1Background by IDIA

The Institute for Domestic and International Affairs

Secretariat Background Information Rutgers Model United Nations 16-19 November 2006

Director: Tom Slattery

ÂŠ 2006 Institute for Domestic & International Affairs, Inc. (IDIA) This document is solely for use in preparation for Rutgers Model United Nations 2006. Use for other purposes is not permitted without the express written consent of IDIA. For more information, please write us at idiainfo@idia.net

Introduction _________________________________________________________________ 1 Background _________________________________________________________________ 3 Efforts at Overall Reform __________________________________________________________ 7 Security Council Reform ___________________________________________________________ 7 Complaints of Bureaucracy in the Secretariat_________________________________________ 11 Culture of Corruption ____________________________________________________________ 14

Trusteeship Council __________________________________________________________ 17 Current Goals of the Secretary-General __________________________________________ 19 Millennium Development Goals ____________________________________________________ 20 In Larger Freedom _______________________________________________________________ 21 Freedom from Want______________________________________________________________ 21 Freedom from Fear ______________________________________________________________ 22 Freedom to Live in Dignity ________________________________________________________ 23

Reforming Organs of the United Nations _________________________________________ 24 General Assembly ________________________________________________________________ 24

Other General Assembly Reform ____________________________________________ 26 Human Rights Council____________________________________________________________ 27 Security Council _________________________________________________________________ 28

Other Proposals__________________________________________________________ 30 Economic and Social Council ______________________________________________________ 31 Inter-Governmental Organizations as Tools for Peace__________________________________ 32 Reforming the Secretariat _________________________________________________________ 33

Early Efforts at Secretariat Reform___________________________________________ 34 Summary___________________________________________________________________ 38 Discussion Questions _________________________________________________________ 40 Works Cited ________________________________________________________________ 41 Works Referenced ___________________________________________________________ 45 Appendix A: Millennium Development Goals _____________________________________ 46

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Introduction The UN Secretariat is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations. Its primary function is to provide information and support for the other organs in order to make the United Nations run efficiently and to carry out the initiatives of those organs. The other major organs that comprise the United Nations (UN) are the Security Council, Trusteeship Council, Economic and Social Council, General Assembly and International Court of Justice. The secretary-general, as the head of the Secretariat, is the chief Basic Structure of the United Nations

Source: http://www.un.org/aboutun/chartlg.html

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administrative figure in the UN.1 The Secretariat is divided into departments, each of which is responsible for a particular function relating to one of the other primary organs. There is a Department for Peacekeeping Operations and a Department of Economic and Social Affairs among others. Each department helps the organization in a different way, but together they create the information and logistics necessary for the body to function.2 About 8,900 civil servants, who are hired solely by the UN from more than one hundred seventy Member States, staff the Secretariat.3 Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations has received growing criticism regarding its efficiency and efficacy from the United States, and a variety of others states throughout the world. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who assumed his position in 1997, elaborated on plans for reform that he feels will solve many of the bureaucratic, logistical and political problems the organization currently faces. His reforms are detailed in a document submitted to Member States in March of 2005. Annan seeks to reform the makeup of the Security Council, address changes in the global balance of power as it relates to the manner in which the United Nations functions, and to ensure that the body is effective in the missions that it undertakes. Annan also proposed a transformation of the High Commission on Human Rights, which evolved into the Human Rights commission with new membership requirements in early 2006. The General Assembly (GA) has called for reform of the Security Council in order to better reflect the current global power structure and an increase in the importance of GA debate and resolutions. At present, the Security Council is solely responsible for all issues of â&#x20AC;&#x153;international peace and security,â&#x20AC;? leaving the General Assembly to handle the more mundane issues of humanitarian assistance and development. Under this model, the 1

Peter R. Baehr and Leon Gordenker, The United Nations at the End of the 1990s, Third Edition, (New York: St. Martinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Press, 1999), 30. 2 Baehr and Gordenker, 31. 3 http://www.un.org/documents/st.htm

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primary mission of the United Nations is managed by a rotating body of fifteen Member States, whereas there is a current membership of

that body, as well as reform of the administrative

United Nations Charter: The United Nations Charter is the constitution of the United Nations. It was signed at the United Nations Conference on International Organization in San Francisco on June 26, 1945 by the 50 original member countries. It entered into force on October 24, 1945, after being ratified by the five founding members—the Republic of China, France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States—and a majority of the other signatories.

bodies of the United Nations and substantive

Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UN_Charter

192 states. There are growing calls within the GA to amend the UN Charter, which would require

two-thirds

tremendous obstacle.

majority,

seen

Even members of the

Security Council have called for the reform of

bodies that are inefficient or unnecessary. As an apolitical organ of the UN, meaning Member States’ individual interests are not to be represented, the role of the Secretariat is to offer an objective stance on the many aspects of reforming the UN that have been proposed.

In this capacity, the

Secretariat is apt to determine feasible solutions to the organization’s structural, political and ethical problems while considering the goals of the UN Charter and holding the entire organization to the high standards the international community requires, but does not always succeed in achieving. While the Secretariat cannot implement any reform it deems necessary and feasible, the secretary-general can bring attention to issues of importance, and the Secretariat often issues reports on its findings to the General Assembly and the Security Council. The challenge for the Secretariat is to develop a feasible, fair solution to the shortcomings of the UN, while realizing that any reforms that change the UN Charter must be passed by both the General Assembly and Security Council before ratification or implementation can begin.

Background The secretary-general and his staff are a vital part of the UN, both in terms of

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administrative duties and facilitating international discussion. Without the Secretariat and its thousands of employees, the Security Council, General Assembly and other organs of the UN would be uninformed and unable to implement resolutions. The Secretariat provides Member States with countless studies and research papers, especially important for small and poor states which have small UN delegations and few resources to research complex international situations and develop viable policies and solutions on their own.4 Secretariat staffers also sit in on General Assembly meetings in order to help prepare diplomats and aide in information gathering. Of course, as ‘international civil servants,’ Secretariat employees from the Secretary-General to the janitorial staff, are to remain impartial regardless of their personal views or those of their home state.5 Unfortunately, political pressure from influential Member States to have their nationals in important positions has challenged the neutrality of the Secretariat, despite the face that Article 101 of the UN Charter states that the first priority in choosing a staff should be “the necessity of securing the highest standards of efficiency, competence and integrity.”6 Throughout the Cold War, the Soviet Union and the United States both allegedly had spies in the Secretariat as they felt that these individuals would grant them insight into the positions of their counterparts. Members of the CIA and KGB were known to be in high-ranking UN positions, gathering intelligence, and in many ways working counter to the mission of the organization.7 4

Courtney B. Smith, Politics and Process at the United Nations: The Global Dance, (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006), 80. 5 Edward Newman, The UN Secretary-General from the Cold War to the New Era: A Global Peace and Security Mandate? (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), 30. 6 Evan Luard, The United Nations: How it Works and What it Does, Second Edition, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994), 113. 7 Pedro A. SanJuan, The UN Gang: A Memoir of Incompetence, Corruption, Espionage, Anti-Semitism, and Islamic Extremism at the UN Secretariat, (New York: Doubleday, 2005), 65.

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In spite of these shortcomings, the Secretariat continues to serve an essential role in the proceedings of the United Nations. As a neutral but not indifferent, party, the secretary-general operates as a negotiator and peacekeeper.

On the one hand, he

advocates for peaceful resolution to conflicts, and on the other, implements the means necessary to ensure that peace. Since the UN’s inception, the Secretariat has come under increasing scrutiny as bureaucratic flaws have surfaced.

Since 1997, Secretary-

General Kofi Annan has reformed the Secretariat in an effort to increase productivity, eliminate redundancy and appease Member States for which

United Nations Staff by Location Type Location Type # of Staff Regional Commissions 2,505 Field Locations 16,280 Headquarters 10,340 Total 29,125 Source: Courtney B. Smith, Politics and Process at the United Nations: The Global Dance, (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006), 80.

spending practices at the UN appear extravagant and wasteful.

Among his most

successful efforts in this area was the streamlining of multiple, redundant offices, establishing such bodies as the Department of Economic and Social Affairs out of three existing administrative departments.8 In the same year, Annan pushed for the establishment of the position of deputy secretary-general. This office was created as a way to alleviate some of the pressures on the secretary-general by allowing the deputy secretary-general to oversee some administrative duties and to fill in for the Secretary-General when he is unavailable to attend official UN functions and conferences. Member States and other administrative officials had noted the importance of having a bureaucratic administrator oversee purely logistical problems, as the massive UN body is difficult for a secretary-general to monitor

United Nations Department of Public Information, “Reform at the UN”, United Nations, http://www.un.org/reform/dossier.html (accessed February 7, 2006).

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alone.9 One of the major complaints by the United States Congress and other legislative bodies, particularly in the 1970s and 1980s during the Cold War, was a lack of accountability for expenses and a failure of senior-level management to achieve the goals of the UN Charter. Kofi Annan, in an effort to develop accountability, established the Senior Management Group (SMG), a working group consisting of the heads of every Secretariat office and department, program, and fund. The SMG meets regularly to discuss topics pertinent to the Secretariat and the United Nations as a whole. According to the UN, the SMG is the “central policy planning body of the United Nations.”10 The SMG meets to coordinate efforts, increase communications between departments and avoid duplication of tasks while working toward common objectives of the UN.11 Since Article 99 of the UN Charter states that the secretary-general “may bring to the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten the maintenance of international peace and security,” having a cabinet-style meeting group is an effective way of raising issues and evaluating the progress of the organization.12 Beyond the administrative duties of the Secretary-General, he also has a unique political role not paralleled in any other international organization.13 As Article 99 makes clear, the Secretary-General has the dual role of being secretary, an administrative head to the bureaucracy of the UN, and in general, a political leader with real influence over the direction of the organization. As details of organizational structure started to come

United Nations Department of Public Information, “The Biography of Louise Frechette, United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/stories/dsgbio.asp (accessed February 7, 2006). 10 United Nations Department of Public Information, “Senior Management Group,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/pages/seniorstaff.html (accessed February 2, 2006). 11 Ibid. 12 United Nations, “Charter of the United Nations,” http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/chapt15.htm 13 Baehr and Gordenker, 32.

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together, the UN was originally to have a president along with a secretary-general. The presidentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s duties were to be those of an international statesman, focusing on diplomacy and facilitating open dialogue, while the secretary-general would function as an administrative manager, carrying out the work of the Security Council and the General Assembly.14 How much influence he exerts depends on the personality and relative political skill of the particular Secretary-General.

Efforts at Overall Reform Kofi Annan has pledged to use his second term to address the structural flaws of the organization, and has committed to assessing each department of the UN to streamline its operations. When the Charter was written just after the Second World War, the distribution of global power and influence was very different than it is now. The UN and the Secretariat have taken some steps to modernize and adapt to the changing world, but much is left undone. When the secretary-general and the Secretariat consider reform of any kind, it is purely from an administrative standpoint.

When the Senior

Management Group meets, the heads of the various departments of the Secretariat examine the work of the UN and of each department to consider reforms from a logistical and administrative perspective. It is during this period of review that the politics of individual states should not be considered, as the United Nations represents all nations of the world equally.

Security Council Reform The Security Council, when created in 1945, had eleven members, of which five had permanent seats with the ability to veto substantive issues. At that time, France, the 14

Stephen M. Schwebel, The Secretary-General of the United Nations: His Political Powers and Practice, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), 17.

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Republic of China, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America were in possession of nuclear weapons, and were granted this ‘permanent’ status.15

In 1963, the Security Council was expanded to fifteen members to

accommodate a growth in overall UN membership, and required that the non-permanent seats in the Council be granted to specific regions of the world to ensure proper representation.16 Further, resolutions were required to receive nine concurring votes from the Council, including all permanent members, as opposed to the seven previously necessary. This initial expansion satisfied most members of the United Nations, however the end of the Cold War brought about new calls to expand or dramatically reform the Security Council. Of late, Germany and Japan have lobbied vocally for permanent seats on the Council, citing their position as some of the largest economies in the world. Similarly, Italy and Brazil have sought permanent seats to reflect their respective positions in global politics, and proposals have been floated to grant a seat to a member of the European Union.17 The recent call for reform focuses around a desire to make the United Nations more reflective of the current global balance of power.18 Other proposals have included ideas like rotating permanent seats for developing nations to limiting and ultimately removing the special veto status granted to permanent members. Recently, reform ideas have revolved around either expanding the Council and 15

In 1971, the People’s Republic of China assumed the permanent seat at the United Nations formerly held by the Republic of China, known today as Taiwan. In 1991 the Russian Federation assumed the seat formerly held by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The United Nations granted these seats to what it considered to be “successor states.” For more information regarding the controversy about the Security Council seat held by China. Taiwan sought representation at the United Nations in 2003, but was rebuffed by the General Assembly. 16 According to GA/RES/1991/A/XVIII (1963) representation of non-permanent seats were assigned as follows: five from African and Asian states, one from Eastern Europe, two from Latin America, and two from Western Europe and other states. 17 Ibid, 90. 18 Ibid, 92.

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changing its composition, or modifying the rules regarding the veto.19 Many Member States feel the current representation on the Security Council is an improper reflection of the modern world power structure. Since the Council is the only international body that can draft binding resolutions, it is imperative that Member States approve of the manner in which the body is comprised to preserve the legitimacy of Council. The United Kingdom and France are the two most obvious examples of the outdated power structure of 1945.20 Germany and Japan, political outcasts after the Second World War, are leading candidates for permanent seats on the Security Council should the charter be amended. Japan began campaigning for a seat on the Security Council in 1971, but the East-West conflict caused the proposal to be seen as unrealistic. Japan tends to feel that the P5 are purposely keeping Council reform off of the agenda so as not to dramatically alter the makeup of global affairs.21

Of note, the United States is enthusiastically

supportive of Japanese ascension to the Council, whereas China is strongly opposed. Japan feels that the size of its economy, coupled with its status as the second largest donor state to the UN should afford it additional respect in the organization.22 Due to the P-5 having veto powers, which they can exercise in matters involving UN Charter reform, it is highly unlikely that elimination of one or more of the five will occur. One suggested compromise is to abolish the veto powers altogether, while keeping the five permanent seats on the Council. In this way, the five members would not have to worry about elections every two years, but non-permanent members would see a more fair and balanced Security Council without the inherent controversy caused by the threat of 19

Keith Suter, “Reforming the United Nations” in Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain: the United Nations at Fifty, ed. Ramesh Thakur, 195 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998). 20 Ibid, 195. 21 Takahiro Shinyo, “Reforming the Security Council: A Japanese Perspective,” in Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain: the United Nations at Fifty, ed. Ramesh Thakur, 152 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998). 22 Ibid, 152.

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veto.23 This solution is, again, difficult to pass, as the five veto powers would have to voluntarily give up the right to block substantive issues. Kofi Annan and a wide variety of other Member States are calling for an expansion of the Council to twenty-four seats. Under this proposal, each member would chair the Council for one month of its two-year term.24 Besides the structural inadequacies of the Security Council, many believe it is outdated in practical ways. The body often spends a great deal of time deliberating, negotiating and compromising for phraseology in resolutions that often go unenforced. The body has seen itself as a legislator,

challenge of the Security Council is that

Sovereignty: Sovereignty refers to the power, and the right to exercise that power of self-government that all independent countries have. They can exercise the power of the state without asking permission from another state.

even though it is the most powerful organ of

Source: www.naiadonline.ca/book/01Glossary.htm

passing resolutions which bind Member States to certain courses of action.

The

the United Nations, it lacks the power to enforce its decisions. Resolutions passed by the council require more than just words to make a difference, and Member States are often reluctant to offer up the necessary military and financial resources necessary to achieve the missions detailed in resolutions. Moreover, the United Nations is based upon the legal framework of sovereignty, which makes much of the UNâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work nearly impossible to carry out without cooperation of all affected states. In the modern structure of the world, perhaps the UN could be better served if the Security Council was primarily a third-party negotiator, securing settlements of disputes among warring entities. Some of the great accomplishments of the UN have been in

23 24

Suter, 195. Ibid.

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mediation and discussion of important disputes.25 Also important to the Security Council, if it is to be the foremost international body in international affairs, then it needs to discuss every major issue or conflict that arises.

If no structural change occurs in the Council, the body cannot afford to

continually disregard certain conflicts, such as wars in Nigeria, Chad and Angola, which have received little Security Council attention.26 The Security Council also needs to be willing to take assertive positions when lives are at risk, lest humanitarian disasters such as those in Somalia, Rwanda, or the Balkans be allowed to happen. Similarly, the Security Council itself should receive more attention. Rather than only having delegates at the meetings, if prime ministers, presidents or even foreign ministers were to arrive for more important negotiations and resolutions, the Security Council would gain prestige and legitimacy never before seen in the international community.27 Perhaps most importantly, the Security Council lacks a definite policy. It is a reactionary body, dealing with each conflict on a case-by-case basis, often without a coherent framework. Without recognized norms of international conduct, such as support for revolutionaries, intervention for humanitarian or civil conflicts, the UN cannot eliminate or even manage engagements as the Charter suggests.28

Complaints of Bureaucracy in the Secretariat Another criticism of the UN is directed at its bureaucracy, with critics questioning the need for what they consider redundant departments and calling out the inefficiency of the Secretariat, a problem even apparent to staunch UN supporters like Secretary-General Annan. As a non-political body, the Secretariat should be efficient, responsive and 25

Luard, 33. Ibid, 34. 27 Ibid. 28 Luard, 35. 26

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prepared, but this has not always been the case. As Kofi Annan wrote in “In Larger Freedom,” his 2005 statement regarding his vision for the future of the United Nations, “[a] capable and effective Secretariat is indispensable to the work of the United Nations.”29 Since the General Assembly and Security Council have the ability to create new organs in the Secretariat, the staff is not structured in the same fashion as a Western business, or even a Western government. This makes accountability and transparency difficult to pinpoint. Some headway has been made in this department in the last decade, with the establishment of the Senior Management Group, the office of the Deputy Secretary-General, and the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS). The OIOS functions as an independent oversight branch in the Secretariat, submitting reports to the secretary-general on the effective use of UN resources and the protection of UN assets.30 The UN is funded by its members by way of mandatory contributions from Member States, and is by its very nature not a political entity.

It has no secret

intelligence agency or other reason to hide any budgetary information or expenditures. Still, many Member States, and the United States in particular, are dissatisfied with the accounting practices and fiscal responsibility of the UN. With the seemingly lofty budget of USD $10 billion a year, the UN appears to spend a good deal of Member States’ money, but when considering the devaluation of the US dollar, that number is only eight times larger than the initial 1946 budget, when the UN just one-third of the Member States it now enjoys.31 To complicate matters further, Member States owe the UN more 29

Kofi Annan, “In Larger Freedom: towards development, security and human rights for all,” United Nations, http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N05/270/78/PDF/N0527078.pdf?OpenElement (accessed February 6, 2006), 46. 30 United Nations, “United Nations Office of Internal Oversight,” United Nations http://www.un.org/Depts/oios/ (accessed February 7, 2006). 31 Erskine Childers, “Financing the United Nations: Some Possible Solutions,” in The United Nations: Policy and

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than USD $600 million in regular dues, about eighty-five per cent of which is owed by the United States.32 With such a relatively small budget, and without a surefire method of ensuring payment by members, the UN seems destined to remain in a constant financial crisis, unable to accurately predict spending habits because of the difficulty it has obtaining full funding. Whether this issue can be resolved in the near future is a lengthy debate in itself, but the Secretariat, as the administrative head of the UN, should consider it sincerely whenever reform issues are discussed. The Secretariat should also be a truly international civil service. This is an easy reform that depends solely on Member States refraining from influencing staffers, as well as nominating only the most highly qualified nationals to a position. The UN should not be a reward for retired relatives or political figures, either.33 Although it is important to hire the most worthy candidate, the Secretariat has a serious deficiency when it comes to women in high-ranking positions. This is a relatively easily addressed issue, as the secretary-general has direct influence on who is hired. As will be discussed later, this reform is not structural, and thus can be implemented largely by the Secretariat. The redundancies in Secretariat departments are often a necessary evil of bureaucracy. For example, the Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) deals with the Economic and Financial and Social, Humanitarian and Cultural committees.34 DESA has its own budget and finance section as well as a personnel section, but also has a project finance section and project personnel section.35 While it

Financing Alternatives, Innovative Proposals by Visionary Leaders, ed. Harlan Cleveland, Hazel Henderson and Inge Kaul, 162 (Washington, DC: The Global Commission to Fund the United Nations, 1995). 32 Global Policy Forum, “United Nations Financial Crisis,” http://www.globalpolicy.org/finance/index.htm (accessed February 7, 2006). 33 Suter, 194. 34 United Nations, “Economic and Social Development,” http://www.un.org/esa/ (accessed February 5, 2006). 35 SanJuan, 24.

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may be that the current UN structure requires the separation of these areas, a less complex, more efficient body could handle the entirety of the budget or personnel departments, in addition to the fact that the Secretariat has a separate Department of Management that handles human resources and the treasury.36 Moreover, not all issues decided by the UN fall into a neat category. Work undertaken by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) can relate to both social and economic issues, therefore necessitating assistance from multiple, and potentially overlapping departments.

Culture of Corruption Yet another problem facing the UN is the perception of corruption. One of the best examples in recent years of a large-scale failure of the UN is the oil-for-food program in Iraq. The United Nations Oil-for-Food Program began in Iraq in 1995, supported by the Security Council in Resolution 986.37 The program was designed to allow Iraq to sell oil to traders in return for humanitarian aide and food supplies. The money generated through the sale of oil was to be limited for the purchase of humanitarian supplies for the seemingly innocent population in the country. The Security Council sought to minimize the suffering on the Iraqis, while punishing the regime from which it sought a change in behavior.38 The Iraqi government, then under the rule of Saddam Hussein, earned more than USD $67 billion in credit, and just $38 billion of which was used for humanitarian and food credit.39 The remainder of the money was believed to have gown towards the purchase of weapons and other materials that were deemed illegal by the series of UN resolutions. 36

United Nations Department of Public Information, “Senior Management Group.” UN Security Council, “Resolution 986,” http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N95/109/88/PDF/N9510988.pdf?OpenElement (accessed February 6, 2006). 38 UN Foundation, “Oil for Food: Facts,” http://www.oilforfoodfacts.org/history.aspx (accessed February 8, 2006). 39 Ibid. 37

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While the program achieved some important goals in Iraq, like remedying the food shortage in the country, allegations of corruption by UN officials and embezzlement of funds by the Hussein regime have marred

Paul Volcker

the reputation not only of the program itself, but also of the United Nations, as a whole. The United Nations Independent Inquiry Committee, headed by American Paul Volcker, released a report in October 2005 that highlighted more than 2,400 businesses that had paid kickbacks to the Iraqi government for in excess of USD $1.8 billion.40 More than 4,000 companies participated in the program, meaning greater than half of the firms that were ever involved with the Oil for Food program had been involved in the scandal, although it is possible that many of the companies were unaware of the discrepancies at the time.41 Essentially, the scandal indicates that the Iraqi regime was able to exploit a program intended to alleviate the suffering of the innocent. In order to do this, the government needed compliance from various UN administrators, and some outside companies, which it was able to procure through bribes and sweetheart deals. In the end, the credibility of the UN and the well-being of the Iraqi people were jeopardized to increase the financial status of a select few. More alarming for the UN in particular is the finding by the committee that UN officials were aware of the illicit sale of oil and humanitarian goods. The Volcker Report

Warren Hoge, â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Many Streams that Fed the River of Graft to Hussein,â&#x20AC;? New York Times, October 28, 2005, final edition, Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com (accessed February 6, 2006). 41 Ibid.

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claims that the failure was shared at the executive level by the Security Council and Kojo Annan

Secretary-General. The Security Council failed to define the objective of the program and to instruct administration as to how to run it.42 While the Security Council had failed in that regard, the report also notes that the secretary-general and deputy secretary-general failed to appoint competent, and honest, employees from the Secretariat to oversee the program.43

The Report mentions that there is not enough

evidence to allege that Kofi Annan was aware of the transgressions, however, at least three of his family members have been implicated in the scandal, including his son Kojo, along with relatives of other high-ranking UN officials.44 Regardless of whether the allegations are true, the scandal further erodes the credibility of the United Nations as an impartial and effective body. For the Secretariat, the scandal shows that the reforms now in place are clearly not enough. UN officials who are susceptible to bribery and corruption are not international civil servants and clearly do not share the goals and ideals of the organization. The Volcker Report recommended emphasizing detailed documentation and oversight. It also made note that the documentation of the Oil-for-Food Program was not public information, but in the future such documents, if released to Member States and the general public, could be valuable in preventing misuse of funds and abuse of power

Olivia Ward, “Kofi Annan ‘accepts criticism’,” Toronto Star, September 8, 2005, Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexisnexis.com (accessed February 6, 2006). 43 Ibid. 44 Bryan Bender and Joe Lauria, “Diplomat Accused of Program Breach,” The Boston Globe, February 4, 2005, third edition, Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com (accessed February 7, 2006).

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by UN officials.45 The report did not make specific accusations against high-ranking UN officials, but did emphasize that further investigations are necessary, and that as an organization the UN needs to focus its efforts more strenuously on having oversight and accountability for those who serve the international community.

The committee’s

findings may support the call for buyouts of staffers and officials in favor of a younger staff more dedicated to international service.

Trusteeship Council The Trusteeship Council is one of the six principal organs of the UN, a characteristic that should afford it considerable visibility in the totality of the United Nations system; however, the realities of the 20th Century have made this organ obsolete. The end of the Second World War saw a concerted effort by states to divest of colonial possessions and to begin states along the road to independence.46 With the support of the Security Council, the United Nations established the “trusteeship system” by which these states would be granted increased self-rule. According to Article 76 of the United nations Charter: The basic objectives of the trusteeship system, in accordance with the Purposes of the United Nations laid down in Article 1 of the present Charter, shall be: a. to further international peace and security; b. to promote the political, economic, social, and educational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories, and their progressive development towards self-government or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned, and as may be provided by the terms of each trusteeship agreement; c. to encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion, and to encourage recognition of the interdependence of the peoples of the world; and d. to ensure equal treatment in social, economic, and commercial matters for all Members of the United Nations and their nationals, and also equal treatment for the latter in the administration of 45

Independent Inquiry Committee into the United Nations Oil-for-Food Programme, “Interim Report,” http://www.iic-offp.org/documents/InterimReportFeb2005.pdf (accessed February 7, 2006). 46 Suter, 196.

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justice, without prejudice to the attainment of the foregoing objectives and subject to the provisions of Article 80. 47

The possessions became known as Trust Territories, and a member of the United Nations was assigned to assist each of these trusts as they moved towards independence, and was responsible

for

reporting to the United Nations as to its progress. For example, the United States had a mandate over the

Trust

Territory of the Pacific

Islands,

United Nations Trust Territories Trustee Current Name(s) and Year of Independence UK Ghana (1957) UK, Italy Somalia (1960) France Togo (1960) France Cameroon (1960) United Kingdom Joined Nigeria and Cameroon (1961) United Kingdom Tanzania (1961) Belgium Rwanda; Burundi (1962) New Zealand Samoa (1962) Australia, New Nauru (1968) Zealand, UK New Guinea Australia Papua New Guinea (1975) Trust Territory of USA Federated States of Micronesia (1990) the Pacific Islands Marshall Islands (1990), Northern Mariana Islands (1990), Palau (1994) Source: http://www.un.org/Depts/dpi/decolonization/trust4.htm Colonial Territory Togoland Somaliland Togoland Cameroons Cameroons Tanganyika Ruanda-Urundi Western Samoa Nauru

which split into a number of nations in 1990 and 1994.

These states have become commonwealths,

territories, or have established compacts of free association. Perhaps in recognition of the support that they received as they sought independence, former trust territories have generally established amiable relationships with their former trustees, and often participate in trade and foreign relations agreements with their former masters. In 1994, after Palau of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands achieved independence, no other trusts remained.48 Citing its successful disposition of the eleven initial territories, on 1 December 1994, the Trusteeship Council passed a resolution 47

United Nations Charter, Article 76 United Nations Department of Public Information, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Trusteeship Council,â&#x20AC;? United Nations, http://www.un.org/documents/tc.htm (accessed February 7, 2006).

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terminating its formal activities. The only remaining responsibilities for the Council are to attend annual meetings with other UN organs and agencies. In light of it completing its purpose, there is growing support of repurposing the council to address other needs of the United Nations. advocating

Various groups are that

the

Council

address environmental concerns or

even

ownership,

areas

including

atmosphere, seabed. reflecting

upon

its

public

Compact of Free Association: The status of free association recognizes an island government as a sovereign, self-governing state with the capacity to conduct foreign affairs consistent with the terms of the Compact. The Compact places full responsibility for military defense with the United States. The basic relationship of free association continues indefinitely; the economic provisions of the Compact are subject to renegotiation at the end of 15 years. Territory: An incorporated United States insular area, of which only one exists currently, Palmyra Atoll. With an area of 1.56 square miles, Palmyra consists of about fifty small islands and lies approximately one thousand miles south of Honolulu.

Others,

Commonwealth: An organized United States insular area, which has established with the Federal Government, a more highly developed relationship, usually embodied in a written mutual agreement.

success,

Source: http://www.doi.gov/oia/Islandpages/political_types.htm

the

suggest that it be disbanded altogether.

Current Goals of the Secretary-General In 2005, Kofi Annan published the most comprehensive reform document in the history of the UN, based upon the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) reached by the General Assembly in 2000. Annan, aware of the criticism that his organization had received, proposed a series of far-reaching initiatives designed to ensure that people throughout the world could achieve ‘freedom from want,’ ‘freedom from fear,’ and the ‘freedom to live in dignity.’ These efforts would demand significant reform in virtually every aspect of the operations of the United Nations, and would require broad consensus from Member States to be implemented. While the initial pronouncement received

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significant international support as an effective means of reform, the process of implementing these reforms has been slow going, as reaching agreement from the diverse membership of the General Assembly has been difficult. While some aspects have been slow to develop, Annan has already seen real success in the implementation of some of his reforms.

Millennium Development Goals In September 2000, the General Assembly adopted a document known as the United Nations Millennium Declaration, detailing a number of goals for world development. These goals have become the central focus of Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s efforts at reform.49 These eight Millennium

Development

Goals

(MDGs) can be found in the Appendix.50 Secretary-General Annan has made it clear that he believes that if the international community focuses on his objectives, the United Nations will

Millennium Development Goals: • Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger • Achieve universal primary education • Promote gender equality and empower women • Reduce child mortality • Improve maternal health • Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases • Ensure environmental sustainability • Develop a global partnership for development Source: http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/

achieve the goals of the Charter and increase development and economic prosperity throughout the world. The Millennium Development Goals will not be easy to achieve, and indeed in 2000 when they were passed, the General Assembly sought to set aggressive goals for the organization so that it could achieve meaningful progress in helping the most vulnerable populations in the world. Since the efforts were pronounced, real progress has been 49

See A/res/55/2, available online at http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration/ares552e.htm (accessed March 31, 2006). 50 “Millennium Development Goals,” United Nations, http://unstats.un.org/unsd/mi/pdf/mdglist.pdf (accessed March 31, 2006).

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made, but significantly more effort must be made to ensure that targets are reached by the 2015 MDG timeline.

In Larger Freedom In March 2005, Secretary-General Annan presented the General Assembly with a report, titled “In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All,” detailing what he called “a historic opportunity” to evolve the organization and “make people everywhere more secure, more prosperous and better able to enjoy their fundamental human rights.”51

The Secretary-General stressed in the report that

development, security and human rights are intrinsically linked, and that reform is a necessity for the organization if the international community wants it to succeed. One year after the release of “In Larger Freedom,” Annan presented his outlines for what he perceives to be practical implementations of reform, specifically in the Secretariat, to save time and money, more efficiently hire, distribute and establish accountability for personnel and strengthen the Secretariat.52

Freedom from Want Secretary-General Annan’s report from 2005 entails what he refers to as a “shared vision of development.”53 In the current paradigm, primary responsibility for developing extremely poor states is left with the developing state, the very entity that has shown itself unable to promote development.

By employing bold national strategies and

involving international actors, developing states are expected to meet the quantitative Millennium Development Goals, such as halving the proportion of people whose income

In larger freedom, 3. Investing in the United Nations, 2. 53 In larger freedom, 8. 52

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is less than USD $1 a day, a part of Goal 1.54 To make this goal more feasible, Annan suggests debt forgiveness and continued use of loans from developed and wealthy nations to provide capital for poor states. To create opportunity for private sector investments in poor and developing states, seven “broad clusters of public investments and policies” are expected of developing states in order to facilitate growth and to entice foreign investments.55 First, gender bias that currently pervades many societies must be eliminated, ranging in nature from the availability of reproductive health services to the opportunity for equal representation in government and decision-making bodies. Second, the Secretary-General promotes wiser resource management and environmental protection, which would serve the dual purpose of making economies stronger and conserving nature. Next, the report calls for greater urban and rural development, by way of promoting jobs, upgrading slums and teaching rural farmers to diversify their crops and practice sustainable agricultural practices. Finally, “In Larger Freedom” expects health and education systems to be modernized to ensure universal access to education and basic health care.56

Freedom from Fear The Secretary-General also perceives a “vision of collective security” that rises to the challenges facing Member States regarding international and civil wars, as well as organized crime, weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and terrorism.

“In Larger

Freedom” describes the threats facing UN Member States as “interconnected” regardless of whether the problem is a conflict in a neighboring state or a terrorist attack in the most highly developed states. To better cope with the emergence of international terrorism, 54

Ibid. Ibid, 13. 56 Ibid, 14. 55

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Mr. Annan has urged world leaders to define terrorism to allow the United Nations to develop a comprehensive definition for “terrorism,” and to identify strategies to fight these groups, including, for example, the development of a relationship between the Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization to ensure that terrorist activities are to abuse the fundamental rights of people, or to use biological weapons against them. Additionally, Annan requests that the IAEA be strengthened through international incentives for states to voluntarily relinquish nuclear weapons programs in favor of peaceful nuclear energy programs to be monitored by the agency.

irreversibly destroying stockpiles already in existence, the current nuclear weapon states (NWSs) could show further international cooperation and strengthen the counterproliferation regime immensely.57

Freedom to Live in Dignity “Human rights are as fundamental to the poor as to the rich,” and should be protected equally, according to Annan.58 At the time of his report, the protection of human rights was assigned to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), a group of 53 states that would meet once a year to discuss potential violations and to pass resolutions calling for ameliorative actions. The UNCHR rarely consulted with the Security Council, and the high commissioner for human rights was not an integral part of the broader activities of the United Nations. As a means of offering enforcement of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Annan would later propose terminating the UNCHR in favor of a Human Rights Council that would be more responsive to violations of these protections, and more attuned to the work of the organization. 57 58

Ibid, 29. Ibid, 37.

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Beyond traditional ideas, the secretary-general believes that human rights are tied to democratic rule and the freedoms associated with it. Citing that more than one hundred countries had signed the Warsaw Declaration of the Community of Democracies, Annan recognized that while democracy is itself a noble goal, the maintenance of democracy is equally important. For that reason, he suggested that the UN establish a democracy fund at the United Nations â&#x20AC;&#x153;to provide assistance to countries seeking to establish or strengthen their democracy.â&#x20AC;?59

To that end, he proposes

increasing ties between the Department of Political Affairs and the UN Development Programme (UNDP).60 These initial changes and modifications to how the UN works are informal would not require a revision of the Charter, meaning they could be implemented through General Assembly resolutions, and through the development of new practices and strategies in individual agencies and departments.

Reforming Organs of the United Nations Effective reform at the United Nations cannot be successful if efforts are limited to merely breaking down barriers between departments in the Secretariat, or in UN agencies in the field. To bring the UN into step with the current global paradigm, Annan also recognizes that it is necessary to assess each of the UN organs and to determine their efficiency and efficacy.

General Assembly At the founding of the United Nations, the General Assembly (GA) was to be the primary deliberative and representative body of the organization. It is in this room and in 59 60

Ibid. Ibid, 39.

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these proceedings that all 192 Member States of the organization have an equal voice. Just as important, the General Assembly has the power to approve the budget for the entire UN, as well as the authority to elect members of other deliberative bodies, including the rotating seats of the Security Council and the secretary-general. Kofi Annan has expressed concern that the General Assembly is losing prestige and “diminishing [in] contribution to the organization’s activities,” in part because most resolutions passed by the GA are by consensus.61 The increase in agreement by Member States does not reflect general unity among states, but rather a willingness to retreat from challenging problems and from meaningful action.62 In short, the General Assembly’s resolutions lack relevance in the real world. “In Larger Freedom” outlines ways for the General Assembly to increase its own importance in the organization and international community. First, the GA can speed up its deliberative process by avoiding drawn out debates on rules and procedures, which are often the most hotly contested actions the body takes. Next, by streamlining and focusing the agenda that individual committees address, the GA can pass resolutions, or at least increase awareness, on specific topics.63 The real problem facing the GA is that in order for serious debate to occur Member States need to take a vested interest in revitalizing the body and tackling challenging, relevant issues. Without the sincere focus of all Member States, positive results are unlikely and the General Assembly will continue along its path to irrelevance.64

Ibid, 40. Ibid. 63 Ibid, 41. 64 Ibid, 42. 62

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Other General Assembly Reform Mr. Annan’s hopes to have the UN General Assembly regain importance are not farfetched. The central problem facing this proposal is that newly powerful states, such as India, Germany, Japan and Brazil, known collectively as the G-4, are vying for seats on the Security Council rather than applying their efforts in the General Assembly. By focusing so strongly on their respective bids to join the Council, they are essentially writing off the importance of the GA, and ensuring that the only meaningful activity at the United Nations is limited to the Security Council. Despite its current state, the General Assembly has been host to some of the most pressing debates since the development of global diplomacy. In fact, the United States helped secure a resolution known as “Uniting for Peace” as a response to Security Council tension with the Soviet Union. Under Security Council Resolution 377: if the Security Council, because of lack of unanimity of the permanent members, fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression, the General Assembly shall consider the matter immediately with a view to making appropriate recommendations to Members for collective measures, including in the case of a breach of the peace or act of aggression the use of armed force when necessary, to maintain or restore international peace and security.65

Although seldom used, this resolution grants significant power to the General Assembly when it feels that the Security Council is not fulfilling its responsibility to “maintain international peace and security.” According to current regulations, only the Security Council can make “binding” resolutions, typically those calling for the use of force or the imposition of sanctions. If the UN Charter was amended, it could make the General Assembly’s resolutions binding, provided it pass with a majority vote of Member States.66 Other proposals suggest that 65 66

GA Resolution GA/Res/377 “Binding Triad,” The Center for War/Peace Studies, http://www.cwps.org/bt.html#d (accessed March 31, 2006).

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votes in the General Assembly be considered binding if the weighted votes of Member States, in terms of budgetary contributions, support a resolution. In general, little support is garnered by radical reforms such as this one, but potential changes to the General Assembly show that the body can become more useful in the work of the United Nations.

Human Rights Council In 2006, in response to intense criticism of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR), the General Assembly passed Resolution 60/251, establishing the Human Rights Council as a replacement to the UNCHR, “recognizing the work undertaken by the Commission on Human Rights and the need to preserve and build on its achievements and redress its shortcomings.”67 This reform, part of Kofi Annan’s broader reforms to the United Nations, came in response to the nomination of states such as Iraq and Libya, considered to be persistent violators of human rights, to lead the former commission. Under the old model, the UNCHR came under a great deal of international scrutiny, because complaints about human rights often became political and it was not uncommon for states with questionable human rights records to be elected to the fiftythree member Commission. In May 2001, the United States failed to garner enough votes to earn a seat in the UNCHR for the first time since 1947.68 The embarrassing result stemmed from the American opposition to the International Criminal Court and a number of other human rights initiatives, but Syria, Sudan and Sierra Leone, three states considered to be chronic violators of human rights, were reelected.69 The U.S. earned a seat in the committee in the next election cycle, but the controversy did not end there. In 67

GA Resolution 60/251. Anne E. Kornblut, “US Loses Seat on UN Rights Panel,” The Boston Globe, May 4, 2001, third edition, LexisNexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com (accessed February 7, 2006). 69 Ibid. 68

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May 2004, the Sudan was reelected to the committee despite the accusations of government supported genocide in that state. The U.S. delegation walked out in protest, calling the process “absurdity.” Despite this protest, the United Nations has done little to address complaints of human rights violations in the Sudan.70 The new Human Rights Council sought to address some of the most pressing concerns of former members of the Commission on Human Rights. Rather than permit perceived violators to be members of the body, the resolution establishing the Council specifically states: that the membership in the Council shall be open to all States Members of the United Nations; when electing members of the Council, Member States shall take into account the contribution of candidates to the promotion and protection of human rights and their voluntary pledges and commitments made thereto; the General Assembly, by a two-thirds majority of the members present and voting, may suspend the rights of membership in the Council of a member of the Council that commits gross and systematic violations of human rights;71

Moreover, the resolution calls for specific regional representation, and allows only two consecutive terms for Member States.

Reforms such as these make the body less

susceptible to criticism that it actually supports those regimes that are considered the worst violators of human rights protections, and serves to make it more of a democratic entity.

Security Council According to Annan, “no reform of the United Nations would be complete without reform of the Security Council.72 The secretary-general has called for the Council to be altered to better reflect the modern international community, and to be more representative of the geopolitical climate, thereby making it more legitimate as an 70

Edith M. Lederer, “U.S. walks out before U.N. votes to keep Sudan on Human Rights Commission,” Associated Press, May 4, 2004, Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com (accessed February 6, 2006). 71 UN Resolution A/RES/60/251 72 In larger freedom page 42.

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international institution.73 The General Assembly has made similar claims, shown in resolution 55/2in which the GA resolves “to intensify our efforts to achieve a comprehensive reform of the Security Council in all its aspects.”74 To achieve this reform, Secretary-General Annan has made two proposals as shown below. Each option would divide the 192 Member States into four geographic categories: Africa, Asia and Pacific, Europe

and

Americas. first

the The

proposal

would provide for one

additional

permanent

seat

from each of the Africa

and

Asia

regions, as well as one

Europe

and

from

Annan’s Proposals for Security Council Reform Model A provides for six new permanent seats, with no veto being created, and three new two-year term non-permanent seats, divided among the major regional areas as follows: Region

No. States

Africa Asia and Pacific Europe Americas Totals Model A

53 56 48 35 192

Permanent seats (continuing)

Proposed new permanent seats

0 1 3 1 5

2 2 1 1 6

Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable) 4 3 2 4 13

Total 6 6 6 6 24

Model B provides for no new permanent seats but creates a new category of eight four-year renewable-term seats and one new two-year non-permanent (and nonrenewable) seat, divided among the major regional areas as follows: Region Africa Asia and Pacific Europe Americas Totals Model B

No. States 53 56 48 35 192

Permanent seats (continuing) 0 1 3 1 5

Proposed four-year renewable seats 2 2 2 2 8

Proposed two-year seats (non-renewable) 4 3 1 3 11

Total 6 6 6 6 24

Source: Kofi Annan: In Larger Freedom

the

Americas. Two year, non-renewable, non-permanent seats would be offered to the four regions in order to balance the total number of states from each region at six. Thus, of the twenty-four proposed seats, the P5 would remain with veto power, six additional,

Ibid. United Nations General Assembly, “United Nations Millennium Declaration,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration/ares552e.htm (accessed March 31, 2006).

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permanent, but veto-less members would be added, and thirteen non-permanent seats would exist. In the second model, the P5 remain once again, and retain veto power, and two four-year, renewable seats for each region would be added. Non-renewable, two-year seats would be created to balance the total number of states from each region at six once again, for a total of twenty-four total seats.75

Other Proposals For many states, Security Council reform is the most pressing issue of reform facing the United Nations. To that end, a host of proposals have emerged, from a wide array of sources. This is due largely to the fact that, as in Mr. Annan’s proposal, regional groups are responsible for voting for representatives, but the goals and political ambitions of Member States are not always cohesive.76 For example, Mexico and Colombia, in the Americas, may be hesitant to vote for Canada, Argentina, or one another to sit on the UNSC. The potential for additional permanent seats complicates matters further, as “Argentina and Mexico are not sure how a permanent Brazil would represent Latin America…and Pakistan and Indonesia fail to see how a permanent India represents them.”77 Similar divisions can be found in Asia, where China would likely work strongly against a lasting Security Council seat for Japan. After intense politicking and various suggestions for reform, a few proposed changes have emerged as the most viable and utilitarian. First is to have Brazil, India, Germany, and Japan attain permanent status, representing the G-4, with the potential for veto powers to be extended to them in fifteen years. Two additional permanent seats 75

In larger freedom page 43. Williams. 77 Ibid. 76

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would be given to African states, but there is no consensus as to which states would garner those seats; most discussion has centered on Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa.78 The other reform proposal that has received traction does not add any permanent seats, but instead creates twenty non-permanent seats to accompany the five permanent members. This concept, called “Uniting for Consensus” was developed by Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Italy, Malta, Mexico, Pakistan, Republic of Korea, San Marino, Spain and Turkey.79 Many of these states clearly take issue with the G4, and would feel unrepresented by new permanent members on the Council. Uniting for Consensus calls for seats to be allocated to non-permanent members as follows: six from African states, five from Asian states, four from Latin American and Caribbean states, three from Western European and other states and two from Eastern European states.80 United Nations Security Council reform is a vital issue, but not one that is likely to be solved easily. While Secretary-General Annan and many of the other states noted here have made it a priority, a consensus will be difficult to reach. As Secretary-General Annan has made it clear, though, inability to reach a consensus “must not become an excuse for postponing action.”81

Economic and Social Council The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) was given a broad mandate by the framers of the UN Charter, including policy review and coordination of development efforts, now vital to the effective operations of the organization, but ECOSOC was not 78

Dr Michael Fullilove, “Angels and Dragons: Asia, the UN, Reform, and the Next Secretary–General,” Lowy Institute for International Policy, http://www.ciaonet.org/wps/low009/low009.pdf (accessed March 31, 2006). 79 Williams. 80 United Nations Department of Public Information,“Uniting for Consensus Group of States Introduces Text on Security Council Reform to General Assembly,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2005/ga10371.doc.htm (accessed March 31, 2006). 81 In larger freedom 60.

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given the enforcement power necessary to implement its intended goals.82 As the only organ of the UN specifically designed to be a coordinator and consensus-builder, it is charged with consulting with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to help those bodies and other UN specialized agencies in their efforts to implement UN goals. One way to change the functions of ECOSOC is to make it more responsive to specific incidents. Famine, natural disasters and epidemics are problems facing the international community, and ECOSOC is well-suited to coordinate the response of governments, NGOs and other bodies, but the Council must be able to meet in a timely manner and make decisions quickly.83 Secretary-General Annan has noted that the Economic and Social Council would also be better served to hold regular meetings to discuss developmental goals, since ECOSOC is particularly active in aiding in economic development and building infrastructure in poor and under-developed states.

By reviewing progress of the

Millennium Development Goals and reviewing trends in international cooperation and development, ECOSOC can serve as a bridge between the â&#x20AC;&#x153;normative and operational work of the United Nations.â&#x20AC;?84 In short, ECOSOC can review and improve upon what the UN feels should be done with that which is actually happening in developing states.

Inter-Governmental Organizations as Tools for Peace Inter-governmental organizations (IGOs) are a relatively recent development in global politics. Organizations like the European Union, African Union, and even the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, are potentially valuable partners with which the UN can work with in resolving conflict and aiding development. Mr. Annan envisions the 82

In Larger Freedom 44. Ibid, 61. 84 Ibid, 60. 83

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EU, AU and other such bodies acting in the roles of peacekeepers and mediators in place of the United Nations in some situations.

In many cases, representatives of these

organizations should be invited to meetings of UN coordinating bodies, “when issues in which they have a particular interest are addressed.”85 Additionally, Annan has indicated that he is in favor of the UN using the donations and assessed contributions of Member States to finance regional peacekeeping and developmental operations, under the umbrella of the UN. Regional bodies have been surprisingly willing to take on challenges in place of the United Nations. The African Union, for example, is active in the Sudanese civil conflict in Darfur. The states comprising the European Union contribute a combined forty-six thousand troops to the UN for peacekeeping operations, so perhaps a more direct role in distributing and commanding troops via regional organizations would lead to an increase in the willingness of states to support peacekeeping operations and humanitarian interventions.86 States in regional organizations are also many of the same states vying for Security Council seats. Germany in the EU, and Nigeria in the AU, are notable examples, so incorporation of these groups could lay the groundwork for an expanded role of those and other developing states in the United Nations and perhaps in other areas.

Reforming the Secretariat Although those outside the UN may not recognize the developments, the most drastic reforms proposed by Secretary-General Annan are probably in the Secretariat. He writes in “In Larger Freedom” that “[a]s the needs of the organization have changed, so too must the Secretariat,” noting that a “capable and effective Secretariat is indispensable 85

Ibid, 52. Alexandra Novosseloff , “EU-UN Partnership in Crisis Management: Developments and Prospects” http://www.ciaonet.org/wps/noa01/noa01.pdf (accessed April 1, 2006)

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to the work of the United Nations.”87 The first request of the secretary-general is to have the General Assembly review the mandates of all bodies and organizations in the UN that are more than five years old, in order to determine whether they are still pertinent to the goals of the organization. In this way, much of the red tape hindering the effective work of the United Nations can be preempted and resources can be better allocated.

addition, to create a more diverse workforce with representation from everywhere in the world with equal regard for women, the secretary-general wishes to have funds allocated to have a one-time buyout of certain Secretariat staff members in order to “refresh and realign” the staff to better suit the needs of the UN.88 In light of the recent scandals and suspected corruption throughout the UN, Mr. Annan further proposes that the Senior Management Group be altered or restructured to have more authority over policy decisions and management of UN resources and mandates. This group would make decisions in a more focused and accountable manner than currently possible.

If the SMG has more authority, it will need both more

accountability and more resources. In light of this, the secretary-general has also asked the GA to review human resource and budgetary rules, as well as the idea of expanding the Office of Internal Oversight Services in terms of both capacity and independence, in order to make the Secretariat more responsible for its actions.89

Early Efforts at Secretariat Reform Annan’s initial reforms were not immediately greeted warmly by the General Assembly, mostly because they gave more authority to the Secretariat to act on the mandates passed by the GA and other bodies. To further elaborate on his goals, Mr. 87

In larger freedom, 46. Ibid, 47. 89 Ibid. 88

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Annan published another report in March 2006, this time focusing on an overhaul of the Secretariat and other bureaucratic and administrative reforms. The first changes proposed by Mr. Annan address the staff of the Secretariat, and the policies by which they are hired. For him, the success of the organization rests in the quality of those who invest time and effort in it. To that end, the secretary-general has proposed incentives for workers to join the UN as an opportunity for international civil service, not as a reward for government service or other reasons.

Among these

suggestions include streamlining the hiring process, adding incentives for those workers who spend extended amounts of time with the organization, and developing direct qualifications for each post to ensure that proper people are hired.90 In addition, allowing the Secretariat’s leadership to move staff members wherever they are needed and ending “lifetime contracts” with staffers would, in the secretary-general’s opinion, create a business-like, competitive market in which promotion and turnover generate a nimble and effective structure. To streamline bureaucracy, Mr. Annan promotes eliminating a number of the departments currently represented in the Senior Management Group. To foster leadership and to increase the level of communication between departments, the posts should be combined so that about eight under-secretaries-general are in charge of what are now twenty-five departments. This proposition would develop stronger middle management and allow for staffers to be trained in leading departments before advancing to the undersecretary-general level.91 A major change proposed by Mr. Annan’s report is to redefine the Deputy Secretary-General’s position to be the chief administrator of the organization. 90 91

Investing in the United Nations, 18. Ibid, 22

The

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secretary-general would continue to serve as the chief political and policy administrator, but the deputy secretary-general would be responsible for the organization and efficiency of the Secretariat.92 In this case, when scandal arises, like that which happened during the Oil-for-Food program, the deputy-secretary-general would be far prepared to be involved, as his or her only task is to monitor and oversee the actions of the various departments of the organization. This structure looks strikingly similar to the initial proposal of the UN, in which the secretary-general would be the administrative figure and a presidential position would entail political and policy-making duties. There would likely be considerable difficulty in approving such a change, as it would afford the secretary-general significantly more power, since he would no longer have day-to-day operations to distract him from participating in policy decisions. Mr. Annan has also seeks to change the way the Secretariat carries out many functions, in an effort to reduce costs and increase efficiency. One suggestion focused on outsourcing jobs in the fields of translating, editing, and printing documents; administration of staff insurance; information technology support; and payroll.93 With the advent of computer technology, these tasks may be completed in countries where the costs are considerably less than in New York and the other principle cities in which the UN operates. In addition, Mr. Annan would like the entire budgetary process to be streamlined into one large, coherent process.94 As noted earlier, various departments of the Secretariat have budgetary departments within them, but the Secretariat has its own Department of Management, which maintains the treasury. In order to facilitate a new staff, one with the goals of reform in mind, and not mired in the past actions and policies

Ibid. Ibid, 28. 94 Ibid, 33. 93

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of the Secretariat, the secretary-general also requests a one-time buyout of some staff members. These staff buyouts would cost an estimated USD $100,000 per staff member offered the package, an expensive idea, but â&#x20AC;&#x153;fully justified as an investment in the United Nations of the future, which must be staffed by people whose skills and aptitudes respond to its priorities.â&#x20AC;?95 These reform ideas may be behind-the-scenes changes, as they do not have political motives, but they have the potential to drastically change the way the UN functions.

Ibid, 42.

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Summary The United Nations is the foremost international organization on earth. Established in 1945, the organization facilitates world discussion, mediation and international development, but the Member States of the UN have made it clear that the body needs to improve in many ways if it wishes to remain the most important international institution. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has developed a complex remedy to the situation, but as yet has met only minimal success in implementing his ideas. The General Assembly has, through resolutions, shown that it feels the UN is not representative of the global political structure, particularly in the Security Council. Since the Security Council is the only body in the world that can legitimize the use of force under the UN Charter, it is very important to Member States that the Council represent all regions of the world in a fair manner. Since the power structure of the world is very different from that of the UNâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inception shortly after the Second World War, yet the Security Council has remained unchanged, strong dissatisfaction with the body has emerged. The Secretariat, the practical, apolitical organ of the UN responsible for completing studies and briefings, organizing meetings and conventions and aiding the Member States in countless other ways, faces a number of criticisms as well. Although the UN could not function without the international civil servants that comprise the Secretariat, the seemingly endless bureaucracy of the organ makes jurisdiction over seemingly menial matters difficult. Additionally, the Secretariat has recently suffered in reputation from corruption scandals, most notably in the Oil-for-Food program, from which accusations have reached the highest levels of the Secretariat.

From these

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scandals, ideas have emerged for including independent auditors, buying out Secretariat staff and changing the hiring practices of the organization. Other areas of the UN are outdated and overly bureaucratic as well.

The

Trusteeship Council, created to aide in decolonization after the Second World War, was among the major successes of the early UN, but it has outlasted its usefulness, and no longer convenes. This and other bodies seem to exist without any substantive purpose. The objectives of a number of other UN bodies have either been met or are no longer relevant to the goals of the organization; thus, the UN needs to review and possibly alter the mandates of many of its bodies. Kofi Annan, has offered far-reaching reform to the UN to better prepare the organization for the challenges of the modern geopolitical structure. These reforms have been met with some success, such as the implementation of a new Human Rights Council to replace the High Commission on Human Rights. In other areas, though, Mr. Annan has been frustrated by a lack of motivation on the part of Member States, as well as the politicization of many reform issues by states with conflicting national interests. With Secretary-General Annanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s second term coming to an end, the Secretariat has the opportunity to critique the progress of the United Nations over the past ten years, and to review the overall effectiveness of the organization in achieving the goals of the UN Charter. In so doing, the Secretariat will be able to assess the goals of Mr. Annanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reform plans to set the UN on a course toward development, universal human rights and global security.

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Discussion Questions • Should the United Nations consider reform of the Security Council? If so, what plan should the Secretariat consider the best? • What sort of guidelines should the UN have regarding the role of international civil servants? Should the nationality of potential employees be considered in hiring practices? • What can the Secretariat do about dishonest employees? Should the Secretariat buyout the contracts of long-time employees? • Should the Secretariat have more authority and power over the functions of the UN? Should the secretary-general have influence over the policy and direction of the organization? • Considering that the Trusteeship Council no longer meets, should the UN try to modify its jurisdiction, or eliminate the organ altogether? Is replacing it a viable option? • Why is the General Assembly important to the UN? Should it become more important and influential or is its current role in line with the UN Charter? How should the role of the GA relate to that of the Security Council? • Can the organization be reformed without the broad support of Member States? Can the UN survive if it does not make significant changes to the manner in which it operates? • Should the secretary-general be the primary policy-maker of the UN? If not, should it be the role of the General Assembly? The Security Council?

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006

Works Cited Annan, Kofi. “In larger freedom: towards development, security and human rights for all,” United Nations, http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N05/270/78/PDF/N0527078.pdf?Ope nElement Annan, Kofi. “Investing in the United Nations: for a stronger organization worldwide,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/reform/reform7march06.pdf Baehr, P. and L. Gordenker. The United Nations at the End of the 1990s, Third Edition. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999. Bender, Bryan and Lauria, Joe. “Diplomat Accused of Program Breach.” The Boston Globe, February 4, 2005, third edition. Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com “Binding Triad,” The Center for War/Peace Studies, http://www.cwps.org/bt.html#d Bourantonis, Dimitris. The History and Politics of UN Security Council Reform. New York: Routledge, 2005. Childers, Erskine. “Financing the United Nations: Some Possible Solutions.” In The United Nations: Policy and Financing Alternatives, Innovative Proposals by Visionary Leaders, ed. Harlan Cleveland, Hazel Henderson and Inge Kaul, 161170. Washington, DC: The Global Commission to Fund the United Nations, 1995. Edwards, Steven. “Rights violators hobble U.S. attempt to reform UN: Zimbabwe on human rights panel; Canada fears creation of hierarchy that could see countries cherry-picking,” The Gazette (Montreal, CN), January 12, 2006, final edition, Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Fullilove, Dr Michael. “Angels and Dragons: Asia, the UN, Reform, and the Next Secretary–General,” Lowy Institute for International Policy, http://www.ciaonet.org/wps/low009/low009.pdf Global Policy Forum, “United Nations Financial Crisis,” http://www.globalpolicy.org/finance/index.htm

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Hoge, Warren. “The Many Streams that Fed the River of Graft to Hussein.” New York Times, October 28, 2005, final edition. Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Independent Inquiry Committee into the United Nations Oil-for-Food Programme, “Interim Report,” http://www.iic-offp.org/documents/InterimReportFeb2005.pdf. Kornblut, Anne E. “US Loses Seat on UN Rights Panel.” The Boston Globe, May 4, 2001, third edition. Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Lederer, Edith M. “U.S. walks out before U.N. votes to keep Sudan on Human Rights Commission.” Associated Press, May 4, 2004. Lexis-Nexis, http://web.lexisnexis.com Luard, Evan. The United Nations: How it Works and What it Does, Second Edition. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994. “Millennium Development Goals,” United Nations, http://unstats.un.org/unsd/mi/pdf/mdglist.pdf Newman, Edward. The UN Secretary-General from the Cold War to the New Era: A Global Peace and Security Mandate? New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. Novosseloff, Alexandra. “EU-UN Partnership in Crisis Management: Developments and Prospects” http://www.ciaonet.org/wps/noa01/noa01.pdf Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “About OHCHR,” http://www.ohchr.org/english/about/ “Proposals of the European Union for Reform of the United Nations System in the Economic and Social Areas” http://www.un.org/reform/intgov/4refsumm.htm. SanJuan, Pedro A. The UN Gang: A Memoir of Incompetence, Corruption, Espionage, Anti-Semitism, and Islamic Extremism at the UN Secretariat. New York: Doubleday, 2005. Schwebel, Stephen M. The Secretary-General of the United Nations: His Political Powers and Practice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952.

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006

Shinyo, Takahiro. “Reforming the Security Council: A Japanese Perspective.” In Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain: the United Nations at Fifty, ed. Ramesh Thakur, 147-162. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. Smith, Courtney B. Politics and Process at the United Nations: The Global Dance. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006. Suter, Keith. “Reforming the United Nations.” In Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain: the United Nations at Fifty, ed. Ramesh Thakur, 189-204. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. UN Foundation, “Oil for Food: Facts,” http://www.oilforfoodfacts.org/history.aspx United Nations, “Charter of the United Nations,” http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/chapt15.htm United Nations, “Economic and Social Development,” http://www.un.org/esa/ United Nations, “United Nations Office of Internal Oversight,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/Depts/oios/ United Nations, “What Makes the Human Rights Council Different Than the Commission?” United Nations, http://www.un.org/reform/pdfs/hrcdifferences.pdf. United Nations Department of Public Information, “The Biography of Louise Frechette,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/stories/dsgbio.asp United Nations Department of Public Information, “High Commissioner for Human Rights Salutes Creation of Human Rights Council,” United Nations, http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/335B04BC437FC02FC12571 33002DC229?opendocument United Nations Department of Public Information, “Reform at the UN”, United Nations, http://www.un.org/reform/dossier.html United Nations Department of Public Information, “Senior Management Group,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/pages/seniorstaff.html

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United Nations Department of Public Information, “True Test of New Human Rights Council Will be Use Member States Make of It, Secretary-General Says,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/sgsm10376.doc.htm United Nations Department of Public Information, “Trusteeship Council,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/documents/tc.htm United Nations Department of Public Information, “Uniting for Consensus Group of States Introduces Text on Security Council Reform to General Assembly,” United Nations, http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2005/ga10371.doc.htm United Nations General Assembly, “United Nations Millennium Declaration,” http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration/ares552e.htm United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 986,” http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N95/109/88/PDF/N9510988.pdf?Ope nElement Ward, Olivia. “Kofi Annan ‘accepts criticism’.” Toronto Star, September 8, 2005. LexisNexis, http://web.lexis-nexis.com Williams, Ian. “Security Council Reform Debate Highlights Challenges Facing UN,” (Silver City, NM & Washington, DC: Foreign Policy In Focus, August 10, 2005).

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006

Works Referenced Davies, Michael. The Administration of International organizations: Top Down and Bottom Up. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002. Meron, Theodore. The United Nations Secretariat. Lexington, Mass: D.C. Heath and Company, 1977. White, Nigel D. The United Nations System: Toward International Justice. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002.

Rutgers Model United Nations 2006

Appendix A: Millennium Development Goals Goal Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger

Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education

Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women

Goal 4: Reduce child mortality

Goal 5: Improve maternal health

Goal 6: Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability

Goal 8: Develop a global partnership for development

Target Target 1: Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than one dollar a day Target 3: Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling Target 4: Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015 Target 5: Reduce by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five mortality rate Target 6: Reduce by three-quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality ratio Target 7: Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS Target 9: Integrate the principles of sustainable development into country policies and programmes and reverse the loss of environmental resources Target 12: Develop further an open, rulebased, predictable, nondiscriminatory trading and financial system

Target Target 2: Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger

Target 8: Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria and other major diseases Target 10: Halve, by 2015, the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation

Target 13: Address the special needs of the least developed countries

Target

Target 11: By 2020, to have achieved a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers

Target 14: Address the special needs of landlocked developing countries and small island developing States

Target 15: Deal comprehensively with the debt problems of developing countries