as a source of food National consumption of quinoa: Though Bolivia is the world’s second largest quinoa exporter, local consumption of the grain is relatively low, especially in comparison to other food items. While studies conducted by the government in recent years make notice of a rise in national consumption, rates remain much lower in comparison to other food basket items.xxxiv According to the Vice Ministry of Rural and Agricultural Development the national per capita consumption of quinoa has risen from 0.35 kilograms in 2011 to 2 kilograms in 2013.xxxv Though rising, these figures remain low in comparison to the consumption of wheat, for example, which stands at 60 kilograms per year, rice at 32 kg/yr and meat at 18.5 kg/yr.xxxvi Though the FAO has identified quinoa as a strategic food that can help attain food security, with food sovereignty, the availability and consumption of the grain has decreased in Bolivia as a result of a rise in its market price. It is particularly low income residents that can no longer afford to include quinoa as a part of their diet. In 2014, the price per pound was averaged at US$ 3.50 - far costlier than items such as rice and pasta which can be purchase for approximately US$ 0.60 per pound. This same year close to 80 percent of Bolivian quinoa was exported.xxxvii

Quinoa consumption by quinoa farmers: Formerly in the Southern Highlands, quinoa farmers – whether due to custom, necessity or personal choice – were typically known to be frequent quinoa consumers. Today, however, farmers in the region are replacing quinoa for other food items, largely motivated by the market price of this item as well as changes that are taking place in their productive system. Interviews conducted in Salinas de Garci Mendoza and Coroma6 as part of this study identified the following variables as the most influential in relation to the decrease in quinoa consumption: • Greater purchasing power: The increase in income allows for the acquisition of a more diversified food basket which 6 For this study 14 interviews were conducted as a part of this study. The interviews conducted engaged local authorities/farmers/technicians. Likewise, two workshops here held with the Local Working Groups of Comora and Salinas de Garcí Mendoza.

typically includes food items that are easy to prepare. “Now I get lazy about processing quinoa in an artisanal manner.” (LWG Workshop, Coroma) • Increased access to new food items: Improved road infrastructure has generated conditions that allow diversified food items, from other regions of the country and from abroad, to be easily imported and therefore available. New and improved roads have also facilitated the creation of new markets and made visiting these markets much easier. “There is less quinoa at home but other food items are bought at the market” (Juana, Treasurer APQUISA). • Adoption of new community values: People who return to the community, as well as new members and the children of farmers who reside in urban areas all introduce new socio-economic dynamics into quinoa producing communities and as such also influence the adoption of a more globalized diet. “Young people hardly consume quinoa because they like other foods” (Taller ECl, Salinas de Garci Mendoza).

and credit, and strategies for institutional strengthening and the creation of productive infrastructure.xxxix • Law No. 300, the Law of Mother Earth and Living Well7, includes within its 25 key items that of “knowing how to eat” which entails combining adequate foods in relation to seasonality.

2. Facing Challenges Related to Production and Consumption 2.1. National policies The Plurinational State of Bolivia has written and adopted an interesting and somewhat extensive array of policies geared towards national agricultural production, food security and food sovereignty as well as the integrity and preservation of Mother Earth. While the adoption of these laws and policies mark an important first step, this legislation has not yet detailed mechanisms that allow the country to reach established goals. • Law No. 98 declares quinoa production, industrialization and commercialization in producing regions of the country a national priority.xxviii

• Law No. 395 and National Decree No. 1927 create and regulate the International Center of Quinoa, headquartered in Bolivia. • Law No. 144, the Law of the Production Revolution, identifies quinoa as a strategic product within the National Food Production Plan. •

The National Quinoa Policy, passed within the framework of the National Development Plan, calls for the creation of Integral Production Centers aimed at technological innovation, the sustainable use of natural resources, lines of commerce

A close look at this dossier of legislation reveals a contradiction between set objectives and the actions adopted thus far by the State regarding agricultural practices. The quinoa sector is an example of the divide between what is said and done. Established goals to increase production, expand the agricultural frontier and consolidate export markets are far from echoing what is mandated in relation to sustainable quinoa production that can allow for food security and food sovereignty. The International Year of Quinoa is a clear example of this contradiction, and during the closing events of this campaign, data was published indicating that Bolivian quinoa exports reached 118 million dollars, which marked a 47 percent increase from 2012.xl This figure underscores and highlights public investments that are underway to develop and drive international markets for quinoa. A punctual analysis of public investments in the quinoa sector also brings to light national interests related to driving production in an effort to win a competitive advantage in this international niche market. The Quinoa Development Plan 2014-2018 that was developed by the Ministry of Rural Development and Land established the benchmark of increasing quinoa production per hectare by 30 percent.xli Work to meet this goal can already be discerned and is reflected through investments made to date in projects to advance quinoa transformation. Many of these projects have thus far been financed by ProBolivia,8 Bolivia Cambia Evo Cumple9 and other financial entities that operate within the quinoa sector and in the region. Likewise, the state government of Potosí 7 It is the paradigm of the individual’s material and spiritual balance and harmonious relationship thereof with all forms of existence 8 PRO-BOLIVIA, public development agency that promotes diversification of production and generation of added value, providing services to promote production nationwide, prioritizing micro and small farmers. 9 Bolivia Cambia Evo Cumple is a philantropic initiative funded by Bolivian president Evo Morales.

implemented statewide projects in 2013 aimed at expanding the agricultural frontier, irrigation systems and country of origin labeling initiatives.xlii

Stakeholder relations diagram MINISTRYS

Country of origin labeling is an integral component of the National Quinoa Policyxliii which aims to strengthen commercialization strategies and preferential marketing for quinoa. To date, there have been successes and accomplishments as regards the adoption of country of origin labeling for Quinoa Real, a grain which is only grown in Bolivia and mainly in the Southern Highlands.10 However, a special labeling for all Bolivian quinoa has not yet been achieved or favorably taken to. Currently, the Ministry of Rural Development and Land continues to seek country of origin labeling requirements for Quinoa Real throughout Europe, the United States, Japan and other countries.xliv

coordinate with

PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS

10 Place of origin labelling for the Royal Quinoa was determined by members of the Andean Community. Bolivia, PerĂş, Colombia and Ecuador agreed upon this quinoa variety is strictly bolivian 11 INIAF: Institute of Agricultural and Forestry Innovation. SEDAG: Agricultural Departmental Service. SENASAG: National Service of Agricultural Health and Food Safety.

MUNICIPAL GOVERMENTS

AVSF

LOCAL GOVERMENTS

JATARI

coordinate with

support

SAN PEDRO DE QUEREMOS

UYUNI

TOMAVE

KOLCHA-K

LLICA

TAHUA

SAN AGUSTIN

PEASANT INDIGENOUS GOVERMENTS

IRUPANA QUIMBOLSUR

SALINAS DE GARCI MENDOZA

comprised by

HIVOS

FARMER GROUPS

PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS

The social fiber of the Southern Highlands is rather diverse and is made up of an array of actors including state and local governments, decentralized public institutions, NGOs, native leaderships, farmer associations and farmers.xlv Each is characterized by strengths and weaknesses as well as their individual network of partners and target groups. Institutional competitive advantages are reflected through relationships with and among target areas and territories. Among the activities and investments conducted there appear to be complementary efforts though it is also evident that gaps exist regarding local capacity to operate and programmatic know-how.

DEPARTAMENT GOVERMENTS

FAO

2.2. Local actors

Local governments are mandated to promote human and productive development in the region, for which they are allotted public funds. Public institutions (such as INIAF, SENASAG, SEDAG11) as well as private institutions lend technical assistance and services in rural and spatial planning. Indigenous Governments within the region also play an important role, especially given their ability to engage local

SOUTHERN HIGHLANDS MUNICIPALITIES

AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY GROUPS

ANAPQUI

INIAF SENASAG SEDAG

CECAOT

A-RIPIAC

APQUISA

APROSAR

TRANSPORTATION GROUPS COMPANIES

trade with QUINOA REGULATION COUNCIL

EXPORTS

coordinate with belong to

influence on

INTERNAL MARKET FAIRS MIDDLEMEN

NATIONAL QUINOA ASSOCIATIONS

support

FARMERS

trade with

LEGEND STAKEHOLDERS

Associations / Farmers

Community

Traders

Public Private Institutions Institutions

The eight municipalities of the Southern Highlands currently participate within the Local Working Groups (LWG). Source: Designed by the authors , 2015

citizens and spearhead decision-making processes. Native authorities have traditionally maintained certain legitimacy as representatives of the community and of the territory itself.

Stakeholder analysis of actors present within the department of Potosí

ACRA

INAF

MDRyT BANCO FIE

QUINUABOL

STRONG “PI“

JATARI ANED

POTOSÍ DEPARTMENT GOVERMENT

APROQUILL

MUNICIPAL GOVERMENTS

DOMINANT “PIL“ ROYAL QUINOA CEDEINKU PRODUCERS

INFLUYENT “PL“

APROATH

FAAAS

TE “I“

CICDA

PROINPA

IN MA

SAPURU JUIRA

CADEQUIR

“P”

12 ANAPQUI: National Association of Quinoa Farmers. APQUISA: Salinas Association of Quinoa Farmers. CEACOT: Central Cooperative Agricultural Operation Land. 13 This tool can take different forms: Plan or development agenda, productive plan, program innovation.

E TIV C A

LWG working sessions are facilitated by an independent party – whether a person or institution – who undertakes an unbiased role to conduct the order of the day. In the Southern Highlands HIVOS has performed the facilitation process and the institution coordinates its activities with and alongside the three quinoa farmer associations that work in the region (aforementioned). Currently there are four LWGs, one in the municipality of Salinas de Garcí Mendoza in the department of Oruro, and three in the department of Potosí in the municipalities of Kolcha-k/San Agustín/San Pedro de Quemes, Llica/Tahua and Uyuni/Tomave.

IDEPRO

2.3. Local Working Groups – LWG Local Working Groups (LWG) have been set up and are made up of an array of actors (public and private institutions, academia and farmers) who work within the region. Participants come together on a periodic basis to conduct collective and consensus-based decision-making processes. The primary purpose or function of these LWGs is to organize and plan innovations related to agricultural production. This work seeks to emphasize issues related to the adoption of technological, organizational and commercial innovations. These working groups allow actors to conduct sectoral analysis and consensus-based agendas, a tool that subsequently allows the different parties to advocate and channel projects in the short, medium and long term.13

E OW

The three biggest farmers associations in the region are ANAPQUI, APQUISA Y CECAOT.12 These seek to benefit quinoa farmers by lending tools for administrative and financial tasks including transaction cost management; generating improved access to information, assets and markets; providing technical assistance and serving as a vehicle between farmers, local governments, chambers of commerce and investors.

A-RIPIAC

CECAOT SOPROQUI BANCO UNIÓN

ARPAIAMT APROQUIGAN CECAOT REAL ANDINA

APQUINQUI

VULNERABLE “IL“

RE SPE CTED “L”

G ITI

M A CY

LEGEND ACTORS

Public Private Local Institutions Institutions Actors Source: Gabriela Silva, Local Working Groups Coordinator, 2015

Interestingly, the working and advocacy agendas that have been constructed with the LWGs of Oruro and Potosí alike reflect similar priorities despite responding to specific local needs and idiosyncrasies. Resonating issues, identified by participants, include those related to sustainable quinoa production; natural resource and environmental management/ sustainability; access to irrigation systems, research, and technological development; the reincorporation of llamas and similar animals; and needed advocacy efforts regarding country of origin labeling for quinoa.xlvi 2.4. Farmers The farmers of the Southern Highlands are not a homogeneous group and have adopted different farming systems, produce varying quantities of quinoa and have different opinions regarding national agricultural policies. The workshops and interviews conducted as a part of this study - in Salinas de Garci Mendoza, Coroma and Challapata - provided an opportunity to gather different points of view and experiences.

Regarding policies on the expansion of quinoa production, it is interesting to note there are striking differences of opinion between experimented and new farmers. Experimented farmers produce more effectively, in greater quantities, and better quality quinoa, all of which ensure a better market price. These farmers are generally more inclined to value the quality of their product, have lived in the region longer and aspire to ensure a sustainable production. They are typically also satisfied with the amount of land they farm, meaning they do not wish to expand their territorial footprint. New farmers on the other hand tend to commercialize their quinoa at a lower market price, have lived a shorter period of time in the community (or do not reside in the community), and posses a more capitalistic vision regarding production.

“We should manage small plots or organic farming, we only need 10 acres per family” Oscar, Productor Vilcuyo

Differences between and among farmers are largely reflected in the adoption of different techniques, practices and production systems. More experimented farmers tend to be permanent residents of their community and their primary source of income and lifestyle is related to agricultural and quinoa production. They tend to comply with community customs

and traditional/native norms. New farmers tend to seasonally reside in a Southern Highland community (and typically do not fully incorporate into the community) and maintain a permanent residency elsewhere. Visits to the farming community tend to revolve around performing specific labors such as sowing and harvesting. They are known to evade community obligations and customs. Importantly and despite their many differences, new and experienced farmers share perceptions on institutions working within the region. For example, both consider public and private institutions are looking to increase quinoa production but have limited capacity and resources to conduct their duties and to relevantly relate with farmers. Academic institutions such as the International Center of Quinoa and the Technical University of Oruro (based in Salinas de Garci Mendoza) limit their involvement to conducting research on different varieties of quinoa and conducting pilot experiments with a reduced group of famers. Farmer associations help stock quinoa at a better price than intermediaries but face shortfalls in terms of logistical systems, which is reflected by challenges to stocking capacity. APQUISA for example can only stock one quintal of quinoa per affiliate per year. Despite varying levels of experience, the majority of farmers have benefitted from the rise in quinoa market price. Many of those interviewed for this study expressed they sell quinoa at a higher price and are therefore able to purchase or remodel a home, buy automobiles, tractors and land. Others, though few, expressed their new ability to send children o grandchildren to the city so they can access educational opportunities. It is important to highlight that all farmers who were interviewed for this study, perceive a change in their diet. Though most indicate they continue to grow some of their own food, they also express that the land dedicated to this purpose is decreasing so as to give way to greater quinoa cultivation. They also pointed to lower household consumption of quinoa and less frequency in their consumption of time consuming quinoa dishes. Unquestionably the quinoa based diet is becoming less common and is being

“I would rather eat rice or pasta and not my own quinoa… last year I could buy a 21 computer with the sale of one quintal. Can you imagine? How was I to eat it?” Fidel, Productor Salinas de Garci Mendoza

progressively replaced by a carbohydrate-based diet that is easy and quick to prepare. In tandem, there exists a gradual transition away from fresh foods and towards industrialized and processed foods which are easily purchased in community markets including rice, pasta and vegetable oils. In this regard, it is without doubt that a globalized diet is taking root in the Southern Highlands of Bolivia. 2.5. The role of women It is important to note that the role of women in the region continues relatively unchanged. She maintains her position within the productive process as well as a differentiated but reconciled status within the home and community. Women, still responsible for managing the household, raising children and feeding the family, continue to participate in productive duties and responsibilities. Noteworthy however, prior to the quinoa boom, women played a fundamental role in value add duties (washing, cleansing and airing quinoa) which subsequently allowed the farmer to generate transformed quinoa products (that sold at higher market price) including beverages, soups and whole grain products. These chores are time consuming and require specialized labor, a reason why it was typically delegated to women. Today, these chores have largely disappeared given export demand has grown exponentially while local demand has decreased in lieu of an increase in the consumption of food items that do not require this type of manual labor (ex: rice, pasta and others).

Conclusions Six conclusions arise from this desk study, centered on the changes taking place in the local culture and regarding the productive systems of quinoa farming communities in the Southern Highlands. These conclusions reflect the current situation in the region and present potential opportunities to adopt initiatives with and for these communities. â&#x20AC;˘ The sustainability of current quinoa farming is a challenge. One of the most influential factors in sustainable quinoa farming is the farmer. Farmers with more experience have greater affinity to sustainable farming practices while new farmers have adopted a more capitalistic vision that has proved unsustainable thus far. Within this framework, it is fundamental for the government to implement concrete actions that can consolidate the sustainability policies that have thus far been adopted. â&#x20AC;˘ It is fundamental to strengthen the productive capacity of less experienced farmers. New farmers have lower productivity levels, commercialize their product at a lower price and apply farming practices that are less sustainable and more damaging to the soil, natural resources and local eco systems. â&#x20AC;˘ The Local Working Groups provide a great mechanism to advance the quinoa agenda. These working groups

offer a useful vehicle to identify challenges and conjunct proposals as well as for the development of collective agendas and policies. The analysis conducted on food security during the LWG workshops was positively received by the participants. In the future, these platforms can also serve to guide investment proposals and actions related to the adoption of sustainable farming systems. • Environmental sustainability is a concern among local actors. Public and private institutions as well as LWGs have included the challenge of sustainability within the working agendas, and farmers identify this as a challenge to continued production. Long term planning and a multisectoral approach can positively influence quinoa farming and ensure environmental sustainability.

Final Observations

• Food insecurity among quinoa farmers is more closely tied to the inappropriate use than to access and availability of food. Markets in the region offer a diversified supply of food and road access to these is increasingly improving. Farmers are able to easily reach markets and can afford to purchase diversified food products. Lower consumption of quinoa and fresh produce, in addition to the increase in local consumption of carbohydrates, processed and canned foods, is negatively affecting nutrition rates and people’s quality of life.

“A growing global population is posing great challenges to our world food system. How will we feed the world in an equitable and sustainable manner, in a way that can ensure the well being of our planet for future generations? The current economic model has shown to be ecologically unsustainable. The greatest agricultural growth has been and continues to be at the expense of the environment, contributing to climate change, the degradation of ecosystems and the loss of biodiversity” (HIVOS, 2015).

• Quinoa is indispensable to food security within the communities of the Southern Highlands. It is anticipated that regional farmers will be receptive to initiatives that promote an increased consumption of quinoa, given preexisting habits and an increasing awareness of health challenges related to new dietary habits.

Feeding a growing world population is a great challenge and doing it in a sustainable manner, respecting the future of our planet, an even greater challenge. The work that lies ahead must be addressed by governments, industry, small and medium farmers and consumers alike. There is a shared responsibility. The HIVOS initiative Innovative Systems for Quinoa in Bolivia is part of the global program Green Food and Productive Landscapes. This program seeks to understand the linkages that exist between diets and farming systems, between people and their environment (rural and urban). The program aims to generate a global transformation in the world food agenda. In Bolivia, the program focuses on quinoa production and seeks to understand the relationships that exist between producers and consumers in addition to identifying the

resources that are needed to guarantee sustainability. To meet this objective, HIVOS facilitates the construction of multisectoral platforms within the “productive landscape” and works alongside local actors to co-create practical solutions and alternative policies that improve nutrition and farming systems. Notably, the strategies developed to date – which involve media, civil society and local leaders – are already generating viable and successful solutions and are becoming national policy. If we wish to improve our food systems, we must fundamentally look to our markets and native foods for answers. In this light, and particularly because of its nutritional qualities, quinoa plays an important role in Bolivia and in local diets. Therefore, it is important to understand the context in which production takes place including gender roles and power dynamics between actors involved in this particular food chain. Through this document we hope to enrich current discussions and analysis on quinoa and offer a glimpse into the socio-productive environment of the Southern Highlands of Bolivia.

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Quinoa & the Southern Highlands: Production and Food Security Fundación Alternativas / La Paz, Bolivia / 2015 / Quinoa / Southern Highlands / Food Security / Food Sovereignty/ Food Chain/ Bolivia

Fundación Alternativas Av. 20 de Octubre, Edif. Nº 2034, Oficina No. 204 Sopocachi, La Paz, Bolivia Tel: (+591) 72535452 www.alternativascc.org @Alternativascc

WRITTEN BY: Maria Teresa Nogales & Javier Thellaeche, Fundación Alternativas Gabriela Silva, Consultora GENERAL EDITION: Maria Teresa Nogales, Fundación Alternativas GRAPHIC DESIGN:

Printed in Bolivia June 2015

Alternativas is a non-profit organization dedicated to generating sustainable approaches to greater food security in Bolivia’s growing cities.

This publication was possible with the support of HIVOS.

For a digital version of the document in spanish and english go to: www.hivos.org www.alternativascc.org