Revista de História da Arte - N.º1 - Série W - 2011 by Instituto de História da Arte FCSH-UNL

Medieval Colours issn 218 2-3 294

between beauty and meaning N.º I

SÉRIE W 2011

fac u l da d e d e c i ê n c i a s s o c i a i s e h u m a n a s – u n l

Revista de História da Arte Série W N.º I 2011

Ficha Técnica direcção iha (fcsh/unl) Raquel Henriques da Silva Joana Cunha Leal Pedro Flor

concepção gráfica Rita Palla

coordenação científica – rha série w, n.º i Adelaide Miranda Maria João Melo

paginação Heragráfica, artes gráficas lda.

conselho científico e editorial (fcsh/unl) Carlos Moura Joana Cunha Leal José Custódio Vieira da Silva Manuel Justino Maciel Maria Adelaide Miranda Rafael Moreira Raquel Henriques da Silva

capa Nuno Gonçalves

conselho científico – rha série w, n.º i Adelaide Miranda Aires Augusto do Nascimento José Mattoso Mark Clarke Maria João Melo Patricia Stirnemann secretariado Ana Paula Louro Cátia Teles Marques Catarina Miguel tradução revisão e tradução dos resumos Adelaide Miranda Catarina Miguel Maria João Melo Mark Clarke edição Instituto de História da Arte

Agradecimentos Agence VU’ (por cortesia da fotografia de Michel Pastoureau); Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP); Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto (BPMP); Direcção Geral dos Arquivos-Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo (DGARQ-ANTT); Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas (FCSH/UNL, na pessoa do seu Director Professor João Sàágua); Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia (FCT/UNL, na pessoa do seu Director Professor Fernando Santana); Fundo de Apoio à Comunidade Científica (FACC); Projectos de investigação financiados pela FCT-MCTES: An interdisciplinary approach to the study of color in Portuguese manuscript illuminations (POCTI/EAT/33782/2000), The identity of Portuguese medieval manuscript illumination in the European context (PTDC/EAT/65445/2006) e Colour in medieval illuminated manuscripts: between beauty and meaning (PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008). Direcção da Revista de História da Arte (RHA), pela cedência do presente número para publicação das actas do Congresso «Medieval Colours: between beauty and meaning».

Medieval Colours between beauty and meaning N.º I série w 2011 Instituto de História da Arte Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia Universidade Nova de Lisboa

Edição Instituto de História da Arte

A Revista de História da Arte inicia uma nova série, designada Série W, ganhando uma existência também virtual, em ambiente Web. A Série W tem numeração específica e decorre paralelamente à série editada em papel. Respeita, naturalmente, o design, a estrutura de conteúdos e a relevância da imagem que são apanágio da Revista de História da Arte. Os objectivos desta iniciativa são evidentes: proporcionar a iniciativas relevantes, decorrentes de congressos e outros encontros científicos, a possibilidade de publicação de actas e e de documentação diversa, num lugar cientificamente prestigiado como o da nossa revista mas com custos consideravelmente menores. Agradecemos à Doutora Maria João Melo e à Doutora Maria Adelaide Miranda o seu magnífico trabalho que reforça os valores da interdisciplinaridade que são uma prioridade para o Instituto de História da Arte. A Direcção do IHA

Entrevista com Michel Pastoureau

8 10

conduzida por Adelaide Miranda e Ana Lemos

............................................................................... Value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours

in early Romanesque book illumination Anja Grebe

Étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale:

l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, fin x siècle e

Marie Aschehoug-Clauteaux

Remarks on colours and pigments in the French court illumination

of the 13th century Xenia Muratova

............................................................................... Byzantine recipes and book illumination

Doris Oltrogge

The Strasbourg family texts: originality and survival.

A survey of illuminating techniques in medieval South Germany Sylvie Neven

Les couleurs de l’enluminure: recettes de Michelino da Besozzo

et d’Antoine de Compiègne Inès Villela-Petit

À propos d’une notice sur le vermillon

103

Horácio Peixeiro

Binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research

112

Stefanos Kroustallis

............................................................................... À la recherche des pigments

126

Claude Coupry

Colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows Mark Clarke

138

Índice

Editorial

152

The colour of medieval Portuguese illumination: an interdisciplinary approach Maria João Melo, Adelaide Miranda, Catarina Miguel, Rita Castro, Ana Lemos, V. Solange F. Muralha, João A. Lopes and António e Pereira Gonçalves

174

Illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies Marina Bicchieri, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida e Armida Sodo

182

Early Netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of illuminations in the Rime Bible of Jacob van Maerlant Arie Wallert

194

Analysis of the Anjou Bible Marina van Bos e Lieve Watteeuw

205

That it seemeth to be the thing itself. The obsession of 16th century miniature painters to imitate the beauty of nature Timea Tallian e Alan Derbyshire

............................................................................... 218

Non-invasive XRF and UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopic analysis of materials used by Beato Angelico in the manuscript Graduale n. 558 M. Picollo, A. Aldrovandi, A. Migliori, S. Giacomelli e M. Scudieri

229

A protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintings Maurizio Aceto, Angelo Agostino, Monica Gulmini, Eleanora Pellizzi e Valentina Bianco

242

The application of SR-XRF to the analysis of manuscript illumination a case study Marco Battaglia, Laura Alidori Battaglia, Richard Celestre, Peter Denes, Dionisio Doering, Tae Sung Kim e Sarah Zalusly

252

Combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific, in-situ techniques for material identification and mapping Paola Ricciardi e John K. Delaney

RECENSÕES CRÍTICAS

264

Michel Pastoureau. Noir. Histoire d’une couleur. Éditions du Seuil, 2008 Adelaide Miranda e Rita Carvalho

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Mark Clarke. Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium. Archetype, London, 2011

266

Stefanos Kroustallis

VARIA Des interactions entre scriptoria Portugais au XIIe siècle

270

Rémy Cordonnier

Highlighting manuscripts’ third dimension. Access, documentation and display of micrometric details

282

Inês Correia

À volta de um vermelho. Apresentação de edição d’O livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia

288

Maria João Melo e Catarina Miguel

Interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations

292

Nuno Correia, Tarquínio Mota, Rita Carvalho e André Ricardo

NOTÍCIAS Colour in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts: Between Beauty and Meaning

298

Maria João Melo

O projecto Imago

300

Ana Lemos

The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters

301

Ana Isabel Seruya e Maria Luísa Carvalho

Studies in medieval manuscript illuminations: Master and PhD thesis

302

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities and Faculty of Sciences and Technology, New University of Lisbon

Seminário e Exposição. Os Livros de Horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra e a cultura artística do século XV

304

Ana Lemos

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Editorial 8

Os códices medievais iluminados são testemunhos da construção ideológica e cultural Europeia, assumindose ainda como objectos artísticos. No caso de Portugal, nos sécs. XII e XIII, constituem a única arte da cor, já que se perderam as pinturas murais e sobre tábua. Este número especial da Revista de História da Arte apresenta o resultado científico do congresso «Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning. An interdisciplinary conference on the study of colour in medieval manuscripts», que decorreu na FCT e na FCSH da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, de 10 a 11 de Setembro 2009, sendo organizado conjuntamente pelo Departamento de Conservação e Restauro e pelos Instituto de História da Arte e Instituto de Estudos Medievais. O estímulo para a organização deste congresso nasceu da investigação efectuada no âmbito de dois projectos financiados pela FCT-MCTES e coordenados por Adelaide Miranda e Maria João Melo. A equipa interdisciplinar pretende com estes projectos valorizar os manuscritos iluminados medievais (sécs. XII/XIII), um património riquíssimo, ligado à formação da nacionalidade, que alia a importância cultural dos textos à valorização artística da iluminura. Pela primeira vez foi possível reunir os mais notáveis investigadores nesta área, incluindo químicos, historiadores da arte, cientistas da conservação e restauradores, entre outros. Os conferencistas convidados, Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke, Claude Coupry, Doris Oltrogge e Yarza Luaces apresentaram o estado da arte. As comunicações dos participantes de diferentes origens e instituições (universidades, museus, laboratórios) possibilitaram uma discussão frutuosa das diversas abordagens de investigação. Concluiu-se que se encontravam reunidas as condições necessárias para a criação de uma rede de investigadores e de uma base de dados internacional, que teria como objectivo principal a construção de um Atlas dos pigmentos e corantes medievais. Este Atlas será um passo importante no conhecimento e divulgação dos colorantes e significado da cor utilizada na iluminura medieval. Os artigos deste número encontram-se, tal como no congresso, organizados em torno de quatro eixos temáticos: significado da cor, cor nas fontes escritas

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Medieval illuminated manuscripts are among the most valuable objects of the European cultural heritage, and are testimonies to medieval ideas, religion and policy. For Portugal, in the 12th-13th centuries, they may be considered the only surviving artistic colour, because both mural and panel paintings are practically lost. This special issue of «Revista de História da Arte» is devoted to the conference «Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning. An interdisciplinary conference on the study of colour in medieval manuscripts», organized by the Department of Conservation and Restoration (FCT) together with the Institute of Art History and Institute for Medieval Studies (FCSH), on 10th11th September 2009. The impetus for organizing this conference arose from research carried out under two projects funded by FCT-MCTES and coordinated by Adelaide Miranda and Maria João Melo. In these projects the interdisciplinary team aimed to evaluate medieval Portuguese illuminated manuscripts (12th-13th centuries), a rich heritage, linked to the formation of nationality, which combine the cultural importance of texts with the artistic appreciation of illumination. For the first time it was possible to bring together the most eminent researchers in this discipline: chemists, art historians, and conservation-restoration scientists. The invited speakers, Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke, Claude Coupry, Doris Oltrogge and Yarza Luaces, put into context the state-of-the-art and methods in this field. The communications presented by researchers of diverse geographic origins and institutions (universities, museums, chemistry laboratories) enabled a fruitful discussion of the different methods of research. This conference and this publication demonstrate conclusively that genuinely committed and open interdisciplinary collaboration is essential in colour research and manuscript studies, and indicates the value of «Technical Art History» across all fields of art history. A wide knowledge of cultural history helps us (for example) to avoid anachronistic interpretations of colour meanings. The careful observations of conservator-restorers, combined with chemical and physical analysis in the laboratory, helps us evaluate how colours have altered or been lost; these observations

medievais, os materiais da cor, novas perspectivas na análise científica da iluminura medieval. Entrevista-se ainda Michel Pastoureau, historiador e pioneiro nos estudos da cor numa perspectiva social e simbólica, que nos alerta para as armadilhas mais frequentes neste campo de estudos; mas que por outro lado, nos chama a atenção para a potencialidade e riqueza desta investigação desde que levada a cabo em contextos específicos e combinando resultados alargados. O estudo da história das cores é também atractivo e lúdico, como nos conta Pastoureau «(...) avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs, je semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» E é esse prazer que gostaríamos de poder partilhar com o leitor!

•

Maria Adelaide Miranda, FCSH-UNL mmac@fcsh.unl.pt

Maria João Melo, FCT-UNL mjm@dq.fct.unl.pt

Mark Clarke, UvA mark@clericus.org

and analyses, when further combined with the insights and knowledge from traditional art history, help us mentally reconstruct original appearances. Above all, interdisciplinary discussion was shown to be the «royal road» to formulating meaningful research questions – for the curator in the gallery, the art historian in the study, or the chemist in the laboratory. The papers published here are organized thematically: the meaning of colour, colour in mediaeval written sources, the materials of colour, and new trends in the analysis of medieval manuscripts. An interview with Michel Pastoureau – historian, anthropologist and pioneer of studies in the social and symbolic meanings of colour – provides the perfect framework for the topic. As an historian who pioneered the social and symbolic studies in colour, he alerts us to the many traps that may be found in this field of study, highlighting at the same time the extraordinary impact and richness that the research on the social history of colour may bring. Colour: between beauty an meaning is also an extremely attractive field of research, or as Pastoureau stated: as a researcher we can even have fun with it! «… avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs, je semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» 1

•

1. «…with my researches in the history of colors, I seem to please myself greatly.»

participantes do congresso «medieval colours: between beauty and meaning» na biblioteca da fct-unl, campus caparica, 10 setembro 2009

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michel pastoureau

ichel Pastoureau*, né le 17 juin 1947 à Paris, est un historien médiéviste français, spécialiste de la symbolique des couleurs, des emblèmes, et de l’héraldique. Michel Pastoureau est le petit-cousin de Claude Lévi-Strauss et le fils d’Henri Pastoureau, proche des surréalistes ; archiviste paléographe, sa thèse de l’École des chartes, soutenue en 1972, porte sur le bestiaire héraldique du Moyen Âge. Il est historien, et directeur d’études à École des hautes études en sciences sociales et à l’École pratique des hautes études, où il occupe depuis 1983 la chaire d’histoire de la symbolique occidentale. Il a été élu le 28 avril 2006 correspondant français de l’Académie des

inscriptions et belles-lettres. Il est membre de l’Académie internationale d’héraldique et président de la Société française d’héraldique et de sigillographie. Il a publié une quarantaine d’ouvrages, dont certains traduits dans plusieurs langues, consacrés à l’histoire des couleurs, des animaux et des symboles. Notamment, Couleur, images, symboles, Bleu: l’histoire d’une couleur, Une histoire symbolique du Moyen-Age occidental, Jésus chez le teinturier, Noir. Le 3 novembre 2010, il reçoit le prix Médicis essai pour son ouvrage Les Couleurs de nos souvenirs.

* Biografia adaptada da Wikipedia

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Entrevista

michel pastoureau com

conduzida por MARIA ADELAIDE MIRANDA ANA LEMOS

Michel Pastoureau, pouvez-vous nous raconter comment est née votre attirance, et même votre passion, pour les couleurs ? Mon attirance pour les couleurs est née très tôt, dès la petite enfance. J’ai eu la chance de naître dans une famille où la peinture occupait une place importante. Trois des oncles de ma mère étaient artistes peintres et, même si je n’ai connu que l’un d’entre eux, du côté maternel tous les appartements de mes grand-tantes, de mes oncles et tantes, de mes cousins et même de mon arrière-grand-mère, morte à 96 ans, étaient encombrés de tableaux, certains de grand format. Du côté de mon père, les peintres n’appartenaient pas à la famille mais au cercle des amis proches. C’étaient tous des artistes s’inscrivant de près ou de loin dans la mouvance surréaliste et essayant de vivre plus ou moins bien de leur peinture. Mon père m’emmenait souvent dans leur atelier, terrain de jeux fascinant pour un petit garçon. Parfois les peintres amis de mon père me faisaient cadeau de tubes de peinture usagés, destinés à la poubelle mais représentant pour moi le plus beau des présents. Plaisir des yeux et du toucher plus que véritable bonheur créatif car ces tubes presque vides et desséchés, s’ouvrant mal ou pas du tout, ne m’étaient guère utiles pour peindre une fois de retour à la maison. Non seulement enlever le bouchon était pratiquement impossible, mais je ne disposais ni du matériel ni des connaissances nécessaires pour peindre à l’huile. J’étais cependant fier de détenir un tel trésor, de classer les tubes par couleur, de caresser leur enveloppe de plomb, lourde et mate,

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et surtout de les montrer fièrement à mes camarades, qui ne possédait qu’une boite de crayons de couleur. Je dois également à mon père une habitude qui m’a accompagné tout au long de ma vie: la visite des musées et des expositions artistiques. Il m’y a emmené très jeune, et ce goût pour les musées et les expositions ne m’a plus jamais quitté. Mais je dois aussi à ma mère, passionnée de botanique, une partie de mon attirance pour les couleurs. Elle était pharmacienne. Sa pharmacie, située à Paris tout en haut de la butte Montmartre, était également pour le jeune enfant que j’étais un magnifique terrain de jeux. J’aimais notamment observer comment les boîtes de médicaments étaient rangées et classées par couleur: bleus pour les calmants et les somnifères, orangés pour les produits toniques et reconstituants, bruns pour les laxatifs, verts pour les produits à base de plantes. Le noir, signe de mort, n’était pas utilisé en pharmacie, et le rouge servait à attirer l’attention sur les produits dangereux: «Ne pas dépasser la dose prescrite». Je n’avais pas encore dix ans mais classer les couleurs était déjà chez moi un plaisir récurrent. Que ce soit dans la pharmacie maternelle ou dans l’atelier des peintres, je m’imaginais qu’il existait un ordre chromatique secret qu’il me fallait retrouver. En grandissant, j’ai développé une sorte d’hypersensibilité aux couleurs (ce qui m’a parfois joué de vilains tours) et je me suis progressivement fabriqué un certain nombre de principes personnels. Des principes pas spécialement originaux, mais acquis de bonne heure et que par la suite je n’ai jamais eu motif ni envie de remettre en question, pas même lorsque devenu historien j’ai compris qu’il n’y avait pas de vérités chromatiques universelles mais qu’au contraire tout variait selon les époques et les sociétés. Ces quelques principes, forgés dès l’enfance mais qui m’ont accompagné dans ma vie adulte, dans mon travail de chercheur et même dans mes modestes activités de peintre du dimanche, peuvent se résumer ainsi: 1. Le noir et le blanc sont des couleurs à part entière. 2. Il n’existe que six couleurs «de base»: le noir, le blanc, le rouge, le bleu, le jaune et le vert. 3. Viennent ensuite cinq couleurs «du second rang», que l’on appelle à tort des «demi-couleurs»: le gris, le brun, le rose, le violet et l’orangé. 4. Toutes les autres colorations ne sont que des nuances ou des nuances de nuances.

Comment s’est passé le début de votre carrière ? Quel rôle a pu jouer Georges Duby? Jeune chercheur enthousiaste et naïf, j’ai commencé à m’intéresser à l’histoire des couleurs – tous problèmes confondus – au milieu des années 1970. L’environnement familial, la fréquentation des peintres, les visites régulières faites aux musées, une attention maladive portée aux couleurs des vêtements et une thèse récemment soutenue sur les armoiries médiévales: tout m’avait préparé et conduit vers de telles recherches. Je les croyais faciles et estimables, bien acceptées dans le milieu des historiens et pratiquées par de nombreux chercheurs. Je me trompais totalement.

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A cette époque, chez les historiens, les archéologues et les historiens de l’art, personne, absolument personne ne s’intéressait aux couleurs. Même dans des domaines où l’on se serait attendu à trouver des études sur un tel sujet, la couleur brillait par son absence. L’histoire du vêtement, par exemple, était une histoire totalement achrome. Les documents existaient pourtant, et en grand nombre, même pour les époques anciennes, mais les spécialistes du costume ne s’y intéressaient pas. Seules comptaient l’archéologie des formes et la nature des différentes pièces composant le vêtement au fil des âges. L’idée d’un «système vestimentaire», se situant au coeur de la vie en société et au sein duquel les couleurs auraient pu jouer un rôle essentiel, leur était étrangère. Comme leur était étranger le nom de Roland Barthes… Mais il y avait pire: l’histoire de la peinture. Dans une discipline où la couleur aurait dû, par sa nature même, occuper le premier rang, elle était presque toujours passée sous silence. Des livres entiers, épais, savants, s’écrivaient sur l’œuvre d’un peintre ou sur tel ou tel mouvement pictural, sans que jamais leurs auteurs ne parlent des couleurs. Trois cents ou cinq cents pages sans formuler une seule idée, une seule remarque, un seul mot concernant les couleurs, pas même des mots comme «bleu», «rouge», «jaune: à coup sûr, c’était une performance! Elle était courante, presque générale au milieu des années soixante-dix. La couleur était la grande absente de l’histoire de l’art. Je tombais des nues. Mais je n’étais pas au bout de mes découvertes. Après quelques mois d’enquêtes et de réflexions sur l’histoire des couleurs, terrain quasi vierge, je constatais que mon travail était mal reçu. Soit un tel sujet semblait peu sérieux, frivole même (j’avais pourtant commencé par l’historiographie), soit il semblait totalement vain, à la fois inutile et impossible à conduire. En outre, il paraissait plus ou moins immoral. C’était l’époque où les historiens – et d’une manière plus générale les chercheurs en sciences humaines – avaient des devoirs envers la société mais fort peu de droits, et surtout pas le droit de se faire plaisir. L’idée que le plaisir individuel du chercheur pouvait être le moteur premier de sa recherche n’était pas dans l’air du temps, ou bien était condamnée. Or, avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs, je semblais par trop me faire plaisir. C’était une attitude individualiste, presque indécente, sinon dangereuse, et en tout cas contraire à l’éthique du chercheur. Heureusement, deux grands historiens médiévistes, qui n’étaient pas historiens de l’art, m’ont encouragé dans mes recherches et en ont vu l’intérêt: Georges Duby et Jacques Le Goff. Je leur dois beaucoup. Duby, qui à ses moments perdus peignait quelques tableaux pour se détendre, dans un style semi-figuratif, a tout de suite vu comment la couleur pouvait être un nouvel objet d’histoire. Il m’a poussé à conduire mes enquêtes dans tous les domaines, du lexique aux symboles en passant par les emblèmes et la création artistique. Le Goff, avec qui j’ai fait un séminaire commun pendant un dizaine d’années, était plus attiré par l’histoire sociale des couleurs: vêtements et codes vestimentaires, lois somptuaires, métiers de la teinturerie, place des couleurs dans la vie quotidienne.

Votre approche de la couleur est tout à fait novatrice. Elle se situe au carrefour de l’histoire sociale, artistique culturelle et symbolique. Quels

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conseils donneriez-vous aux jeunes chercheurs qui sont de plus en plus nombreux à s’intéresser à ce domaine de recherche ? Aux jeunes chercheurs qui veulent se lancer dans l’étude des couleurs au Moyen Age (ou bien dans l’Antiquité ou au début de l’époque moderne), je leur conseillerai de se méfier de tout anachronisme. Il est en effet impossible de projeter tels quels sur les images, les monuments, les oeuvres et les objets produits par les siècles passés nos définitions, nos conceptions et nos classements actuels de la couleur. Ce n’étaient pas ceux des sociétés d’autrefois (et ce ne seront peut-être pas ceux des sociétés de demain...). Le danger de l’anachronisme guette toujours l’historien – et l’historien de l’art peut-être plus que tout autre – à chaque coin de document. Mais lorsqu’il s’agit de la couleur, de ses définitions et de ses classements, ce danger semble plus grand encore. Rappelons par exemple que pendant des siècles et des siècles, le noir et le blanc ont été considérés comme des couleurs à part entière (et même comme des pôles forts de tous les systèmes de la couleur); que le spectre et l’ordre spectral des couleurs sont pratiquement inconnus avant le XVIIe siècle ; que l’articulation entre couleurs primaires et couleurs complémentaires émerge lentement au cours de ce même siècle et ne s’impose vraiment qu’au XIXe; que l’opposition entre couleurs chaudes et couleurs froides est purement conventionnelle et fonctionne différemment selon les époques et les sociétés. Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, par exemple, le bleu est considéré en Occident comme une couleur chaude, parfois même comme la plus chaude de toutes les couleurs. C’est pourquoi l’historien qui chercherait à étudier dans un vitrail ou dans une miniature du Moyen Age ou bien dans un tableau de Raphaël ou du Titien la proportion entre les couleurs chaudes et les couleurs froides et qui croirait naïvement que le bleu y est, comme aujourd’hui, une couleur froide, se tromperait complètement et aboutirait à des absurdités. Les notions de couleurs chaudes ou froides, de couleurs primaires ou complémentaires, les classements du spectre ou du cercle chromatique, les lois de la perception ou du contraste simultané ne sont pas des vérités éternelles mais seulement des étapes dans l’histoire mouvante des savoirs. Ne les manions pas inconsidérément, ne les appliquons pas, sans précaution aucune, aux sociétés du passé. Prenons un exemple simple et attardons-nous sur le cas du spectre. Pour nous, depuis les expériences de Newton, la mise en valeur du spectre et la classification spectrale des couleurs, il est incontestable que le vert se situe quelque part entre le jaune et le bleu. De multiples habitudes sociales, des calculs scientifiques, des preuves «naturelles» (ainsi l’arc-en-ciel) et des pratiques quotidiennes de toutes sortes sont constamment là pour nous le rappeler ou pour nous le prouver. Or, pour l’homme de l’Antiquité, du Moyen Age et encore de la Renaissance cela n’a guère de sens. Dans aucun système antique ou médiéval de la couleur, le vert ne se situe entre le jaune et le bleu. Ces deux dernières couleurs ne prennent pas place sur les mêmes échelles ni sur les mêmes axes; elles ne peuvent donc avoir un palier intermédiaire, un «milieu» qui serait le vert. Le vert entretient des rapports étroits avec le bleu mais il n’en a

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aucun avec le jaune. Au reste, que ce soit en peinture ou en teinture, aucune recette ne nous apprend avant le XVe siècle que pour faire du vert il faille mélanger du jaune et du bleu. Peintres et teinturiers savent fabriquer la couleur verte, bien évidemment, mais pour ce faire ils mélangent rarement ces deux couleurs. Pas plus qu’ils ne mélangent du bleu et du rouge pour obtenir du violet. Pour ce faire, ils mélangent du bleu et du noir: le violet est un demi-noir, un sous-noir; il l’est du reste encore dans la liturgie catholique et dans les pratiques vestimentaires du deuil. L’historien doit donc se méfier de tout raisonnement anachronique. Non seulement il ne doit pas projeter dans le passé ses propres connaissances de la physique ou de la chimie des couleurs, mais il ne doit pas prendre comme vérité absolue, immuable, l’organisation spectrale des couleurs et toutes les théories qui en découlent. Pour lui comme pour l’ethnologue, le spectre ne doit être envisagé que comme un système parmi d’autres pour classer les couleurs. Un système aujourd’hui connu et reconnu de tous, «prouvé» par l’expérience, démonté et démontré scientifiquement, mais un système qui peut-être, dans deux, quatre ou dix siècles, fera sourire ou sera définitivement dépassé. La notion de preuve scientifique est elle aussi étroitement culturelle; elle a son histoire, ses raisons, ses enjeux idéologiques et sociaux. Et sans même solliciter la notion de preuve, que penser de l’homme médiéval – dont l’appareil de vision n’est aucunement différent du nôtre – qui ne perçoit pas les contrastes de couleurs comme l’homme d’aujourd’hui. Au Moyen Age, en effet, deux couleurs juxtaposées qui pour nous constituent un contraste fort peuvent très bien former un contraste relativement faible; et inversement, deux couleurs qui pour notre oeil voisinent sans aucune violence peuvent hurler pour l’oeil médiéval. Gardons l’exemple du vert. Au Moyen Age, juxtaposer du rouge et du vert (la combinaison de couleurs la plus fréquente dans le vêtement entre l’époque de Charlemagne et le XIIe siècle) représente un contraste faible, presque un camaïeu. Or pour nous il s’agit d’un contraste violent, opposant une couleur primaire et sa couleur complémentaire. Inversement, associer du jaune et du vert, deux couleurs voisines dans le spectre, est pour nous un contraste relativement peu marqué. Or c’est au Moyen le contraste le plus dur que l’on puisse mettre en scène: on s’en sert pour vêtir les fous et pour souligner tout comportement dangereux, transgressif ou diabolique!

Quelles sont les autres difficultés que rencontre l’historien des couleurs? Elles sont au moins de deux sortes. Sur les monuments, les œuvres d’art, les objets et les images que les siècles passés nous ont transmis, nous voyons les couleurs non pas dans leur état d’origine mais telles que le temps les a faites. L’écart est parfois considérable. Or ce travail du temps, qu’il soit dû à l’évolution chimique des matières colorantes ou bien à l’action des hommes qui, au fil des siècles, ont peint et repeint, modifié, nettoyé, vernis ou supprimé telle ou telle couche de couleur posée par les générations précédentes, est en lui-même un document d’histoire. Dès lors, que faire? Faut-il, avec des moyens techniques aujourd’hui très sophistiqués, «restaurer» les couleurs, tenter de

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les remettre dans leur état d’origine? Il y a là un positivisme qui me paraît à la fois dangereux et contraire aux missions de l’historien: le travail du temps fait partie intégrante de sa recherche; pourquoi le renier, l’effacer, le détruire? En outre, les grands peintres savent très bien que leurs pigments vont évoluer, que leurs couleurs vont se transformer: ils agissent en conséquence, et ce qu’ils souhaitent pour la postérité ce n’est pas l’état premier du tableau ou du panneau mais un état ultérieur, qu’eux-mêmes ne verront pas. Ainsi, lorsque nous essayons de remettre tel tableau ou tel œuvre d’art dans son état premier nous allons parfois à l’encontre de la volonté de l’artiste. La réalité historique n’est pas seulement ce qu’elle a été dans son état d’origine, c’est aussi ce que le temps en a fait. Mais jusqu’où peut-on laisser le temps faire son oeuvre? Autre difficulté documentaire: nous voyons aujourd’hui les images et les couleurs du passé dans des conditions d’éclairage très différentes de celles qu’ont connues les sociétés antérieures au XXe siècle. La torche, la lampe à huile, la chandelle, le cierge, la bougie produisent une lumière qui n’est pas celle du courant électrique. C’est une évidence. Et pourtant quel historien, quel visiteur de musée ou d’exposition, quel amateur d’art ancien en tient compte? Aucun. Or l’oublier conduit parfois à des absurdités. Prenons pour exemple la récente restauration des voûtes de la chapelle Sixtine et les efforts considérables – tant techniques que médiatiques – pour «retrouver la fraîcheur et la pureté originelle des couleurs posées par Michel Ange». Un tel exercice stimule certes la curiosité, même s’il agace un peu, mais il devient parfaitement vain et anachronique si l’on éclaire à la lumière électrique les couches de couleurs ainsi dégagées. Que voit-on réellement des couleurs de Michel Ange et de ses élèves avec nos éclairages modernes? La trahison n’est-elle pas plus grande que celle qu’a lentement opérée le travail du temps depuis le XVIe siècle? Plus inquiétante aussi, quand on songe à l’exemple de Lascaux ou à celui d’autres sites préhistoriques, détruits ou endommagés par la rencontre funeste des témoignages du passé et des curiosités d’aujourd’hui. Mais, d’un autre côté, il est impossible, absurde même, de remettre dans la chapelle Sixtine des chandelles ou des lampes à huile. Que faire? Les éclairages du passé sont tous produits par des flammes. Celles-ci font bouger les formes et les couleurs des images et des tableaux, elles les animent, les font vibrer, les rendent même cinétiques (pensons à un document comme la broderie de Bayeux regardé à la lumière de torches ou de chandelles). Nos éclairages électriques, au contraire, sont relativement statiques, ils ne font bouger ni les formes ni les couleurs. D’où un écart de sensibilité considérable entre notre regard et celui de nos ancêtres. Qu’on le veuille ou non, nous ne percevrons jamais comme eux un objet, un document, une œuvre d’art. Pour un œil antique, médiéval ou moderne, les couleurs sont toujours en mouvement – Aristote souligne déjà combien toute couleur est mouvement. Pour l’œil d’aujourd’hui les couleurs ne bougent pas, ou guère, elles semblent immobiles: la différence de perception est immense. De même, nous n’avons aucune difficulté pour éclairer de manière uniforme une grande surface. Dans un musée contemporain, un tableau de trois mètres de haut sur cinq de long ne présente aucune zone moins éclairée que les autres. Grâce aux

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spots et à des lumières artificielles de plus en plus perfectionnées, le tableau est parfaitement éclairé dans son entier sans que la couche picturale en souffre. Un tel exercice est impossible pour les sociétés du passé. Quelles que soient leurs natures et leurs performances, les éclairages à base de flammes ne peuvent éclairer de façon égale une surface un peu importante. Il y a toujours des zones bien éclairées et d’autres qui restent dans l’ombre. D’où ces jeux de clairs-obscurs auxquels sont si sensibles les artistes et les publics d’autrefois. L’arrivée de l’électricité a totalement modifié le rapport du spectateur à l’objet, à l’œuvre d’art, à l’image et, peut-être plus encore, à la couleur.

Quelles informations peuvent fournir, selon vous, les analyses matérielles et scientifiques de la couleur dans les documents et les œuvres d’art du Moyen Age? Vont-elles apporter à l’historien un regard nouveau sur ce champ d’étude? Les analyses de pigments et de colorants peuvent apporter beaucoup. Je souhaite qu’elles se multiplient et qu’elles s’appliquent à tous les supports de la couleur. Mais cela à deux conditions. D’une part, il faut tenir compte des dangers de l’anachronisme dont je viens de parler. Le savoir médiéval n’est pas le savoir d’aujourd’hui, et même s’il est légitime d’utiliser nos savoirs d’aujourd’hui pour essayer de mieux comprendre le passé, il faut le faire avec une certaines prudence. D’autres part, les analyses en laboratoire n’ont de raison d’être que si elles sont reliées à une problématique. Que cherche-t-on exactement? Faire des analyses pour faire des analyses ne sert à rien. Or j’ai l’impression qu’assez souvent c’est ce qui se passe aujourd’hui: on fait des analyses sans but très précis, sans problématique. Ou bien on oublie en cours d’analyse ce que l’on cherchait au départ. Il faut une collaboration plus étroite entre les scientifiques qui effectuent les analyses en laboratoire, et les historiens qui indiquent dans quelles direction les conduire. Il faut sérier les problèmes, les buts, les enjeux. Il faut constamment se demander: «Des analyses, pour quoi faire?». Dans certains domaines, l’étude en laboratoire des pigments apporte des informations importantes. Prenons un exemple simple : un panneau peint italien du XVe siècle représentant une Vierge au manteau. A l’oeil nu, le bleu du manteau de la Vierge, placée au centre du panneau, nous semblera identique aux autres bleus que l’on peut voir ailleurs sur le panneau pour peindre d’autres figures. Mais en laboratoire, on pourra constater que le manteau de la Vierge est peint avec du lapis-lazuli – un pigment très cher au XVe – tandis que les autres figures sont peintes avec des pigments plus ordinaires, de l’azurite par exemple, ou bien de l’indigo. L’oeil ne voit pas la différente mais elle existe et est importante, notamment pour le commanditaire et pour l’artiste. Dans ce choix de différents pigments bleus pour peindre les différentes figures du panneau, il y a des enjeux économiques, cultuels, symboliques. La Vierge est mise en valeur, honorée, vénérée même par le choix d’une matière colorante de très grand prix, et pourtant le spectateur ne s’en rend pas compte. Cela nous en dit long sur les pratiques médiévales de la couleur et de la matière.

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Resumo A investigação sobre manuscritos medievais iluminados é ainda muito dominada por uma análise baseada no estilo e na iconografia. Além disso, a maioria dos estudos sobre texto-e-imagem concentram-se no conteúdo e no significado simbólico da iluminura, enquanto questões ligadas à materialidade e paginação, que se situem para além da análise codicológica, são muitas vezes ignoradas. O mesmo acontece com a análise das cores: a investigação tem-se focado no seu significado religioso, dinástico ou ritual, considerando-as categorias abstractas sem uma materialidade específica. Mesmo um especialista em pigmentos medievais como Heinz RoosenRunge (Roosen-Runge 1967), seguiu a tradição iconográfica da história da arte e interpretou as cores com base na sua função, por exemplo, como meio de representação transcendental de ideias e ideais. Pelo contrário, historiadores como Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau, 1990) trabalhando para «uma história social das cores», sublinharam a importância dos pigmentos e do seu simbolismo específico, e não de conceitos abstractos, para um melhor conhecimento da percepção medieval da cor. A tese de Pastoureau baseou-se principalmente na sua investigação sobre o papel da cor no vestuário e têxteis medievais. Com esta contribuição, desejo demonstrar que se tomaram atitudes semelhantes sobre a materialidade da cor em manuscritos iluminados. A recente investigação interdisciplinar sobre o «Codex Aureus Epternacensis», produzido em torno a 1045 no mosteiro beneditino de Echternach, conservado no Germanisches Nationalmuseum em Nuremberg, lançou uma nova luz sobre a consciência que os iluminadores e seus patronos tinham da materialidade da cor e do seu valor. As minhas reflexões basearam-se na análise científica do «Codex Aureus» levada a cabo por Doris Oltrogge e Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltragge 2009) e, nas minhas próprias pesquisas sobre o uso e estética das cores na Idade Média (Grebe 2007). O precioso Evangeliário contem mais de 40 miniaturas a página inteira, pintadas por vários iluminadores de oficina. Os iluminadores usaram uma paleta muito variada de cores e tons, por exemplo, o «vermelho» ou «púrpura» não são apenas representados por um, mas por dois ou mais pigmentos. Entre eles encontramos os muito raros e dispendiosos pigmentos «exóticos», como o lápis-lazúli ou o quermes, que foram abundantemente usados neste manuscrito quando comparado com outros manuscritos românicos. Esta observação permite colocar como hipótese, que os iluminadores de Echternach e os seus patronos quiseram de facto usar o maior número possível de cores e as mais dispendiosas, para incluir a máxima variedade de cores no «Evangeliário Dourado». Outro nível de «consciência cromática» revelou-se pelo facto de muitas miniaturas do ciclo com a Vida de Cristo e a miniatura em duplo folio da Maiestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) terem sido repintadas durante a produção do manuscrito. O retoque da maioria das carnações e fundos pode ser interpretado, numa primeira análise, como um «restauro estético». Surpreendentemente, os iluminadores não alteraram as composições na sua globalidade ou as formas das cabeças ou mãos, em vez disso, mudaram apenas o tom da pele e os fundos. O motivo foi, provavelmente, o de evitar contrastes violentos e unificar cromaticamente os duplo fólios executados por diferentes iluminadores. O «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» é, assim, a prova da elevada sensibilidade do período românico aos valores cromáticos e virtudes materiais de cores e pigmentos, que serão discutidos neste artigo.

palavras-chave evangeliário manuscrito iluminado estética das cores otoniano lápis-lazúli

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Abstract Research on medieval manuscript illumination is still dominated by the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout beyond codicology are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research so far focuses on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours that are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality. Even a specialist in medieval pigments like Heinz Roosen-Runge (Roosen-Runge 1967) followed the iconographical tradition of art history and interpreted colours with regard to their function, e.g. as media to represent transcendental ideas and ideals. On the contrary, historians like Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau 1990), working towards a «social history of colours», have underlined the importance of pigments and their specific symbolism instead of abstract colour terms for a better understanding of the medieval notion of colours. Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles. In my contribution, I am trying to show that similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours are manifested in medieval manuscripts. Recent interdisciplinary research on the «Codex Aureus Epternacensis», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach, now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg has shed new light on the consciousness illuminators and patrons had of the materiality of colours and their respective value. My reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex Aureus» carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltrogge 2009) and my own research on the use and aesthetics of colours in the Middle Ages (Grebe 2007). The precious Gospel Book contains more than 40 full-page miniatures painted by several illuminators of the Ottonian Echternach workshop. The illuminators used a very varied palette of different colours and tones, e.g. the colours «red» or «purple» are not only represented by one, but by two or more pigments. Among them we find many rare and expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which have been abundantly used in this manuscript compared to other Romanesque manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and costly colours as possible to include the maximal variety of colours in the «Golden Gospel Book». Another level of «chromatic awareness» is revealed by the fact that many miniatures in the cycle with the Life of Christ and the double page miniature of the Majestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) have been painted over during the making of the manuscript. The reworking of most of the fleshy parts and backgrounds can tentatively be interpreted as «aesthetical restoration». Surprisingly, the illuminators did not alter the whole composition or touch the forms of the heads and hands, instead, they only changed the tone of the complexion and backgrounds. The reason was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts and to chromatically unify double-pages executed by different illuminators. The «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» thus proves the high sensibility of the Romanesque period towards chromatic values and material virtues of Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho colours and pigments, which will be do discussed in the article. de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

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key-words Gospel Book Illuminated Manuscript Aesthetic of Colours Ottonian Lapis lazuli

value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours in early romanesque book illumination a n ja g r e b e Department of Medieval Art History University of Bamberg, Bamberg (Germany)

1. From Material to Medium 1. Letter to Jakob Heller dated November 4, 1508, ed. by Rupprich 1956, 67-68. Cf. the letters to Heller dated March 21, 1509: «the colours I used are worth more than 24 guilders» (Rupprich 1956, 69), and July 24, 1509: «I have been working on it [= the altarpiece] for more than a year using ultramarin for approximately 25 guilders.» (Rupprich 1956, 71).

In 1508, Albrecht Dürer started to work on a large altarpiece depicting the «Assumption of the Virgin» (Anzelewsky 1991, 221-228; Kutschbach 1995, 71-80; Decker 1996; Grebe 2006, 82-86; Pfaff 1971). The execution of the painting, which took Dürer more than one and a half years to complete, was accompanied by an extensive correspondence with the patron, the Frankfurt merchant Jakob Heller. Heller repeatedly complained about the delayed completion of the altarpiece and threatened to withdraw his commission. Dürer countered the reproach by pointing to the quality of the execution and his use of the best and «most beautiful colours» available. These included «vltermarin», or lapis lazuli, worth more than 20 ducats, which he claimed to have applied in 5 to 6 layers.1 And instead of apologizing to his patron, he doubled the price of the altarpiece. His arguments were: a painting executed with the maximum amount of materia and ingenium needed more time to finish, and it had its price – which Heller actually agreed to pay when he finally saw the painting. The Heller correspondence underlines the importance which was attached to certain colours and pigments at the beginning of the 16th century. Lapis lazuli, for instance, did not only provide a blue tone, but also represented quality and prestige (Pastoureau 2001; Fuchs and Oltrogge 1990; Bender 1990). The Latin name, «ultramarin», points to the far-off, exotic, and even mystical origin of the colour prepared on the basis of Afghan lapis lazuli, which was the most expensive pigment apart from gold and was therefore used as distinguishing feature in painting throughout the Middle-

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Ages. Dürer probably used lapis lazuli for the blue cape of the Virgin thus enhancing its inherent symbolical value by the use of the precious and prestigious material.2 If it had been his aim to communicate only the chromatic symbolism of blue as celestial colour he could have used a less expensive pigment like azurite instead. In his letters to Heller, however, Dürer does not mention the religious symbolism of colours, but insists on the value of the colour in its literal, material sense. One should think that the primacy of «materia» would have been outdated in the age after Alberti. In his treatise «De Pittura» (1435/36), which Dürer knew from a copy in possession of a Nuremberg humanist (Fara 2002, 171-347), Leon Battista Alberti clearly put the referential value of colour, even of gold, above its material value (Alberti 2000, 290-291). According to Monika Wagner, Alberti marks the beginning of modern colour aesthetics: «Since Leon Battista Alberti […] colour was no longer judged by its material value. Now, its task was to simulate all kinds of other materials on the surface of the image.» (Wagner 2001, 17-18).

2. Colours in medieval book illumination: Colour systems and attempts at interpretation In his «Theory of Colours» («Farbenlehre») of 1810, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe gave priority to the metaphysics as opposed to the materiality of colours (Schmidt 1965). He described colours as «acts of light», referring to medieval colour theories, where colours are described as reflections of the immaterial divine light which Saint Augustine had designated as «queen of all colours». 3 Referring to Fritz Haeberlein’s «Essential Features of a Post-antique Iconography of Colours» («Grundzüge einer nachantiken Farbenikonographie»), Lorenz Dittmann characterised the colours in medieval art as intended to represent the divine («Vorstellungsfarben»). Released from all referential tasks colours could now function as «vocabulary» in the system of colour symbolism (Dittmann 1987, 2-3). Although Heinz Roosen-Runge, in his fundamental study on the «Colours and Techniques of Early Medieval Book Illumination», puts his main focus on the material nature of colours, he nevertheless interprets them as a means of representation for transcendental truth (Roosen-Runge 1967, vol. 1, 26-29). Today, research on medieval manuscript illumination continues to be dominated by the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout, which go beyond codicological issues, are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research focuses mainly on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours which are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality. In view of the role of colours as bearers of meaning («Bedeutungsträger») in medieval art and culture one has to ask for the specific use of colours as well as the value(s) attached to them in the literal and figurative sense to fully understand a work of art.

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2. Unfortunately, the original panel was destroyed by a fire in the Ducal Palace in Munich in 1729. Before the painting was sold to Archduke Maximilian I of Bavaria in 1614 the Nuremberg painter Jobst Harrich made a faithful copy of the original, now in Frankfurt/Main, Historisches Museum, Inv. Nr. B 265, which, however, does not allow any judgement about the paints or pigments used. 3. Cf. Welchman 1990, esp. 8: «From the time of Plotinus (A.D. 205-70) until the High Renaissance, writers touching upon the arts and mentioning color were forced to wrestle with the troublesome and dangerous question of sensuality. Although colors were perceived through sight – the highest of senses – they were still a part of the non-celestial substance of which humankind was made. The only way to elevate the colorful, and hence intrinsically sensual, human sense of sight was to celebrate the divine nature of light.»

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4. Cf. Pastoureau 1990, 38: «Avant tout codage extra-pictural, venant de l’extérieur, la couleur est d’abord codée de l’intérieur, par et pour un document donné. [...] Elle est à la fois surface, matière, lumière, éclat, fluide, rythme, construction, syntaxe, marque, emblème, symbole, idée, mode, atmosphère, style, art, technique, prix, beauté – tous termes certes vagues et discutables mais dont la liste [...] souligne parfaitement ce caractère polysémique et plurifonctionnel de la couleur. »

Until now, such questions have mainly been asked by historians. Michel Pastoureau, above all, has been working towards a «social history of colours» («histoire sociale des couleurs»), that takes into consideration the percipient against the backdrop of his culture, ideas, experiences and sensitivity (Pastoureau 1990, 22). According to Pastoureau, research into the use of colours in the Middle Ages should not be based on abstract theory but on the objects and their specific colouring in which the polysemantic and multifunctional character colours is manifested.4 This leads to the hypothesis, that people in the Middle Ages in many cases did not perceive colours as abstract chromatic values, but in their material form as pigments. The case of the red pigment called sanguinis draconis, for instance, clearly shows that it is necessary to develop a kind of «pigment symbolism» instead of abstract colour terms to help with our understanding of the medieval notion of colours: «Quand au XVe siècle un peintre utilise pour tel élément de son tableau le célèbre pigment sang-dragon plutôt que tel ou tel autre pigment rouge, c’est sans doute pour des raisons à la fois économiques, techniques et artistiques, liées au prix de ce pigment, à son pouvoir couvrant, aux effets qu’il permet d’obtenir, mais c’est aussi et surtout pour des raisons symboliques, liées au nom même de ce pigment et aux rêves que ce nom suscite chez l’artiste et son public.» (Pastoureau 1989, 39-40)

3. The values of colour between consciousness of material («Materialbewusstsein»), symbolic function and aesthetics Michel Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles. In the following, I would like to show that medieval manuscripts manifest similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours. The investigations of Heinz Roosen-Runge and Johan Jakob Tikkanen (Tikkanen 1933, 352-443) have shown that medieval illuminators possessed a very detailed knowledge of colours and pigments, which was transmitted orally, by written treatises such as the «Mappae Clavicula», the «Heraclius» or the «Theophilus», and by numerous individual collections of recipes and guidelines (Oltrogge 2006; Gullick 1995; Roosen-Runge 1967; Bartl et. al. 2005, 17-34). These texts consist mainly of practical instructions in the preparation and handling of colours. Sometimes however, the introductory remarks contain theoretical reflections on the meaning of colours as well as on the conjunction of «materia» and «ingenium». A 12th-century copy of the «Mappae Clavicula» provides an example: «The arts are learned little by little, step by step. The art of painting is preceded by the preparation of colours. Thus, you should first pay attention to the mixing of each colour. Only then should you start on the actual work, but you

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should always strive to let your painting appear decorative as well as natural. This book shows how artistry in combination with ingenuity will enhance your work.» (cf. Halleux 1990, 179) 5 In the Early Romanesque period, it is not only treatises, but the works of art themselves which testify to the awareness of illuminators and patrons towards the materiality of colours and their respective value. Up to now, nearly all attempts to draw up a kind of general «chromatic grammar» or system of colour symbolism based on the use of colours in illuminated manuscripts have failed. It has become clear that the application and distribution of colours varies from book to book, even when entire pictorial cycles are based on the same, constantly repeated models, as in the case of the so-called «Reichenau» and «Echternach» schools.

4. Colours in the «Codex Aureus of Echternach» The following reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex Aureus Epternacensis», now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg, which was carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs in 2006, as well as my own research on the use and the aesthetics of colours in manuscript illumination.6 The «Codex Aureus», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach, where it remained until the French Revolution, is one of the rare medieval Gospel books entirely written in gold ink (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009; Grebe 2007; Kahsnitz [ed.] 1982).7 It is also one of the largest and most richly decorated manuscripts, with more than 50 large-format illuminated pages. These include a sumptuous doublepage depicting the Majestas Domini, while each Gospel is preceded by a sequence of equally lavish double-pages with the portraits of the Evangelist (fig. 1), full-page decorative initials, other decorative pages as well as four sequences of scenes from the life of Jesus. The texts of the Gospels themselves are not interrupted by scenic illustrations like in other Ottonian manuscripts. The codex is the work of at least eight illuminators, some of which executed only executed a single page. They must have been working together very closely and within a short period of time. In several cases, recto and verso of one and the same sheet of parchment are executed by different illuminators who possessed a distinctive style yet used nearly the same palette of colours. The technological examination of the manuscript has revealed a very rich and varied palette, in which nearly all the colours and hues available to 11th century scriptoria occur (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 153162, 163-167). The colours «red», «blue» or «purple», for instance, are represented not by a single, but by two or more pigments. Among these we find many rare and expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which were actually used quite abundantly in this manuscript as compared to other Ottonian manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and as costly colours as possible to provide

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5. Translated from Halleux 1990, esp. p. 179: «C’est peu à peu, partie par partie, que s’apprennent tous les arts. L’art des peintres est précédé par la confection des couleurs. Ensuite, que votre esprit tourne ses soins vers les mélanges. Alors, passez à l’oeuvre, mais soumettez tout à la rigeur, pour que ce que vous peindrez soit orné, et comme naturel. Ensuite, par bien des preuves d’ingéniosité, l’art augmentera l’oeuvre, comme le montrera ce livre.» («Sensim per partes discuntur quaelibet artes/Artis pictorum prior est factura colorum/Post, ad mixturas convertat mens tua curas/Tunc opus exerce, sed ad unguem cuncta coerce/ut sit ad ornatum quod pinxeris, et quasi natum/Postea multorum documentis ingeniorum/Ars opus augebit, sicut liber iste docebit.») Theophilus, who treats colours always as pigments, shortly mentions the material importance of colours in the preface of his treatise, cf. Brepohl 1999. 6. Up to now, there are very few publications on the technical examination of manuscripts from the 10th and 11th centuries. Roosen-Runge 1967 focuses on English illuminated manuscripts from the 11th and 12th centuries. On Ottonian book illumination in Trier see Oltrogge and Fuchs 2005. On the Echternach «Codex Caesareus» in Uppsala see Fuchs and Oltrogge 1998. 7. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs 156142.

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fig.1 codex aureus of echternach, st. john the evangelist, f. 112v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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fig.2a+b codex aureus of echternach, double-page with scenes of the passion and pentecost, f. 111v-112r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

the maximum variety of colours for the «Golden Gospels». Lapis lazuli, for instance, can be found as a distinguishing colour for the garments of the protagonists, but was used also for backgrounds, e.g. in the Pentecost scene (fig. 2B), where we would

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expect a less expensive pigment like azurite. In the eyes of the contemporaries, the prodigal use of the most expensive pigment must have enhanced the exceptional character of the manuscript (Pastoureau 2001, 32-40).

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The most dominant colour in the codex is purple (fig. 3), a synonym of sumptuousness and costliness and symbol both of God and the Emperor, which occurs in different tones and shades both in the miniatures and the decorative pages (Muthesius 1997, 27-33; Steigerwald 1990; Fuchs and Oltrogge 2007, 82-98). The extensive use of purple enhances the religious significance of the book as an embodiment of God’s words. The illuminators did not apply the «real» Tyrian purple extracted from the murex shell («murex brandaris»), but used less expensive pigments made from plants like different kinds of the Rocella (or auricella) or the Ochrolechia as well as Kermes vermilio, which were perhaps also better suited for the preparation of bodycolours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 155-159). Technological examination has revealed

fig.3 codex aureus of echternach, initial page of the gospels of st. matthew, f. 22r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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fig.4 codex aureus of echternach, scenes of the infancy cycle, f. 19r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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a preference for the darker Rocella purple, which was easier to procure, for the less prominent sections of the miniatures, whereas clothing is more often painted in the more costly Kermes purple, which had to be imported from the Mediterranean (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50). Thus, in the case of purple, the illuminators probably wished to enhance the more important parts of a figure or scene by using a more expensive pigment, again displaying an awareness of the material quality of colours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50). Another level of this «chromatic consciousness» is revealed by the fact that many full-page miniatures, amongst others the double page depicting the Majestas Domini (f. 2v-3r , fig. 6A), the Evangelists as well as most of the miniatures in the cycle of

fig.5 codex aureus of echternach, third page of the infancy cycle with alterations by the «master of the long nosed figures», f. 19v © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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fig.6a+b codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini double-page, f. 2v-3r © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

the life of Jesus (fig. 4-5), were partially painted over at some point. This must have taken place in the workshop itself either during the making of the manuscript or immediately after the illuminations had been finished, but before the final binding

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of the pages. The retouches were carried out by the same group of illuminators who, probably with one exception, had been responsible for the original or first phase of the work. Curiously enough, these alterations, which were done using the same col-

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ours and pigments as before, only concerned the backgrounds, the tone of the flesh and the hair of the figures, leaving the form of the heads and hands as well as the rest of the composition untouched (Oltrogge et Fuchs 2009, 34-35, ill. 57-72). In the case of the Majestas Domini double-page, the alterations can partly be detected with the naked eye (fig. 7-8). The figure of Christ enthroned, the angel symbolising St Matthew or the personification of Prudentia (fig. 9-10) each possess four eyes: one pair of eyes belongs to the «actual» face, while below this which appear two dark points that belonged to the original features. Investigation with infra-red light has revealed that the second illuminator completely covered the fleshy parts, but did not touch the original version which is entirely conserved.

fig.7 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ, f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum fig.8 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ (infrared reflectography), f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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The alterations seem to be highly unusual and demand an interpretation. A «practical» explanation could be that we are faced with an early repair of defective portions or layers of paint which were corrupted or chipped. This, however, can be rejected in the view of the remaining, fully conserved original faces. A second hypothesis concerns the content of the miniatures. It states that the makers of the manuscript may have wished to change the character of a figure or a scene. There is, however, no substantial evidence for this explanation either. While the illuminators would frequently alter the tone of the flesh and some of the facial features, they would generally not change the posture of the head or the line of sight. One of the few exceptions is the «Noli me tangere» scene, where the painter corrected the orientation of the angels’ heads, which had originally looked straight ahead (fig. 11-12). By re-directing them to the right the illuminator enhanced the focus on Christ as the central figure of the scene, but did not completely change the meaning of the image. Similar changes do also occur with some of the minor figures which are part of the decorative framework and do not carry any particular meaning. This observation suggests another explanation. The alterations were probably carried out for aesthetical reasons and can tentatively be interpreted as «aesthetical restorations». Interestingly enough, the illuminators did

fig.10 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia (infrared reflectography), f. 3r. © robert fuchs/ doris oltrogge, university of applied sciences, cologne

fig.9 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia, detail from the majestas domini double-page, f. 3r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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not paint over entire figures, which would probably have been easier, but instead only retouched the fleshy parts, making sure that the renewed face fitted between the hairline and the neckline. In the case of the Majestas Domini and related pages, the rather long-nosed «face-lifting» did not really result in an improvement in appearance. However, as technological analysis has revealed, the more harmonious general features of the first version had been combined with a rather garish pink skin colour and blue hair as seen in the portrait of St John. Some minor figures preserve this colouring, and these give us an idea of the original facial tones: the ox symbolising St Luke (f. 2v), the grotesque masks in the frame of the decorative initial page of the Gospels of St John (f. 114r) and St Peter in the scene of the «Doubting Thomas» (f. 111v). Some of the trumpeting angels as well as St John the Evangelist (f. 112V) even retained their original blue hair (fig. 1). These examples suggest that the true reason for the alterations was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts within the images, and to create a chromatic harmony between several of the double-pages which had been executed by different illuminators. The new, brownish skin colour and black hair, for instance, do indeed match better with the colours of the clothing and backgrounds. Thus, the «Codex Aureus» underlines the high level of sensitivity of the Romanesque period towards both chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments.

fig.11 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, detail: angel, f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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fig.12 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, angel (infrared reflectography), f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum

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The astonishing insights into the production of the codex reveal a twofold aesthetic of colours, which had both the materiality of the colours or pigments and their chromatic interaction in view. Instead of focusing only on the symbolism of certain colours, which was the general supposition of research until recently, the makers of the manuscript actually gave priority to chromatic variation. Their aim seems to have been to enhance the status of the codex as an actual materialisation of the word of God by endowing it with the finest of colours both in the material and the artistic sense. Hopefully, the new interpretation proposed here of the employment of colours and the importance attached to chromatic values in medieval and especially in Romanesque book illumination may be supported by further technical and art historical research into other manuscripts in the nearby future.

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Bibliography Alberti, Leon Battista. 2000. De Statua. De Pictura. Elementa Picturae/Das Standbild. Die Malkunst. Grundlagen der Malerei. Bätschmann, Oskar et al. (ed., transl.). Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Anzelewsky, Fedja. 1991. Albrecht Dürer. Das malerische Werk. 2nd revised ed., 2 vol. Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft Bartl, Anna et. al. 2005. Der Liber illuministarum aus Kloster Tegernsee. Edition, Übersetzung und Kommentar der kunsttechnologischen Rezepte. Stuttgart: Steiner. Bender, Beate. 1990. Color caelestis. Anmerkungen zur Farbe Blau im Mittelalter. Gerke, Hans (ed.). Blau. Farbe der Ferne. Heidelberg: Wunderhorn: 82-103. Brepohl, Erhard. 1999. Theophilus Presbyter und das mittelalterliche Kunsthandwerk. Gesamtausgabe der Schrift De diversis artibus. 2 vol. Cologne et al.: Böhlau. Decker, Bernhard. 1996. Dürer und Grünewald. Der Frankfurter Heller-Altar. Rahmenbedingungen der Altarmalerei. Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. Dittmann, Lorenz. 1987. Farbgestaltung und Farbtheorie in der abendländischen Malerei. Eine Einführung. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Fara, Giovanni Maria. 2002. Albrecht Dürer lettore e interprete di Vitruvio e Leon Battista Alberti in un’inedita versione di Cosimo Bartoli. Rinascimento, 42, 2002: 171-347. Fuchs, Robert and Oltrogge, Doris. 1990. Das Blau in der mittelalterlichen Buchmalerei. Quellenschriften als Basis naturwissenschaftlicher Farbuntersuchungen. Gerke, Hans (ed.). Blau. Farbe der Ferne. Heidelberg: Wunderhorn: 104-130. Fuchs, Robert and Oltrogge, Doris. 1998. Secreta colorum. Geheimnisse aus mittelalterlichen Skriptorien. Untersuchungen zur Echternacher Handschriftenproduktion. Tempus edax rerum. Le bicentenaire de la Bibliothèque nationale de Luxembourg 17981998. Luxemburg: Bibliothèque Nationale: 107-124.

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Fuchs, Robert and Oltrogge, Doris. 2007. Gold und Purpur zwischen Ideal und Werkstattpraxis. Segni e testo, 5, 2007: 31-98. Gaignebet, Claude. 1990/1991: Le sang-dragon du Jardin des Délices. Ethnologie française, 20/21, 1990/1991: 378-390. Grebe, Anja. 2006. Albrecht Dürer. Künstler, Werk und Zeit. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Grebe, Anja. 2007. Codex Aureus. Das Goldene Evangelienbuch von Echternach. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Gullick, Michael. 1995. A bibliography of medieval painting treatises. Brownrigg, Linda L. (ed.). Making of the medieval book. Techniques of production. Los Altos Hills, CA et al.: Anderson-Lovelace et al.: 241-244. Halleux, Robert. 1990. Pigments et colorants dans la Mappae Clavicula. Guineau, Bernard (ed.). Pigments et colorants de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age. Teinture, peinture, enluminure, études historiques et physico-chimiques. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique: 173-180. Kahsnitz, Rainer (ed.). 1982. Das Goldene Evangelienbuch von Echternach. Codex Aureus Epternaciensis Hs 156142 aus dem Germanischen Nationalmuseum in Nürnberg. Faksimile and Commentary. Frankfurt/Main et al.: Fischer. Kutschbach, Doris. 1995. Albrecht Dürer. Die Altäre. Stuttgart et al.: Belser. Muthesius, Anna. 1997. Byzantine silk weaving AD 400 to AD 1200. Vienna: Fassbaender. Oltrogge, Doris. 2006. Rezeptsammlungen und Traktate. Die Vermittlung kunsttechnischen Wissens im Früh- und Hochmittelalter. Canossa 1077. Erschütterung der Welt. Geschichte, Kunst und Kultur am Aufgang der Romanik. Exhib. Cat. Paderborn. vol 1. Munich: Hirmer: 555-562. Oltrogge, Doris and Fuchs, Robert. 2005. Mit Infrarot und Röntgenstrahl. Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher und kunsttechnologischer Untersuchungen des Egbert-Codex. Franz, Gunther (ed.). Der Egbert Codex. Ein Höhepunkt der Buchmalerei vor 1000 Jahren. Luzern/Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: 189-216. Oltrogge, Doris and Fuchs, Robert. 2009. Die Maltechnik des Codex Aureus aus Echternach. Ein Meisterwerk im Wandel. Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums. Pastoureau, Michel. 1990. La couleur et l’historien. Guineau, Bernard Guineau (ed.): Pigments et colorants de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age. Teinture, peinture, enluminure, études historiques et physico-chimiques. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique: 21-40. Pastoureau, Michel. 1989. Vers une histoire sociale des couleurs. Pastoureau, Michel (ed.). Couleurs, images, symboles. Etudes d’histoire et d’anthropologie. Paris: Editions Le Léopard d’Or: 9-68. Pastoureau, Michel. 2001. Blue. The history of a color. Princeton et al.: Princeton University Press.

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Pfaff, Annette. 1971. Studien zu Albrecht Dürers Heller-Altar (Nürnberger Werkstücke zur Stadt- und Landesgeschichte, vol. 7). Nuremberg: Stadtarchiv. Roosen-Runge, Heinz. 1967. Farbgebung und Technik frühmittelalterlicher Buchmalerei. Studien zu den Traktaten «Mappae Clavicula» und «Heraclius». 2 vols. Munich/Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag. Rupprich, Hans. 1956. Dürer. Schriftlicher Nachlass. Vol. 1. Berlin: Deutscher Verein für Kunstwissenschaft. Schmidt, Peter. 1965. Goethes Farbensymbolik. Untersuchungen zu Verwendung und Bedeutung der Farben in den Dichtungen und Schriften Goethes. Berlin: Schmidt. Steigerwald, Gerhard. 1990. Das kaiserliche Purpurprivileg in spätrömischer und frühbyzantinischer Zeit. Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, 33, 1990: 209-239. Tikkanen, Johan Jakob. 1933. Studien über die Farbengebung in der mittelalterlichen Buchmalerei. Helsingfors: Centraltryckeriet et al. Wagner, Monika. 2001. Das Material der Kunst. Eine andere Geschichte der Moderne. München: Beck. Welchman, John. 1990. Aesthetics. Hope, Augustine Hope (ed.): The color compendium. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Biography Anja Grebe studied Art History, History, and French Literature at the University of Constance (Germany) and Paris, La Sorbonne. 1995 M.A. Dissertation on Modern French Artists’ Books. 1996-1997 Research assistant at the University of Constance, Department of Art History. 1997-2000 Graduate school «Medieval Writing Culture» at the University of Münster; PhD Dissertation on «Art on the Edge: Book Design in the Burgundian Netherlands after 1470». Since 2001 Research assistant at the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg and Associate lecturer at the University of Erlangen, Department of Art History. Institutional affilation: Assistant professor of Medieval Art History at the Otto-FriedrichUniversity, Bamberg.

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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton iii, fin x e siècle

Resumo O período que se estende entre o fim do século X e os finais do século XII é uma época de mutações. É por isso, que ele me parece interessante para estudar a emergência de um código da cor do corpo. A minha investigação actual articula-se em torno dos laços que existem entre a cor e os corpos na imagem medieval. Dou uma atenção muito especial sobre a cor do nu e a sua relação com a cor do vestuário que o cobre: será que existe um laço entre estes dois «espaços» da cor, o da pele e o do vestuário? A cor do corpo, nu ou vestido, desempenha um papel no estatuto das personagens representadas? O pequeno número de manuscritos a cor que chegou até nós, o seu estado de conservação por vezes mau e a dificuldade de aceder às fontes, não parece , à primeira vista, justificar a minha opção cronológica. Contudo, estes documentos parecemme reveladores duma época em plena mutação e são portadores de índices dessas mesmas mutações. As minhas pesquisas permitiram-me constatar que não haverá ainda um sistema cromático definido, mas tendências. O que é verdadeiro para um manuscrito não o é para os outros. O estado transitório do período que aparece por vezes em filigrana num manuscrito e a escassez de fontes directas ou indirectas sobre a cor das personagens aconselham uma grande prudência nas minhas conclusões. Na minha investigação sobre as relações que existem entre a cor e o corpo representado, interrogo-me sobre a forma como se exprime iconograficamente a cor do corpo. Focalizo a minha atenção na presença ou não de técnicas cromáticas para traduzir a cor da nudez, da pele, dos cabelos, mas também na forma de representar o vestuário. Para poder responder, finalmente, à questão de saber se a cor em geral, a cor do corpo em particular, desempenha uma função no estatuto da personagem representada nas imagens. Com efeito, notei em certos documentos, um esforço para diferenciar, pela cor, a pele positiva da pele negativa e, para lá da pele, o estatuto da personagem apresentada. Este esforço de classificação pode ir em certos casos, até dar ao corpo mais valorizado, o de Cristo, uma cor particular. De modo a responder às questões que me coloco, pareceu-me prudente centrar a atenção sobre o estudo dum manuscrito otoniano datado de finais do século X, o Evangeliário de Otão III. O manuscrito, produzido em torno de 997, é um dos mais belos exemplos do atelier da abadia alemã de Reichenau. O conjunto iconográfico é composto de 35 pinturas a página inteira, o que faz dele um dos mais importantes da época. A riqueza de tons e a densidade da cor, o excelente estado de conservação das pinturas, a relação estreita entre a cor do corpo e o estatuto das personagens representadas, fazem desta obra um elemento chave no meu estudo sobre as cores do corpo. A gama cromática do manuscrito é caracterizada pela variedade das tintas, o jogo de matizes e o perfeito estado de conservação e saturação das cores. Ao olhar para este rico mostruário de cores («nuancier»), três elementos atraíram a minha atenção: a delicadeza do trabalho do artista para criar uma vasta gama de brancos, a presença de um matiz de vermelhos e castanho na cor do vestuário principal. E, enfim, a riqueza dos tons para a cor da pele. O Evangeliário de Otão III não cessa de levantar um grande número de questões. A cor aparece aí codificada e pensada em função dum contexto bem particular. Mas este estudo obriga a uma grande prudência, pois este documento permanece uma excepção. Ele obriga-me a modelar pouco a pouco e sensatamente a minha análise, pois o que é válido para este manuscrito não o é para a maior parte dos integram o meu estudo.

palavras-chave cor corpo imagem manuscrito ano 1000

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Abstract The period stretching from the end of the 10th century to the end of the 12th century is a time of many changes. This is why it seems interesting to us to study the emergence of a code of colour for the body. My current research is based on the existing links between the colour and the body in medieval imagery. I pay particular attention to the colour of the naked body and its relationship with the colour of the clothing that it covers: Is there a link between these two «spaces» of colour, which are the skin and clothing? Does the colour of the body, naked or dressed, play a role in the status of the various represented characters? The small number of manuscripts with colours remaining to this day, their state of conservation sometimes bad and the difficulty to access the sources does not seem, initially, to justify our chronological choice. However, these documents appear to us as an insight into a time in complete transformation and they are, at the same time, carrying the indications of these changes. My research identified that there was not a defined chromatic system yet, but some tendencies. What is true of one manuscript is not of others. The transitory state of the period that appears sometimes pen flourished initials in the manuscripts and the scarcity of the direct or indirect sources on the colour of the characters, forces the greatest of caution regarding our conclusions. In my search for existing links between the colour and the depicted body, I question the way in which the colour of the body is represented from an iconographic point of view. I concentrate my attention on the presence or not of chromatic techniques to translate the colour of nudity, of the skin, of the hair, but also to represent clothing. Ultimately, the question is to know if the colour in general, the colour of the body in particular, plays a role in the status of the represented characters in my pictures. Indeed, I have noticed that on certain documents an effort to differentiate, by using the colour, the positive skin from the negative skin and, beyond the skin, the status of the character represented in the scene. This effort of classification can, in certain cases, lead to giving to the most valued body, that of Christ, a particular colour. In order to answer the questions that we ask ourselves, it seemed judicious to focus our attention on the study of an Ottonian manuscript dating from the end of X th century, the Evangeliar of Otto III.1 The manuscript, made around 997, is one of the finest examples of the workshop of the German abbey of Reichenau. Its iconography consists of thirty-five full-page paintings, making it one of the most important iconographic programs of the time. The richness in the tinge and density of the colour, the excellent state of conservation of paintings, the close relationship between the colour of the body and the status of the characters represented makes this work a key element in our study on the colours of the body. The colour chart of the manuscript is characterized by the variety of colours, a set of shades and the perfect state of preservation and saturation of colours. In this rich colour chart, three points have caught my attention: the delicate work realized by the artist to create a wide range of white, the presence of shades of red and brown in the colour of the main clothing and, finally, the richness of nuances in the coloring of the skin. The Evangeliar of Otto III continues to raise many questions. The colour appears codified and thought in terms of a particular context. But this study requires the utmost caution, this document remains an exception. It forces me to adjust gradually and carefully my analysis, because what is valid for this manuscript is no longer valid for the great majority of the manuscripts mye study. Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do of texto sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

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key-words colour body image manuscript year 1000

1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 4453, towards 997.

étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale: l’évangéliaire d’otton iii, fin xe siècle m a r i e a s c h e h o u g - c l au t e au x École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris (France)

1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4453. 2. Otton III meurt à l’âge de 19 ans au nord de Rome. Ne laissant pas d’héritier mâle, la succession de l’empire devient incertaine. Henri II, ayant entretenu par le passé des bonnes relations avec son cousin, s’empresse à prendre la succession, avant même qu’une élection aie lieu. 3. Après la mort de son père, en 985, Henri II devient alors duc de Bavière. Il épouse Cunégonde de Luxembourg (978-1040) vers l’An Mil. C’est sous son règne, en 1007, que la ville de Bamberg devient un évêché.

La période allant de la fin du Xe siècle à la fin du XIIe siècle est une époque de mutations. C’est pourquoi, elle me semble intéressante pour étudier l’émergence d’un code de la couleur du corps. Mes recherches actuelles s’orientent autour du rapport qui existe entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale. la couleur joue-t-elle un rôle dans les différents statuts du corps représenté? Afin de répondre à cette question, il m’a semblé judicieux de focaliser l’attention sur l’étude d’un manuscrit ottonien datant de la toute fin du X e siècle, l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III.1 Pour cette étude, je n’ai malheureusement pas eu accès au manuscrit original conservé à Munich, ce dernier étant très difficile d’accès. Pourtant, consciente des difficultés d’analyse que cela engendre, la consultation du fac-similé m’a permis de soulever un certain nombre de questions. De ce fait, la richesse des nuances et de densité de la couleur, l’excellent état de conservation des peintures, le rapport étroit entre la couleur du corps et le statut des personnages représentés font de ce manuscrit un élément clé dans mon étude sur la couleur du corps. L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, réalisé vers 997, est l’un des plus beaux exemples de l’atelier de l’abbaye allemande de Reichenau. Il fait l’objet d’une commande du jeune empereur Otton III (983-1002). Après la mort subite de ce dernier,2 le bel Évangéliaire revient à son cousin éloigné et successeur Henri II (973-1024) qui, à son tour, l’offre au trésor de la cathédrale de Bamberg. 3 L’ensemble iconographique est composé de trente-cinq peintures à pleine page, parmi lesquelles vingt-neuf miniatures mettent en scène la vie du Christ et quatre miniatures sont consacrées à la figuration des évangélistes et de leurs symboles. Le programme pictural et christique de notre

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colour and meaning

Évangéliaire est l’un des plus importants de l’époque. Après les douze Canons de Concordance, le cycle d’images s’ouvre sur deux peintures se faisant face, aux folios 23 v. et 24: les quatre provinces impériales, Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia et Roma, prêtent hommage au jeune empereur Otton III. Ce dernier est représenté en majesté, entouré de nobles, clercs et laïcs. (Fig.1)

fig.1 folios 23 v. et 24 (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

La gamme chromatique du manuscrit est caractérisée par la variété des teintes, le jeu des camaïeux et le parfait état de préservation et de saturation des couleurs. J’ai relevé pas moins de cinquante-huit nuances différentes. Parmi ces nuances, l’or a une place centrale: il est la couleur principale des fonds des peintures. Toutefois, il est intéressant à remarquer que la mise en scène de la majesté impériale et les quatre dernières images du cycle christique, la Passion et la Résurrection du Christ, ne sont pas figurées sur un fond d’or mais sur un fond polychrome. C’est comme si ces fonds de couleur rappelaient la nature terrestre du pouvoir impérial et la nature humaine du Christ. Au regard de ce riche nuancier, trois éléments ont attiré mon attention. Tout d’abord, le délicat travail que réalise l’artiste pour créer une vaste gamme de blancs. Ensuite, la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges et de marron dans la couleur des vêtements principaux est intéressante à signaler. Enfin, la richesse des nuances dans la mise en couleur de la peau est un élément qui pose un grand nombre de questions. Le minutieux travail artistique pour représenter une riche gamme de blancs est un point intéressant. La couleur blanche, lorsqu’elle est appliquée au vêtement des personnages, n’est pas une couleur «pure», totalement blanche. La peinture blanche pure est seulement réservée aux rehauts de couleurs de la peau, des yeux et des plis des étoffes. Le blanc vestimentaire est toujours un blanc bleuté, ou bien un blanc

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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton iii, fin x e siècle

grisâtre, parfois même violacé. Ce blanc est la couleur la plus claire, généralement réservée au vêtement porté le plus près du corps: la tunique, la tunique du dessous ou la chemise, certains bas-de-chausses et les voiles des femmes. Par exemple, au folio 24, la tunique du vieux laïc à gauche d’Otton III est d’un blanc bleuté, tandis que le linceul de Lazare, au folio 231 v., est d’un blanc violacé. J’ai remarqué qu’il était parfois difficile de différencier le blanc du gris. Le gris permettant d’enrichir la gamme des blancs, l’idée serait d’avoir une couleur claire pour le vêtement le plus près du corps. (Fig.2)

fig.2 folios 24, 60 v., 94 v., 97 v., 113 et 231 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.3 folio 116 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

Lorsqu’un groupe est représenté, aux tuniques blanches viennent s’ajouter des tuniques jaunes. Par exemple, au folio 116 v., les jeunes enfants qui entourent le Christ portent des tuniques blanc violacé et jaune clair de manière intercalée. En rythmant l’image, ce jeu de couleurs semble donner vie au groupe et rendrait la scène moins monotone. (Fig.3) Mais l’usage du jaune comme couleur associée au blanc peut aussi créer une tension au sein d’un couple de personnages. Dans la scène du Baiser de Judas, au folio 244 v., le Christ et Judas portent tous les deux des tuniques claires. Pourtant, celle du Christ est blanc grisâtre tandis que celle de Judas est jaune clair. Leurs manteaux sont rouges, mais celui du Christ est rouge violacé, plus foncé que celui de Judas, qui est rouge orangé. Le contraste de couleurs apparaît à la fois faible et extrêmement subtil. Par la couleur, l’artiste n’a-t-il pas voulu traduire l’ambiguïté de ce baiser et, au-delà du baiser, la complexité du geste de Judas? (Fig.4) Cette figuration d’habits qui ne sont pas réellement blancs n’est-elle pas le reflet d’une réalité vestimentaire, c’est-à-dire l’impossibilité de teindre les étoffes en blanc?

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Le fait de représenter des tuniques aux diverses nuances de blancs et de jaune n’est-il pas une manière d’exprimer la couleur changeante des tissus non-teints? Les tissus blancs sont généralement les tissus de couleur naturelle, ou qui ont subi des techniques d’éclaircissement comme le séchage au soleil. C’est pourquoi, à l’époque qui nous concerne, il est presque matériellement impossible d’avoir des étoffes réellement blanches. Généralement, celles-ci sont de couleur écrue, ou bien grisâtre ou brunâtre. Précédemment, nous avions mentionné la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges dans la palette vestimentaire des personnages. Le rouge est enrichi de diverses nuances, tirant parfois même vers le marron. Dans certaines images, il est même difficile de distinguer le rouge et le marron. Cela m’amène à penser que le marron, dans ce manuscrit-ci, fait partie de la palette des rouges. La diversité des nuances rouges et leur récurrence sur le vêtement semble imposer l’idée d’une couleur foncée pour l’habit des personnages principaux. Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III est vêtu d’une luxueuse tunique rouge violacé et d’un manteau vert. La longue tunique du dessous est blanc bleuté. On peut remarquer que la couleur foncée du vêtement principal contraste avec la couleur claire du vêtement le plus près du corps. (Fig.5) De son côté, au folio 34 v., le Christ revêt un manteau couleur rouge ou marron. Comme pour le vêtement impérial, la couleur du manteau du Christ contraste toujours avec la couleur claire de sa tunique. À une exception près. (Fig.6) La seule scène où le Christ ne porte pas de couleur foncée, rouge ou marron, est celle de la Transfiguration, au folio 113. Il y est vêtu d’une tunique blanche et d’un

fig.6 folios 34 v., 97 v., 192, 231 v. et 251 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002) > fotofig.6.jpg

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fig.4 folio 244 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.5 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton iii, fin x e siècle

4. Depuis l’Antiquité, le rouge est la couleur par excellence. À l’époque romaine, la plupart des pigments qui servent à teindre en rouge pénètrent mieux les fibres textiles. Les différentes gammes de rouges sont plus résistantes que les autres couleurs. Les belles étoffes sont donc généralement de couleur rouge, dont les teintes sont extrêmement diversifiées. (Lire à ce sujet le chapitre consacré aux couleurs et aux teintures dans l’ouvrage de PASTOUREAU Michel, Couleurs, Images, Symboles, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard d’Or, 1989, pp. 20-31).

fig.7 folio 113 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.9 folio 17 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

manteau orangé. La couleur claire de l’habit du Christ se ferait l’écho de ce «vêtement d’une blancheur éclatante» dont parlent les Évangiles. (Fig.7) La richesse des nuances de rouge et de marron sur la tunique d’Otton III et sur le manteau du Christ confirmerait le statut encore exceptionnel qu’a le rouge dans le monde occidental aux alentours de l’An Mil.4 Le travail réalisé par l’artiste sur la couleur de la peau mérite notre attention tant il est extrêmement subtil. Une première couche de couleur saturée est posée sur l’espace destiné à la peau. Pour la couleur de cette couche de base, j’ai relevé pas moins de onze nuances différentes: beige moyen rosâtre, beige verdâtre, beige jaunâtre, jaune verdâtre, beige clair, beige rougeâtre, blanc verdâtre, marron clair, verdâtre, beige clair rosâtre et gris verdâtre composent le nuancier de la peau. Ensuite cette couche de base est relevée de reflets blancs et d’ombres de couleurs diverses. J’ai remarqué que la couleur des ombres variait en fonction de la couleur de base de la peau. Par exemple, au folio 24, la peau des laïcs figurés auprès de l’empereur est beige, relevée d’ombres marron rougeâtre, alors que la peau d’Otton III, jaune verdâtre, est rehaussée d’ombres verdâtres. (Fig.8)

fig.8 folios 15 v., 17 v., 18, 23 v., 30 v., 32 v., 60 v., 97 v., 113 et 149 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

Pourquoi retrouve-t-on tant de couleurs différentes pour la peau? Afin de répondre à cette question, je ferai appel à sept cas de figure qui me paraissent significatifs: la peau d’un vieillard indigent, celle de Satan, celle du lépreux, celle de Lazare, celle des quatre provinces impériales, celle de l’empereur Otton III et, enfin, la peau du Christ. Au début de notre cycle d’images, au-dessus de l’une des Tables de Concordances, au folio 17 v., nous remarquons un vieillard courbé, tunique courte et pieds nus, en train de se chauffer les mains auprès d’un feu. Sa peau est beige verdâtre. Face à lui, un jeune vigneron est aussi vêtu de court et les pieds nus. Mais sa peau est marron clair. Ici, la couleur de la peau semble établir une frontière entre deux âges, la jeunesse et la vieillesse. (Fig.9) Pourtant, un feuillet plus loin, au folio 18, un jeune homme et un vieillard ont été également figurés au-dessus des Tables de Concordances. Ce sont des artisans. Leurs

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tuniques sont courtes et leurs jambes et leurs pieds sont recouverts. Et, surtout, ils ont tous les deux la même couleur de peau, beige jaunâtre. La couleur de la peau ne crée plus seulement une distinction entre deux âges, mais elle semble établir un écart social entre l’univers des paysans et le monde des artisans. Le vieillard qui se réchauffe les mains auprès du feu, vêtu dune courte tunique, jambes et pieds nus, pourrait être un indigent. La couleur de sa peau, beige verdâtre, contraste avec celle des trois autres travailleurs représentés: l’homme est non seulement un paysan, mais il est surtout un exclu. (Fig.10)

fig.10 folio 18 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

Dans les trois scènes des Tentations du Christ, au folio 32 v., Satan a la peau beige rougeâtre, beaucoup plus sombre que celle du Christ, qui est beige clair. Son corps est recouvert d’une étoffe marron clair. La manière dont est posée l’étoffe sur le corps du diable est particulière: elle cache une partie tout en découvrant l’autre partie. L’ambivalence vestimentaire, doublée d’une couleur sombre de peau, soulignerait le caractère sournois et inquiétant de Satan.5 (Fig.11)

fig.11 folio 32 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

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5. Sur l’aspect péjoratif d’une couleur saturée pour le corps, lire PASTOUREAU Michel, Couleurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 95-97.

étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton iii, fin x e siècle

6. Sur le tacheté de la peau, lire PASTOUREAU Michel, Couleurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 92-95. 7. La lèpre serait la plus visible des maladies de la peau. Elle représente ainsi l’archétype de la maladie de peau. (Lire à ce sujet TOUATI FrançoisOlivier, Archives de la lèpre: Atlas des léproseries entre Loire et Maine au Moyen Age, Paris, 1996). 8. Le lépreux ouvre la voix du salut par la charité qu’il appelle. (Lire TOUATI François-Olivier, Maladie et société au Moyen Age. La lèpre, les lépreux et les léproseries dans la province ecclésiastique de Sens jusqu’au milieu du XIVe siècle, Bruxelles, De Boeck Université, 1998). 9. Lire, à ce propos, l’article d’ALIBERT Dominique, “Approche de l’iconographie politique autour de l’An mille”, in Gerberto d’Aurillac, da Abate di Bobbio a Papa dell’Anno 1000, Atti del Congresso Internazionale, Bobbio, Archivum Bobiense.

Le lépreux, au folio 97 v., est peint le corps courbé, une corne attachée en bandoulière autour de son torse. Sa peau est marron, semée de taches sombres.6 C’est un personnage singularisé, par la couleur de sa peau et par le bruit qu’il fait avec sa corne. Et ainsi différencié, on peut mieux le mettre à l’écart, l’exclure.7 Toutefois, je me demande si la figure du lépreux est aussi négative que cela dans notre manuscrit. Non seulement le lépreux bénéficie de la compassion du Christ, mais aussi il jouit d’un traitement de couleur particulier: sa peau, aussi dévalorisée soit-elle, n’est pas de la même couleur que celle de Satan.8 (Fig.12) Plusieurs feuillets plus loin, au folio 231 v., lorsque Lazare, couvert d’un linceul, est ressuscité par le Christ, sa peau est gris verdâtre. C’est comme si cette association du gris et du vert signifiait le mieux la pâleur cadavérique. (Fig.13) Les personnifications féminines des quatre provinces impériales, au folio 23 v., se prêtent également à un intéressant jeu de couleurs de la peau. La couleur est intercalée d’une femme à une autre. De cette manière, Roma et Germania ont la peau de couleur jaune verdâtre, tandis que celle de Gallia et de Sclavinia est marron clair. Placée de manière intercalée, la couleur de la peau donne du rythme à l’image. Or, est-ce que c’est un hasard si la peau de Roma, la province placée le plus près du pouvoir impérial, est de la même couleur que celle de l’empereur Otton III?9 (Fig.14) Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III, figuré en majesté, a la peau jaune verdâtre. À sa droite, les deux clercs ont aussi la peau jaune verdâtre, tandis qu’à sa gauche, les laïcs l’ont beige. La couleur de la peau semble rapprocher l’empereur des clercs, le pouvoir impérial de l’Église. Est-ce qu’elle ne traduit pas les enjeux idéologiques de la politique impériale des ottoniens? La peau du Christ pourrait donner un début de réponse. (Fig.15)

fig.12 folio 97 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.13 folio 231 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

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fig.14 folio 23 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

fig.15 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

J’ai relevé trois nuances différentes pour la peau du Christ: beige clair, blanc verdâtre et verdâtre. Pourquoi ces différenciations? J’ai remarqué que Jésus avait la peau beige dans toutes les scènes qui ont un rapport avec sa vie terrestre et publique. Je pense ici, aux scènes du Baptême, des Tentations, des enseignements, des guérisons et de la Passion. J’ai également observé qu’il avait la peau couleur blanc verdâtre dans les scènes où la nature divine du Christ était mise en avant, comme celle du Christ en majesté ou bien de la Résurrection. Enfin, dans la scène de la Transfiguration, la peau du Christ est entièrement verdâtre. Une couleur de peau particulière, unique dans le manuscrit, qui s’accorde avec la couleur claire de son vêtement. Comme si le verdâtre était la nuance de peau qui se rapprochait le mieux du divin. (Fig.16) À quelques feuillets d’intervalle, la majesté impériale et la majesté du Christ se font écho. Comme s’il n’y avait aucun intermédiaire entre l’empereur et le Christ. La peau de l’empereur et celle du Christ divin tendent toutes les deux vers le verdâtre. À une nuance près: celle de l’empereur est jaune verdâtre tandis que celle du Christ est blanc verdâtre. La couleur de leur peau se ressemble, mais n’est pas la même. Tout en faisant partie du monde spirituel, voire de la mouvance divine, Otton III n’est pas

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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton iii, fin x e siècle

fig.16 folios 174 v., 34 v. et 113 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)

le Christ, l’empereur n’est pas Dieu. Serait-il hasardeux de dire que la couleur est un outil de pouvoir dans l’idéologie impériale? L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III est extrêmement intéressant par le nombre de questions qu’il ne cesse de soulever. La couleur y apparaît codifiée et pensée en fonction d’un contexte bien particulier. Comme si sur ces deux espaces que sont la peau et le vêtement il existait un chiasme de couleur du clair vers le foncé et du foncé vers le clair. La peau claire et le vêtement foncé étant mieux mis en avant que la peau foncée et le vêtement clair. Mais l’étude de la couleur dans ce manuscrit force à la plus grande prudence. Car au vu de l’ensemble de mon corpus, ce document demeure une exception. Il force à moduler peu à peu et prudemment mon analyse, car ce qui est valable pour ce manuscrit ne l’est plus pour la grande majorité des manuscrits de mon étude. Pour la période choisie, fin Xe – fin XIIe siècles, en pleine mutation, la norme n’est jamais de mise.

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Biography

© Crédits photographiques: BRIECHLE Andrea, FOX Angelika, MEYER Carla, Das Evangeliar Kaiser Ottos III: eine Handschrift zum Blättern, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München, Clm 4453. Augsburg, Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte, Bayerisches Staatsministerium für Wissenschaft, 2002.

Je suis d’origine franco-vénézuelienne. Après des études d’Histoire à l’Institut Catholique de Paris puis à l’Université La Sorbonne-Paris IV, je suis en train de terminer un Doctorat en Histoire médiévale à l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (E.P.H.E.), à Paris, sous la direction de Monsieur Michel PASTOUREAU. Le sujet de la Thèse est: «Les couleurs du corps nu et vêtu dans les manuscrits enluminés des Xe-XIIe siècles: une étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale». Publication: Article «Ich halte Dich am Bart: Spiel der Hände, Spiel der Farben in einem Ritual zwischen Männern», in Edgar BIERENDE, Sven BRETFELD et Klaus OSCHEMA, Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien, Trends in Medieval Philology, Volume 14, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New-York, 2008, pp. 69-78. Adresse e-mail: iotamarie@gmail.com

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Resumo Este artigo discute as cores e pigmentos utilizados numa das cópias d’O bestiário do amor de Richard de Fournival, datado do 3.º quartel do séc. XIII. A aplicação de uma certa paleta cromática bem como de certas especificidades iconográficas faz-nos pensar que este artista conhecia as técnicas utilizadas na produção bem mais sofisticada da Cappella Regis sob o patronato de S. Luís: o Saltério de S. Luís que se encontra na BNF, em Paris, e o ms designado por Saltério de Isabella no Museu Fitzwilliam, em Cambridge.

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palavras-chave cor pigmento iluminura Richard de Fournival bestiário

Abstract This paper considers the colours and pigments of a manuscript of the Bestiary of Love of Richard de Fournival from the third quarter of the 13th century. The particularities of the use of the chromatic palette in this manuscript, together with several iconographical devices, allow one to reflect on the knowledge, by the artist who decorated this manuscript, of the methods of work used in the most sophisticated products of the Cappella Regis under Saint Louis: the Saint Louis Psalter in the BNF of Paris and the so called Isabella Psalter in the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words colour pigment illumination Richard de Fournival bestiary

remarks on colours and pigments in the french court illumination of the 13 th century x e n i a m u r atova Professor Emeritus xmuratova@aol.com

1. X.Muratova, B. Roy, Le manuscrit T du Bestiaire d’Amour de Richard de Fornuival. Edition critique et étude des enluminures, Ramsen, in print.

The aim of this paper is to present the study of colours, pigments and of the pictorial technique in an illuminated manuscript of the Bestiaire d’Amours of Richard de Fournival, the so called manuscript T of this work (Switzerland, private collection)1. Rather modest in size (23 folios, of the dimension 17 x 12 cm), it is, nonetheless, one of the most important manuscripts of this famous work. It is not only one of the most ancient known manuscript of the Bestiary of Richard de Fournival (it can be dated from the 1260s-1270s, whereas the other 23 known manuscripts of this work date from between the 1270s and the 15th century ). Written in «francien», the Ilede-France version of the Old French, it is, also one of the most ancient illuminated vernacular manuscripts known to us. Another important point is its relationship to the French court: the miniature of the Vulture, allegory of the persecution of a beloved by her lover in the ironical interpretation of this fine writer of the 13th century, presents the images of Saint Louis followed by his son-in-law Thibaud V, count of Champagne and king of Navarra (1235-1270), easily recognizable by their arms. It is probable that the manuscript (or its model) was commissioned by or for Thibaud of Navarra, and it cannot be excluded that the manuscript, the last miniature of which represents the God of Love, served as a wedding present. The miniatures of this manuscript give an exciting possibility for the close investigation of colours, pigments, of their deterioration and transformation, their reaction with the parchment and their modification visible on the reverse side of the leaves. This study shows us the proceedings employed by an artist who knew the methods

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of work and the repertory of forms used by an important group of artists which executed the French Royal Psalters of the 1260s, the Saint Louis Psalter, ms. 10525 of the BNF of Paris2 and the so-called Isabella Psalter, ms. 300 of the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge3. It is difficult to say if he belonged himself to this group of artists; but in any case he was acquainted with their work. At the same time he was confronted with an unusual task: to ornate a profane, vernacular manuscript for the decoration of which he was not always provided with the iconographical devices of several scenes4. Beside that, the study of the technique of the execution of the manuscript gives rather an impression that the order was particularly urgent and that the work was executed in a hurry. Sixty-four small miniatures of the manuscript (the height of the majority of them takes between three or five lines of the text) are placed on a blue or a pink watercolour background but the tonality of these colours (especially a very deep, brilliant, transparent blue) as well as the technique of the transparent watercolour itself used for the background are closer to the chromatic devices and to the technique used by English illuminators or by those who had an English training or were strongly influenced by it. It is not an exception in the North French and Parisian miniature of the 13th century. But the use of the watercolour for the backgrounds can be hardly found in the majority of the French miniature production of this period. However, it is characteristic for full-page miniatures of the two Royal Psalters where the coloured parts of the background surround the central parts painted in gold. In the Bestiary manuscript, the slightly orange pink colour is also used in watercolour technique and covers the surface of the background in a rather irregular manner. This orange pink is very close to the same colour in the Saint Louis Psalter. In rare cases, however, the painter used a small amount of a binder or of a white in order to unify the tone. But his mixtures were too fragile and led to the deterioration of the some paintings. Perhaps, these mixtures were prepared too rapidly, the binders were used in a too precipitated manner or, what is also possible, the degree of the heating of the mixture was too high or too rapid. In his work, the artist transgressed several norms adopted in the French manuscript production of the 13th century. The alternation of blue and pink backgrounds is not regular, as in the majority of the French manuscripts where this kind of alternation constituted a system of personal marks in cases of the decoration of manuscripts of the a large size. The artist of the Ms. T demonstrated a surprising freedom regarding several norms which characterized the work of established workshops of illuminators and book-makers. His practices are those of the illuminators who were called to execute the decoration of small vernacular manuscripts, where many rules used in the ateliers specialized in the production of important Latin manuscripts were simply neglected and disregarded. It is also difficult to judge whether the designer and the painter who just coloured the silhouettes were the same person. It seems, in fact that the quality of the design,

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2. R.Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris During the Reign of Saint Louis, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977, pp.5, 132-137, 238-239;H. Stahl, Picturing Kingship. History and Painting in the Psalter of Saint Louis, University Park, Philadelphia, 2007; X.Muratova, B.Roy, op. cit.; X. Muratova, «Officina di miniatori della Cappella Regis all’epoca di San Luigi», Medioevo: Le Officine. I Convegni di Parma XII. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Parma, 22-27 settembre 2009, a cura di A. C. Quintavalle, Milano, 2010, pp. 511-516. 3. S. Cockerell, A Psalter and Hours Executed Before 1270 for a Lady Connected with St. Louis, Probably His Sister Isabelle of France, London, 1905; S.Panayotova, «The Psalter and Hours of Isabelle of France», The Cambridge Illuminations. Ten Centuries of Book Production in the Medieval West, Catalogue of the Exhibition, ed. by P. Binski & S. Panayotova, Cambridge, 2005, London-Turnhout, 2005, pp.178-180; X.Muratova, «Officina…», op. cit. 4. X.Muratova, «Un episode de la pratique de travail des enlumineurs au XIIIe siecle: l’utilisation des motifs bibliques pour illustration des ecrits profanes», Imagenes e promotores en el arte medieval. Miscellanea en homenaje a Joaquin Yarza Luaces, Barcelona (Bellaterra), 2001, pp. 545-554.

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fig.1 the unicorn and the vultur, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v and 23r, respectively.

vivid, light and rapid, in some cases is superior to that of the colouring but several deterioration of the pictorial layer and of pigments prevent us from making a definite judgment about the execution of the miniatures by one or by two artists. The colours and the pigments of the ms. T were studied essentially de visu, with a magnifying glass and a microscope. A physical-chemical analysis was attempted in a local laboratory but was not carried through to its end for several reasons having nothing to do with scientific research. No radiographical or microspecrometrical analysis was ever produced. Some physical-chemical results confirmed hypotheses made during my study of pigments with a microscope. In several cases the artist did not follow the rules of the utilisation of pigments set in the known manuals of medieval illuminators, which is by itself not an important exception in the work of the medieval illuminators who worked in the milieu dominated by an oral tradition and where the individual experience of each artist who transmitted it to his workshop, to his pupils and to his professional surrounding played the primary role. I don’t think that the deteriorations of pigments in several miniatures are due to a bad knowledge of the technique; the manuscript was undoubtedly decorated by a fine professional artist, but I am inclined rather to think that he had too short a time for the execution of his order and that is why he could not respect the time needed for the «rest» (or suspension) necessary for the preparation of pigments and their mixtures. He may also have found himself in a particular situation, outside of a workshop, travelling, for instance, which obliged him to use the «moyens de bord». Yellow: the frames, very simple, of miniatures are painted in a very pale yellow which imitates probably, the golden frames. The presence of the infinitesimally small particles of gold (which can be observed through the microscope and in several cases can be observed even with a magnifying glass) in this yellow pigment shows the use of the orpiment, the auripigmentum album obtained from sulphur of arsenic and used with parchment glue as a binder. Blue: the chromatic palette is distinguished by the use of various tones of blue. First of all, it is the deep blue sapphire colour of the backgrounds, in several cases strongly dissolved and clear; in some other cases it becomes blackened because of the oxidation of the ornamental motives painted on the surface of the backgrounds. In many cases the dissolved blue pigment has transgressed the lines of the silhouettes of animals and of personages, even if the artist seems to do everything to avoid this extension of the blue This blue pigment, cold and intense, has corroded the parchment and produced visible traces on the reverse of the sheets (where it gave clear green traces); thus, it included corrosive substances which have profoundly penetrated the texture of the parchment. This type of deterioration of the parchment shows the use of a rather active corrosive substance, the azurite, a mineral pigment based on the acetate or a carbonate of copper. The blue of garments and vestments is also intense, profound and a brilliant colour but it has not the transparency of the blue of the backgrounds. It is not the same pigment used in more concentrated proportions and in a more dense manner. This

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blue pigment has none of the corrosive proprieties of the blue of the backgrounds and did not attack the parchment. This blue was obtained from indigo. Thus, the palette of our artist has several blue pigments, rather close in their chromatic effect, but of different origin. In several cases one can observe the clearer, and more opaque blue due to the mixture with the white lead in various proportions. In several cases of the utilisation of this mixture one can observe small losses of the pictorial layer. There is also the blue-grey, very clear, and, finally, a very rare blue grey, transparent, very clear and cold. This colour has a slightly corrosive action: from the other side of the sheet it gives an effect of a dark yellow or a slightly orange colouring on the vestment of the Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2). This corrosive effect shows equally the use of a pigment containing the copper oxide, prepared probably on a base of the fusion of various substances and based on copper sulphate. One should note that this pale blue colour, transparent and cold, very rare and particular, has analogies with the pale blue which can be found in the Saint Louis Psalter (Figure 3) but in this manuscript a different or better cleaned pigment was used and it had no corrosive action on the parchment. A similar tone of the pale and transparent blue is used also in the Cambridge Isabella Psalter (Figure 4). A unique case where the blue colour which has a blue celestial tone, is that of the lapis-lazuli with which were painted the vestment and the banner of the King Louis IX in the miniature of the Vultur: in is interesting to note that in the same miniature the painter used an extremely mordant pigment to paint in blue the back legs of the horse of Thibaud, King of Navarra. Small touches of blue grey (in the neighbourhood with the touches of clear brown colour) were used for modelling the silhouettes of animals painted in beige or in clear yellow. This perfect knowledge of the use of the complementary colours and the taste for the modelling and the plastic quality in the treatment of forms can unfortunately be appreciated very rarely: this extremely delicate finish and its nuances were effaced because of the extensive use of the manuscript and the fragility of the technique and can be only guessed at in certain miniatures. The variety of the blue tones shows a rather refined taste but only more profound scientific analysis could help to conclude which were exactly the resources of the painter in the matter of pigments. In any case, the use of these resources was extremely masterly: already in the unique initial of the manuscript representing the Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2) one can find four tones of blue and five tones of pink-beige colours, some of them were produced thanks to the mixture with white lead and with other pigments. Green: as to the green, the dominant tone is that of a vivid and almost emerald brilliant green, very widespread in the medieval miniature and produced from the basic copper acetate, called in the Middle Ages Iarim or Iarin and a common name of which was a verdigris. It is used for the painting of silhouettes of animals, for vestments, trees and grass. As is well-known, it is one of the most aggressive pigments of the medieval painting which corrodes and penetrates the parchment and

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fig.2 allegory of the memory, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 1r (ou 25v?).

fig.3 saint louis psalter, paris, bnf, ms.10525, fl. 9r.

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fig.4 isabella psalter, cambridge, fitzwilliam museum, ms.300, fl. 1v

fig.5 the tiger, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10r.

becomes visible on the reverse of the sheet. Several silhouettes painted in green preserve the rest of the modelling executed with the same colour, a little darker or a little clearer. Thus, it was a rather refined and skillful painting where the painter knew how to use the possibilities of each pigment which he worked with a great refinement and savoir-faire. However, one should note that normally this brilliant tone of green is not characteristic of Parisian painting of the 13th century, where the artists, who always used verdigris, preferred the tones of bottle green and of grass green and in general used the green pigment rather rarely, knowing its destructive properties (Figure 5). In fact, the use of green constitutes one of the sensitive points of the Paris illumination. On the contrary, in the English miniature, the green lavis (in fact the pigment is generally dissolved with water) is one of the preferred means of chromatic expression. Its extensive utilisation in our manuscript is another testimony of the training of the artist not in Paris but in the North of France, in any case, under the strong influence of practices adopted in English illumination. A similar bright and brilliant green is characteristic for the painting in both Royal Psalters. Pink, beige, orange, brown: the manuscript T has a very particular pink orange colour used for the backgrounds where it is put by means of a transparent brushwork painting and in a very irregular and unequal manner which creates the darker and clearer parts of the painted surface. It is not at all common for Parisian and North French illumination where the pink colour, called often the «rose de Paris» and obtained from a mixture with lead, covers the surface in a dense, opaque, equal and regular manner. Here it is a saffron colour, intense and brilliant. This orange pink, as well as the watercolour technique of its utilisation which gives an impression of the irregularity of the pink orange tone can be found only in the Saint Louis Psalter executed by the artists attached to the Cappella Regis, especially in the architectural parts of miniatures. Several other orange and beige colours, their tones and nuances were used for the silhouettes of animals, attributes and vestments. One of these beige-pink pigments has corrosive action on the parchment and is visible from the other side of the leaf (Figure 5), testimony of the use of pigments rich in iron oxide and other metals. This effect could be also produced through the use of the extract of fish gall. A clear pink colour of this manuscript is extremely fragile and inclined to deterioration: its surface is often covered with small spots. This deterioration is due to the fermentation of the clarea – egg white – probably heated too rapidly. In fact, the painter illuminating a vernacular manuscript, even if he knew the old traditions and rules, was no longer strictly attached to them; the work on the order obliged him to neglect several old rules and led sometimes to a too rapid and hurried preparation of colours. White is used to paint the silhouettes and vestments: it is an extremely white, limpid, brilliant and transparent colour obtained by the use of chalk. The drawing is perfectly visible through the its surface. The traditional lead white is, of course, also used rather widely.

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Black ink was employed for the drawing of the contours and parts of silhouettes. Grey is dissolved black ink. Very light grey, mixed with white lead was used for the modelling of faces and silhouettes. Faces are painted with touches of light grey and pink. Several silhouettes are of a dark grey colour. In several miniatures one can observe the degradation of the grey colour because of the use of an unadapted binder (or too hurried heating of the clarea which «turned» during the heating). Red is used only for the rubrics: it is a vivid and brilliant red obtained from natural cinnabar, red sulphate of mercury. Gold, silver and other metallic pigments are absent at a first glance. The gold particles, which can be observed in the yellow of frames and in some attributes, is due to the effect of the orpiment. It is probable however that the gold or its substitute was used for the decoration of ornamental scrolls on backgrounds of several miniatures. A small portion of such a scroll is visible in the lower part of the miniature of the Wild Ass. The disappearance and the oxidation of the scrolls (Figure 6) painted with metallic pigments or their substitutes shows that the essential rules of the work with these pigments were not followed by the artist. At the same time, these scrolls are so blackened and oxidized that their traces appear on the reverse of the folios. It is not an effect which could be produced in the case of the use of white lead for the painting of the scrolls. Besides that, white lead doesn’t show through the parchment. The black traces left by the pigment used for the painting of the decorative scrolls reveal the use of a substitutive pigment for the gold, may be of silver which often attacks the parchment, shows through it and leave the black traces on the reverse of the folios. The almost total disappearance of this part of the decoration of our manuscript changed considerably the initial aspect of the manuscript. There is no doubt that in the beginning it produced an impression of a much more sumptuous object. It is difficult to make a definitive conclusion as to the pigments used in the ms. T without a new verification of chemical results and microspectoscopic analysis. However, observations concerning the colours and the chromatic palette permit one to make several observations and to propose a number of hypotheses. The choice itself of the chromatic palette, based on the tones of blue, green, grey, pale yellow, beige and pink orange is very particular. It is a choice which is not due to the limited means which were at the disposal of the artist. This choice is due to his training and to his personal inclination. Even if numerous elements of the decoration have disappeared or were modified with time, the analysis of pigments and the choice of the chromatic palette show a refined artistic taste. At the same time, it is not a palette characteristic of the Parisian workshops of the middle of the 13th century and of its third quarter. These workshops attached a great importance to a perfect balance of blue and pink colours retouched with a parcimonious and skillful use of red and green. In the production of the illuminated manuscripts in vulgar languages during the third quarter of the 13th century, this kind of approach characterizes especially the deco-

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fig.6 the panther, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v.

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ration of books executed by artists working North of the capital, and independent in their chromatic tastes from Parisian norms. Thus, on one hand, the use of pigments and colours in this manuscript shows a rather free approach to the colour; on the other hand it demonstrates the knowledge of English illumination and of its chromatic devices. The chromatic palette of the ms. T, in its present state, in any case, reminds one of the favourite palette of English artists of the second and third quarters of the 13th century. At the same time, in relation with the majority of illuminated manuscripts of this period coming from workshops of the North and East from Paris, with their variegated colours, thick linear drawing and absence of modelling, the ms. T impresses one by the grace and vivacity of its linear drawing, freshness of the narration, refinement of modelling in painting and its remarkable choice of he chromatic palette. The disregard of traditional rules, indicated in the medieval manuals of painting, in the use of mixtures of pigments, is a feature which seems rather becoming to the work of artists who were not bound by the secular traditions of the professional production of Latin manuscripts. These artists began to specialize independently in the decoration of manuscripts written in vulgar languages. It is particularly interesting to note that in this case the artist based his work partly on the experience of artists who did not belonged to big Parisian workshops but who constituted a group of artists attached to the Capella Regis and working together on the decoration of Royal Psalters obviously intended for the French court.

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Biography Xenia Muratova is a Professor Emeritus of French Universities. She studied History of Art in Russia, in France and in Germany. Her work is dedicated to various problems of medieval art, especially to the study of the 12th and 13th centuries, of methods of work of the medieval artist, of the medieval illumination and of medieval bestiaries. She is the author of several books and numerous articles and essays on these topics, the most important of these publications are monographs: Masters of the French Gothic, 1988; The Medieval Bestiary, 1984; Le Bestiaire medieval, 1988; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte del secolo XI, 2003; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte del secolo XII, 2005. Xenia Muratova works also as art critic and writes on Modern and Contemporary painting as well as on the History of the history of Art. She is member of numerous associations and scientific societies in Europe and in America.

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Resumo Conhecem-se centenas de receitas medievais para a produção de cores, iluminuras e tintas, no Ocidente latino. Pelo contrário quase nada parece ter sobrevivido do mundo bizantino que lhe foi contemporâneo. Há uma enorme lacuna entre os papiros de Estocolmo e Leiden, datados aproximadamente da terceira centúria (c.), e os tratados pós-bizantinos como o Anónimo 1566 de Jerusalém e, o mais conhecido, Hermeneia do séc. XVIII, escrito por Dionísio de Phourna. Tem sido muitas vezes assumido que os textos pós-bizantinos reflectem mais fielmente as tradições bizantinas, mas uma análise rigorosa desses tratados tardios revela, afinal, em parte, influências das técnicas ocidentais pós-medievais. Portanto, não podem ser tomados sem alguma cautela como substitutos dos textos bizantinos perdidos. Além disso, durante os 1000 anos que durou o Império bizantino, a arte bizantina não foi uniforme – nem em estilo, nem textualmente. A técnica da pintura varia entre scriptoria de diferentes regiões e cronologias, novos pigmentos foram inventados (amarelo de estanho e chumbo, azul de esmalte) – mudanças que os textos pós-bizantinos não referem. Do tempo bizantino, encontram-se publicadas apenas umas poucas receitas, sobretudo de tintas. Num projecto coordenado por Peter Schreiner (Universidade de Colónia) e Doris Oltrogge (Fachlochshule Koln), a pesquisa sistemática em manuscritos catalogados poderá ampliar este número para cerca de 80 receitas relacionadas com a produção de manuscritos. Os principais tópicos são tintas, crisografia, douradura, a produção de vermelhão e de laca vermelha. Os primeiros textos datam do séc. XII, tendo muitos deles sido escritos nos sécs. XIV e XV. Até agora não sobreviveram tratados sobre técnicas artísticas comparáveis a Theophilus ou Cennino. Há igualmente poucos vestígios de papiros da Antiguidade Tardia. Sendo a maioria das receitas «novas» e únicas, algumas técnicas são comparáveis às que são descritas nos textos do Ocidente, mas é apenas possível referir uma influência directa nos manuscritos escritos por gregos exilados na Itália do séc. XV. Algumas das técnicas descritas podem ser observadas nos manuscritos bizantinos. Por outro lado, há ainda muito poucas receitas para a produção de pigmentos sintéticos, mesmo quando as análises científicas mostram que alguns pigmentos sintéticos importantes, tais como, o amarelo de estanho e chumbo foram usados na iluminura bizantina mais cedo que no Ocidente – podendo ter sido inventados em Bizâncio.

palavras-chave bizâncio receitas iluminuras crisografia pigmentos

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Abstract Hundreds of mediaeval recipes on colour production, book illumination and inks are known from the Latin West. On the contrary nearly nothing seems to have survived from contemporary Byzantium. There is an enormous gap between the late antique papyri in Stockholm and Leiden, dating from about the 3 rd century, and the postbyzantine treatises like the 1566 Anonymous in Jerusalem and the better known 18th-century Hermeneia, written by Dionysios of Phourna. It has often been assumed that the post-byzantine texts reflect rather faithfully byzantine traditions, but a close analysis of these later treatises reveals at least partly influences of postmediaeval Western techniques. Therefore, they cannot be taken without reservations as substitute for lost Byzantine texts. Furthermore, Byzantine art is not uniform – neither in style nor in text – during the 1000-year-period of the Byzantine Empire. The painting technique varies between scriptoria of different times and locations, new pigments were invented (lead-tin yellow, smalt) – changes on which the post-byzantine texts give no information. From the Byzantine time, only some few recipes, mainly on inks, are published up to now. In a common project of Peter Schreiner (University of Cologne) and Doris Oltrogge (Fachhochschule Köln) a systematic survey on catalogued manuscripts could enlarge this number to about 80 recipes dealing with the techniques of manuscript production. The main topics are inks, chrysography, gilding, and the production of vermilion and of red lakes. The earliest texts date from the 12th century, most of them were written in the 14th and 15th centuries. So far no treatise on art technology – comparable to Theophilus or Cennino – has survived. There are also only few traces of the late antique papyri. Most of the recipes are «new» and unique. Some techniques are comparable to those described in Western texts but a direct influence can only be stated in manuscripts which were written by Greek exiles in 15th century Italy. Some of the techniques described can be observed in Byzantine manuscripts. On the other hand, there are still extremely few recipes for the production of artificial pigments, even if analysis can show that some important artificial pigments like lead tin yellow were used in Byzantine illumination earlier than in the West – and were perhaps invented in Byzantium.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words byzantium, recipes, book illumination, chrysography, pigments

byzantine recipes and book illumination d o ris o ltro g g e Cologne Institute for Conservation Sciences Cologne University of Applied Sciences D-50678 Köln (Germany)

1. For the most comprehensive overview see: Clarke 2001. 2. In this article «Byzantine» is strictly defined as a period term, i.e. the time before the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Texts written by Greek scribes before the middle of the 15th century in places outside the Byzantine Empire – especially since the later 14th century in areas already under Turkish dominion or by exiles in Italy or elsewhere – are considered as Byzantine. The major Greek texts on painting technique dating from the 16th century onwards belong to the postbyzantine period.

More than 400 mediaeval manuscripts dealing with the production of pigments and inks, with binding media, and with the techniques of painting and book illumination have survived from the Latin West.1 On the contrary nearly nothing seems to have come down to us from contemporary Byzantium. This is more than strange if we consider that the earliest known Latin source – the Carolingian Lucca manuscript – is clearly a translation from the Greek (Clarke 2001, 8). There are, however, Greek texts on art technology from Antiquity: information on pigments are found in the Book on stones written in the 4th century BC by Theophrast or in the medical treatise of Dioskurides, dating from the 1st century AD. Probably in the 3rd century AD the Leyden and Stockholm papyri were written, which transmit the most comprehensive collection of recipes for metallurgy, dyeing and alchemy (Halleux 1981). The art of writing is considered in 16 recipes for true and false chrysography (Trost 1991, 58-102). On the contrary, texts on art technology seem to be nearly non-existent in Byzantine times, that is in the period between ca. 500 and 1453 AD.2

The Postbyzantine tradition Due to this lack of original sources from mediaeval Byzantium studies on Byzantine painting technique usually refer to the Hermeneia tis zographikis (the Treatise of Painters) written in 1730-1733 on Mount Athos by the painter-monk Dionysios of Phourna (Papadopoulos-Kèrameus 1909; Hetherington 1974; Bentchev 2004). This treatise is generally assumed to transmit rather faithfully the earlier Byzantine tradition. This is certainly true for large parts of the iconographical section: postbyzantine wall and icon painting depends largely on mediaeval models and so do Dionysios’ descriptions of the major scenes from the New Testament. However it has been stated that in some cases the iconography follows the more modern types of the Cretan school which was clearly influenced by Italian, namely Venetian paintings from the middle of the 16th century onwards (Bentchev 2004, 67). And also some of

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the technical recipes reflect the techniques of Italo-Cretan and Italian oil painting (Bentchev 2004, 40; 67). The technical section of Dionysios’ Hermeneia can be traced back to about 1566, the date proposed for two anonymous treatises which were copied in a 17th century manuscript in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem (Bentchev 2004, 39). Anonymous I quotes as references the painters Panselinos, who most probably lived in the 14th century, and Theophanis the Crete, who worked in the second half of the 16th century on Mount Athos. Dionysios also mentions Panselinos, but not the name of the more recent painter, whose recipes he however copied (Bentchev 2004, 41). Besides, two other postbyzantine Greek treatises on painting technique are known. In 1720, the Ionian painter Panagiotes Doxaras (1662-1729) translated Leonardo’s Trattato della pittura into Greek, and in 1726 he wrote himself a treatise on painting Peri zographias (Bentchev 2004, 130). This treatise as well as Doxaras’ translation of Leonardo’s Trattato were used as references by the icon painter and engraver Christofor Žefarovič in his Instructions for young people desiring to learn the art of painting (Koinēnou thesia ētē Hermeneia eis tous neous…), a work written most probably in Church Slavonic but translated also into Greek (Bentchev 2004, 154s). Žefarovič is the most Western of these authors, besides Leonardo’s Trattato he used the German Kunst- und Werck-Schul of 1705 and Pictorius’ Lackir-Kunst of 1708. However, he also knew the Greek tradition of the Jerusalem treatises which was the major source for the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna (Bentchev 2004, 156). But how Byzantine is this later Greek tradition? The translators of the Hermeneia have remarked that the text of Dionysios as well as that of the Jerusalem manuscript is full of unusual terms, words of Italian, Turkish and even German origin. So the German term γόλι φάρπε (Goldfarbe – gold colour) is used explicitly to explain a Venetian gilding technique considered as unusual to Greek traditions.3 Turzisms are not unusual in the late Byzantine period, especially in the parts of the Byzantine Empire which were already occupied by the Turks before 1453. Even more interesting are some of the Italianisms. In a recipe for the making of verdigris 4 the product is not called ios or ios chalkou as it should be in classical Greek but vardáramon which clearly derives from the Italian verderame. Another recipe of the Jerusalem manuscript and the Hermeneia describes the production of a blue or red colour: 5 First a lye is made from quicklime and potash. Then wool shearings are put into the lye and cooked until the colour is extracted. Afterwards alum and a little glair are added to the filtered colour extract. Depending on the colour of the shearings the pigment obtained will be blue or red. The recipe describes thus the making of an indigo pigment from blue shearings and of red lakes from the shearings of scarlet cloth. Similar recipes have often been copied in Western manuscripts from the 14th century onward (Wallert 1991). Is this a Byzantine technique taken over by the Latins? Or was a Western recipe adopted in late or postbyzantine time by the Greek? The terminology used by the Jerusalem

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3. Dionysios of Phourna, §34 (BENTCHEV 2004, 92). 4. Anonymous § 35 (BENTCHEV 2004, 57); Dionysios § 42 (BENTCHEV 2004, 95). 5. Anonymous § 39 (BENTCHEV 2004, 58); Dionysios § 45 (BENTCHEV 2004, 97).

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6. The edition is planned for 2010 (Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften).

Anonymous and Dionysios points to the latter: the shearings are called tzimarísmata, a word so uncommon in Greek that it has lead to some confusion in the various translations of the Hermeneia. Even Bentchev who recognised the meaning of the recipe translates it inexactly as Stofflumpen (rags). The word clearly derives from the Italian cimatura (shearing), therefore most probably the recipe is a translation from the Italian. Whether this was done already in the Byzantine period or only by the Anonymous of the 16th century cannot be decided.

Byzantine texts on manuscript production These few examples show that the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna and the earlier Jerusalem Anonymous should not be taken without restrictions as sources for painting techniques of the Byzantine period. The immense gap between the 3rd century papyri and the postbyzantine treatises still remains open. But at least a small number of recipes have survived which give us some isolated information on art technology in mediaeval Byzantium. A few instructions for making vermilion are transcribed in alchemical manuscripts (Berthelot 1887). Some ink recipes have been published by Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda in 1983. A major finding was done by Peter Schreiner, former chair of Byzantine Studies at the University of Cologne, when he discovered the first known small treatise on manuscript production from the Byzantine Period, written in the early 15th century by Isidor of Kiev (Schreiner 1988, 116-125). The problem to understand the techniques described, often with ambiguous or unusual terms, led to an interdisciplinary project with Professor Schreiner as Byzantine philologist and myself as an expert for art technology. The aim of this project is not only the publication of the small text compiled by Isidor of Kiev, but a commentated edition of all available Byzantine recipes on the techniques related to writing and book illumination. 6 Purely alchemical treatises are not part of the project. For practical reasons, the search had to concentrate on catalogues so that libraries without or with very old catalogisation are not considered. Therefore new findings will be possible when more libraries are made accessible by useful catalogues. Nevertheless the number of recipes concerned with the art of manuscript production could already be increased to about 80, and furthermore, with Isidor’s of Kiev text there is a first indication for the existence of more or less systematic art technological recipe collections in Byzantium. The earliest texts date from the 12th century, most of them were written in the 14th and 15th century. Compared with the abundant Western tradition the number is still very meagre. It seems that art technology plays an extremely smaller role in the surviving Byzantine manuscripts than in their Western counterparts. It is difficult to decide what the reasons are. Was there less interest in the practical arts by the literate people in Byzantium? Or got the manuscripts simply lost after the fall of Byzantium because the Western collectors were more interested in luxurious codices or in literary and

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scholarly pretensious texts than in recipe collections of doubtful literary quality and perhaps even «bad» Greek? At least, there are some arguments for the latter hypothesis: First, there was a tradition of technical texts in Greek Antiquity – as documented in the papyri – which must have been still well known at least in the early Byzantine period, when the group of recipe texts known as Mappae Clavicula was translated into Latin (Oltrogge 2006, 555). The two translations of this text – the version of the late 8 th century Lucca manuscript with its numerous graecisms and the philologically more correct Mappae Clavicula version which became the standard for later Latin copies – document the great interest of the Carolingian West in Greek technological literature which would be difficult to understand if this tradition would have been already interrupted in contemporary Byzantium. A second argument for the assumption that the scarce number of texts is mainly a question of survival are the few documents which have come down to us, especially the treatise of Isidor of Kiev.

Topics The main interest of the scribes was their writing material, first of all iron gall inks. Another large group of recipes deals with chrysography, that is gold script; the recipes describe the production of gold ink, but also the application of gold leaf. Both techniques are also appropriate for illumination. Remarkably smaller is the group of colour recipes. The production of vermilion is either described in alchemical manuscripts or related to its use for writing. A number of recipes deals with the red lakes lachas and barzion. Instructions for other pigments are extremely rare, one for the refining of lapis lazuli, one for a green ink, another for dyeing bones with copper green. Information can also be found on glues for sizing paper, but also on casein glues for other purposes. Very few recipes do not belong to the art of manuscript production: oil varnishes, a recipe for an artificial steatite and a unique description of a pseudo-sgraffito. The recipes are found in rather different types of manuscripts. The most comprehensive recipe collection is that of Isidor of Kiev with 14 recipes (an extremely small number compared to Western manuscripts). Isidor begins with chrysography, gold inks and grounds for gold ink and gold leaf, he continues with iron gall inks, vermilion for the rubrication and starch glue for sizing the paper. At the end he returns to chrysography with three recipes for a gold ground made from brazil wood. The compilation was not written continuously, at a later date, Isidor added two recipes for chrysography on a blank space on fol. 2r, just after the iron gall inks. The interest of Isidor is clearly the interest of a scribe. Isidor, born about 1380/90 in Monembasia (Peloponnes) was highly esteemed for his erudition, his political and rhetorical qualities; he became monk, greek ambassador at the Conciles of Bale and Ferrara, Roman Cardinal and finally Unionist Patriarch of Constantinople. After the fall of Constantinople he had to exile to Rome where he died in 1463. Despite his

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7. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Canon. gr. 39.

brillant career he was an industrious copyist and compilator whose scholarly interests included theology, philosophy, rhetorics, natural sciences and – as we see – also the technological aspects of writing materials. (Schreiner 1996) The Codex Vaticanus graecus 914, which contains our small treatise, is a good example of Isidor’s occupations, the contemporary binding unites the recipe collection with rhetorical texts, medical excerpts, geometrical and metrological treatises and some alchemical notes by Hermes Trismegistos. Isidor must have collected recipes over a certain period, because he copied one of the recipes on iron gall ink and the instruction for making vermilion also on the last, blank leaf of an older manuscript with the works of Xenophon. 7 To these notes he added also another recipe for iron gall ink and for paper size which are not found in the Vatican codex. In other cases we are not so well informed on the compilators. Moreover are the recipes usually more isolated. Instructions for iron gall ink often stand on fly leafs or are added on blank spaces of pages with completely different content: patristic, rhetoric, law, literature. The recipes for pigments and chrysography are more often found in miscellanous manuscripts on nature sciences: medicine, astronomy, astrology and alchemy. Sometimes but not necessarily they are embedded in alchemical texts. But even in this context we find seldom more than five recipes in a sequence.

Recipes and workshop practice Inks As said before, one of the main topics are writing inks. There is one recipe for a gall nut ink, the other 22 instructions deal with iron gall ink. Most of them are very common: a mixture of gall nuts, vitriol and gum together with a liquid, which can be water, vinegar or wine. Variations are given by the quantities of the ingredients and the heating or not heating of the ink. Additions like nutshells or the fruits of cypresses occur in two recipes. On the whole, the group of iron gall ink recipes seems not to be very different from their Western counterparts, even if up to now no exact parallel could be found. But it is striking, that the Greek scribes were more interested in different colours of their inks. A number of recipes explicitly state that the ink should become black or light, and sometimes recipes of both types stand in a sequence. The black inks are always genuine iron gall inks without any additions of carbon black. Nevertheless carbon black inks or mixtures from iron gall inks and carbon black were used in some Byzantine scriptoria, especially in the Greek monasteries in the Arabian countries or in the border areas to the Muslim world. An interesting example is a New Testament, written in Syria in 1273 (Rome, Vatican Library, Cod. Borg. gr. 18). The iron gall ink which had first been used did not adhere well and was obviously too pale on some places. Therefore the scribe overwrote his text partly with another iron gall ink mixed with carbon ink. With the same ink he added the initial which was embellished with gold powder sprinkled upon the wet ink. This sprinkling technique as well as the carbon ink are characteristic for Arabian

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scriptoria. From the Arabian countries also a number of recipes for carbon inks are known (Schopen 2004). Comparable recipes have also survived from Armenia, where carbon inks and mixtures with iron gall inks were common writing materials (Eliazane & Engel 2006). It is amazing that in the Liber Illuministarum and some other German manuscripts of the 15th century the production of a carbon ink is explicitly called incaustum graecum, «Greek ink». (Bartl et al. 2005, 92). But up to now no written Greek source is known. And the practice to use a carbon ink for writing was restricted to very few scriptoria, the common writing ink of Byzantine scribes was the iron gall ink which is rather good documented in the recipes.

Chrysography and gilding The next large group of Byzantine recipes concerns the gold writing, chrysography. This technique was highly esteemed in the Byzantine culture, golden – and silver – script was usually written by specialists, the chrysographers. It is therefore not amazing, that more than 35 recipes are related to this topic. They describe the production of gold inks, and the application of gold inks and gold leaf on grounds. Three different methods for the preparation of gold powder can be distinguished. The most simple is the mechanical grinding of gold leaf. Grainy additives like salt pulverise the tender gold leaf and can afterwards easily be diluted in water. But also viscous materials like honey, gum or glue are suited to disperse the gold powder. These methods are already described in the late antique Greek papyri. It is amazing that none of the Byzantine recipes is copied from these older texts, the method is comparable but the text of the recipes is new! In practice the grinding with salt must have been rather common because in a number of manuscripts with silver ink the presence of silver chloride could be proved. When silver is ground with salt it reacts easily with the natrium chloride to silver chloride. Gold on the other hand is inert so that the use of salt is more difficult to prove. In the Greek Psalter in Zürich, written in the 7th century, on some places pure natrium chloride could be analysed in the gold ink – obviously the gold powder had not been washed carefully after grinding (Fuchs & Oltrogge 2007, 84). Another, more sophisticated method is the preparation of gold powder with the help of an amalgam. Gold leaf or gold filings are ground together with mercury, the amalgam is heated, the mercury evaporates and a very fine gold powder remains. Also this method was already described in the 3rd century papyri but again none of the Byzantine recipes is a direct copy from these ancient models. There is no information on the diffusion of this method in practice, to my knowledge residues of mercury have so far not been detected in any gold ink. But this may be also a question of analysis. Six recipes describe a third method to prepare gold powder: gold is mixed with sulfur and mercury, then heated at a rather low temperature. At first sight this recipe looks like a confusion of the amalgam method with the production of vermilion. The alchemical terminology of some of the recipes makes it even more conspicious. But a more detailed analysis gives sense to the instruction. The addition of sulfur to gold

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8. The analysis was done with spectrophotometry with which it is not possible to distinguish between the lakes of the different scale insects, lac lake, Kermes, Polish or Armenian cochineals. 9. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).

and the heating at low temperature is one possible process of cementation, a process to remove impurities from gold. Silver and copper – which are often present as impurities in gold – react at low temperatures with sulfur to silver respectively copper sulfide, gold does not react. The best results are obtained when the gold is already pulverised. This seems to be the reason for the addition of mercury, even if the description in the recipes is not always very clear. It seems that first a gold powder is produced with help of the amalgam and after the mercury has evaporated the gold powder is cementated with sulfur. Craddock (2000, 67) supposed that the cementation with sulfur was already known in Antiquity even if the first precise description is found in Agricola. Our six Byzantine recipes, all in 14th century manuscripts, add precious information on the diffusion of this technical knowledge.

Red lakes About 20 recipes deal with the application of gold on a ground or with the preparation of this ground. Most often it is made from a red lake (lachas and barzion). The lachas can be produced from a material called lachas or from brazil wood (barzion). Some recipes mention, that both materials should give a red colour. The preparation of lachas from lachas is always described in a similar manner: the lachas is crushed, then heated with soda, alum and water. Afterwards the red liquid is filtered and dried. It can be cut to pieces and warmed with a little water for painting. The term lachas is derived from the hindi lakka, the name of the Indian lac insect. The red dye is embedded in a resinous matrix and cannot be extracted in pure water. On the other hand it can be easily extracted in alkaline solutions. A soda solution gives a deep red purple extract, from which a purple red lake can be precipitated with alum. This is the process described in the Byzantine recipes. We can therefore conclude, that the lachas material is the crude lac. The red lake produced with this method still contains some resins, so that the powder can be dispergated in water and painted without another binding medium. Crude lac was also known in the Latin West where it is documented as very expensive raw material for dyeing textiles and leather and for the preparation of red lakes for painting. It is possible that lachas was also a rather precious pigment in Byzantium. At least it is striking that the term lachas which originally meant a material could also be used to designate a red lake in general. The earliest example for the use of lachas in the sense of red lake is found in a 13th century recipe for a brazil lake. Brazil wood is the second base material for red lakes mentioned in Byzantine manuscripts. The colorant is extracted with glair, vinegar or red wine, and stabilized with alum. Interestingly both, the recipes for the lac lake and for the red lakes from brazil wood are never intended for illumination or other painting but always for gilding and writing. The red lake should be written as underlayer for chrysography or painted as ground for gold leaf. A red underlayer for chrysography can often be observed in Byzantine manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 217). It could be identified as a scale insect lake 8 for example in a patristic manuscript from the 11th century in Weimar (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, ms. Q 741; fig. 1). 9

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fig.1 weimar, haab, q 741, fol. 1r (11th century): the red lake used as underlayer for the gold ink in script and kephalion is made from scale insects. the yellow is lead tin yellow. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)

fig.2 weimar, haab, q 743, fol. 39 (11th century): a red lake from scale insects is used as underlayer for gold leaf and to paint the red decorations. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)

Grounds for gold leaf made from red lakes can be observed in initials or in the kephalia – the ornamental head pieces – in a number of Byzantine codices (Mokretsova 2003, 224). Certainly these red lakes could also be used in illumination, even if the recipes do not mention this. In an 11th century Gospel Book in Weimar a lake insect dye was used as rose colour in the decoration (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, ms. Q 743; fig. 2). 10 In few cases it is not explicitly stated that gold should be laid on top of the red lake script and it is possible that the rubrication is meant. Rubrics in Byzantine manucripts are often written with vermilion but also with red lakes. There are still too few analysis to know if the one or the other material was prefered in certain periods or scriptoria. But at least in the 15th century there were scribes who used both, lakes and vermilion, for example, Isidor of Kiev in the Vatican codex gr. 914.

Gold grounds Red lakes were not the only gold grounds mentioned in the recipes. There are also some other pigments, mainly red: vermilion, armenian bole, red ochre, but also yellow ochre. Again, they were thought both as underlayer for gold inks and for gold leaf. This is different from most of the Western recipes where usually coloured grounds

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10. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).

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are only described for gold or silver leaf and not for metal inks. An exception is Theophilus (I, 29) who mentions a mixture of red lead and vermilion as underlayer for gold inks. This mixture on the other hand is not described in our Byzantine texts. In the Byzantine recipes only the gesso grounds – for which two examples are known – are restricted to gold leaf. They are coloured red-rose with either vermilion or armenian bold. Coloured grounds seem to have been typical for gilding in Byzantine manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 224). In the already mentioned Gospel Book in Weimar, yellow ochre is used as an underlayer for the gold leaf in the miniatures, whereas in the kephalia the gold leaf is put on top of a red scale insect lake, the same red lake is the underlayer for the gold ink of the script. Because of these differences in materials and techniques between the miniatures and the decoration of the script it is most likely that both were executed by different painters.

Pigments Besides iron gall ink and gilding there are few recipes on proper colours, most of them dealing with the making and tempering of vermilion and with its use either as gold ground or as rubrication. As mentioned vermilion was used as one of the rubrication materials by Isidor of Kiev who also copied a recipe for grinding and tempering the pigment. Only one recipe describes the refining of lapislazuli. The pigment powder is mixed with resin, colophonium and linseed oil and than thrown into hot water. The process is repeated twice so that at the end three fractions are produced. This 14th century instruction is comparable to many Western texts even if up to now no exact parallel could be found. Lapislazuli has been proven in Byzantine illumination (Mokretsova 2003, 213), but also scribes like Isidor of Kiev wrote sometimes initials or did some decoration with it. Isidor does not transcribe a recipe for the refining. It is amazing that up to now no recipe for the making of verdigris could be found, a process already described in Greek in the 1st century by Dioskurides. Sure, there exist Byzantine copies of Dioskurides but these copies were probably done only for literary purposes. There is one recipe using verdigris, it is a translation from an Italian text, using also Italian terms like verderami, but in this case verdigris is not produced but put into vinegar to dye bones. The only Byzantine recipe to produce a green colour describes a mixture made from indigo and a yellow colorant. Besides the production of vermilion, no Byzantine recipe for any artificial pigment is known up to now. But certainly other artificial pigments were well known to Byzantine painters. In the already mentioned patristic manuscript in Weimar most of the pigments analysed are artificial: red lead, lead white, a copper green – which presumably is an artificial pigment but amorphous and thus not identifiable in the X-Ray-diffraction – and even lead tin yellow. This proves that in Byzantium the technique for the production of lead tin yellow was already well known in the 11th century – about 150-200 years before the earliest occurences in the West. But no Byzantine recipe for this process is known.

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Resume It is possible to fill the gap between the late antique papyri and the postbyzantine Hermeneia at least with a small number of recipes. They concern mostly the art of writing: inks, chrysography, pigments for rubrication. The recipe are also useful to illuminators even if this is not explicitly stated. But they do not give the whole palette for illuminators and scribes. Other arts are occasionally touched. The information dates mostly in the Palaeologan period, that is the 14th and 15th century, no recipe was written before the 12th century. To the contrary to what one would expect direct copies from the papyri are extremely rare. The relationship to the Western recipes is very loose in the beginning, but in the 15th century we find translations and adaptations of Latin and Italian recipes easily to recognise because of their terminology. In some cases we can prove that the scribes were sitting in Italy as exiles from the already Turkish parts of Byzantium. Up to now no Byzantine recipe was found which could have served as a model for a translation into a Western language.

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Bibliography Bartl, Anna et al. 2005. Der «Liber illuministarum» aus Kloster Tegernsee. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Bentchev, Ivan. 2004. Griechische und bulgarische Malerbücher. Recklinghausen: Museen der Stadt Recklinghausen. Berthelot, M. 1887. Collection des Anciens Alchimistes Grecs. Paris: Georges Steinheil. Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours. Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illuminators. London: Archetype. Craddock, P.T. 2000. Historical Survey of Gold Refining. Ramage, Andrew, Craddock, P. (Ed.): King Croesus’ Gold. London: British Museum, 54-71. Eliazane, Gayane & Engel, Patricia. 2006. Ink Manufacturing Methods Used in Ancient Armenia. Buletyn Informacyjn Konserwatorów Dziel Sztuki. 17, 94-112. Fuchs, Robert & Oltrogge, Doris. 2007. Il salterio purpureo Zentralbibliothek Zürich, RP 1. Segno e testo 5, 31-98. Halleux, Robert. 1981. Les alchimistes grecs.Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Hetherington, Paul (Ed.). 1974. The «Painter’s Manual» of Dionysius of Fourna. An English Translation. Isleworth: Saggitarius Press.

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Mokretsova, Inna et al.2003. Materials and Techniques of Byzantine Manuscripts. Moscou: Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation. Oltrogge, Doris. 2006. Rezeptsammlungen und Traktate. Die Vermittlung kunsttechnischen Wissens im Früh- und Hochmittelalter. Stiegemann, Christoph and Wemhoff, Matthias (Ed.). Canossa. München: Hirmer, I, 555-562. Papadopoulos-Kèrameus, A. 1909. Denys de Fourna. Manuel d’iconographie chrétienne. St. Petersburg. Reprint Athen: Spanos. Schopen, Armin. 2004. Tinten und Tuschen des arabischen Mittelalters. Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht. Schreiner, Peter (Ed.). 1988. Codices Vaticani Graeci. Cod. 867-932. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Schreiner, Peter. 1996. Literarische Interessen in der Palaiologenzeit anhand von Gelehrtencodices: Das Beispiel des Vaticanus gr. 914. Seibt, Werner (Ed.). Geschichte und Kultur der Palaiologenzeit. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 205-219. Trost, Vera. 1991. Gold- und Silbertinten. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Wallert, Arie. 1991. «Cimature di grana»: Identification of Natural Organic Colorants and Binding Media in Medieval Manuscript Illumination. Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 5, 74-83. Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda, Monique. 1983. Les Encres Noires au Moyen Âge. Paris: Éditions du CNRS.

Biography Study of art history and archaeology in Göttingen and Bonn (PhD 1987 «Die Illustrationszyklen der Histoire ancienne, 1250-1400»). Since 1987 researcher for art technology and book illumination (University of Göttingen, since 1996 Cologne Institute of Conservation Science). She published widely on the painting technique and materials of medieval book illumination as well as on sources for art technology. She curates an online-database of art-technological sources of the Middle Ages and Renaissance <www.re.fh-koeln.de>. Among her recent publications are, together with Anna Bartl, Christoph Krekel and Manfred Lautenschlager Der Liber Illuministarum aus Kloster Tegernsee (2005); with Robert Fuchs Ein Meisterwerk im Wandel: Untersuchungen zur Maltechnik des Codex Aureus Epternacensis (2009). Forthcoming: Byzantinische TintenTuschen- und Farbrezepte. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien 2011 (together with Peter Schreiner).

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Resumo Durante muito tempo, os Manuscritos de Estrasburgo foram considerados as fontes mais antigas, em língua germânica, para o estudo das técnicas de iluminura no Norte da Europa. Perdidos em 1870, no fogo da biblioteca de Estrasburgo, o seu conteúdo técnico só sobreviveu graças a uma transcrição feita por Sir Charles Eastlake, no séc. XIX. Vários estudos como os de Ploss e, mais recentemente, os de Oltrogge têm destacado a existência de textos com conteúdos semelhantes, agrupando-os sobre o nome de «Família de Estrasburgo». A partir destes estudos, foi possível definir claramente um corpo de manuscritos como pertencendo a esta família e nova evidência textual tem vindo a ser descoberta. Os procedimentos e receitas artísticas descritas nestes manuscritos são, na sua maioria, dedicadas à pintura e iluminura e, em especial, à preparação de cores. Existe ainda um grande número de receitas que descrevem quais as combinações mais adequadas de pigmentos e quais os ligantes a usar na iluminura. Graças a uma análise filológica e codicológica, podemos propor, para esta família de manuscritos, não só uma área geográfica mas também uma data para a sua produção, entre 1400 e 1560. Através destes textos, temos assim, dentro de um quadro preciso, os dados para uma história dos materiais e técnicas. A descoberta de novos manuscritos e o seu tratamento, levou à criação de uma base de dados. Inicialmente, esta centrou-se nos manuscritos escritos durante o período medieval, especialmente na Alemanha e nos países limítrofes. Até agora, mais de uma centena de manuscritos foram tratados e quatro mil receitas foram transcritas. Cada instrução foi codificada numa combinação especifica de ingredientes, reunidos de acordo com a ordem em que aparecem na receita. Graças a esta base de dados é possível analisar para cada ingrediente, a sua frequência global ou a sua repetição no corpus de textos. Além disso, podemos também observar para certas combinações de ingredientes, i.e., nas receitas, qual a estrutura básica, qual a sua frequência no corpus e evolução, de forma a perceber de que maneira uma receita foi sendo modificada ao longo do tempo ou por acção de certos factores externos. Uma comparação com um corpus maior de textos artísticos medievais provenientes de países de língua germânica permitir-nos-ia destacar a originalidade e a novidade de certos processos para a produção de cores descritos nos textos da «família de Estrasburgo». Além disso, também é possível relacionar a história de um número de prescrições e correlacioná-las com técnicas de mais ampla difusão.

palavras-chave técnicas de iluminura manuscritos receitas artísticas materiais base de dados

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Abstract For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the oldest German-language sources containing instructions on North European illuminating techniques. Lost in the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire, its technical content only survives in a nineteenth-century transcription made for Sir Charles Eastlake. Several studies like those of Ploss and, more recently, those of Oltrogge have highlighted the existence of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of the ‘Strasbourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a clearly defined corpus of manuscripts has been established as belonging to this family and new textual evidence has been discovered. The artistic instructions of these manuscripts are mostly dedicated to painting and illuminating and, especially, to the preparation of colours. A great number of recipes are also concerned with suitable combinations of pigments and specific binding agents used in illumination. Thanks to a philological and codicological analysis, we can propose both a geographical area in which the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg tradition were produced as well as a chronological range from 1400 to 1560. Through these texts, we thus have a survey of artistic materials and techniques within a precise framework. The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the creation of a database. Initially, this database concentrated on manuscripts written during the medieval period, especially on those from Germany as well as from some border countries. Up until now, more than one hundred manuscripts have been treated and four thousand recipes have been transcribed. Each instruction has been coded in a specific association of ingredients, assembled according to the order in which they appear in the recipe process. Thanks to this database it is possible to examine for each ingredient its global frequency or repetition in the corpus of texts. Moreover, we can also observe in the associations of ingredients, i.e. recipes, the basic structure, their frequency in the corpus and their evolution, in order to perceive in which way a recipe has been modified over time or by other external phenomenon. Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts emanating from Germanspeaking countries would allow us to highlight the originality and the newness of certain processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family texts. In addition, it is also possible to relate the history of a number of prescriptions to, and to correlate them with, more widely diffused techniques.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words illuminating techniques manuscript artistic recipes materials database

the strasbourg family texts: originality and survival a survey of illuminating techniques in medieval south germany sy lv ie n ev e n Université de Liège, Liège (Belgium)

The Strasbourg Manuscript and its technical tradition The evidence provided by, and the usefulness of, artistic recipe books for a better knowledge of artistic practices and materials has been debated by several authors for some decades (Ploss, 1962; Clarke, 2001; Oltrogge, 2005). This paper does not intend to present a summary of their characteristics and history, or even discuss their relevance when using them as a source for the historical study of artistic practices and materials. Instead, it will focus on a specific textual tradition of this kind of literature. For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the oldest German-language sources containing instructions on North European painting techniques. Its text was generally dated to the fifteenth century. However, for some specialists, such Sir Charles Eastlake, first director of the London National Gallery, the practices described may perhaps date from an earlier period (Eastlake, 1847, 126). Taking into account these characteristics, this manuscript was especially famous for containing recipes for the manufacture of oil media at a very early period. But, apart from these instructions, the manuscript is mostly dedicated to painting and illuminating and, especially, to the preparation of colours. A great number of recipes are also concerned with suitable combinations of pigments and specific binding agents used in illumination. This text is thus, at different levels, a precious witness for the

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illuminating practices in medieval times. Unfortunately, the manuscript was lost in the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire. However, the artistic recipes have survived in a nineteenth-century transcription made for Charles Eastlake. Since this date, several editions of the text have been published, firstly those of Eastlake, with the Material for a History of Oil Painting (Eastlake, 1847), those of Berger (Berger, 1897) and those of Borradaile (Borradaile, 1966). Like most medieval recipe books, the Strasbourg Manuscript results from compilation of older or contemporary texts. It thus shares some of its content with other books. Relevant studies like those of Emil Ploss (Ploss, 1962, 1964, 1971) and more recently those of Doris Oltrogge (Oltrogge, 2005) have highlighted the existence of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of the ‘Strasbourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a project has been initiated at Liège University in order to define a clearer corpus of manuscripts belonging to this family 1. For two years, new textual evidence has been discovered and the Strasbourg family currently corresponds to a corpus of sixteen manuscripts. Thanks to a philological and codicological analysis, it is now possible to propose not only a geographical area in which the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg tradition were produced, but also a chronological range from 1400 to 1560. The manuscripts of the Strasbourg family mainly originate from the south of Germany (Upper German). The three main dialects of this region (Franconian, Alemannic and Bavarian) can be identified in the different versions. Some of them present consistent feature errors suggesting transpositions of an Alemannic original 2. In the first instance, the opportunity of such a group would offer us not only a chance to reconstruct the text of the lost manuscript but also to compare different versions of a nearly identical text in order to visualize a structural basis, to study its recurrence and its evolution through time and the different members of the family, at each stage of the copying process.

The «Strasbourg family database» The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the creating of a database. Initially, it focussed on manuscripts written during the medieval period and especially on those from Germany and some border countries. More than 250 examples have been systematically recorded in a specific setting within the database, containing information about the title, the current location, place and date of origin, scribes or authors when possible, description of the other contents and additional information. As a second step, their content has been divided according to each of the recipes that they contain. Up until now, over 100 manuscripts have been treated and 4,000 recipes have been transcribed. The greatest part of these instructions relate to colours used in painting and illuminating 3. They have been recorded in a second dedicated file which is accessible from the first interface, dedicated to descriptions of the manuscripts.

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1. This project forms part of my doctoral thesis, some results of which are presented in this paper. 2. For example, in the ‘Amberger Malerbuch’, we can observe an automatical «diphthongization» of alemannic monophthongs (sey instead of si(e) ‘her’) (ff. 219-220, recipe 15) or misunderstanding of south-western stat ‘stands’ (south-east: stet) (f. 220, recipe 16). 3. Other arts have also been entered, such as metalwork, and the dyeing of textiles, leather, wood or bone.

t he st ra s b ourg fami ly t e x t s : ori gi n al i t y and survival

DB_Recipes

DB_Manuscripts

DB_Codicology

Key manuscript Recipe index Association

Key manuscript Key edition1

clé_ms

Manuscript Key manuscript Recipe index Recipe number Title Subject Pagination Transcription Edition Adaptation Technique Ingredient Quantity Material Association Remarks

Key manuscript Title Author Conservation Starting date Ending date Original date Original place State Language Pagination Artistic content Technique Other contents Description Remarks Edition

Ms_Title Current siglum Old siglum Content Format Paleography Binding Foliation Quirings Watermarks Support quality Previous owner Previous location Decoration style Hands Marginal notes Examination date Examined by

DB_Transition

DB_Bibliography

Link to DB_Recipes Link to DB_Glossary

Key edition

Link to DB_Recipes Link to DB_Glossary Transcription

DB_Glossary

DB_Association

Key ingredient

Index_association

Ingredient Original language French Latin English German Dutch Synonym Deﬁnition Using Remarks

Index_association Global2 Count Number_association

Author Title Edition place Editor Revue Volume Pages Date Topic Keywords State Library Remarks

fig.1 schema of the structure of the database

From these instructions, a complete index of ingredients has been set-up. This glossary file lists each ingredient and includes their original formulation, the actual appellation (in German, English and French) and a short description. For most of them, the glossary also mentions their scientific name. Futhermore each ingredient has been coded using an abbreviation corresponding to the first letter of its name and a consecutive number. The glossary file is linked to a list from which it is possible to select an ingredient according to its abbreviation. This technique allows to encode each recipe as a succession of abbreviations, which reflects the specific association and chronological intervention of ingredients in a given recipe. Thanks to this abbreviation technique, it is possible to retrieve the recipes linked to a specific ingredient or a specific preparation process.When creating these associations, we have borne in mind that some ingredients were not explicitly cited. This is frequently the case when the scribe makes an allusion to an ingredient prepared in a previous recipe. Next, each association has been recorded in another file of the database

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which cross-references the number of recurrences and indicates the manuscripts where this specific association appears. The database has been cross-checked for integrity and consistency using random queries techniques. Thanks to subject classifications, queries can also be done by keywords for specific recipes, methods or materials. The global frequency and recurrence for each ingredient can be derived from the corpus of texts. Moreover, it is possible to observe, through factors such as frequency in the corpus, basic structure, and evolution, the way in which recipes were modified over time or by other external phenomenon.

Functions of the database A survey of the materials In parallel to scientific research and material analysis, information about the possible use of certain materials, ingredients and techniques can be obtained from the research of historical written sources. Our database enables access to this kind of information by allowing the researcher to find quickly and easily the technical instructions he needs. Searching with the database is carried out using keywords arranged in different thesauri that allow us to fine tune the result. We can thus combine the search of an ingredient, mentioned in a specific group of texts (Strasbourg Family, Heraclius, Mappae Clavicula, Theophilus,…) with a specific technique (illuminating, painting, dyeing,…). The database will count the number of recipes dedicated to this ingredient or involving it in a procedure. As an example, graph 1 presents pigments used in the Strasbourg family recipes that produce a red coulour. We note the frequent recurrence of cinnabar and Brazil wood mentioned in recipes dedicated to illumination and, less frequently, the use of gum lake but also Papaver Rhoeas L. species (poppies).

300

Number of recipes

250

200

150

100

0 Red

Brazil wood

Red paris

Cinnabar

Lake

Pigments

graph 1 red colouring pigment found in the strasbourg family texts

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Poppies

t he st ra s b ourg fami ly t e x t s : ori gi n al i t y and survival

The associations Concerning associations, initial research was solely concentrated on the associations or recipes which are similar to those found in the Strasbourg Manuscript. This helped us not only to recognize the witnesses belonging to the Strasbourg family but also to demonstrate their membership. So far, 200 recipes have been found to be common to at least two manuscripts of the Strasbourg family. These similar recipes have been put in parallel as a means of comparing them.This comparative approach allows us to highlight the basic structure of certain recipes. Quite often, it corresponds to a small number of frequent ingredients associated together in a great number of recipes. As an example, one of the most repeated associations is a recipe employing copper and acetic acid contained in vinegar. This instruction usually serves to obtain a green copper pigment. This was a very well known procedure in the Middle Ages and has been detected in a great number of cases in the Strasbourg family texts. Moreover, it has been identified in a very consistent formulation,which involves an identical text. We also noted that more complex procedures, involving a certain number of ingredients, are repeated less frequently in the same form throughout the different manuscripts. Of the 254 recipes dedicated to the preparation of green copper pigment using copper and vinegar, 66 include tartar, 53 add honey and 30 involve salt. Moreover, amongst the 200 recipes common to at least two manuscripts of this tradition, many of the instructions are not isolated recipes but they are contained in different sequences. These sequences are often characterised by a more or less similar order and a specific artistic technique. These common sequences may be interpreted as the reflection of older – and probably lost – artistic manuals which perhaps served as a (partial) basis for the compilation of the manuscripts of the

fig. 2. diagram of the partial compilation process of manuscripts of the strasbourg family

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Strasbourg group. When we concentrated solely on the Strasbourg Manuscript, we observed that it seems to derive partly from two distinct sequences. The first one appears to correspond to a treatise on illumination, which has been frequently copied over time and place and from which at least a small part is found in each manuscript of the family. The oldest manuscripts partly originated from this treatise on illumination and their recipes seem to respect more or less the same order. In the later manuscripts, the content has been reorganised, perhaps with a view to improving the manuscripts’ practical use by ordering their material by subject, media and so on but also by including new procedures dedicated to other artistic techniques. The second sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript may derive appears to be a more local treatise – which is only otherwise found in the so-called Colmarer Kunst Kunstbuch and the Bamberger Malerbuch – and mostly dedicated to the mixing of colours and the preparation of media. Therefore, the Strasbourg Manuscript is largely the result of a text that was widely diffused and modified, as well as another more local one. These observations may be put in parallel with an examination of the recurrence or diffusion of recipe procedures within the Strasbourg family. For example, a great number of recipes are related to Brazil wood: most of them are dedicated to the preparation of this pigment; a great number are also dedicated to its application with a suitable media; others are concerned with the mixture of several pigments including Brazil wood. Graph 2 presents the relative percentage of recipes dedicated to the preparation of Brazil wood in the different texts of the Strasbourg family, arranged according to their date. We observe that the older ones contain a great number of recipes dedicated to the preparation of Brazil wood but that this number decreases more or less linearly, especially in the earliest manuscripts, except for the Colmarer Kunstbuch

90 80

Relative percentage of recipes

70 60 50 40 30 20 10

XV It

nd 2 N

(1 H

53 (1 4 M

) 2-

)

) 350 (1 B3

(1 3 M

)

) 90

)

14 L

77 47 (1 B2

14 B1

546 (1 T

)

) 75

2) -8

45 (1

a P

(c S

)

Strasbourg Family Texts

graph 2 frequency of recipes dedicated to brazil wood in the strasbourg family texts

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(B2). However, we have already noted that this manuscript is specifically dedicated to the mixing of colours and is less focussed on preparation. We have observed that the older examples are those which are closest to the Strasbourg manuscript’s first sequence (fig.2). This sequence is thought to correspond to a lost treatise on illumination. It would thus seem plausible to find a greater number of recipes dedicated to preparation of Brazil wood. In the earliest examples, we have also seen that this sequence has been modified, there are fewer recipes in common and these manuscripts are also characterised by new additions to their content in the form of treatises on metalwork for example (with the exception of the Codex Palatinus Germanicus 489 – H1 – and the manuscript N2 which is a manuscript copy of the Illuminier Buch of Valentin Boltz von Ruffach).

Evaluating the modification of recipe process Not all manuscripts belonging to the Strasbourg family have their entire contents in common with each other. Moreover, the degree of similarity is quite sometimes different between the examples. Thanks to the database, we can examine not only the recurrence and the diffusion of a recipe or a type of recipe within the family but also its modification through time or through the different examples of the family. When looking at the relation between the recipes of the Strasbourg texts, we can observe, on the one hand, a certain number of instructions which are exactly the same (or which perhaps differ only in the dialect or the use of some words). This implies both a similar procedure but also an identical text. On the other hand, some recipes are slightly different in terms of the modification of vocabulary, additions or suppression of information. Quite often, we observe that the change of recipe process is often due to the addition or suppression of an ingredient. So, as the recipe books evolved and were modified by adding new texts and procedures, the recipes themselves could be modified in their technical formulations during their transmission from one manuscript to another. Frequently, the copyist was free to add, to remove or to modify some ingredients and/or procedures. It is often stated that the main reason for this change is the role the text played as a technical and instructive text. It therefore seems likely that an author may, voluntarily, have corrected the text, or added information to it. However, a great deal of evidence suggests that these recipes were also assembled in book form to serve a more literary, non-practical purpose. This phenomenon could indeed be explained in several ways: it could be due to an attempt to improve or to diversify a previous formula; it could correspond to a «quid pro quo», in which an unknown or expensive ingredient was replaced by a more well known one or a less expensive one; it may have been a voluntary reduction of the recipe text. In the later case, the most obvious parts of the recipe are not recorded, the copyist conserving only the essential part of the recipe (as in the case of an «aide-mémoire»). Furthermore, changes to the recipe may occur with a misunderstanding of the procedure. This could happen when the copyist was not a practitioner or when he was not able to translate and/or to transcribe an unreadable formula (Halleux, R., 1989).

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Looking at the first sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript originated, the procedures are almost the same to the ones occuring in the older examples of the family. They seem to respect more or less the same order of recipes. In the later ones, the content has been reorganised and the recipes are more complex. If we focus more specifically on the procedure in itself within the texts of the Strasbourg family, and looking at instructions dedicated to the preparation of the Brazil wood, the database counts up to sixty five entries. 9

Recipe frequency

A6 E2

+ 2+

C7 1+ U 2+

1+ U 2+ B3

A6 +

C7 B3

+ V4 2+ B3

A6 V4 2+

W 2+

1 W

A6 + L9

2+ B3

B3 B3

Basic recipes

graph 3 typical procedures for the preparation of the brazil wood and their frequency in the strasbourg texts

Graph 3 summarizes the basic procedures and their frequency in the family texts. The most repeated recipe dedicated to this procedure corresponds to an association of Brazil wood with potash lye made of ashes from different trees and alum (B32 + A12 + L9 + A6). Another frequently repeated recipe consists of the extraction of the colorant agent in Brazil wood through water and the addition of alum (B32 + W1 + A6). We find a fewer number of preparations that specify Brazil wood plus an undetermined lye (B32+L9+ A6) and, even less frequently, the use of Brazil wood and water (B32 + W1). In the Strasbourg family texts, we noted in particular two different ways in which the recipe is modified: Modification 1 (addition) Comparing the characteristic associations, we see that some basic recipes are still present as a sort of nucleus to which other ingredients may have been added. One of the simplest only consists of Brazil wood whose colorant is extracted by putting it in a lye (B32 + L9). The colour can next be fixed on alumine or alum. The addition of alum allows a beautiful red colour to be obtained (B32 + L9 + A6). Some other chemical agents can also be added in order to modify the pigment’s hue or charac-

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teristics. As an example, the addition of white lead serves to obtain a more opaque colour (B32+L9+A6+W5). Example 2 (substitution) In some other cases, ingredients have been replaced by other ones. As an example, in the later manuscripts of the family we find the typical association of Brazil wood extracted with water and fixed with alum (B32 + W1 + A6), or Brazil wood extracted in a lye and fixed with alum (B32 + L9 + A6); in the oldest ones, the lye may be replaced by urine ( B32 + U1 + A6) or vinegar (B32 + V4 + A6). Chalk can be added in order to modify the characteristics of the colour. Quite often, it is obtained from crushed egg shell. In the earliest ones, we found recipes where vinegar is mixed with beer or the lye is mixed with urine. Generally, these changes are due to technical or aesthetic reasons but sometimes, when comparing a certain number of recipes, we can conclude that the the name of an ingredient has probably been misunderstood and replaced by another substance’s name whose presence cannot be justified in the recipe process from a technical or aesthetic point of view. Thanks to the database, it is possible to identify the basic structure of a great number of recipes as well as study the differences and modifications appearing in the Strasbourg family texts. It is also possible to try to postulate in which ways the procedure has been modified, and, by highlighting similar or parallel recipes, to trace back the route of the artistic instructions, in a certain way, to reconstruct the life of a recipe.

Comparison with a larger group This method makes sense in the current framework of my PhD thesis which seeks to demonstrate and to study the place and the originality of the Strasbourg Manuscript within the family. However, comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts emanating from German-speaking countries would allow me to highlight the originality and the newness of certain processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family texts.

Example of anthocyanin recipes As an example, we have seen that the Strasbourg family texts convey recipes dedicated to the manufacture of red pigment or more exactly colorant obtained from poppies (graph1). The typical red colour of this species is due to the presence of anthocyanin colorant. The use of anthocyans is very frequent in the Strasbourg family texts. If we compare it to a larger group we see that more than sixty percent of the procedures including anthocyans come from the Strasbourg family texts. Graph 4 presents the proportion of recipes found in the database and employing several species of flowers or fruits for their anthocyanin colorant agent. The Strasbourg family texts are marked in red and the other encoded manuscripts are in blue. We observe the use of poppies and

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Number of recipes

0 Papaver Rhoeas L.

Centaurea Cyanus L.

Vaccinium Myrtillus L.

Sambucus Ebulus

Sambucus Nigra

Anthocyanin species

graph 4 number of recipes using anthocyanin colorant in the strasbourg family texts and in the other manuscripts contained in the database

cornflowers but also bilberry is also a lot more frequent in the Strasbourg familly texts than in other texts. Eighty percent of recipes that include poppies can be found in the Strasbourg family and more than seventy percent of recipes with cornflowers. Oppositely, the use of berries such elderberry or other Sambucus species is more frequent in the other texts.

Conclusion and perspectives Up until now a comparative analysis has been performed for every recipe in common between the Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witnesses of the textual tradition in order to study the recurrence and evolution of the recipes. One may think that, through these texts, we have a survey of illuminating practices in a more or less clearly-defined framework. However, these manuscripts convey texts that could be qualified as «living», since they have not always been the object of a simple copy but have been adapted and modified in several manuscripts. So, if their «textual architecture» is more or less stable over nearly one and a half centuries, the ingredients used in the recipes have been modified, and some procedures have been expanded with other ingredients. Several explanations may be suggesting for explaining these modifications. Moreover, the nature of certain variations or errors across the text can often tell us something about the author and the context of compilation. Let us take the example of substitution, which is a change in ingredients used in a recipe. On the one hand, substitution may be due to palaeographical problems that resulted in a word being misunderstood and thus being replaced by another well-known one; on the other hand, it may correspond to a deliberate technical improvement by the scribe of the recipe.

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Finally, as illustrated through these few examples from a well known family texts, we would insist on the fact that a recipe or a manuscript should not be studied in isolation. Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts coming from german language countries allows us to underline the originality and the newness of certain processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family texts. On another way, it is also possible to relate the history of number of prescriptions and to correlate them with more widely diffused techniques.

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Bibliography Berger, Ernst. 1897. Quellen und Technik der Fresko-, Oel- und Tempera Malerei des Mittelalters. Munich: Georg D.W. Callwey. Borradaile, Rosamund and Viola. (eds). 1966. The Strasburg Manuscript: A Medieval Painters’ Handbook Translated from the Old German. London: Tiranti. Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications. Eastlake, Charles.L. 1847. Materials for a History of Oil Painting. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans. Halleux, Robert. 1989. Recettes d’artisan, recettes d’alchimistes. Artes Mechanicae. numéro 34 : 25-49. Oltrogge, Doris. 2005. The Cologne database for painting materials and reconstructions. M. Clarke, J.H. Townsend and A. Stijnman (eds), Art of the Past: Sources and Reconstructions, 9-15. London: Archetype Publications. Ploss, Emil. 1962. Ein buch von alten Farben.Technologie der Textilfarben im Mittelalter mit einem Ausblick auf die festen Farben. Heidelberg: Verlag Heinz Moos. Ploss, Emil. 1964. Ein Malerbüchlein aus dem Bamberger Karmelitenkloster. 100. Bericht des Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemal. Fürstbistums Bamberg: 331-346. Ploss, Emil. 1971. Das Amberger Malerbüchlein. Zur Verwandtschaft spätmittelhoch-deutscher Farbrezepte. Festschrift Hermann Heimpel, 693–703. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht.

Biography After a Master’s degree in History of Art and Archaeology, I am now conducting research into historical artistic practices with a specific focus on the medieval period and, more precisely, the techniques of painting and illuminating. I am studying the written sources for art technological research and, notably artist’s recipe books. As part of my PhD, I studied the so-called Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witness manuscripts in relation to its texts. Dr. Sylvie Neven, Université de Liège, PhD Student, Université de Liège, Département des sciences historiques, Histoire de l’Art et Archéologie, Quai Roosevelt, 1B, B – 4000 Liège, Belgium, phone: +32 4 3665443, Sylvie.Neven@ulg.ac.be

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Resumo As cores da iluminura: receitas de Michelino de Besozzo e Antoine de Compiègne. O Liber colorum do humanista francês Jean Lebègue, datado de 1431, contem, entre outros textos, receitas de cor recolhidas poucas décadas antes por Giovanni Alcherio de Milão, algumas no Norte da Itália e outras em Paris. A receita para a produção do azul de lápis-lazúli é fornecida pelo grande pintor Michelino de Besozzo, que parece ter utilizado profusamente este pigmento, o mais caro da paleta medieval, nos poucos e extraordinários livros que iluminou em Milão e Veneza. Um conjunto de quatro receitas, com o título de De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, foi ditado pelo iluminador francês Antoine de Compiègne. A primeira receita destina-se a um processo de douramento, a segunda à produção de laca de pau brasil, e as últimas de dois tipos de verde de cobre. O vermelho de sinópia, o amarelo açafrão e o lazurium estão igualmente contemplados. Dados biográficos permitem-nos propor que o iluminador seja o dito Mestre de Policraticus, activo em Paris no último quartel do séc. XIV.

palavras-chave azul lápis lazúli verde de cobre Jean Lebègue Mestre de Policraticuses

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Abstract The Colours of miniature paintings: recipes from Michelino da Besozzo and Antoine de Compiègne. The Liber colorum of French humanist Jean Lebègue, dated 1431, contains among other texts colour recipes collected a few decades earlier by a Giovanni Alcherio from Milan, some in Northern Italy and the others in Paris. One, for the manufacturing of lapis-lazuli blue, came from the great painter Michelino da Besozzo, who seems to have made extensive use of this most expensive pigment of the mediaeval palette in the few exquisite books he illuminated in Milan and Venice. A set of four recipes, with the title of De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, was dictated by the French illuminator Antoine de Compiègne. The first recipe is a gilding process, the second for brazil lake and the last ones for two kinds of copper-green, but sinopis red, saffron yellow and lazurium are also quoted. Biographical datas support an identification of the illuminator with the so-called Master of the Policraticus, active in Paris in the last third of the XIVth Century.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words blue lapis-lazuli copper green Jean Lebègue Master of the Policraticus

les couleurs de l’enluminure:

recettes de michelino da besozzo et d’antoine de compiègne I nès Vil l el a- P e t i t Bibliothéque Nationale de France, Paris (France)

1. Une première version de ce texte avait été présentée le 9 novembre 2006 au Séminaire sur les matériaux du livre médiéval de l’IRHT – Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes à Paris. Il correspond à deux chapitres de ma thèse: I. Villela-Petit, La Peinture médiévale vers 1400 autour d’un manuscrit de Jean Lebègue, édition du Liber colorum (Ecole nationale des Chartes, 1995), «Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo» et «Frère Denis, Thierry de Flandre, Antoine de Compiègne et quelques autres». 2. I. Villela-Petit, «Imiter l’arc-en-ciel: la règle des couleurs dans la Schedula diversarum artium de Théophile», Histoire de l’Art, t. 39: La Couleur, octobre 1997, p. 23-36, pl. IV et V; et I. Villela-Petit, «Copies, Reworkings and Renewals in Late Medieval Recipe Books», dans J. Nadolny éd., Medieval Painting in Northern Europe: Techniques, Analysis, Art History, Studies in commemoration of the 70th birthday of Unn Plahter, Londres, 2006, p. 167-181. Sur les réceptaires, voir aussi: M. Clarke, The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illuminators, Londres, 2001.

Le Liber colorum ou «recueil de Jean Lebègue» (Paris, BnF, lat. 6741) est un recueil de recettes techniques pour la préparation des couleurs compilé au début du XVe siècle 1. Il inclut des textes plus anciens comme le traité de Théophile 2, mais aussi des recettes des environs de 1400. Parmi ces dernières, nous examinerons ici celles attribuées à l’enlumineur parisien Antoine de Compiègne, ainsi qu’une recette du peintre lombard Michelino da Besozzo, qui fut également enlumineur. Certaines séries de recettes du Liber colorum reproduisent en effet des carnets de peintres et peuvent être qualifiées de recettes d’atelier 3. Quoique les modalités en soient assez variables, il faut entendre par là les recettes transcrites sur un calepin, un petit aide-mémoire ou vademecum du peintre conservé dans le fonds de l’atelier, au même titre sans doute que les esquisses et les carnets de modèle. De telles recettes d’atelier, consignées, recueillies ou recopiées par le milanais Giovanni Alcherio dans les années 1390, furent à la base de la constitution de son recueil, copié par la suite par l’humaniste Jean Lebègue 4.

Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo «La recette qui suit fut obtenue à Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Besozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde» (Recueil de Jean Lebègue, fol. 39)... Du peintre Michelino da Besozzo nous ne possédons qu’une seule recette (n.°117 dans le recueil), et encore celle-ci n’est-elle pas très originale puisqu’il s’agit de l’une des nombreuses recettes de purification du lapis-lazuli 5. C’est peu pour le plus excellent

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des peintres (pictor excellentissimus inter omnes pictores mundi, selon Alcherio), que les Annales du Dôme de Milan où il travailla aussi qualifient de pictor supremus, qu’un chroniqueur de l’époque, l’humaniste Uberto Decembrio, voit comme un nouvel Appelle 6 et que le grand historien de l’Art Roberto Longhi nommait «le Watteau du gothique international» 7. Il faut d’ailleurs remarquer que l’estime dont témoigne Alcherio envers lui – estime partagée par ses contemporains – est sans doute la cause première qui le pousse à consigner cette recette, somme toute banale, et à en souligner la source illustre. Même si la rencontre avec l’artiste fut brève et peu enrichissante pour son projet de réceptaire, une indication de Michelino méritait d’être fièrement signalée comme telle. Michelino Molinari, dont la famille était originaire du village de Besozzo sur le lac Majeur, est d’abord attesté à Pavie vers 1388, ce qui lui vaut le surnom de Michele da Pavia dans les Annales de la Fabrique du Dôme de Milan où il est mentionné en 1404. Giovanni Alcherio le rencontra le 4 mai 1410 à Venise 8 où Michelino aurait participé à la décoration du Palais des Doges et où il semble avoir séjourné quelques années. A partir de 1420, il est à nouveau cité dans les Annales de la cathédrale de Milan: Michelinus de Molinari de Besuccio, pictor supremus et magister a vitreatis 9, et est attesté sur le chantier du Dôme jusqu’en 1442. La mention d’Alcherio nous renseigne donc sur une période à mi-parcours de sa longue carrière: il est alors en pleine possession de ses moyens et sa renommée s’est propagée de Lombardie jusqu’en Vénétie. Sa seule œuvre signée serait un peu postérieure. Il s’agit d’un Mariage mystique de sainte Catherine (Sienne, Pinacothèque), peint sur panneau vers 1415-1420. Devant un fond d’or où les auréoles et les noms des saints personnages sont inscrits en relief a pastiglia 10, la Vierge drapée dans un manteau d’un bleu profond tient l’Enfant Jésus sur ses genoux. Celui-ci se tourne vers la sainte au visage enfantin agenouillée en manteau rose doublé de blanc. Derrière, un saint Jean-Baptiste en tunique bleumauve fait pendant à un saint Antoine vêtu de noir à parements d’or... A côté de cette palette séduisante, la recette de Michelino fait pauvre figure et les indications du recueil Lebègue sur sa palette sont maigres: un bleu..., du bleu et rien de plus!? Cependant, Michelino fut aussi un peintre d’enluminures très recherché 11. Son œuvre enluminé comprend notamment un livre d’heures de la Bibliothèque municipale d’Avignon (ms. 111), le Sermo in exsequiis Johannis Galeatii ducis Mediolani de Pietro da Castelleto (Paris, BnF, lat. 5888), des Epîtres de saint Jérôme exécutées à Venise en 1414 (Londres, British Library, ms. Egerton 3266), ou encore un précieux livre de prières dit à tort «heures» Bodmer 12 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 944), qui n’est pas comme on croit une commande vénitienne mais bien un manuscrit des Visconti. Dans ce dernier, parmi les scènes de la vie du Christ et les représentations des saints, un feuillet retient plus particulièrement l’attention. Il s’agit de l’illustration d’une prière à saint Luc, que Michelino da Besozzo a choisi de représenter non pas tant en évangéliste, bien que son symbole soit figuré à ses pieds, mais en patron des peintres, ce qui en fait aussi une manière d’autoportrait du peintre lui-même (fol. 75v). Le saint y apparaît en pied, vêtu d’un ample manteau diapré de vert et bleu, tenant un petit pinceau et mettant la dernière main à un panneau

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3. I. Villela-Petit, «Recettes de couleurs et analyses scientifiques, esquisse d’une confrontation devant l’œuvre de Giovanni da Modena», Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences, n.° 143, vol. 49, 1999, p. 269-280. Voir aussi: I. Villela-Petit, «Alberto de Porcellis: une école de calligraphie au Moyen Age», communication au Séminaire sur les matériaux du livre médiéval, 16 juin 2005. 4. S.B. Tosatti, Trattati medievali di tecniche artistiche, Milan, 2007, chap. VII: «Giovanni Alcherio e Jean Lebègue, Imprenditori artistici tra Milano e Parigi intorno al 1400», p. 129-148; et G. Ouy, «Jean Lebègue (1368-1457), auteur, copiste et bibliophile», dans G. Croenen et P. Ainsworth éd., Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books and Book Production in Paris around 1400, Louvain, 2006, p. 143-171. 5. Texte latin et traduction sont donnés en annexe. 6. I. Villela-Petit, «Propositions pour Jean d’Arbois», dans La création artistique en France autour de 1400, actes des XIXes rencontres de l’Ecole du Louvre (Paris – Dijon, 7 au 10 juillet 2004), Paris, 2006, p. 315-344. 7. R. Longhi, Arte lombarda dai Visconti agli Sforza, Milan, 1958, préf. p. XXVIII; et R. Longhi, «Il Tramonto della pittura medioevale nell’Italia del Nord», dans Lavori in Valpadana dal Trecento al primo Cinquecento, Florence, 1973, p. 137-138. 8. Et non 1430 comme écrit erronément dans le Dictionnaire des peintres, sculpteurs et graveurs de Bénézit, t.1, et l’Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Künstler de Thieme et Becker, t.24. 9. Sur les vitraux de Michelino da Besozzo, voir le Corpus vitrearum Medii Aevi – Italia, t.IV: La Lombardia, t.1: Le Vetrate del Duomo di Milano, Milan, 1986, p. 97-118. 10. L’or est posé sur une assiette fortement encollée et moulée en relief. 11. L. Castelfranchi Vegas, «La formazione e gli esordi di Michelino da Besozzo miniatore», Prospettiva, t. 83-84, 1996, p. 116-127; et G. Algeri, «Un Boccacio pavese del 1401 e qualche nota per Michelino da Besozzo», Arte Lombarda, 1996, p. 40-51.

l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n t o i n e d e c o m p i è g n e

12. C. Eisler, The Prayer Book of Michelino da Besozzo, New York, 1981. 13. Cennino Cennini, Il libro dell’arte, éd. F. Frezzato, Vicence, 2004, chap. LXXVII à LXXX.

de dévotion, tandis que ses godets de couleurs sont posés à proximité. Le morceau de bravoure que constitue la diaprure du manteau, qui passe insensiblement d’une couleur à l’autre, correspond à ce qu’un autre recueil de recettes de son temps, le Libro dell’Arte de Cennino Cennini nomme «cangianti» 13. La représentation de saint Luc est donc pour Michelino l’occasion de déployer toute la virtuosité de son art. Dans cette image emblématique, le bleu le plus saturé, pur lapis-lazuli à n’en pas douter, est celui dont le peintre fait le manteau de la Vierge du petit panneau. La couleur bleue et le pigment qui lui correspond y sont ainsi à l’honneur. L’exemplaire officiel de l’éloge funèbre de Jean-Galéas Visconti, enluminé en 1403, est un autre exemple éloquent de l’importance de ce bleu. La page d’ouverture (fol. 1) présente une composition raffinée avec un tableau, une lettrine et une bordure comprenant trente quadrilobes où alternent petits prophètes en buste tenant des inscriptions à la gloire du défunt et écus à ses armes. Dans la scène principale, le duc de Milan, agenouillé devant la Vierge, est couronné par l’Enfant Jésus. Au-dessous, la lettrine «Heu» montre l’auteur, l’augustin Pietro da Castelleto, prononçant l’oraison lors des funérailles. Effectivement, on y trouve du bleu; mieux même, dans les deux cas, le bleu domine. Il est omniprésent. Dans la scène céleste, la Vierge porte sa traditionnelle robe bleue, les anges qui l’entourent sont en bleu et vert, quelques Vertus aussi sont en bleu, et le fond tout bleu décoré à l’encre d’or. Il y a ici autant de variations sur le bleu qu’on en peut souhaiter. Le rouge vif du manteau ducal, d’un cimier et du cercle des séraphins tranche et forme comme un contrepoint à la tonalité bleue générale, malheureusement écaillée par endroits. La lettrine, de même, est toute en bleu et or. Ce bleu – ou du moins une partie des différents bleus employés – est vraisemblablement du lapis-lazuli, comme le suggérait déjà la recette de Michelino. Mais on peut distinguer au moins trois tons dans la scène céleste. Le bleu de la Vierge qui trône au milieu attire l’attention par sa densité. Le bleu du second cercle d’anges est moins soutenu, et celui qui habille les Vertus manifestement désaturé, ce qui lui donne une nuance plus terne et plus pâle qu’accentuent les lignes blanches marquant le plissé. Ces trois tons de bleu pourraient correspondre à ceux que laissent les trois eaux successives de lavage du lapis broyé et malaxé avec une pâte qui en retient les impuretés, trois eaux de lavage que mentionnent d’ordinaire les recettes, même si celle de Michelino évoque une gradation plus subtile, partant de la meilleure qualité de lapis, celle obtenue lors du premier lavage de la pâte, puis un nombre indéterminé de tons obtenus par lavages successifs en augmentant progressivement la température de l’eau (gradatim) jusqu’à ce que la pâte ne dégorge plus de pigment du tout. Le principe cependant est toujours le même et l’on se référera à d’autres recettes du recueil Lebègue pour avoir les précisions voulues sur ces différentes variétés de poudre de lapis. La première eau, et donc la portion de pigment recueillie la première, fournit un excellent bleu, dit «bleu parfait» (recette n.° 114) ou encore «fleur du bleu» (n.° 111). Excellent ou «parfait» doivent s’entendre comme le plus pur, le plus riche en pigment, donc le plus saturé, ce qui correspond à la fois visuellement et symboliquement au ton réservé à la Vierge. La seconde et la troisième eau don-

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nent encore un pigment de qualité, mais moins pur et de plus en plus mêlé de ces impuretés qui se rencontrent nécessairement dans la roche, des traces blanchâtres de calcite notamment 14. Le bleu ainsi produit est alors moins vif et mêlé de blanc, donc nécessairement moins bon pour une époque et une esthétique qui valorisent pureté et richesse du matériau, densité, vivacité et saturation de la couleur 15. En l’absence d’analyses physico-chimiques sur le manuscrit, on ne peut cependant exclure l’emploi d’autres pigments bleus (indigo, azurite) pour obtenir les valeurs souhaitées, valeurs qui sont une façon de créer une hiérarchie dans l’image entre centre et périphérie, et entre les personnages représentés formant cette pyramide céleste où trône la Madone. D’autre part, la plus ou moins grande pureté du pigment, en l’occurrence du lapis-lazuli, n’est pas le seul facteur de modulation. Le choix et la proportion du liant 16 (gomme arabique, blanc d’œuf, colle liquide ou huile de lin, comme l’indique le n.° 118), d’éventuels ajouts (d’autres bleus ou de blanc), le nombre et la nature des sous-couches (le lapis n’étant pas très couvrant), les glacis, voire la simple proximité d’autres couleurs peuvent jouer et modifier notablement la résultante. Il est toujours intéressant d’observer les rapports qu’entretiennent les couleurs entre elles dans une image donnée. Ici bleu virginal et rouge de royauté se complètent et se rehaussent l’un l’autre, tandis qu’on remarque une équivalence entre le bleu délavé et le rose, le violacé tendre, le vert ou le mordoré des robes des Vertus qui forment la cour céleste, comme des demoiselles d’honneur de la Vierge. Ces tons doux marquent dans la hiérarchie un degré en dessous du couple bleu-rouge saturé (lapis et vermillon?). Mais encore, bleu et vert sont associés, soit que le bleu – la robe de Marie – se double de vert avec un liseré d’or, soit qu’il ait été ombré de glacis verts comme les armures bleues des anges placés de profil ou de trois-quart, dans leur côté perdu, caché aux yeux du spectateur supposé se trouver en face et en contrebas de ce monde divin. Le vert (un vert de cuivre sans doute) fait donc office de bleu désaturé ou de seconde catégorie, réservé aux doublures des vêtements, mais aussi d’ombre du bleu, et en complète l’usage. Dans la lettrine cependant, la nuance dominante n’est pas la même. Le bleu en est très sombre et quelque peu usé aussi, rendant sa lecture plus difficile. Hormis les visages et les mains des personnages, ce bleu-noir est la seule couleur de la scène funèbre, tandis que l’encadrement est d’un bleu plus clair avec épigraphie, lui-même entouré d’or bruni. Les figures sont vêtues du ton le plus sombre, peut-être un véritable noir, couleur de deuil. Le rideau du fond est un ton en dessous, bleu nuit. Et dans le toit en bâtière résonne un simple bleu pur. On discerne donc une opposition colorée entre monde terrestre où prend place la scène du deuil et monde céleste au bleu vif où le défunt est accueilli. Deux valeurs symboliques sont donc possibles pour la couleur: bleu-noir de la souffrance terrestre – lapis, indigo, ou quelqu’autre pigment mêlé de noir de charbon?, – et bleu saturé de la joie céleste – pur lapislazuli? C’est-à-dire, un couple bleu-nuit, bleu-jour; bleu triste, bleu joyeux; bleu éteint, bleu éclatant, qui lie les deux scènes: mort et résurrection bleues. En sus d’une préférence du peintre et du goût général du gothique international pour l’emploi du lapis-lazuli, le choix si manifeste de cette couleur dans le Sermo in

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14. J. Plesters, «Ultramarine Blue, Natural», dans A. Roy éd., Artists’ Pigments, A Handbook of their History and Characteristics, vol. 2, Washington, 1997, p. 37-54. 15. M. Pastoureau, «Les couleurs médiévales: systèmes de valeurs et modes de sensibilité», dans Figures et couleurs, Paris, 1986, p. 35-49, à la p.38: «cela est caractéristique de la sensibilité médiévale: une belle couleur est une couleur franche, lumineuse et saturée»; et M. Pastoureau, Bleu, histoire d’une couleur, Paris, 2000. 16. Cl. Coupry et M.-T. Gousset, «Les manuscrits médiévaux vus par laser» La Recherche, t. 205, 1988, p. 1524-1526: «Les spectres Raman des échantillons bleu clair [de manuscrits de Corbie du XIIe siècle où le seul bleu rencontré est le lapis] n’indiquent pas la présence de pigment blanc (céruse, craie, gypse, kaolin). La technique utilisée pour ces variations de teinte est donc la dilution plus ou moins grande du bleu dans le liant et non l’adjonction d’un autre pigment».

michelino da besozzo, mariage mystique de sainte catherine (vers 1420), pinacothèque de sienne

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17. Sans doute après le conclave qui vit l’élection de l’antipape Jean XXIII (17 mai 1410 – 29 mai 1415).

michelino da besozzo, livre de prières bodmer, new york, pierpont morgan library, ms. 944, fol. 75v : saint luc

exsequiis a bien sûr des raisons symboliques. C’est d’abord la couleur de la Vierge à qui l’image est en quelque sorte dédiée et sous la protection de laquelle vient se placer le duc. C’est aussi la couleur du ciel et, assimilée au noir, de la mort, qui sont les sujets mêmes de l’enluminure. Le bleu est encore une des couleurs héraldiques des Visconti de Milan, dont le blason (d’argent à la guivre d’azur hissant de gueules) et les pennons, alternés avec ceux d’autres possessions de Jean-Galéas (duchés de Pavie, Vertus, comtés de Bologne, Pise, Sienne et Pérouse), parsèment le champ de l’image. Le bleu de la guivre se sera, pour ainsi dire, propagé emphatiquement jusqu’à constituer le ton dominant de l’image. Enfin, le faste déployé dans ce luxueux manuscrit à la gloire du duc et de son lignage justifiait l’emploi des matériaux les plus précieux, parmi lesquels le lapis. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli répondait donc au mieux à toutes ces modalités. S’il peut paraître hasardeux d’identifier un pigment à l’œil nu, la réalisation d’un manuscrit de cette qualité, confiée à l’un des meilleurs peintres de son temps, requérait en tout cas des pigments de prix. Le lapis-lazuli purifié par le procédé des trois lavages en fait partie: «le premier vaut son pesant d’or, le second son poids d’argent et le troisième est bon pour les sous-couches», dit encore une recette (n.° 349). La question serait plutôt de savoir s’il est le seul bleu employé. Nous avons relevé plusieurs tons. Sont-ils obtenus avec des poudres de différentes qualités? en variant les proportions de liant et de poudre? en mêlant le lapis et d’autres pigments, blancs ou noirs? en employant le lapis-lazuli pour les parties principales (la Vierge) concurremment avec d’autres pigments bleus (Vertus, fond)? On ne saurait extrapoler à partir d’une seule recette que c’était-là le seul bleu de Michelino, même si la vogue de la couleur au gothique international et le renom du peintre pouvaient amener celui-ci à l’employer plus qu’un autre. Nous avons simplement, recueillie par Alcherio, du meilleur des peintres la plus prisée de ses couleurs.

Antoine de Compiègne, enlumineur à Paris

michelino da besozzo, frontispice de l’eloge funèbre de jean galéas visconti par pietro da castelleto (1403), paris, bnf, lat. 5888, fol. 1

«Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398, Giovanni Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiègne, homme d’un grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui toute sa vie durant, comme il a dit, avait éprouvé l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recettes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie Apostolique était nouvellement assemblée 17 – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en plusieurs endroits suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues depuis de plusieurs livres authentiques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit.» (Recueil de Jean Lebègue, fol. 87) Le jeudi 8 août 1398, quelque dix ans avant sa rencontre avec Michelino à Venise, Giovanni Alcherio, séjournant alors à Paris, avait rendu visite à l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiègne in domo suo. Déjà âgé, antiquus homo, celui-ci résidait au quartier

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Saint-Séverin, quartier de nombreux peintres où il devait avoir aussi son atelier, et peut-être maison et atelier ne faisaient-ils qu’un. Une inscription lapidaire autrefois en l’église Saint-Séverin confirme la réalité historique du personnage, autrement connu essentiellement à travers le recueil Lebègue. L’église de cette vaste paroisse de la rive gauche était en chantier depuis le milieu du XIIIe siècle. En 1347, le pape Clément VI avait d’ailleurs accordé des indulgences aux généreux donateurs qui aideraient à sa reconstruction. Or, le second pilier du premier bas côté sud de la nef portait encore avant la Révolution une inscription en cuivre indiquant qu’il avait été élevé en 1414 aux frais de la succession d’Antoine «de Compaigne», enlumineur, et de sa femme Odette 18. Le texte en était le suivant: «Les exécuteurs de feux Antoine de Compiègne [ou Compaigne], enlumineur de pincel, et de Oudette sa femme ont fait faire ce pilier du résidu des biens desdits défunts l’an M. CCCC. XIIII» 19. L’enlumineur devait donc jouir d’une certaine aisance matérielle à la fin de sa vie. Il décéda une dizaine d’années après la visite d’Alcherio qui remarquait déjà son âge avancé (1414, terminus ante quo), et fut probablement enterré dans l’ancien cimetière de l’église, actuel jardin du presbytère. Les débuts de sa carrière remontent en effet au milieu du XIVe siècle et il est déjà attesté trente ans avant cette rencontre, puisqu’il figure, mais comme libraire, au nombre des artisans du métier du livre qui, en tant que jurés de l’Université de Paris, furent exemptés du guet par un privilège du roi Charles V en date du 5 novembre 1368 20. Antoine s’était ensuite spécialisé dans l’enluminure: illuminator librorum, nous dit la notice du recueil Lebègue (n.° 297). N’ayant pas de carnet de recettes, c’est par oral qu’il transmit son savoir-faire au visiteur. Il s’agit de quatre recettes prises sous la dictée et complétées par la suite par Alcherio qui les intitule De coloribus ad illuminandum libros: or bruni, rose de bois brésil et deux verts de cuivre, constituant une palette des plus réduites mais d’autant plus intéressante pour nous que les circonstances dans lesquelles ces recettes furent recueillies attestent que ces pigments-là étaient encore fabriqués dans l’atelier alors que d’autres, la céruse par exemple, s’achetaient chez l’apothicaire. Dans la première (n.° 298), outre le parchemin et le papier, supports habituels de l’enluminure, sont aussi mentionnés les panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, car le procédé (ici la pose de la feuille d’or) est le même. De telles planchettes apprêtées, réunies en carnet par des lanières, servaient souvent de carnet à dessin. Quelques-uns se sont conservés tel le carnet de buis de Jacquemart de Hesdin 21 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M.346), daté vers 1385-1400. Une assiette rigide composée de craie, d’ocre et de blanc d’œuf, suivant la méthode traditionnelle, permet à la feuille d’or qu’on y pose de supporter le brunissage. La recette de rose 22 (n.° 299) indique les mêmes supports (parchemin, papier, panneaux de bois apprêtés). La laque de brésil fixée sur une base de craie et d’alun est employée avec de la gomme arabique. Elle peut servir en peinture et pour dessiner, mais aussi comme encre rose. Suivent deux verts tous deux faits à base de vert de gris, bien qu’aux propriétés inverses. L’un (n.° 300) est transparent, a peu de substance, sans corps dit le texte, et ne doit servir qu’en une sorte de glacis. Il reste terne, obfuscatus, et les couleurs sur lesquelles il serait posé transparaîtraient. Mais le principal défaut de ce vert est

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18. D’après A. Boinet, Les édifices religieux médiévaux et Renaissance, Paris, 1910 (collec. Les richesses d’art de la ville de Paris). 19. Abbé Lebeuf, Histoire de la ville de Paris, t.1, 1883, p. 102, cité par H. Martin, Les miniaturistes français, Paris, 1906, p. 212. Je remercie Monsieur François Avril de m’avoir signalé cette référence. 20. P. De Winter, «The Grandes Heures of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy: The Copyist Jean L’Avenant and his Patrons at the French Court», Speculum, 1982, t. 57, n.° 4, p. 786-842. 21. Ph. Lorentz, «Les carnets de dessins, laboratoires de la création artistique», dans Paris 1400 – Les arts sous Charles VI (1380-1422), Paris, Musée du Louvre, 2004, p. 304-306. 22. I. Villela-Petit, «Brésil et autres rouges: dix recettes de laque médiévales», Technè – Revue du Laboratoire de Recherche des Musées de France, n.° 4: La couleur et ses pigments, 1996, p.68-73; P. Roger, S. Vandroy et I. Villela-Petit, «Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médiévale: reconstitution à partir de recettes anciennes», Studies in Conservation, t. 48, n.° 3, 2003, p. 155-170.

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23. G. Banik, «Green copper pigments and their alteration in manuscripts or works of graphic art», dans B. Guineau éd., Pigments et colorants de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age, Paris, 1990, p.89-102; H. Kühn, «Verdigris», dans A. Roy éd., Artists’ Pigments..., p. 131-147. 24. I. Villela-Petit, «Historié de blanc et de noir: la tradition du ‘portrait d’encre’ dans l’enluminure parisienne des XIVe-XVe siècle», à paraître dans Les rapports des arts monochromes à la couleur, actes du colloque de juin 2009 au Centre d’Etudes Supérieures de la Renaissance de Tours. 25. I. Villela-Petit, «Palettes comparées: quelques réflexions sur les pigments employés par les enlumineurs parisiens au début du XVe siècle», dans M. Hofmann et C. Zöhl dir., Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, Berlin, 2007, p. 382-391.

maître du policratique de charles v, chronique de bernard gui (après 1384), besançon, bm, ms. 677, fol. 13 : le songe de nabuchodonosor

d’être très corrosif 23 et de gâter les autres pigments. Les superpositions sont donc à éviter, y compris l’habituelle préparation blanche. Ce vert particulier sans autre liant que le vinaigre s’employait à même le parchemin ou le papier pour colorier des formes préalablement tracées à l’encre noire. La recette concerne donc uniquement l’enluminure et relève d’une technique moins coûteuse et moins précieuse que la peinture «en pleines couleurs», celle du dessin colorié. Dite «dessin d’encre», cette technique fut couramment employée par les enlumineurs parisiens de la fin du XIVe siècle 24, ainsi dans l’exemplaire de dédicace de L’Apparition de Jean de Meun d’Honoré Bovet destiné vers 1398 à la duchesse d’Orléans, Valentine Visconti (Paris, BnF, fr. 811). Les couleurs y sont en nombre très réduit: un lavis d’encre pour les drapés, quelques rehauts de rose pour les carnations, d’or pour les couronnes et, pour le sol, un vert ou un jaune quasi sans substance, sans densité, comme ce vert n.° 300. Rose, vert et or, ce sont là les couleurs du De coloribus placé sous le nom d’Antoine de Compiègne. L’autre vert, tout au contraire, est dulcis et corpulentus (n.° 301). Il peut donc servir aussi bien sur papier et parchemin que sur toile ou panneau de bois blanchi, car il ne contient pas de vinaigre, et le vert de gris est censé être tempéré par les sucs d’herbes ou de fleurs qui entrent dans sa composition. Lié avec une eau de gomme arabique soigneusement purifiée, il sert d’encre ou de peinture, s’emploie aussi bien en glacis qu’en sous-couche, et l’on peut également poser l’or par dessus. Ainsi passe-t-on ce vert en rehauts sur une couche de vermillon, de lapis-lazuli, de rose brésil ou toute autre, ce qui n’est d’ailleurs pas sans rappeler la technique des «cangianti» qu’affectionnait Michelino da Besozzo. Toutes ces recettes sont assez précises dans l’indication des proportions à respecter, de la durée, de la consistance (par exemple, au n.° 298, la consistance à rechercher pour l’assiette de l’or ou putrefactio), de l’effet visuel (transparence, opacité) et des incompatibilités entre pigments (n.° 300). Les deux dernières en particulier contiennent un préambule relatif à la nature, aux propriétés, à l’usage, aux défauts et aux qualités respectives des verts de cuivre. S’agit-il d’un topos, d’ajouts dus au compilateur Giovanni Alcherio d’après des ouvrages de référence (libri autentiqui), ou du reflet de l’expérience authentique du peintre? Les trois à la fois peut-être. La «palette» d’Antoine de Compiègne peut s’étendre aux autres couleurs citées: or bruni, rouge vermillon (ici sous le nom de sinopis), rose de brésil, bleu de lapis-lazuli (lazurium), vert-de-gris inconsistant, vert-de-gris consistant et jaune safran, soit sept couleurs auxquelles il faut encore ajouter le blanc de céruse 25. Et, bien qu’incomplet, ce De coloribus rédigé sur les indications de l’enlumineur est moins pauvre qu’il y paraît puisqu’il fait allusion aux superpositions de teintes, technique courante mais rarement citée dans les recettes puisqu’elle relève déjà de la phase de mise en œuvre du pigment. Une couche de vert viendra se superposer à une couche de vermillon, modulera une sous-couche bleue, ombrera un rose... Autant de nouvelles nuances dont il faut créditer l’expérience du maître et qui enrichissent sa palette. Jusqu’à il y a peu, on ne pouvait guère en dire davantage sur la manière d’Antoine de Compiègne, aucun manuscrit ne lui étant attribué. Tout au plus pouvait-on le compter au nombre des enlumineurs parisiens de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle (je

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le rapprochais en 1995 du groupe aux Boqueteaux). J’ai cependant proposé en 2004, sans avoir alors le loisir d’étayer mon propos 26, de reconnaître en lui un enlumineur de ce cercle baptisé «Maître du Policratique de Charles V» d’après le manuscrit BnF, fr. 24287. La carrière de l’artiste, reconstituée par François Avril 27, présente en effet des coïncidences troublantes avec la biographie d’Antoine de Compiègne. On peut mettre l’une et l’autre en parallèle (voir le tableau ci-après). Bien que fragmentaires, les données disponibles concordent et permettent à mon sens d’identifier notre artiste avec le Maître du Policratique. Les nombreux manuscrits enluminés par celui-ci illustrent au mieux la mise en œuvre des recettes du petit De coloribus ad illuminandum libros inclus dans le Recueil Lebègue, notamment cette technique du dessin d’encre à rehauts de lavis qui semble être la destination ordinaire du vert translucide d’Antoine de Compiègne.

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26. I. Villela-Petit, «Maîtres peintres et enlumineurs: identités incertaines», dans Paris 1400..., p. 203. 27. Fr. Avril, «Le parcours exemplaire d’un enlumineur parisien à la fin du 14e siècle: la carrière et l’œuvre du maître du Policratique de Charles V», dans B. Fleith et F. Morenzoni éd., De la sainteté à l’hagiographie. Genèse et usage de la Légende Dorée, Genève, 2001, p. 265-282.

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Antoine de Compiègne

Maître du Policratique

Attesté à partir de 1368 – † entre 1398 et 1414

En activité de 1366 à 1403

Libraire-juré de l’Université de Paris (1368)

Enlumine un Décret pour l’Université de Paris

Demeure au quartier Saint-Séverin, comme l’enlumineur Perrin Rémiet (et le libraire Regnault du Montet)

Reçoit commande des abbayes voisines, Sainte-Geneviève (1380) et Saint-Victor (1392); collabore avec Perrin Rémiet

Un des enlumineurs parisiens les plus considérés à la fin de sa vie, rangé aux côtés des plus grands artistes dans le recueil Lebègue

Travaux d’enluminure pour Charles V, Louis d’Anjou, Philippe le Hardi, Jean de Berry et Louis d’Orléans

Reçoit la visite du milanais Giovanni Alcherio en 1398

Travaux pour Pasquino Capelli, conseiller du duc de Milan (vers 1390-1395) et pour Valentine Visconti (1398)

Encore actif à la fin du XIVe siècle et fait alors référence

Un des rares enlumineurs importants actifs à Paris à cette époque où les maîtres pucelliens ne sont plus et ceux de la génération suivante débutent à peine

Assez fortuné pour offrir un pilier à l’église Saint-Séverin sur sa succession

Un atelier très productif, dont on peut supposer qu’il était rentable

Antiquus homo en 1398

Signes de sénescence de son style vers 1400

Palette: vert pour le dessin d’encre, safran, azur, encre rose, or, céruse, ocre, vermillon; assiettes, superpositions

Dessin d’encre, enluminures en pleines couleurs, bordures; verts, jaune diaphane (safran?), lapis-lazuli, rose brésil, or, vermillon, bleu-gris, etc.

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Recette de Michelino da Besozzo Item in eodem exemplari sic erat scriptum: Hoc sequens experimentum hujusmodi, in Veneciis, die martis IIII maii, anni 1410, a Michelino de Vesucio, pictore excellentissimo inter omnes pictores mundi. De même se trouvait dans le modèle la mention suivante: «La recette qui suit fut obtenue à Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Besozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde». n.° 117 – Azurium sic fit: Recipe libram unam lapidis lazuli et tere bene in lapide porfirico. Postea ablue ipsum cum aqua clara, deinde desica et reduce ipsum in pulverem. Pastillum sic fit: ad libram unam pulveris lapidis, pone libram unam picis Grece, oncias II vernicis liquide, onciam I masticis; ponantur in olla rudi oncias III olei communis, idest lini vel olive, et boni, et fac bullire, et tunc masticem et vernicem pulverizatam pone in oleo et bene moveas cum ligno. Et cum videas resoluta, pone piscem pulverizatam et permitte parum bullire donec omnia fuerint bene incorporata. Postea cola per pannum in aqua frigida et mancetur manibus unctis oleo communi, et postea pulver lazulli incorporetur super lapidem cum dicto pastillo et optime, et dimittatur per tres dies in dicto pastillo. Postea extrahatur azurrum de pastillo hoc modo: misceatur cum baculo in aqua calida parum plusquam tepida, et taliter teneatur quousque aliquid exiverit. Si vero non exiret, ponatur aqua magis calida, et sic gradatim, mittendo aquam calidiorem et miscendo donec aliquid exiverit. Ultimo ponatur aqua quando magis fervet, et extracto toto azurro et separato ab aqua et sicato, fiat lexivium fortissimum et ponatur azurrum in planis vasis et superius ponatur lexivium, sicut nosti, ut exeant immondicii pastilli, quo purgato, dulcifica cum aqua clara, etc. 117 – Le bleu se prépare ainsi: Prenez une livre de lapis-lazuli et broyez-le bien sur une meule de porphyre. Puis lavez-le d’eau claire, faites sécher et réduisez en poudre. La pâte se prépare ainsi: pour une livre de poudre de lapis, prenez une livre de poix grecque, deux onces de vernis liquide, une once de mastic; mettez dans une marmite neuve trois onces de bonne huile commune, c’est-à-dire de lin ou d’olive et faites bouillir, ajoutez alors dans l’huile le mastic et le vernis en poudre et remuez bien avec un bout de bois. Lorsque vous le verrez dissout, ajoutez la poix en poudre et laissez légèrement bouillir jusqu’à ce que tous les ingrédients soient bien incorporés. Puis filtrez dans l’eau froide à travers un tissu et malaxez avec les mains ointes d’huile commune, puis incorporez soigneusement sur la meule la poudre de lapis-lazuli dans cette pâte et l’y laissez reposer trois jours. Le bleu s’extrait ensuite de la pâte de la façon suivante: mélangez la pâte avec un bâton dans de l’eau plus chaude que tiède et continuez ainsi tant que de la couleur en sortira. Mais s’il n’en sort pas, mettez de l’eau un peu plus chaude et ainsi par degrés, ajoutant de l’eau toujours plus chaude et mélangeant jusqu’à ce que la couleur sorte. En dernier lieu, ajoutez de l’eau bouillante, puis une fois le bleu entièrement extrait, séparé de l’eau et séché, faites une lessive bien forte, mettez le bleu dans des récipients à fond plat et versez dessus la lessive, comme vous savez, pour que sortent les saletés de la pâte amollie par l’eau claire dont vous l’aviez purgé, etc.

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Recettes d’Antoine de Compiègne De diversis coloribus in sequenti tractatur, et primo, modus prohemii: n.° 297 – Anno circoncisionis domini Jesu Christi 1398 die Jovis octavo augusti, Johannes Alcerius scripsit et notavit in Parisius in domo Anthonii de Compendio illuminatoris librorum, antiqui hominis, a verbis que ipse Anthonius sibi dixit, et qui omnia que secuntur tentaverat toto tempore vite sue, ut dixit, de coloribus scilicet ad illuminandum libros, sequencia capitula. Et postea anno 1411 de mense decembris, idem Johannes qui jam per plusquam annum reversus fuerat a partibus Lombardie, videlicet a Bononia, ubi erat curia apostolica noviter unita, correxit in pluribus partibus ea, secundum plures informationes quas inde postea per plures libros autentiquos de talibus narrantes, et aliter habuerat, et rescripsit ea ad nettum ut sequitur. Traité de diverses couleurs, et d’abord, en guise d’introduction: 297 – Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398, Giovanni Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiègne, homme d’un grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui, toute sa vie durant, comme il a dit, avait éprouvé l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recettes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie Apostolique était nouvellement assemblée – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en plusieurs endroits suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues entre-temps de plusieurs livres authentiques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit. n.° 298 – Ad ponendum aurum super diversis quod burniatur, et de diversis cautelis utendis super hoc illuminando libros: Ad ponendum aurum in papiro, in pergameno seu carta, et in tabulis ligneis creta alba dealbatis quod aurum burniatur seu poliatur, accipe gersam seu cretam albam et modicum ocre de ru, per tertiam partem quantitatis crete et totum simul subtilia, et tere cum aqua clara magis spissum quam poteris, idest cum pauca aqua, super lapidem equalem durum cum molleta lapidis similiter. Postea pone ipsum colorem, qui aliter tempera vel assisia auri dicitur, in conchilla aut in scutella figuli vitriata aut in vase vitri. Et cum operari vis, accipe de ipso in conchilla alia parviori quantum vis et modera ipsum cum claro ovi spongiato ad rationabilem molliciem seu liquiditatem pro pingendo aut scribendo de ipso. Et si habes tempus cum temperaveris, dimittas inveterari per plures dies vel septimanas ipsam temperam, quia melior erit putrida quam recens. Postea de ipsa scribe, pinge et protrahe que vis et ubi vis, et dimittas siccari. Postea sis in loco recluso cum aurum vis ponere et elige tempus ydoneum ut supra dictum est. Et habitis ydoneis loco et tempore et remediis, ponas aurum in locis carte vel papiri quibus ipsum colorem vel assisiam posuisti, et super trahe et premendo primo leviter, postea fortius burnissorem, scilicet dentem apri vel equi, et polias tantum dictum aurum quod adereat colori et lucidum fiat ut supra jam dictum est. Ideo cum aurum poni vult, color talis remansus de alia positione auri alias facta melior est, dum ex interpollata visitatione deductione et ovi aut aque interpositione conservatus sit in debita liquiditate, ita quod ad totalem siccitatem vel nimiam putrefactionem et alterationem deductus non sit.

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298 – Pour poser de l’or à brunir sur diverses matières, et des nombreuses précautions à prendre pour enluminer les livres: Pour poser de l’or sur papier, parchemin et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, de manière que l’or soit bruni ou poli: prenez de la craie blanche et un peu d’ocre de ru pour environ le tiers de la quantité de craie, broyez le tout en poudre fine avec de l’eau claire le plus densément que vous pourrez, c’est-à-dire avec peu d’eau, sur une meule de pierre dure et plane au moyen d’un pilon également de pierre. Puis mettez cette couleur autrement appelée assiette de l’or dans une coquille ou une écuelle d’argile vernissée, ou dans un récipient de verre. Et quand vous voudrez vous en servir, versez-en à volonté dans une plus petite coquille et délayez de blanc d’œuf battu jusqu’à la consistance ou la fluidité requises pour en peindre ou en écrire. Et si vous avez le temps, lorsque vous l’aurez détrempée, laissez cette assiette vieillir plusieurs jours ou semaines, parce qu’elle est meilleure gâtée que fraîche. Puis écrivez, peignez et dessinez-en ce que vous voudrez et où vous voudrez, et laissez sécher. Soyez en un endroit fermé lorsque vous voudrez poser l’or et choisissez un temps favorable, comme il est dit plus haut. Et une fois réunis le lieu, le temps et les moyens adéquats, posez l’or aux endroits du parchemin ou du papier où vous aurez mis de la couleur ou assiette, frottez dessus en appuyant d’abord légèrement puis plus fort le brunissoir, c’est-à-dire la dent de sanglier ou de cheval, et polissez suffisamment l’or pour qu’il adhère à l’assiette et qu’il brille, comme il a déjà été dit. C’est pourquoi, lorsque vous voulez poser l’or, l’assiette restant d’une précédente dorure est meilleure, pourvu qu’elle ait été conservée à la fluidité voulue par une surveillance renouvelée pour la remuer et l’additionner d’œuf ou d’eau, de manière qu’elle ne soit amenée ni à se dessécher complètement, ni à trop se gâter et s’altérer. n.° 299 – Ad faciendum rosam: Ad faciendum rosam pro operando in carta et in papiro et in ligneis tabulis creta dealbatis, accipe brixillium rasum subtiliter cum cutello vel cum vitro et liga in subtili pecia lini non stricte, sed late et fluctuanter. Et sic ligatum, pone in vase figuli vitriato novo ad temperandum in lixivio aut in urina hominis ebriatoris potantis forte vinum, et si urina sit vetera tanto melius. Et si non possis habere talem, accipe lessivium fortissimum et pone de creta alba in ipso lessivio, cum dicta pecia in qua est braxillium et per quantitatem de tribus vel quatuor vicibus quantitatis brixilii ad pondus et etiam sicut inspiciendo melius videbis convenire plus et minus secundum bonitatem brixillii. Postea pone de alumine glacie crudo, pisto in pulverem, quod sit tantum quantum est quartum dicte crete vel circa, et ante plus quam minus, et misceas hec omnia insimul dimittendo semper ligatum in dicta pecia dictum brixillium et dimittant sic per horam unam vel circa. Postea ponas vas ad ignem non lignorum sed carbonum et bulliant non nimis fortiter et per spacium quarte partis hore vel minus, ita quod solum alumen fondatur. Postea de ipso vase tollatur dicta pecia brixillii et exprimatur et extorqueatur fortiter ut color de ipsa totaliter exeat in eodem vase. Postea tollatur ipse color ita calidius ab igne et ponatur super lapidem crete concave vel super laterem de terra etc. ad hoc, quod urina seu lessivium intret in lapidem subito et color ipse remaneat ibi inspissatus et semisiccus. Postea facias ex toto siccari ad solem, deinde eleva ipsum colorem, que rosa est cum cutello a lapide vel latere, et repone servando pro usu.

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Et cum de ipsa operari vis, accipe de ipsa quantum vis et subtilia, idest tere super lapidem durum et planum cum aqua gummata que fit per duas partes gummi arabici fusi in tam pauca aqua, quod pene coperiatur ipsa gumma cum in ipsa ponitur aqua, et colati postea per telam lineam, et per tertiam partem sit aqua clara insimul cum dicto gummi fuso et colato. Et de ipsa aqua gommata ipso modo facta distempera dictam rosam ad debitam molliciem et operaberis de ipsa que volueris, tam scribendo quam pingendo ac protrahendo. 299 – Pour faire du rose: Pour faire un rose à employer sur parchemin, papier et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, prenez du brésil finement râpé avec un couteau ou avec du verre, et lier-le dans un morceau de lin sans serrer, mais de manière lâche et flottante. Et ainsi attaché, mettez-le dans un récipient neuf d’argile vernissée à tremper dans de la lessive ou de l’urine d’ivre amateur de vin fort, et tant mieux si l’urine est vieille. Mais si vous ne pouvez en trouver de cette sorte, prenez une lessive très forte et mettez-y de la craie blanche avec le tissu contenant le brésil, soit en poids une quantité trois à quatre fois supérieure à celle de brésil ou plus ou moins selon ce qui à vue d’œil semblera mieux convenir et suivant la qualité du brésil. Puis ajoutez de l’alun de glace cru et réduit en poudre, qui fasse autant ou à peu près que le quart de la craie, et plutôt plus que moins, mélangez tout cela ensemble en gardant toujours le brésil attaché dans son tissu et qu’ils reposent ainsi environ une heure. Puis mettez le récipient au feu non de bois mais de charbons et qu’ils ne bouillent pas trop fort pendant un quart d’heure ou moins de manière à ne faire fondre que l’alun. Otez ensuite du récipient le tissu contenant le brésil, pressez-le et tordez-le avec force pour en faire complètement sortir la couleur; puis retirez du feu le récipient avec la couleur ainsi chauffée et versez-la sur un morceau de craie creux ou sur une brique de terre, etc. de sorte que l’urine ou la lessive soit aussitôt absorbée par la pierre et que la couleur y reste compacte et à demi sèche. Faites-la entièrement sécher au soleil, puis enlevez de la pierre ou de la brique cette couleur rose à l’aide d’un couteau, et conservez pour l’usage. Quand vous voudrez vous en servir, prenez-en à volonté et affinez, c’est-à-dire broyez-la sur une meule de pierre dure et plane avec de l’eau de gomme faite pour deux tiers de gomme arabique dissoute dans juste assez d’eau pour que la gomme en soit presque recouverte quand vous y verserez l’eau, et filtrée ensuite au travers d’une toile de lin, et pour un tiers d’eau claire ajoutée à cette gomme fondue et filtrée. Et de l’eau de gomme ainsi faite détrempez le rose jusqu’à la consistance voulue et vous pourrez en faire ce que vous voudrez, tant pour écrire que pour peindre ou dessiner. n.° 300 – Ad faciendum viride corrosivum absque substancia seu corpore: Ad faciendum viride in substancia clarum et non corpulentum, idest substanciam non habentem, ut verbi gratia clarus atque sine substancia est color safrani, idest croci qui non cooperit alios colores pro ejus subtilitate, claritate et raritate, qua alii colores apparent per medium ipsum et ex hoc ipse pro raritate sua, ut et dictus color viridis remanet obfuscatus, et nil vel minimum apparet, neque multum apparere potest super alios colores. Sed ipse color viridis non est dulcis sicut est dictus color croci, ymo ex sua natura est acer et corrosivus, et taliter quod destruit et rodit alios colores si ponatur super ipsos, vel ipsi super ipsum, et hoc pro viride eris qui in ipso ponitur, et est talis conditionis. Et ponitur in carta et in papiro.

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Accipe viride eris et modicum de feve vini sicca et fina, que dicitur in latino ‘tartarus’ et in gallico ‘gravella’, et subtilia et tere super lapidem durum et planum insimul que dicta sunt cum aceto. Postea omnia que in carta et in papiro protrahere vis, protrahe, ac vacuum, videlicet per lineas de colore scilicet nigro, postea de ipso colore viridi sic facto ut dictum est, colora ad libitum ea que ut dictum est protraxeris. Et nota quod super ipsum colorem viridem ut dictum est, nullus alter color debet poni neque ipse super alios nisi solum super cartam albam vel papirum, et non super colorem aliquem album artificiatum seu pictum, quia ipse color viridis illo modo factus est fortis seu acer et pro sua acritudine destruit alios colores ut supra jam dictum est. 300 – Pour faire un vert corrosif sans corps ni substance: Pour faire un vert transparent et sans corps par nature, c’est-à-dire dépourvu de substance, comme, pour prendre un exemple, le jaune de safran, transparent et sans substance, qui n’a aucun pouvoir couvrant du fait de sa ténuité, de sa transparence et de son peu de matière au travers de laquelle les autres couleurs se voient; c’est pourquoi, en lui-même, comme le vert, il reste éteint du fait de son peu de matière et ne se voit pas ou peu, et posé sur d’autres couleurs il ne peut pas se voir beaucoup non plus. Mais ce vert n’est pas inoffensif comme le safran, au contraire il est par nature acide et corrosif de sorte qu’il détruit et ronge les autres couleurs s’il est posé dessus ou dessous, et ce à cause du vert de gris qu’il contient: telle est sa nature, et on l’utilise sur parchemin et sur papier. Prenez du vert de gris et un peu de lie de vin séchée en fine poudre qui se dit tartre en latin et gravelle en français, broyez-les ensemble et réduisez-les en poudre sur une meule de pierre dure et plane avec du vinaigre. Puis dessinez tout ce que vous voulez sur le parchemin et le papier et laissez blanc l’espace entre les traits tracés au noir, puis de la couleur verte ainsi préparée, remplissez à votre guise ce que vous aurez dessiné. Notez bien qu’on ne doit recouvrir ce vert d’aucune autre couleur, comme on l’a dit, ni le poser lui-même par dessus d’autres, si ce n’est seulement sur le blanc du parchemin ou du papier, mais non sur quelqu’autre couleur blanche fabriquée ou peinte, parce que le vert ainsi fait est corrosif ou acide, et du fait de son acidité il détruit les autres couleurs, comme indiqué précédemment. n.° 301 – Ad faciendum colorem viridem cum corpore et non corrosivum: Ad faciendum colorem viridem dulcem et corpulentum, pro operando in pergameno, in papiro, in telis et in tabulis ligneis dealbatis, accipe viridem eris seu arani et succum herbe que dicitur in gallico ‘flamma’ et ipsum succum herbe cola per telam lineam et cum ipso tere super lapidem viridem suprascriptum, addendo aliquantulum de aqua gommata. Postea ipsum pone in conchella vel in scutella figuli vitriata, et distempera cum dicta aqua gummata et cum dicto succo ipsius herbe. Et dicta aqua gummata debet fieri de gummi arabico lucido et collata, ne cum infusum sit gummi in ipsa, adsint in ipsa ulle pallee, terra vel alie turpitudines. Et postea de ipso colore viridi scribe, protrahe et pinge que vis. Et nota quod succus rute esset melior quam suprascripte herbe ad ponendum in dicta compositione dicti viridis coloris. Et alii sunt qui ponunt succos quarumdam aliarum herbarum. Et color suprascriptus est talis qnod potest super ipso pingi cum aliis coloribus, et super ipso poni aurum etc., sicuti posset fieri super sinopide vel super lazurio, vel super rosa et aliis similibus, quia ibi non est acetum, et acritudo viridis eris mitigata est dicto succo herbe.

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301 – Pour faire une couleur verte non corrosive et qui a du corps: Pour faire une couleur verte inoffensive et consistante à employer sur parchemin, papier, toile et panneaux de bois apprêtés, prenez du vert de gris et du suc de l’herbe dite clématite flammule en français, filtrez celui-ci au travers d’une toile de lin et broyez avec sur une meule le vert susdit en ajoutant un petit peu d’eau de gomme. Puis versez le vert dans une coquille ou une écuelle d’argile vernissée, et détrempez de cette eau de gomme et du suc de cette herbe. Et l’eau de gomme doit être faite de gomme arabique transparente et purifiée afin que, lorsque la gomme s’y sera dissoute, ne se retrouvent dans l’eau aucune paillette, trace de terre ou autres impuretés. Puis écrivez, dessinez et peignez ce que vous voulez de cette couleur verte. Remarquez que le suc de rue serait meilleur que l’herbe susdite pour entrer dans la composition de ce vert. D’autres y mettent du suc de certaines autres herbes. Et la nature de cette couleur est telle qu’on peut peindre dessus avec d’autres couleurs ou poser de l’or, etc. comme on peut le faire sur le cinabre, l’azur, le rose et autres semblables, car elle ne contient pas de vinaigre, et l’acidité du vert de gris est atténuée par le suc d’herbe.

Biography Inès Villela-Petit is an Art Historian and, since 2003, a Curator at the Cabinet des médailles et antiques in Paris – Bibliothèque national de France. She has published two books: Le Bréviaire de Châteauroux (2003), and Le Gothique international – L’art en France au temps de Charles VI (2004). Her research work concerns mainly three fields: Colour recipes and painting technics, Illuminated manuscripts, and the Arts of the XIVth and XVth Centuries. Personal website: www.i-villela-petit.fr

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à propos d’une notice sur le vermillon

Resumo A Crónica Geral de Espanha, códice conservado na Academia das Ciências de Lisboa a partir de 1879, é a cópia do «Quatrocentro» da Crónica de 1344 de D. Pedro Afonso, conde de Barcelos. Abundantemente iluminado, mostra-nos uma cor e uma técnica de aplicação devedora da tradição local propagada por tratados e formulários, se bem que seja claro uma nova linguagem e um gosto internacional. A notícia que se encontra sobre o «termho do Chão de Bellotas» remete-nos para as diversas produções da região, entre as quais o azougue de que é extraído «muyto vermelhon et muy bõo». Esta informação é importante do ponto de vista do estudo da cor e, particularmente, da cor na iluminura. De facto, permite relacioná-la com a abundância do vermelho na iluminura portuguesa, a partir dos primeiros exemplos, como nós viemos a verificar desde 1986, com Luísa Alves, a quem eu presto aqui a minha homenagem, e, ainda, revelar uma tradição corroborada por formulários e tratados. O vermelho é, sem nenhuma dúvida, a cor mais abundante no fundo de Alcobaça, como também, no de Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Lorvão; e o colorante que, quase sempre, entra na sua composição é conhecido por vermelhão. N’ O livro de como se fazem as cores, tal como no Mappae Clavicula, encontra-se a receita do vermelhão que nós vemos utilizada na iluminura portuguesa e na rubricação. A interessante coincidência entre os dois formulários mostra-nos uma tradição desenvolvida em Santa Cruz de Coimbra, em que o Mappae Clavicula está registado num inventário de livros emprestados, do primeiro quartel do séc. XIII (1218), ainda que em Alcobaça não se encontre nenhuma menção de receituários de pintura, assunto que não mereceu a atenção da sua Livraria, o que poderia significar a pouca importância que se dava à cor mas, também, uma maneira de produzir e aplicar as cores de acordo com uma tradição local. Esta tradição do vermelhão pode seguir-se, mais tarde, no Breve Tratado de Illuminação, escrito por um monge da Ordem de Cristo, em Tomar, e no seu contemporâneo, Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva, de 1615, escrito pelo dominicano Filipe Nunes. Mas, esta notícia sobre uma matéria prima tão abundante e boa pode ser uma das justificações para que o vermelho seja a cor das imagens do rei representadas na Crónica, sendo lícito pensar que ele continua a ser, nas Espanhas, a cor principal, não acompanhando o triunfo do azul na Europa medieval, a partir de inícios do séc. XIII.

palavras-chave crónica geral de espanha vermelhão cor vermelha imagem do rei

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Resumée La Crónica Geral de Espanha, codex appartenant à l’Académie des Sciences de Lisbonne, depuis 1879, est une copie du «Quatrocento» de la Crónica de 1344 de D. Pedro Afonso, comte de Barcelos. Abondamment illuminée, elle nous montre une couleur et une technique de son application redevable de la tradition locale propagée par des traités et des formulaires, bien que soit clair un nouveau langage et un goût international. La notice qu’on y trouve sur le «termho do Chão de Bellotas» rapporte les diverses productions de la région, parmi lesquelles l’azougue dont est extrait «muyto vermelhon et muy bõo». Cette notice est importante du point de vue de l’étude de la couleur et, notamment, de la couleur dans l’enluminure. Du fait, il permet de la rapporter avec l’abondance du rouge dans l’enluminure portugaise, depuis les premiers exemples, comme nous sommes venus à vérifier depuis 1986, avec Luisa Maria Alves, a qui je prêt mes homages, et, encore, révéler une tradition corroborée par des formulaires et traités. Le rouge est, sans aucun doute, la couleur la plus abondante aux fonds d’Alcobaça, comme, aussi, à ceux de Santa Cruz de Coimbra et Lorvão; et le colorant que, presque toujours, entre dans sa composition est celui qui est connu par vermillon. Dans O livro de como se fazem as cores, telle que dans le Mappae Clavicula, on trouve la recette du vermillon que nous voyons utilisée dans l’enluminure portugaise et dans la rubrication. L’intéressante coïncidence entre les deux formulaires nous montre une tradition développée à Santa Cruz de Coimbra, où le Mappae Clavicula est rapporté dans un inventaire de livres prêtés, du premier quart du XIIIème siècle (1218), bien que à Alcobaça on ne trouve aucune mention de formulaires de peinture, sujet qui n’a pas mérité l’attention de sa Librairie, ce que pourrait signifier la petite importance qu’on prêtait à la couleur mais, aussi, une façon de produire et appliquer les couleurs conformément à une tradition locale. Cette tradition du vermillon pour écrire peut se suivre, plus tard, au Breve Tratado de Illuminação, écrit par un moine de l’Ordre de Christ, à Tomar, et au son contemporain, Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva, de 1615, écrit par le dominicain Filipe Nunes. Mais cette notice sur une matière-première aussi abondante et aussi bonne, peut être une des justification à ce que le rouge soit la couleur des images du roi représentées dans la Crónica, étant licite de penser qu’il continue à être, dans les Espagnes, la couleur principale, en n’accompagnant pas le triomphe du bleu en Europe médiévale, à partir des débuts du XIIIème siècle.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

mots-clés crónica geral de espanha vermillon couleur rouge image du roi

à propos d’une notice sur le vermillon h o r ác i o p e i x e i ro Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Tomar (Portugal)

1. «Do termho do Chaão das Bellotas. O termho do Chaão das Bellotas parte per o termho d’Aariz e jaz antre ho ouriente. e jaz contra o sseptentrion de Cordoua. E Aariz he uylla em que moraron os barboros. E en seu termho he o monte em que há o uyeiro de que sacam o azougue e dally o leuã pêra todallas partes d’Espanha. E dally sacam muyto uermelhon e muy boõ que nõ saben outro tã boõ se nõ aquelle que tragem da terra d’ultra mar. E ēna demais desta terra nõ há outras aruores senõ azinheiras. E por esta rrazon o chamon o Chaão das Bellotas. E som tã doces e tã saborosas que nõ as há tanto ē Espanha. E em este chaão iaz a cidade de Bued que he muy antiga cidade.» (fl. 15r.) 2. La production référée vient mentionnée en divers auteurs anciens. Le cinabre – désigné par cinnabar ou minium – était des pigments les plus prisés dans l’Antiquité. En citant Théophraste, Pline signale ses locaux d’origine en Espagne. Vitruve, aussi, rapporte ce pigment pour rappeler sa faible résistance à la lumière et aux agents chimiques atmosphériques, à cause, selon lui, de l’extraction du mercure – argentum vivum – en lui provocant la perte de la vis vitalis. Voir Plínio XXXIII, 119; Vitrúvio VII, 8-9; Luciana COLOMBO, I colori degli antichi. Fiesole, Nardini Editori, 1991, cap. IV. 3. Pl. XXXIII, 119. 4. La louange de l’Espagne, terre admirable, prédestinée par Dieu, où non seulement des mer-

La «Crónica Geral de Espanha», manuscrit appartenant à l’Academia das Ciências de Lisbonne depuis 1879, est une copie du XVème siècle de la Crónica de 1344 de D. Pedro Afonso, Comte de Barcelos. Le sujet de cette intervention est une brève notice, trouvée au folio 15r de ce manuscrit. Dans les premiers chapitres, l’Auteur fait une description des fastes légendaires des premiers temps d’Espagne; au chapitre XII commence la description de sa géographie, de Cordoue à Éciga; et, au chapitre XXXIII, est, ainsi, décrit le territoire de «Chão das Bellotas» et de Ariz.: «Du territoire du Chão de Bellotas: Chão de Bellotas confine avec le territoire d’Ariz et le Nord de Cordoue. Ariz est une ville habitée, jadis, par les barbares. On y trouve une colline où est située une mine de mercure, exporté vers toutes les régions d’Espagne. On y extrait, beaucoup de vermillon, de très bonne qualité, qui on ne connait un autre aussi bon que celui ramené de la terre d’outre-mer. Sur ce territoire les seuls arbres qui existent sont des chênes verts, raison pour laquelle cette terre s’appelle «Chão de Bellotas» – terroir des glands. Ces glands sont les plus doux et savoureux de toute l’Espagne. Là se trouve la ville, très ancienne, de Bued.» 1 Ce que cet auteur du XIVème siècle nous raconte était connu depuis l’Antiquité 2: la richesse en mercure du centre-sud de la Péninsule Ibérique. Les territoires d’Ariz et de Chão de Bellotas se situent au nord-ouest de Cordoue et, d’après la «Crónica», confinent avec Feriz ou Constantina, non loin d’Almadém, ou il y a beaucoup de gisements de mercure. La «terre d’outre-mer», que le texte cite comme zone d’origine d’un vermillon de pareille qualité, était, d’après Pline, en Méditerranée orientale, comprenant Éphèse (où on trouvait un cinabre très prisé par sa couleur rouge vif et d’extrême pureté) et la Colquide, en Mer Noire 3. Cette notice est très significative dans le contexte seigneurial de la «Crónica», car l’auteur cherche à rehausser l’importance des Espagnes, vu son Histoire et ses richesses naturelles. 4 Au Prologue il indique l’objectif à atteindre avec son texte: préserver la mémoire des exploits «des très nobles et sages barons», dont la lignée descend du «grand Hercule de Grèce.» (fl 2r); ensuite il fait, aussi, l’éloge des terres, pleines de toute sorte de richesses. «En Espagne existent plusieurs noblesses que ne

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peuvent être racontées; c’est pour cette raison que les anciens que sont vénus, en premier lieu, les peupler, l’ont beaucoup prisée, vues les bontés qu’ils y ont trouvé.» (fl. 10) 5 En Espagne on trouve beaucoup de rivières et de sources, bons airs, hautes montagnes, larges vallées et plaines, ou ce trouve tout ce que l’homme peut désirer. Ainsi certains ont dit que «l’Espagne est l’égale du paradis de Dieu» 6 (fl. 10). Elle est riche en poisson, fruits, pain, lait, bétail, gibier et vins, et «riche aussi en plomb, étain, cuivre, argent vif – mercure – fer, or et argent. Et cela grâce au grand nombre de mines que s’y trouvent, particulièrement dans la partie occidentale.» 7 (fl. 11). Par ça, «quel serait le grand prince ou puissant seigneur ou très fort gentilhomme que n’aimerait pas posséder ces terres?» 8 (fl. 11). C’est dans ce contexte qu’ensuite sont décrites les bontés et noblesses des différentes villes et ses territoires, dont celui qui est l’objet de cette notice. Mais, au delà des éloges sur la terre et ses lignées, on peut trouver d’autres indications dans cette intéressante information, nommément sur: • L’abondance de vermillon, ce que suggère qu’il était fréquemment utilisé en peinture et en enluminures; • Une justification pour le fait que le rouge continue á être la couleur principale, même quand ce n’était plus le cas dans les régions d’Europe.

1. L’usage du vermillon en enluminure Depuis quelque temps déjà, nous avons vérifié, à propos des enluminures du fond d’Alcobaça de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Lisbonne, que la plus abondante et simple initial colorie, ne présentant d’autres éléments distinctifs que la taille et la couleur, apparaît, en plus de la moitié des manuscrits des XIVème et XVème siècles, avec le rouge en alternance avec d’autres couleurs – vert, bleu et violette – et que, pour un quart des manuscrits, le rouge est la seule couleur utilisée. Donc, est de signaler la présence dominante du rouge. Au moment ou l’étude de la couleur des enluminures connait un nouveau élan au Portugal – ce que je salue avec beaucoup de plaisir et satisfaction, – permettez-moi de, à ce propos, rappeler brièvement les premiers essais en laboratoire, faits parmi nous et, en même temps, d’évoquer la mémoire de quelqu’un que nous a déjà quittée et fut pionnière en ces domaines. En 1984, dans le cadre d’assistance à l’élaboration d’une thèse de maîtrise à présenter au Département de Histoire de l’Art de l’Université Nouvelle de Lisbonne, Luísa Maria Alves, chef du laboratoire du – au temps – Institut José de Figueiredo, utilisant les méthodes pour l’analyse des peintures, initia un travail que, malheureusement, n’a pu avoir une dimension plus significative. Les critères d’échantillonnage étaient peu sélectifs. On cherchait une vision générale sur les matériaux des couleurs des enluminures et les techniques d’application, pour un ensemble de manuscrits du

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veilles naturelles naîtraient, mais aussi des hommes courageux, vient en Isidore de Séville (Laude Spaniae) et continue dans l’historiographie hispano-arabe, étant insérée, a partir d’ici, dans la Crónica do Mouro Rasis et dans la Cónica de 1344. Voir António REI, O Louvor da Hispânia na Cultura Letrada Medieval Peninsular. Das suas origens discursivas ao Apartado Geográfico da Crónica de 1344. Dissertation doctorale en Histoire Culturelle et des Mentalités Médiévales, présentée à la Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbonne, 2007, et aussi, sous le même titre, revue Medievalista on line, année 5, n.º 6, 2009. 5. «Em Espanha há muytas nobrezas, as quaaes nom podem seer comtadas; e porende os antigos que a começaram a pobrar muito a preçaram por as bondades que en ella vyron”. (fl 10) 6. Les images de la Crónica, surtout l’ornementation des marges, avec scènes champêtres, bucoliques, de chasse, de pêche, sont le réflexe de l’abondance e de la douceur du lieu. 7. «metaees de chumbo, d’estanho, de cobre, d’argem vyvo, de ferro, de ouro e de prata. E esto por grande multidom de vyeiros que há ē Espanha e especialmente em as partes de Ocidente.» (fl. 11) 8. «qual seerya aquelle grande príncipe ou senhor de grande poder ou muy forte baron que nõ fora contento de seer senhor de tal terra?» (fl. 11) 9. Cette dissertation, ayant le titre: Missais iluminados dos séculos XIV e XV – Contribuição para o estudo da iluminura em Portugal, je l’ai présentée en 1986, étant soutenue l’année suivante; elle n’est publiée que partiellement. 10. Lire: BNL – Bibliothèques Nationale de Lisbonne: BPMP – Bibliothèque Publique Municipale de Porto ; ANTT – Archive Nationale Torre do Tombo. 11. Voir la dissertation que j’ai présentée comme épreuves publiques au concours pour professeur coordinateur, Um olhar sobre a iluminura do Apocalipse de Lorvão. Tomar, 1998. Voir, aussi, «Animalia et aliae bestiae: Representações do

à propos d’une notice sur le vermillon

bestiário no Apocalipse de Lorvão”. In Animalia Presença e Representações. Lisbonne, Ed. Colibri, 2002, p. 79-99. 12. Luisa Maria P. A. ALVES, «Alguns aspectos relativos ao estudo dos materiais que entram na composição de alguns códices iluminados dos séculos XIV e XV» in 2.º Congresso Nacional de Bibliotecários, Arquivistas e Documentalistas. Coimbra, Liv. Minerva, 1987, p.439-465. 13. Les anciens appelaient minium secundarium ou cerusa usta à l’oxyde salin de plomb que, autant le moine Théophile que l’auteur anonyme du «De arte illuminandi», de même que Cennino Cennini et la plus part des auteurs de traités, préfèrent considérer comme minium à proprement dire. Cf. Franco BRUNELLO, De arte illuminandi e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura medievale. Vicenza, Neri Pozza Editore, 1992, pp. 211-212 e 234-235. Aussi l’abbé Frère João de Jesus Maria, du monastère bénédictin de Santo Tirso et professeur de pharmacie et directeur du Laboratoire Pharmacien du Jardin Botanique, à propos de la description du sang de dragon, dans un traité pharmacien inédit du XVIII siècle, História Pharmaceutica das Plantas Exóticas (…) – 1777 –, p. 209 e s., dit que celui ci ne se doive pas confondre avec le cinabre minéral, «chamado dos gregos minio; nome que hoje em dia unicamente se confere àquella operação feita de chumbo de que se dá notícia na Pharmacopeia Dogmática.» («appelé chez les grecs minium; nom donné aujourd’hui uniquement à l’opération faite de plomb de qu’on donne notice dans la Pharmacopeia Dogmática.») Cette œuvre correspond aux deux premiers tomes, déjà édités, étant la part inédite, le tome III, une adjonction. 14. Voir, Adelaide MIRANDA, et alii, «A cor na iluminura portuguesa – Uma abordagem interdisciplinar», in Revista de História da Arte, nº.5, Instituto de História da Arte, 2008, p. 228-245. L’ampleur de cet étude, comprenant centaines d’observations, ne peut pas être comparé avec la limitation de l’essai de caractérisation de la couleur que j’ai entrepris dans l’étude référé sur l‘enluminure de l’Apocalipse de Lorvão. Malgré tout, je registre, avec satisfaction, la coïncidence

XIVème et XVème siècles, tout en partant de livres de recettes, parmi lesquelles O Livro de que como se fazem as cores das tintas todas para aluminar os livros. Une sélection fut faite, de vingt trois manuscrits, la majeure partie datant des XIVème et XVème siècles, appartenant au fond d’Alcobaça de la BNL, au fond de Stª Cruz de la BPMP, au ANTT 10, à la Bibliothèque et au Musée de la Cathédrale de Viseu et à la Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora; au total on a couvert les différentes couleurs utilisées pour l’enluminure et l’écriture en 112 essais. Quelques années plus tard, en 1997-98, semblable recherche, plus limitée, fut faite ayant pour base le Livre de l’Apocalypse de Lorvão 11. Les résultats furent publiés pour la première fois dans le Deuxième Congrès National de Bibliothécaires, Archivistes et Documentalistes, en 1987. 12 Plusieurs pigments sont utilisés pour obtenir le rouge, mais cette recherche a révélé que le pigment qui est presque toujours présent c’est le vermillon, «minium» pour les anciens, qui donnaient ce nom au cinabre, ou «vermiculum» (vermillon – sulfure rouge de mercure) 13. En regardant les résultats provisoires présentés dans l’étude «A cor na iluminura portuguesa», du groupe pluridisciplinaire de l’UNL (que heureusement organisa cette conférence), on peut aussi vérifier l’utilisation de ce pigment dans les deux manuscrits référés (l’Apocalipse de Lorvão et le Livro das Aves) et la présence du rouge dans presque touts les autres sept documents 14. L’ampleur de cette étude, avec centaines d’observations, comme nous avons vu dans ces deux jours, se situe dans une échelle complètement différente de mes modestes et presque solitaires recherches. Je registre, quand même, quelque coïncidence d’analyse, comme celle la. Dans «O Livro de que como se fazem as cores», ainsi que sur le «Mappae Clavícula» on trouve cette recette de vermillon utilisé dans l’enluminure portugaise et dans la rubrication, au moins depuis l’Apocalypse de Lorvão, du final du XIIème siècle, aux manuscrits d’Alcobaça des XIVème et XVème siècles 15. La procédure est la même pour les deux livres de recettes, bien que les proportions de soufre et de mercure soient différentes: Un de souffre pour cinq de mercure, dans O livro de como se fazem as cores; deux pour un, dans le Mappae Clavicula (un par deux dans le Theophile). Cette coïncidence, fort intéressante – pour d’autres recettes aussi – nous révèle une tradition, développée, peut-être, à Santa Cruz, de Coimbra, ou le «Mappae Clavicula» est cité dans une liste de livres prêtés, du premier quartier du XIIIème siècle (1218), transcrit au manuscrit St.ª Cruz 34/43 16. La même tradition ce trouve aussi dans les autres «scriptoria», bien que, on ne trouve plus aucune mention de recettes de peinture. À Alcobaça, la seule recette technique que j’ai trouvée dans le fond de manuscrits décrit la façon de coller (solfar) le parchemin 17. Ici, dans ce période, la couleur n’avait pas l’importance du siècle précédent, regardant le soin technique et la diversité de la production, comme Adelaïde Miranda a démontré ce matin. Cette tradition de l’usage du vermillon pour écrire, se retrouve plus tard dans le «Breve Tratado de Illuminação», écrit par un frère de l’Ordre du Christ, de Thomar, et dans son contemporain «Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva» de Filipe Nunes, Dominicain, texte de 1615. 18

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2. La signification de l’usage du vermillon

d’analyse relativement a ce manuscrit.

Brièvement, dans l’étude effectuée, on a vérifié que, pour la période du XIVème et XVème siècles, 19 dans les différents fonds, il y a une pauvreté de la palette, la coïncidence des formules et procédures utilisés avec des livres de recettes, l’utilisation systématique de certains pigments, faciles à obtenir, et des procédures peux élaborées, comme par exemple la dorure. 20 Le rouge, centre de l’ancien système ternaire des couleurs, qui a pour pôles le blanc et le noir 21, est tenu, dans tout l’Occident, depuis les temps Protohistoriques, comme la première de toutes les couleurs, la couleur par excellence, avant «l’éclatement» de ce vieux schéma au XIIIème siècle 22. L’importance donnée à cette couleur, dans les «scriptoria» portugais (et aussi dans les ateliers de peinture), pourra signifier la permanence de vestiges de l’ancien système de couleurs que, d’après Michel Pastoureau, commence à se décomposer entre les siècles XI et XIII, pour donner place au système plus linéaire qu’on utilise encore aujourd’hui. 23 Mais, au de la de la facilité d’obtention, il faut aussi tenir compte le coût, relativement bas. Au livre des dépenses du Couvent du Christ à Thomar 24, de la première moitié du XVIème siècle, on trouve une série de prix des pigments pour les enlumineurs et pour les peintres, ce que peut-être utilisé pour faire une comparaison de coûts relatifs. On peut admettre que ce rapport se maintient, «grosso modo», dans des périodes antérieurs. Ainsi, le vermillon coûtait entre 120 et 53 Réis la livre (arrátel), selon la qualité du produit, alors que pour le bleu, la valeur va de 400 Réis la livre (arrátel) à 1050 l’once (28, 69 grammes) 25, prix du «bleu fin». Le prix du mercure (azougue) était de 100 Réis la livre (arrátel). Selon le même registre de dépenses, l’enlumineur António de Hollanda était payé de 6000 Réis pour chaque frontispice, 500 Réis pour chaque «lettre à vignette», 80 Réis pour lettre simple en indigo (anil), bleu et or, et 40 Réis pour lettre en noir. On voit, donc, que le prix du bleu courant 26 était, plus ou moins, trois fois et demie plus cher que celui du vermillon, alors que le «bleu fin» (peut-être du lapis-lazuli) était 140 fois plus cher. Le bleu était le plus cher des pigments indiqués. Il suffisait à António de Hollanda d’enluminer une «lettre à vignette» pour pouvoir acheter quatre livres de vermillon, mais seulement un peu plus d’une livre de bleu courant; et il lui faudrait un frontispice pour s’offrir une once de bleu fin. L’abondance de vermillon explique, probablement, non seulement son coût relativement bas, mais aussi son usage fréquent. Revenons à la Crónica Geral de Espanha. On ne pourra y parler ni de pauvreté de palette, ni de contentions, tel que dans d’autres manuscrits du XVème siècle 27. Le recours aux commandes royales, de que ce manuscrit est exemple, pendant le XVème et le XVIème siècle, introduit une certaine opulence et une mise au goût international dans la production de manuscrit. Bien que pour la «Crónica» on ne dispose d’aucune étude en laboratoire pour les pigments et agglutinants, on peut essayer, avec toute prudence, pour ce que j’ai dénommé de deuxième style d’ornementation 28, un certain rapport avec des manuscrits de la même époque, où on trouve l’emploi d’identiques

15. Voir O livro de como se fazem as cores, cap. XV: «Para fazeres vermelhon, toma cinco libras de fujativo . ides. azogue e põe-no en ũa arredoma o tigela grande vidrada e toma ũa libra de pedra de enxofre been miuda e deita-lhe o poo do enxofre poco e poco sobre o arjen vivo ata que seja been encorporado, e toda via mecendoo con pee de cão con sua pele e sa laa ata que se torne o fogo como cinza e depoes que asi for mortificado deitao en duas olhas novas que sejam feitas como aredomas enjas de joso e estreitas encima e não fique por encerar de elas senão un furaco pequeno por o saya o umor e porás as olhas sobre o fogo en suas fornalhas e baras ben con o baro e poen ũa tijela en cima dos purados e quando o fumo vires que sal vermelho e não feder mete dentro no furaco un espeto delgado e si algua cosa se apegar ao espeto tira as olhas do fogo e leixão esfiar e depoes que for frio quebranta as panelas e ajaraa o bermelhõo feito .e por este peso faras quanto vermelhon quisieres fazer e a ũa terça doazogue poye 5 libras do enxofre e a 5 libras da azogue ũa libra de enxofre equilheres ental guisa o fogo que não se queme edalhe fuego temperado nen bivo nen manso e te se per ventura sese quemar o vermelhão quebranta as olhas e moiyo e encorporao e misturao con otro peso dazogue e de enxofre e poeno en otras olhas e faze como dito e: e para been mentes nos fumos como saen asi e nunca eraras.» (Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Lisboa, S. 3 (4), 1960,(transcription provisoire de José Ramos); voir aussi le Mappae Clavicula, la première recette: «De vermiculo. Si vis facere Vermiculum, accipe ampullam vitream et lini deforis de luto, et sic accipe unum pondus vivi argenti, et duo pondera sulfuris albi aut crocei coloris, et mitte ipsam ampullam super iij. aut iiij. petras, et adhibe ignem in circuitu ampulle ex carbonibus, ignem tamen lentissimum, et sic cooperies ampullam ex parvissima tegula: et, quando videris fumum exire ex ore ampullae blavum, cooperi: et quando exierit fumus crocei coloris, iterum cooperi: et quando videris exire fumum rubeum quasi vermiculum, sic tolle ignem, et habeas vermicullum optimum in ampulla». Au chap. CV on voit un autre recette très pareille à celle du Composi-

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tiones ad tingenda – «De compositione cinnabarin – Tolles ydroargiris (mercure) mundi partes ii et sulfuris vivi partem i et mitte in ampullam, sine fumo, et lento igni, decoquens, facies cinnabarin, et lava utiliter.» (Thomas Phillips, Mappae Clavicula; manuscript traetise on the preparation of pigments, and on various processes of the decorative arts practised during the Middle Ages. London, 1847, p. 7). Dans un autre traité, le Manuscrit de Bologne – Libro dei colori (moitié du XVème s.), écrit en l’Italie, où, tel qu’en Espagne, abondait le mercure, on peut voir deux recettes dont les coïncidences avec le Mappae Clavícula sont évidentes: «Ad faciendum cinabrium – Tolli una parte de argento vivo et doi parte de solfo giallo e necto e bem macinato poi pone omne cose in una bocia et incoprila legiermente cum luto de sapientia poi la pone in lo fornello et dalli da prima lo foco ligireo et copre la boca della bocia cum una tegola, e quando tu vederai lo fumi giallo continua lo foco per in fino che vedrai uscire el fumo rosso o vermeglio alora tolj via lo foco et quando será freddo troverai bello cinapro.» «– Ad idem alio modo. – Habeas unam ampollam vitream lutata de luto sapientie usque ad summum collj deinde recipe partes duas sulforis albi et bene triti et partem unam argenti vivi postea pone in ampulla sopradicta et fac de carbonibus ignem lepidissimum et circa eam cum quatuor lapidibus et ponem ampullam desuper et coperi eum cum tegula et sepe discoperias et quando videbis fumum lividum coperi dummodo videbis exire fumum rubeum tunc tolle ab igne quod factum erit.» (M Merrifield, p. 326. Cap. VII, n. 182 e 183 – Secreti Per Colori.) 16. Voir António CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra na cultura portuguesa da Idade Média. Porto, 1964, p. 203. 17. Voir l’Ordinário do Ofício Divino, BNL, Alc. 63, fl. 147v. 18. Breve Tratado de Ilvminação composto por hum religioso da ordem de Xp.º (...). Bibliothèque Générale de l’Université de Coimbra, Col. Jardim Histórico, vol XXXVII, ms. n.º 344. Voir au chap. IX,, part 1.ère, une recette pour faire

motifs et de procédures d’usage de la couleur: lettres phytomorphiques, ramures avec feuilles d’acanthe e lancéolées que se prolongent, en tige, vers les zones périphériques, mais aussi une évolution de la palette depuis la période antérieure et, principalement, le perfectionnement des procédures, créant un plus large chromatisme. 29 Les images de la «Crónica», dessinés et colorées, comme on l’a déjà dit, au XVème siècle, nous fournissent une donné intéressante, sur les couleurs utilisées pour les représentations du roi, la figuration la plus importante. Tout d’abord on trouve l’or comme fond en toutes les pages, lettres ornées et miniatures, ce qui est rare dans l’enluminure portugaise de cette époque ; cela la transforme en ouvrage d’apparat, où la filigrane, l’ornement le plus courant, disparaît complètement. D’autre part, à l’envers du reste de l’Europe, la couleur principale pour les vêtements royaux est le rouge, à deux exceptions prés, ou le bleu domine: le roi décédé Alphonse VI (fl. 289r.) et le roi enfant Henri I de Castille (fl. 285r.), le voyant, dans la scène de l’acclamation, sur une estrade recouvert dans drap rouge. 30 Ce langage des images, incorporées dans la «Crónica» à un moment différent de celui de l’écriture, 31 introduit un nouveau discours, ou le roi est présent et domine, jouant le rôle principal. C’est en lui qui se fonde la légitimité, renversant, ainsi, le ton seigneurial sous-jacent au texte de la «Crónica». Ça veut dire que la façon de représenter le roi, n’est pas dépendent d’une raison graphique ou d’une combinaison chromatique, par exemple, la loi de l’alternance: mais son image est construite avec une intentionnalité, montrant clairement ses attributs. Nous allons vous présenter l’exemple le plus significatif. L’image du folio 185v, représente le roi Jacques II d’Aragon (1291-1329), frère de la reine Sainte Isabelle, épouse de D. Dinis. La figure, un buste, est inscrite dans l’initial D, construite avec des motifs architecturaux, en fond d’or piqué. Le roi est représenté de front, avec des cheveux coupés court, mode la plus répandue dans la «Crónica» 32, avec une longue barbe en boucles et peigné en deux; coiffé d’une riche couronne, il est habillé en rouge. Cette image du roi, avec la force du portrait, est la plus élaborée de toute la «Crónica», ce que relève l’importance, dans ce manuscrit, de l’iconographie des rois d’Aragon. Avec de belles proportions et un aspect solennel, nous sommes tentés de y voir l’allégorie de la «Cour Impériale» (Corte imperial – XIVème siècle), ouvrage existant à la bibliothèque du roi D. Duarte, ou se décrit la figure de l’Empereur – le Christ – « visage vénérable, inspirant l’amour et la crainte, une barbe abondante, divisée en deux au menton, des yeux beaux, simples et clairs, avec une couronne de pierres précieuses sur la tête. C’était, on le voyait, le plus parfait des hommes.» 33 Le traitement spécial de la tête du roi, la partie la plus noble du corps, montre que le roi est la tête du royaume, tout comme le Christ l’est par rapport à l’Église. Cette image peut, donc, évoquer la grâce spéciale du roi – une sorte de dualité, comme le Christ, que vient de la grâce divine 34 – mise en évidence par l’or, la couleur de la divinité, et par le rouge, la couleur de l’humanité. D’autres exemples de l’iconographie royale pourraient être indiqués, démontrant la préférence pour le rouge, comme c’est le cas du célèbre portrait de D. João I, au Musée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, dont la datation du XVème siècle fut,

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récemment, mise en cause 35, ou l’image de D. Manuel, comme roi David, du «Missal Rico» de S. Cruz de Coimbra 36. Or et rouge paraissent être attributs royaux, couleurs présentes aussi dans les armoiries des rois portugais. De la simple notice, du XIVème siècle, qu’on a lu dans un manuscrit écrit et enluminé au XVème siècle, on peut déduire, grâce à quelques donnés et une certaine fantaisie, que le vermillon, abondant dans la Péninsule Ibérique, continue d’être une source privilégié et plus bon marché pour obtenir ce rouge lumineux qu’on trouve dans notre enluminure et que va garder ici, pendant tout le Moyen Age, le statut de color principalis. 37

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(«aparelhar») le vermillon à écrire. Filipe NUNES, Arte da Pintura Symetria e Perspectiva. Composto por Philippe Nunes natural de Vila Real. Ed. Fac-similé a partir de l’éd. de 1615, avec introduction de Leontina Ventura. Porto, Ed. Paisagem, 1982. Voir ici les fls. 65 e 66: «Tomase hum pucaro nouo, e nelle se bota o enxofre. E o azougue partes iguais, e depois se barra muito bem que não saya o bafo fora, e posto ao fogo até que se encorpore hũa cousa com outra por espaço de sinco ou seis horas.» 19. Voir la dissertation citée (note 9), Missais iluminados dos séculos XIV e XV […]. On a utilisée les études réalisées au Laboratoire Centrale de l’Institut José de Figueiredo, publiées, aussi, par Luísa Maria P. A. ALVES, O.c., note 1.ère. 20. En Alcobaça, la dorure est très imparfaite quant à la préparation et quant aux résultats obtenus. Alors on peut penser que dans ce scriptorium on prêtait peu d’attention a cette procédure, dispensable dans la notation du texte, au contraire des traités de recettes, tel que le Mappae Clavícula ou le O Livro de como se fazem as cores, où on peut trouver une large quantité de recettes dédiées à cette procédure.

le roi jacques ii d’aragon – crónica geral de espanha – academia das ciências – lisbonne, ms. 1 azul, fl. 185v.

Biographie Email: hpeixeiro@ipt.pt / hpeixeiro@gmail.com Né en 1945, a fait la licence en Histoire (Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, 1976) et la maitrise en Histoire de l’Art (Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa 1986). Professeur Coordinateur au Instituto Politécnico de Tomar les dernières 22 années de ça carrières, actuellement est en retraite. Dans les prochaines années est proviseur de l’étudiant au même Institut. Ses études sur le livre manuscrit sont centrés sur l’enluminure portugaise aux XIVème et XVème siècles.

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21. Thomas de Verceil, dans sa théorie mystique de la couleur, définit Dieu comme blanc et rouge, lumière e chaleur: «Indicibiliter se candidum et rubicundum ostendit (Deus) [...] ita ut nihil aliud sit sua luciditas quam sua igneitas, nec minus igneitas quam luciditas» Cit. em E. de BRUYNE, La estética en la Edad Media. Madrid, Visor, 1994, p. 130. Au Portugais on continue a utilisé les mots «corar» et «corado» (coloratus) pour indiquer l’action de donner une teinte ou de rougir ou quelque chose coloré de rouge, vestiges de l’importance du rouge comme couleur par excellence. 22. Michel PASTOUREAU, Figures et couleurs – Études sur la symbolique et la sensibilité médiévales. Paris, Le Léopard d’Or, 1986, p. 37. 23. Cf. M. PASTOUREAU, Couleurs, images et symboles – Études d`histoire et anthropologie. Paris, Le Léopard D’Or (1988), p. 23.

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24. ANTT, Livro 23, Despesa das obras do convento de Tomar, feita por Fr.Gaspar, fora da empreitada de João de Castilho, Tomar, 1533-1539. Inédites. Fl. 137-185. Cf. Sylvie DESWARTE, Les Enluminures da la Leitura Nova. 1504-1552 – Études sur la culture artistique au Portugal au temps de l’Humanisme. Paris, F.C. Gulbenkian, 1977, p. 211. L’auteur transcrit les payements faits à António de Holanda. Voir, aussi, Maria Amélia P. S. CASANOVA, A pintura de Gregório Lopes em Tomar sob o mecenato de Frei António Lisboa. Lisbonne, 2002, thèse de maitrise, sous presse. Ici l’auteur collige la documentation complète relative aux contrats avec les enlumineurs et les dépenses faites dans les achats des matériaux. 25. L’ «arrátel» fait 0,459 kilo et seize onces et l’once fait 28,69 grammes. 26. L’atelier du peintre Gregório Lopes (c. 1485c.1550) utilisa, pour le bleu, l’azurite, et pour le rouge on employait toujours le vermillon et fréquemment l’ocre rouge, la garance et le kermès. Voir Luísa Maria ALVES et Vitor SERRÃO (Coord.), Estudo da Pintura Portuguesa – Oficina de Gregório Lopes. Lisbonne, Instituto José de Figueiredo, 1999, pp. 179-232. 27. Voir les manuscrits produits dans l’entourage de la cours d’Avis: Leal Conselheiro e o Livro da Ensinança de Bem Cavalgar – B. Nacional de Paris, Fonds portugais, n.º 5 (1433-38); Vida e Feitos de Júlio César – Escorial, Monasreio de San Lorenzo, Q-I-37, (1446-85); Ordinários do Ofício divino – Alc. 62 (1475) et Alc. 63 (1483); Missal Cisterciense – Alc. 459 (2.ª moitié do XVème s.); Livro da Virtuosa Benfeitoria – cód. 9, Real Ac. de Hist. de Madrid – il a appartenu au fils de D. Pedro, le connétable – (ca. 1430), et un autre exemplaire de la Biblioteca Municipal de Viseu, cofre n.º 14 (ca. 1430); Vida de Cristo de Ludolfo de Saxónia – Alc. 451-453 (1440-50). Dans l’Alc. 451 on voit, au fl. 56v. «Ata aqui fez o scripvam del Rey» (Jusqu’ici il était fait par l’écrivain du Roi) et au fl. 57r l‘indication de qu’il en a achevé d’écrire et relier Fr. Bernardo de Alcobaça, 1445-1446.

28. Le deuxième style on peut le caractériser par les feuillages et les ramures. Plus simple et retenu, ce programme privilégie la lettre initiale, quelques fois se prolongeant sur les marges, en excluant toute sorte de figuration. C’est ce modèle qui on voit aussi dans d’autres manuscrits sortis du même atelier royal, tel que le Leal Conselheiro et ceux qui sont désignés dans la note précédente, où c’est possible voir l’identité de motifs et procédés. 29. Les nuances appliquées sur le tom de base ont l’objectif d’obtenir non seulement les lumières (lumina) et l’ombre (tractus), comme il vient décrits dans le De diversis Artibus du moine Théophile, mais, surtout, le modelé, avec évidentes influences de la technique de la peinture. On assiste, nommément, au retour du jaune (étain et plomb) et à l’élimination du contour en noir. 30. Les autres représentations du roi, trouvées à la Crónica, son les suivantes: fl.155r. – Le roi avec manteau rouge, assis, dans la scène du taureau; fl. 160r – Le roi maure de Tolède avec son manteau rouge prenant sa femme chrétienne; fl. 182 r – Le roi Pierre III d’Aragon avec manteau écarlate et vert; fl.185v. Le roi Alphonse III d’Aragon s’habille en rouge et bleu; Jacques II d’Aragon s’habille en rouge; fl. 205 r – Rencontre amoureux de D. Urraca et El Cid; fl. 266r – La reine Urraca s’habille en rouge et son amant le comte de Lara, en écarlate; fl. 287 v – Tête de roi dans un fond rouge; fl.318r. – Le roi Alphonse X, le sage, s’habille en rouge écarlate.

32. La mode des cheveux coupés courts, rasés dans la nuque et sur les oreilles, tombant en frange sur le front, semble être initié en France vers 1420. Voir QUICHERAT, J., Histoire du costume en France depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’a la fin du XVIIIe siècle. 1875-77, p. 256. On peut voir que les figures représentées dans le polyptiques de La Vénération de S. Vincent, du Musée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, œuvre contemporaine ou presque de les images de la «Crónica», ont les cheveux coupés de la mêmes façon, nommément le personnage que la tradition a identifié comme l’Infant D. Henrique, mais que probablement sera son frère, le roi D. Duarte. Le costume a, aussi, des éléments communs. 33. Voir Mário MARTINS, «A Corte Imperial». Alegorias e símbolos e exemplos morais da literatura medieval portuguesa. Lisbonne, Ed. Brotéria, 1980, p. 208. 34. WIRTH, Jean, L’image médiévale. Naissance et développements (VIe- XVe siècle). Paris, Méridiens Klincksieck, 1989, p. 211. 35. Voir José Alberto Seabra CARVALHO, «O retrato de D. João I – Revisão crítica». Revista de História da Arte, nº. 5, 2008, p. 67-75. 36. Voir Horácio A. PEIXEIRO, «Um missal iluminado de Santa Cruz», in A Luz do mundo – Oceanos, 26, Avril-Juin, 1996, pp. 60-69. 37. Je remerci Manuel Guedes Vieira de la traduction en français de ce texte.

31. Sur ce sujet j’ai écrit un petit texte, en train d’être publié à la Revista de História da Arte, de l’Institut d’Histoire de l’Art, Faculté de Sciences Sociales et Humaines de L’Université Nouvelle de Lisbonne, inséré au Project Imago, développé dans le même Institut: Imagem e tempo – Representações do poder na Crónica Geral de Espanha. Là je pose l’hypothèse de la «Crónica» pouvoir être enluminée pendant le règne de D. Duarte ou, même, dans la période de la régence do son frère, l’Infant D. Pedro.

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Resumo A escolha do ligante para as tintas da iluminura foi um dos aspectos técnicos mais importantes a ter em conta no passado, uma vez que este pode interagir de forma diferente com os pigmentos e contribuir de forma decisiva para o efeito visual. O temperar dos pigmentos para a iluminura ocupa uma parte significativa da maioria dos tratados medievais sobre técnicas artísticas, sendo descrito com detalhe tanto a sua preparação como as misturas e aplicações. Este artigo estuda e organiza a informação relativa aos ligantes referidos em importantes fontes históricas e textuais, com o objectivo de esclarecer se a escolha de um certo ligante estava associada ao tipo de pigmento ou ao efeito visual final; e também, de fornecer um instrumento útil de apoio à documentação necessária às análises em laboratório e à própria interpretação dos dados analíticos.

palavras-chave ligante iluminura tratados medievais investigação das fontes

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Abstract The choice of the binding media in manuscript illumination was one of the most important technical aspects as each medium interacts differently with pigments and optical results can be quite different. Most medieval treatises on art technology dedicate extensive parts on tempering pigments for illumination, explaining with details their preparation, mixtures and use. The paper will study and organize the information regarding binding media quoted in these important historic textual sources, with the aim to clarify several technical issues concerning the choice of a binder in relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final appearance of colours; and second, to provide a useful tool for the documentary support of laboratory analysis and for the correct interpretation of analytical results.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words binding media manuscript illumination medieval treatises source research

binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research st e fa n o s k ro u sta l l i s stefanos.kroustallis@gmail.com

Introduction Manuscript illumination is an aqueous painting technique and therefore needs a binder to keep the pigment particles together, facilitate its application with a reed, quill or brush, and also improve its adherence to the surface of parchment, the writing material par excellence in European Middle Ages. The choice of the binding medium was very important because each medium interacts differently with pigments and can change its optical properties. Thus, medium preparation and mixture with pigment was one of the essential parts of the whole process of manuscript illumination. A good example is the scheme of painting materials and techniques in medieval treatises on art technology, where tempering is as important as pigment identification, preparation and mixtures. What is more, the anonymous author of the late eleventh century treatise De clarea warns that to make something beautiful it is necessary to prepare materials properly, in his case the different ways to prepare glair (Thompson 1932: 15). Medieval treatises on art technology are one of the most important sources for the study of binding media in manuscript illumination (Clarke 2001). Illumination was a major sumptuary art, as illuminated manuscripts were gifts of high esteem due to the wealth of materials and the symbolic value of images. For this reason, it is not surprising that illumination is one of the techniques that constantly appear in these treatises, either as specific technical process or as part of pictorial arts. The study and organization of this information can, first, clarify several technical issues concerning the choice of a binder in relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final appearance of colours; and second, can provide a useful tool for the documentary support of laboratory analysis.

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Binding media The principal binding media used in manuscript illumination were clarified egg white or glair (clare, albumen, glarea, albugine ovi); gums, such as gum arabic (gumma): and glues, such as fish glue (ichtyocollon), casein glue (glutine casei) or parchment size (cola pergamena). In most cases binders were applied alone, but depending on the technique or pigment, mixtures were also prepared in different proportions.

Glair Glair (from the late Latin clarea, from Latin clarus, clear) is the settled liquid of the egg white froth. There are three ways to prepare glair that, ultimately, are the three ways to make the egg white in to foam. First, by whipping egg whites (verberata, fracta, percutita) with a wooden whisk 1 or spoon; second, by pressing and squeezing them with a sponge (cassata, spongiata); and, third, by passing them through a wool or linen cloth. A survey of medieval treatises points out that until the twelfth century whipping was the only method used. The reason is given by the anonymous author of De clarea treatise who states that the use of a sponge or a filter could contaminate glair either with grease and dirt of hands or with impurities of the sponge or cloth and the result would be a weak and brittle binding media (Thompson 1956: 15). When Theophilus in his Schedula diversum artium 2 refers to glair it is always the one prepared by whipping (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 31-38). However, it seems that since the thirteenth century the sponge method gained currency and the references to clara ovi spongiata become more common 3. In very few cases it is recommended the use of a funnel-shaped wet linen filter to prepare glair (Heraclius treatise, Merrifield, 1967: 233). Glair beating was a laborious and complicated process, mostly because any failure would mean the loss of its adhesive power. De clarea text is quite explicit: containers should be very clean without grease and brass vessels shouldn´t be used, as glair can turn greenish (Thompson 1932: 17). The last comment is interesting because it shows also how everyday experience interferes with artistic praxis: copper containers stabilize egg white foam and does not settle, something desired for culinary purposes but not for artistic ones (McGee 2004: 102-103; Perego 2005: 511). Moreover, if egg white is not well beaten pigments could not be tempered easily, states again our anonymous author (Thompson 1932: 19). Glair consists mainly of water (circa 88%; Colombini and Modugno 2009: 167) and proteins (with hydrophilic and hydrophobic amino acids) and a strong beating that creates foam means that proteins become completely denaturized and, once settled, glair can be mixed with water and become a binding medium for manuscript illumination. Again the author of the De clarea treatise draw special attention to the fact that if glair was not well beaten it would behave as if it was glue, so pigments would not run well from the pen of the scribe and the colour would appear unsightly on parchment (Thompson 1956: 19). The proof that glair was well whipped was that foam could remain adhered to the container without running. Then glair was left to rest with the container tilted, so when the

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1. At the De clarea treatise we have a very good description and even a drawing of this wooden whisk (f. 2r). At the De arte illuminandi a brush (pinzellum situlare) was also used to whip egg (Brunello 1992: 89). An anecdotic case is described in an Italian recipe from the XIII century where glair was the binding media for vermilion applied with quill «bene rocta con la spongna o con la scopa et con l´artifiggio delfico» (Tossati Soldano 1978: 142). 2. Current research considers that the treatise is a composite text and the author (or authors) was a compilation; see Clarke, M. (2011) «Reworking Theophilus: adaptation and use in workshop texts», in: A. Speer et al.(eds.) Die «Schedula diversarum artium» – ein Handbuch mittelalterlicher Kunst? (in series Miscellanea Mediaevalia). Berlin–New York: W. de Gruyter. 3. For example, Experimenta de coloribus (Merrifield 1967: 56); De coloribus diversis modis (Merrifield 1967: 265); Liber diversarum arcium (Libri 1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1); Libro secondo de diversi colori where the author recommends to use four sponges bound together (Wallert 1995: 40, 42); or the fifteenth century Bolognese manuscript (Merrifield 1967: 466).

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4. Old glair was a very common varnish in manuscript illumination and bookbinding as it forms resistant and elastic films, although its permeability and solubility decreases with ageing (Colombini and Modugno 2009: 238). For example, Theophilus recommends old glair to varnish gilded areas (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 37).

foam would become liquid it could be easily collected. In that moment it was really important to control environmental conditions as low temperatures could freeze glair and high ones could dry it. Finally, glair was kept in a glazed clay pot or even in the shell of the egg because according to a widespread medieval belief, the natural container of substances was the best to conserve them. It seems that old glair was more appreciated than the new one. The author of De coloribus faciendis recommends to use a three or four days old glair as a binder for the mixture of red lead and vermilion, because colour would look shine with a short of varnish brilliancy (Merrifield 1967: 142) and the author of De coloribus naturalia used old putrefied glair to give shine and strength to blue pigments (Thompson, 1935: 139). Glair could be modified with water to improve pigment’s fluidity, once tempered. Theophilus in his treatise recommends beating egg white with water in summer and without it in winter, so it would never become too dry or too aqueous (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36). Glair was an optimal medium for miniature painting, free flowing and easily applicable, but there were also some inconveniences in its use as a binding media, besides the above-mentioned difficulties. The main disadvantage was the formation of bubbles while pigments were tempered (spumositates de coloribus), which was really annoying to illuminators. The recommendation of almost all authors to avoid this problem was to add earwax (ceroti auricule) in the mixture, especially if it was going to be used with azurite blue and vermillion (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849: 747; Clarke 2011 §1.3.19). Another problem was the fact that if glair stayed too long mixed with pigments it could damage them. It seems that, again, blue pigments were the problem, as many authors warn not to work more than a day with the pigment tempered with glair, because becomes darker and its beauty gets spoiled (Livro de como se fazen as cores, Blondheim 1930-1: 82; De coloribus faciendis, Merrifield 1967: 134; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410). As glair reduces the natural saturation of colours, sometimes pigments had to be varnished after drying 4. Another inconvenience is that, unlike egg yolk and gums that can be used more or less immediately, glair needs to be prepared a few hours before it can be used, as it has to sit and the older it is, the better it gets. Many of these difficulties were resolved with the mixture of adhesives. For example, as glair dries fast, yolk was added and, at the same time, the intensity and brilliancy of yolk was combined with the durability of glair (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410).

Egg yolk Egg yolk (vitello ovi) was the foremost medium for panel painting in late medieval and early Renaissance Europe. But, according medieval treatises on art technology, it was rarely used alone as a binder in manuscript illumination. As the author of De clarea stated, the reasons was that it had not a good adhesive power, as it is more greasy than glair, pigment surface cracked and made spots (Thompson 1932: 73). But as egg yolk left pigments brighter, he also recommended mixing it with glair and taking advantage of the characteristics of both media. The use of this mixture is also found in the Marciana manuscript, where putrefied glair and yolk is specially recom-

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mended for «colours which have no body» (Merrifield 1967: 610). The anonymous author of the twelfth century Hi sunt omnes colores also quotes the use of yolk as a binding media for illumination, together with glair and cherry gum (Novák 1996: 77). Finally, pigments tempered only with yolk clot on the brush, so only a small amount could be applied each time. Therefore, the amount of water in the tempering process would be really important, as it could influence the transparency of the colour. The preparation process was really easy: egg yolk was removed from its sac by making a hole very carefully with a thorn or a needle and it was mixed with a drop of water (De coloribus et artibus romanorum, Merrifield 1967: 235).

Gums Gum arabic was one of the most common binding media for pigments in manuscript illumination and the exclusive medum in writing inks. As the author of the Liber diversarum arcium states (Libri 1849: 766; Clarke 2011 §1.23.1), this gum was imported from Arabia and there were commercially available three kinds, according colour: the best quality was the white one (albam 5) and of a lower quality was the yellow (citrinum) and the pink (subrussum). The gum was very easy to prepare and use: it was commercialized in solid lumps, which were powdered or soaked in water, until they were completely dissolved. Then it was tested with fingers: if they stuck together tightly, then it was well done, if not, more gum should be added. Finally, it was filtered with a linen cloth and mixed with pigments. The main advantages of gum arabic are its high solubility in water, its good adhesive power, and the fact that gives intensity to colours, as it saturates pigments. The disadvantage is its brittleness, and normally it had to be emulsified with natural plasticizers like honey. However, we must take into account that during Middle Ages «gum arabic» was also a generic term to refer to any kind of gum used as a binding medium in painting techniques. In the case of manuscript illumination cherry and plum gums (the «local» ones 6) were frequently used. It is obvious that access to true gum arabic depended on commercial routes to and from Northeast Africa (Senegal still is the main gum Arabic producing country), something that not always was possible. Yet in the sixteenth century the famous Spanish physician Andrés Laguna, stated that in his time «the ordinary gum arabic in drugstores unworthily have such a name [...] as it was born here, among us, from plums, pear, cherry and almond trees» (Laguna 1556: 87). That is why, in this case, the commercial aspect was very important as, according Prosperus Alpini, the fact that the gum came directly «from Egypt or Arabia then was the original, as they don´t have plum, cherry or other gum trees» (Alpini 1592: f. 5r). But the fact that it was very common to commercialize local fruit trees gums under the name of gum arabic does not mean necessarily that artists were tricked into using a gum of lower quality. It is well known that in Middle Ages the appearance of a substance prevailed over any other property and a gum that was a good binder in manuscript illumination could be perfectly considered as «gum arabic». For example, in the text Hi sunt omnes colores we read that pigments for books were tempered with cherry gum, because it could be used either with water or wine and it could maintain

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5. The term albam here is not used in the sense of something opaque white, but in the sense of something bright and transparent; for example, a common adjective for water is also albam. That is why the author of De Arte Illuminandi recommends to chose always a gum that is lucidisima or albam et claram (Brunello 1992: 99). 6. It seems that Theophilus´ recommendation to use local products, equally good and less expensive, rather than imported ones is quite applicable in this case (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 12).

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its strength even for a year (Novák 1996: 77). A century later, the author of the treatise De coloribus naturalia exscripta et collecta, gives a recipe to prepare an artificial gum arabic, using also cherry gum (Thompson 1935: 143). In the Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum the author tells us that the gum from plum tree was also a good binder (Thompson 1926: 287). Cherry gum gives great transparency and brightness to colours, but it is only partially soluble in water (60% soluble fraction and 40% insoluble one; Perego 2005: 338). In the above mentioned text Hi sunt omnes colores cherry gum was prepared either by softened in water a whole night or by boiling it with water or with wine (Novák 1996: 77). Also Theophilus recommendation that cherry and plum gums should be left in sun, during summer, or close to fire, during winter, is probably due to this low solubility of both gums (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33). A prolonged boiling can transform them into a substance similar to gum arabic (Perego 2005: 340). The advantage of using cherry gum in tempering pigments for illumination is that it is less viscous than gum arabic, although cherry gum films chips easily if used alone and for that reason it has to be emulsified also with honey or fig tree sap. It seems that also almond tree gum was used a binder, but less frequent than cherry or plum tree gums. For example, in the text Tractatus qualiter quilibet artificialis color fieri possit almond gum was mixed with glair in a gilding process with gold leaves (Thompson 1934-5: 467-8). Gum tragacanth (adragante, draganto) appears in De arte illuminandi as a binder in manuscript illumination but its use is anecdotic (its adhesive power is less than other gums) and only as an additive to other gums or glair (probably as an emulsifier) for the tempering of blue pigments (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410) or in parchment gilding (De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 45). The use of tragacanth gum is problematic due to, first, the fact that it is only partially soluble in water and it is one of the most viscous vegetables gums; and, second, it gives mat pictorial films (Perego 2005: 334-335).

Glues Glues of animal origin were used since Antiquity in art techniques (Pliny, Historia Naturalis: 28.236), particularly in woodworks, sculpture, panel or wall painting, textiles. Animal glues derive from collagen, a protein present in skins, bones, and connective tissue. Various types of animal glues are available, according to animal or the part used. In illumination techniques parchment size (cola pergamena) and fish glue (cola piscium, ichtyocola) are the ones that most often appear in medieval treatises on art technology, mainly in gilding, chrysography, tempering certain colours or as additives to glair or gum arabic. Recipes for its preparations are very common in medieval treatises like De arte illuminandi (Brunello 1992: 93), Livro de como se fazen as cores (Blondheim 1930-1: 82) or De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 190). Parchment size was considered as the highest quality of all animal glues and it was prepared by boiling parchment clippings, until broth got concentrated (Heraclius treatise, Merrifield 1967: 230); then it was strained through a piece of cloth and allowed to cool. Parchment size was used mostly in gilding on parchment. Parchment size does not

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spread so easily as gums or glair, so they are easier to use when precision is needed but shrinkage is considerable and plasticizers should be used (Horie 2005: 143). Fish glue (or «isinglass» when it was prepared from swim bladders) was prepared in a similar way, by boiling skins or bones in water, although for the purest form the swim bladders were used. The most famous fish glue was the one made from the sturgeon fish (Heraclius treatise, Merrifield 1967: 192), but other fishes were also used, like pike or eels (Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 148-9; Schedula of Theophilus, Dodwell 1961: 29). It seems that fish glue was a common binder in manuscript illumination on parchment, as the eighth century manuscript Compositiones ad tingenda quotes (Hedfors 1932: 33), although in latter treatises fish glue was used normally in gilding techniques, chrysography and argyrography (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 56). Fish glue is transparent, with good adhesive power and it does not darken as do other animal glues (Colombini and Modugno 2009: 168) and its solutions resist gelling in room temperature (it can melt even at 6º C while parchment size has to be kept warm during use, as it needs 30-50º C; Horie 2005: 143). Fish glue is too sensible in the presence of salt (Perego 2005: 220), so it is incompatible with pigments like salt verdigris. Cheese glue (or casein glue) was another animal protein glue based on casein and obtained from milk or cheese, mixed with an alkali 7 (Horie 2005: 144). If the alkali is lime the adhesive is highly water resistant (Gettens and Stout 1966: 8).

Additives Additives to modify the properties of binding media and facilitate their preservation were two very important aspects in medieval workshop praxis. That is why a series of substances were added in the tempering mixture. Increase the flexibility of the adhesive film once dried was a key point, as the turning of book pages could deteriorate pigments. Honey and sugar was the most employed additives to prevent binders becoming brittle (Borradaile 1966: 59). According the author of De arte illuminandi an illuminator should have always prepared a «water of honey» or a «water of sugar» as an additive to glue or glair (Brunello 1992: 100-103). But the same author also warn not to put too much honey otherwise pigments will get spoiled as they will not dry easily (Brunello 1992: 81). Fig tree sap also provided flexibility and, moreover, due to latex, could increase adhesive power and water-proof the painting film 8 (Blondheim 1930-1: 80; Libri 1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1B; Pomaro 1991: 120, Merrifield 1967: 475). Only rarely fig tree sap was used alone as a binder, as in a case of yellow colour made by orpiment and sulfur (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 96). In animal glues wine and vinegar (alcohol) could prevent the formation of a gel at room temperature. Vinegar was added to gum arabic (aceto gumato) when used with colorants in order to control pH and consequently the tone of the colour (Pomaro 1991: 115). Small quantities of vinegar added to animal glues facilitate their solubility as an agent against gelification (Perego 2005: 216-7). Finally to prevent from mould and insects, arsenic, camphor, clove, myrrh or even orpiment (in glair) were added (Brunello 1992: 97; Wallert 1995: 42; Borradaile 1966: 29; Merrifield 1967: 676).

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7. See for example the recipe for cheese glue in De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 180) or in Il libro dell’ arte de Cennino Cennini (Brunello 2002: 151-2). 8. Francisco Pacheco and Antonio Palomino, the well known Spanish painter and writer, quotes that by adding branches and leaves of fig tree to parchment size, the glue remained liquid and did not need heating (Pacheco 2001: 451-2; Palomino 1724: 80). However, still it is not very clear the purpose of the use of fig tree sap and alternative explanations can be found like fungicide replacing the use of vinegar or because it clots and holds together egg temple (Villarquide Jevenois 2004: 392).

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The tempering of pigments The basic technical principle that always should be followed in the tempering of pigments and colorants was that for illumination they should be prepared in order to be applied more than one time, in order to create light and shadows effects. Theophilus in his treatise De diveris artibus made it quite clear in stating that «in a book all pigments should be applied twice, first very thinly, then more thickly; but only once for letters» (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38). In this regard it is understandable the choice of gum Arabic as the only ink binder: an adhesive that technically is stronger than glair (good covering) but weaker than animal glues (less crackling possibilities) and, moreover, saturates pigments increasing their intensity. On the contrary, in the illumination of manuscripts technical aspects such as the necessary drying time of the pigment or its opacity were more important. The same Theophilus argues that if someone wanted to spread up his work, then he had to use cherry or plum tree gum, as it dries faster than the others (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33). And Heraclius in his De coloribus et artibus romanorum recommends to use instead of oil yolk, otherwise orpiment will never dry (Merrifield 1967: 235). Cherry or plum gums were added to other binders to control fluidity, as we see in Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846: 223) or in De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 195). The technique where both glair and gum Arabic were used as binding medium allowed a slow and careful work, as the pigment could run easily from the pen (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849: 746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A) and tiny strokes could be employed for details, as colour would be bright and opaque enough. Finally, the anonymous author of the Strasbourg manuscript warns about the necessity to control the relationship between binding media (glue) and pigment (vermilion) for a satisfactory result (Borradaile 1966: 23-24). Manuscript illumination was a sumptuary art, thus aesthetic criteria had also to be taken into account. Probably the most important aesthetic aspect was the fact that intense and brilliant colours were synonymous with richness and beauty. We can see this in several medieval illuminated manuscripts where scenes were developed in intense gold or blue backgrounds, with detailed representations of clothing, jewellery, furniture, etc. Technically this means that the artist had to work with pigments and binders that give intensity and lustre with opaque or semi-opaque pictorial layers. In this sense it should be interpreted the reference in the small treatise on book illumination that precedes the main text of Mappae clavicula (a later addition commonly referred to as De coloribus et mixtionibus) that all colours on parchment should be «spissi et clari» (Phillipps 1846: 188). Such a preoccupation is very common in treatises on art technology. For example, the author of De clarea states that vermilion tempered with yolk will be very bright and that it could be used to dye low quality parchments, so it looked like purple has been employed (Thompson 1932: 71). Centuries later, painter Pierre Lebrun and author of the so called Brussels manuscript (1635 AD) quotes that gum is used in illumination because gives lustre and brilliancy to colours (Merrifield 1967: 784). Some technically interesting results of a survey on medieval treatises on art technology regarding pigments and their binders in manuscript illumination will now be detailed.

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Casein glue was used traditionally for woodwork (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 26) or as an additive to earth plasters or as binding media in the «a secco» wall painting technique. In manuscript illumination its use in not so frequent and appears almost exclusively in the preparation of the pigment folium on parchment (De coloribus faciendis, Van Acker 1972: 180; Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849: 757; Clarke 2011 §1.13.3-4), probably because folium changed colour according to acidity or alkalinity of its environment (rubeum, purpureum or saphireum) and casein does not denature in strong alkaline solutions. Theophilus used folium purpureum without any tempering, but he warned that once illumination was finished, the whole area had to be varnished with old glair (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 40). Casein glue of a high pH values is incompatible with pigments that contain aluminium (Perego 2005: 166) so it could not be a binding media for any lake pigment. Normally lead white and verdigris were used on parchment diluted with wine or vinegar (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum, Thompson 1926: 293; Mappae clavicula, Phillipps 1846: 189). But, as master Peter of St. Omer stated in his De coloribus faciendis, this was right only for artificial greens and whites prepared without salt 9 (Van Acker 1972: 177). Well known is Theophilus´ recommendation not to use salt verdigris on books (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38) because it is too reactive, and probably this is the reason of master Peter´s previous recommendation. Nevertheless, it is also equally common to find recipes where lead white and verdigris were tempered with glair or egg yolk (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum, Thompson 1926: 289; De diveris artibus, Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38; De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 105; Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 101) 10. The reason of this could be the fact that yolk is a fat medium and glair, once dry, is impermeable to air and humidity; therefore, they would be good binders for reactive or artificial pigments like the above mentioned lead white and verdigris or orpiment and vermilion (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 234; Liber diversarum arcium Libri 1849: 752; Clarke 2011 §1.7; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 502) that could interact easily both with their environment or with nearby pigments. Gum arabic was used as a binder for verdigris on parchment or paper mostly in the «not corrosive» version, where the pigment was mixed with the juice of gladiolus (De coloribus diversis, Merrifield 1967: 286). It has already been mentioned that yolk gives intensity to colours, that is why azurite and vermilion were also tempered like this. However Vasari in his Introduzione alle tre arti (Pittura, cap. V) comments that earlier painters were tempering blues with animal glue because yolk turned colour to greenish hues (Brunello 2002: 151). Another reason is given by the author of the Liber diversarum arcium who explains that colours tempered with a mixture of egg yolk and glair would flow better from pen or quill (Libri 1849: 746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A). It seems that there was also a tendency to temper some vegetable colorants, like indigo or saffron, and lake pigments (like brazil) with glair (De coloribus faciendis, Van Acker 1972: 181; Experimenta de coloribus of J. Le Begue, Merrifield 1967: 54; De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 113, 127). A possible reason could be the fact that normally alum was used in their preparation. Technologically there is a certain af-

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9. But the fact is that the same author contradicts himself as in the first recipe on salt verdigris he recommends the use of wine or vinegar. 10. Copper salt-based pigments like verdigris can react with proteinaceous material, as egg yolk and animal glues (Easteaugh et al 2004: 135).

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11. Although we will only refer to binding media for parchment gilding, the same materials were also used to gild other surfaces (silver, tin, copper, wood, leather) and in other techniques (silver writing, gold leaf imitations, etc.).

finity in the use of alum and glair, as both were the principal ingredients for alumine zuccarino, a base for lake pigments and, moreover, alum was distempered always with glair (Easteaugh et al 2004: 12). Alum can form a complex with egg white, presenting a neutral pH and stabilizing it (Cunningham 1995: 298). Another reason could be the fact that pH of glair close to neutral (around 7,4; Perego 2005: 511) and it could not alter the tone in animal or vegetable colorants sensitive to pH changes.

Gilding media Gilding was one of the most important techniques in manuscript illumination 11. Gold was applied in fine gold leaf or in powder and, according to the desired results, the surface was polished or not. In this case, workshop practises are more clear. For example, Theophilus in Schedula, or the anonymous compiler of Compositiones ad tingenda, write that when gold leaves were applied directly on the parchment glair should be used (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 31; Hedfors 1932: 23, 31), as does the anonymous author of the Bolognese manuscript, but in this case fig tree sap is added (Merrifield 1967: 462); whereas Alcherius in his treatise De coloribus diverisis modis not only recommends parchment size, but also quotes that glair is more rigid and less flexible and that gilding could fall off from parchment or paper (Merrifield 1967: 269). For gesso mordants, gum or glue was used more frequently, because as the author of the Bolognese manuscript writes, glair can crack it; but he also gives a recipe «according to the German manner» where gesso and white clay were tempered with glair and fig tree sap (Merrifield 1967: 446, 474). Cennini also tempers gesso mordant in gilding on parchment or on paper with «well beaten glair» (Brunello 2002: 196-7). To apply gold powder Theophilus recommends parchment size or fish glue for gold powder either for writing (chrisographia) for use in gilding of illuminated manuscripts. But he warns, firstly to pay special attention in fish glue preparation as if it is left too thick during boiling gold will flake, and secondly to apply glue moderately otherwise gold leaf will lose brilliance and it will be spoiled (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36). On the contrary, master Peter of St. Omer in his treatise De coloribus faciendis writes that gum arabic is excellent for gilding on parchment (Van Acker 1972: 192). In this binding media selection process other technical criteria were also taking into account, such as the type of parchment to be gilded: for parchment made of sheep´s skin several a mixture of glair and plum tree gum or gum arabic was specially recommend, as this type of parchment is too fat and a stronger binding media might be needed (De coloribus faciendis, Van Acker 1972: 192). The anonymous author of the Liber illuminatorum sive pictorum adds also that such gilding method should be carried out in a damp place, especially in warm weather, otherwise burnished gold will get spoiled (Thompson 1926: 305).

Incompatibilities The presence of tannins in the tempering process could be a great inconvenience. As was mentioned earlier, most authors when referring to gum arabic advised to use

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the most transparent one. This was really an important aspect as the most coloured gums contain tannins, due to long contact with bark (Perego 2005: 336) and tannins can react with iron ions (iron based pigments or pigments where iron can be present as impurity) and the result is a dark coloration that could easily spoil the final colour. Moreover, parchment size and fish glue in the presence of tannins become insoluble (Perego 2005: 217). Gum Arabic is also incompatible with gelatin, mostly is presence of salt (Perego 2005: 336) and probably this is the reason why the mixture of parchment size with gum Arabic is not so frequent in the tempering of pigments.

Conclusions Glair and gum Arabic were the main binders for pigments in medieval illumination techniques and they were used continuously throughout Middle Ages and it is imposible to establish any chronological criteria for their use. For example, there is a very common assertion that until the fourteenth century the widely used binding medium for illumination was glair and after was replaced with gum Arabic, due to aesthetic criteria, like the preference for bright and vivid colours since that century. However, medieval treatises on art technology do not corroborate such a hypothesis, as parchment size, glair and gum Arabic are mentioned constantly in texts from XV, XVI and even XVII century 12 (Bolognese, Marciana, Paduan or Brussels manuscripts, Merrifield 1967: 408, 610, 664, 786). In short, the use of glair or gum in the tempering process is a technical aspect that, together with the nature of pigments, determines the election of the two possible – grosso modo – illumination techniques as described by the Spanish painter and writer Pacheco in his Arte de la Pintura (1649). The author states that in his days in manuscript illumination the colour of parchment was used as «light» with transparent pigments and subtle tones (so gum arabic or one of its mixtures should be used), unlike what happened with what he calls «the old temple» where opaque and intense colours were used, «closer to oil painting» (so glair or one of its mixture were more suitable) (Pacheco 2001: 454-5). This optical behaviour of binders once tempered with pigments was well known and much employed by medieval illuminators as a technique to achieve different tones and hues in the same work. We have several examples of this use. The anonymous author of De clarea quotes that to control glair and water in the tempering process was very important as the artists could do things as he wished, glossy or mat (Thompson 1932: 75). In the Bolognese manuscript we read that for body colours blue should be tempered with animal glue or parchment size and vermilion with glair and fig tree sap; but if they supposed to be used in capital letters or decorative motives, for blue gum arabic or glair was more appropriate and for vermilion glair and yolk (Merrifield 1967: 408, 500). In the same way, the author of the Livro de como se fazen as cores advises to use gum for a dark tone in blue, or glair for lighter one (Blondheim 1930-1: 75). In this sense we have to interpret also the fact that there is no clear criterion on the

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12. The fact that these texts were written by practising artists indicates more a traditionalism of workshop practices than a mere copy of old contents.

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13. Francisco Pacheco (1649) and Vicente Carducho (1633) describe the «aguadas de colores» as the appropriate type of painting executed on paper (Pacheco 2001: 452; Carducho 1633: 132). The almost exclusive use of gum arabic is also found in Salmon´s Polygraphice (1685: 95, 447); Jenner`s A Book of Drawing, Limning, Washing or Colouring of Maps and Prints (1652: 20-1); and Félibien´s Des principes de l’architecture, de la sculpture, de la peinture. (1690: 621).

use of a specific binder with each pigment, as most of them were tempered one way or another depending on the necessities of the illuminator or even on workshop (or school) traditions: Egg yolk increase intensity and gives depth; glair without varnish gives a flat mat finish; gum Arabic gives a glossy appearance; cherry gum makes colours brighter. That is why the binder should be the last ingredient to add in order to control the development of the tone, and when a gum or glue was used in the grinding process normally the pigment was washed to remove the excess of adhesive, and then it was tempered. Cennino Cennini makes a very interesting comment when he writes that for illumination on paper only gum arabic should be used (Brunello 2002: 198). Such an observation shows that technical limitations were equally (or even more) important in artistic praxis: paper is more flexible and absorbent than parchment, thus washing techniques and gum arabic as binder are more appropriate. The progressive use of paper as support for writing and illumination meant that, since the sixteenth century onwards, gum arabic appeared almost exclusively in printed treatises of painting techniques 13. And consequently it was felt that the gum arabic was the binding media par excellence even in medieval illumination. Probably the only valid conclusion we can draw is that artistic praxis was strongly influenced by traditions (local or international) and workshop experience. Distempering of pigments is a good example, as it is very common to find in medieval treatises expression like «do what from your experience seems better to you» (De arte illuminandi, Brunello, 1992: 105) or «according to the choice of the artist and the nature of the work which is to be done» (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 110). A representative case is the use of fish glue as a binder for all pigments, recommended in the oldest treatises on art technology in the Occident such as the Compositiones ad tingenda (Hedfors, 1932: 33) and Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846: 218). Both works show a strong Byzantine influence and it seems that the use of fish glue can also relate to this tradition, as animal glues were very common in icon painting. Two centuries later things changed as in the small treatise on book illumination that precedes the main text of Mappae clavicula (the De coloribus et mixtionibus) where we read that all colours on parchment should be tempered with glair (Phillipps 1846: 188). As we have seen, medieval illuminators used binding media and pigments according to their specific characteristics and properties and according the illumination technique they thought appropriate in order to carry out their work. Moreover, illuminator’s guild rules obliged the use of specific pigments in different parts of illumination as, for example, azurite in pictures and only lapis lazuli in capital letters. This technical and historic aspects should be always taken into account, first, because many aesthetic studies and laboratory analysis dedicated to medieval illumination, are based on exceptional pieces, luxury books for wealthy patrons, that by no means could be representative of the common practise in manuscript illumination; and second, because the place where a sample was taken for analysis becomes really important as results can vary (different binders and pigments in capital letters, backgrounds, foliage, etc.) and conclusions might be wrong or over generalized.

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Bibliography Alpini, P. (1592): De plantis Aegypti liber. Venice: Franciscum de Franciscis Senesem (impr.). Borradaile, V.; Borradaile, R. (1966): The Strasburg Manuscript. A Medieval Painters´ Handbook. London: Alec Tiranti. Brunello, F. (1992): De arte illuminandi. Vicenza: Neri Pozza. Carducho, V. (1633): Diálogos de la Pintura, Origen, Esencia, Definición, Modas y Diferencias. Madrid: Fr. Martínez (impr.). Clarke, M. (2001): The art of all colours. London: Archetype. Clarke, M. (2011) The Medieval Painter’s Methods (The Montpellier ‘Liber Diversarum Arcium’). London: Archetype Publications. Colombini, M.P. and Modugno, F. (2009): Organic Mass Spectrometry in Art and Archaeology. Chichester: Wiley. Cunningham, F.E. (1995): «Egg-product pasteurization», in Stadekman, W.J. and Cotterill, O.J. (eds.), Egg science and technology. New York: Food Products Press: 289-315. Eastaugh, N; Walsh, V.; Chaplin, T.; Siddall, R. (2004): Pigment Compendium: A Dictionary and Optical Microscopy of Historic Pigments. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. Félibien, A. (1690): Des principes de l’architecture, de la sculpture, de la peinture. Paris: La Veuve and fils Jean Baptiste Coignard (impr.). Jenner, T. (1652): A Book of Drawing, Limning, Washing or Colouring of Maps and Prints. London: M. Simmons (impr.) Hawthorne, J.G.; Smith, C. (1979): Theophilus. On divers arts. New York: Dover. Hedfors, H. (1932): Compositiones ad tingenda musiva. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wicksells Boktryckeri-AB. Horie, C.V. (2005): Materials for conservation. Organic consolidants, adhesives and coating. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Laguna, A. (1556): Pedacio Dioscorides Anarzabeo, acerca de la material medicinal y de los venenos mortiferos traduzido de lengua griega en la vulgar castellana e illustrado con claras y substanciales Annotaciones y con las figures de numerosas plantas exquisitas y raras. Salamanca: Mathias Gast (impr.). Libri, M.; Ravaisson, F. (1849): Catalogue Général des Manuscrits des Bibliothèques Publiques, vol. 1. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. McGee, H. (2004): On Food and Cooking: The Science and Lore of the Kitchen. New York: Scribner. Merrifield, M. (1967): Original treatises on the arts of painting, v. I. New York: Dover Publications. Novák, A. (1996): «Hi sunt omnes colores. Text from the 12th century from the Library of St Peter´s Monastery in Salzburg a XI 4, fol. 241», Technologia Artis, 4: 77-9.

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Pacheco, F. (2001). El arte de la pintura. Madrid: Cátedra (edición, introducción y notas de Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas). Palomino de Castro y Velasco, A. (1724): El Museo Pictórico y Escala Optica, t. II. Madrid: Viuda de Juan García Infanzón (impr.) Perego, F. (2005): Dictionnaire des matériaux du peintre. Paris: Belin. Pomaro, G. (1991): I recettari del Fondo della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze. Milan: Editrice Bibliográfica. Salmon, W. (1685): Polygraphice: or the arts of drawing, engraving, etching, limming, painting. London. Thompson, D.V. (1926): «Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum from. Sloane Ms. No. 1754», Speculum, I: 280-307. Thompson, D.V. (1934-5): «Medieval color-making: Tractatus qualiter quilibet artificialis color fieri possit from Paris B.N., Ms. Latin 6749», in Isis (23): 456-468. Thompson, D.V. (1935): «De coloribus naturalia exscripta et collecta, from Erfurt, Stadtbücherei, Ms. Amplonius Quarto 189 (XII-XIV century)», Technical Studies in the Field of the Fine Arts III (3): 133-45. Thompson, D,V. (1956): The materials and techniques of medieval painting. New York: Dover. Tosatti Soldano, B. (1978): Miniature e vetrate senesi del secolo XIII. Genova: Universita di Genova (Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi, 25). Van Acker, L. (1972): «Petri pictoris carmina», in Corpus Chistianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, XXV. Turnhout: Brepols: 145-246. Villarquide Jevenois, A. (2004): La pintura sobre tela. I. San Sebastián: Nerea. Walert, A. (1995): «Libro secondo de diversi colore e sise da mettere a oro», in Wallert, A.; Hermens. E.; Peek, M. (eds.), Historical Painting Techniques, Materials and Studio Practice. Los Angeles: Getty Trust Publications.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank Mark Clarke for his comments and his open-handed exchange of knowledge.

Biography Dr. Stefanos Kroustallis is a researcher into historic art materials and techniques, especially in medieval sumptuary arts. He is a graduate in history (University of Athens, Greece), in conservation and restoration (Escuela Superior de Conservación y Restauración de Bienes Culturales of Madrid, Spain) and he received his doctoral degree (Complutense University, Madrid) on medieval art technological source research. Currently he is working on developing a Thesaurus data base on art materials and techniques for museum cataloguing.

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Resumo Em trabalhos anteriores, estudaram-se os pigmentos azuis e verdes, de manuscritos franceses, por microscopia Raman. Este artigo, para além de incluir os resultados mais relevantes que entretanto foram publicados, propõe uma cronologia para o uso dos pigmentos azuis, índigo, lápis lazúli e azurite. Não foi possível a identificação dos pigmentos verdes em manuscritos dos sécs. X-XI, por microscopia Raman, devido à forte emissão de fluorescência que domina os espectros. São ainda discutidos outros pigmentos verdes, analisados noutros manuscritos, sugerindo-se a possibilidade de se tratar de verdigris, dado o seu teor em cobre.

palavras-chave identificação análise físico-química pigmentos azuis pigmentos verdes

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Abstract Blue and green pigments in French manuscripts have been investigated in previous works by Raman microspectrometry. Including the most significant published results, this report reveals a chronological use for the blue pigments, indigo, lapis-lazuli and azurite. Raman microscopy was unable to identify green pigments in X-XI manuscripts, as spectra are dominated by a strong fluorescence. Different green pigments, identified in other manuscripts, are considered. Because of their copper-content, the hypothesis of verdigris is suggested.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words identification analyse physico-chimique pigments bleus pigments verts

a la recherche des pigments cl au de co upry Ingénieur honoraire, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (France)

1. UMR CNRS – Université Paris VI – Pierre et Marie Curie.

A la fois matière et beauté, les pigments illuminent de leurs couleurs les manuscrits. Pour le copiste, le peintre, l’artiste, comptent, avant tout, leur teinte, leur éclat, leur stabilité, souvent leur prix, parfois leur symbolique, rarement leur nature. Au contraire, l’historien va s’intéresser particulièrement à cette dernière caractéristique. Produit naturel ou préparé? S’il s’agit d’un produit naturel, d’où vient-il? Est-il de provenance locale ou a-t-il nécessité un long voyage? Par quelles routes commerciales, traditionnelles ou de tracé récent? Pour un produit fait de main d’homme, par quel(s) procédé(s), à partir de quels composés? Les changements observés dans le choix des pigments utilisés sont d’un grand intérêt et les raisons peuvent en être multiples: produits nouveaux ou artisans novateurs, amélioration ou changement dans les techniques, effets de mode… A la variété des produits, s’ajoutent les possibilités de leur mise en œuvre dans des mélanges aux tons subtils. Une recherche sur la nature des pigments décorant les manuscrits apparaît ainsi comme riche d’informations pour l’histoire des techniques, du commerce, des pratiques artistiques. Soulignons que les conclusions ont un sens lorsque que les manuscrits sur lesquelles elles s’appuient sont parfaitement datés et localisés. La collaboration entre historiens de l’art et analystes est indispensable pour l’intégration des résultats dans une problématique historique. Notre propos n’est pas de parcourir l’éventail exhaustif des produits et des palettes utilisés, mais de dresser un bilan simple sur les pigments de deux couches colorées, bleues et vertes, qui témoigne de l’apport et des difficultés de ces études. De même, un nombre restreint de manuscrits, étudiés pour la plupart au Laboratoire de Dynamique, Interaction et Réactivité 1 (LADIR), est présenté, les plus significatifs pour étayer notre démarche. Plusieurs approches, correspondant à des niveaux différents d’information, permettent d’étudier les pigments dans les manuscrits médiévaux, L’observation à l’œil nu puis sous microscope est une première étape indispensable alors que son intérêt est souvent sous-estimé. L’appréciation de la forme et de la taille des grains de pigments fournit des éléments de caractérisation. Les produits naturels minéraux, obtenus par broyage de minéraux, de dimensions supérieures au micromètre, présentent des

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formes anguleuses alors que les grains du même produit, obtenu par synthèse, sont souvent de forme arrondie et de dimensions inférieures au micromètre. La couleur peut être diffuse ou concentrée dans des particules discrètes. Ainsi, l’orpiment est aisément reconnaissable par ses longues aiguilles jaune brillant. Ces premiers indices peuvent être confrontés à la liste des produits potentiels, fournie par le dépouillement des réceptaires médiévaux, mais de probabilité d’utilisation inconnue. Une autre approche consiste à procéder à une expérimentation: un pigment est préparé, associé à un liant et déposé sur une feuille de parchemin (Roosen-Runge 1967). La teinte obtenue est ensuite comparée à celle de manuscrits mais similitude de teinte ne signifie pas identité des pigments. Une technique photographique innovante (Isacco 2008) a été expérimentée pour l’identification de certains pigments de miniatures indiennes, basée sur l’étude simultanée de clichés en lumière infrarouge, naturelle et ultraviolette. Cependant l’observation, l’exploitation des textes, la reconstitution des produits fournissent des suggestions, non des certitudes (Porter 1995).

Approche analytique Pour identifier avec certitude les pigments, il est nécessaire d’avoir recours à l’analyse. Le choix de la technique analytique est guidé en fonction de certains critères, dont le plus important est le respect de l’ouvrage. Les techniques physico-chimiques s’imposent alors comme moyen d’investigation. Parmi celles-ci, l’analyse par microspectrométrie Raman (Coupry et al. 1996) présente des caractéristiques particulièrement intéressantes: totalement non-destructive, elle ne nécessite aucun contact entre l’appareil de mesure et la zone analysée. Les données obtenues, le spectre Raman, permettent d’identifier, sans ambiguïté dans la très grande majorité des cas le composé analysé, par comparaison avec des spectres de référence. Néanmoins, deux causes peuvent empêcher l’identification: l’observation Raman ne permet pas de caractériser des bandes avec une intensité suffisante ou lorsqu’un spectre est obtenu, il ne figure pas dans la bibliothèque de références. L’analyse est faite sur une surface micrométrique (de l’ordre de 10 µm2), correspondant à la taille des grains de pigments, sur un micro-prélèvement ou directement in-situ sur le manuscrit. Les deux modes expérimentaux ont des avantages et des inconvénients. Les études faites au LADIR 2 ont été réalisées essentiellement sur des micro prélèvements, le mode in-situ n’ayant utilisé que dans le cas d’un feuillet isolé. Les micro échantillons sont prélevés à des emplacements choisis avec soin, à la fois sans risque pour le manuscrit et représentatifs de la couche picturale, comme la décharge d’une lettre sur le feuillet en vis-à-vis.

Pigments bleus Les pigments bleus participent avec une grande fréquence au décor des manuscrits d’où la possibilité d’une large enquête sur des manuscrits d’origine, d’époque, d’importance très variées. Seuls, les manuscrits ayant fait l’objet d’analyses ont été

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2. Travaux réalisés en collaboration étroite avec Marie-Thérèse Gousset, ingénieur à la Bibliothèque nationale de France. Qu’elle trouve ici l’expression de nos remerciements.

a la recherche des pigments

3. Communication privée.

retenus. Ces pigments ont fait l’objet de recherches sur un groupe de manuscrits écrits au XIIe siècle à l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Corbie (Guineau et al. 1986). Une partie importante de la production de son scriptorium est conservée à la Bibliothèque nationale de France, ce qui a permis d’étudier cette production sur une durée d’un siècle. Le bleu est rare dans les premiers manuscrits, très fréquent dans les derniers; pâle ou foncé, il peut avoir une teinte grise. Les prélèvements ont été choisis de façon à explorer au mieux l’éventail des situations: différentes teintes, lettres historiées ou décoration secondaire, pour les lettres filigranées, dans le filigrane ou le corps de lettre, simples lettrines. Quelque soit la localisation du prélèvement, celui-ci montre sous microscope la présence de grains microscopiques d’un bleu intense et saturé au sein d’une matrice blanche. Quelque soit le grain bleu analysé, un seul produit a été identifié, le bleu de lapis-lazuli, alumino-silicate de sodium polysulfuré. Ce pigment minéral est extrait d’une pierre semi-précieuse, le lapis-lazuli, dont le gisement d’Afghanistan était déjà exploité à l’époque médiévale comme en témoigne Marco Polo dans le Livre des Merveilles. Aucun pigment blanc n’a été mis en évidence, les teintes claires sont obtenues par dilution dans le liant. Par contre, les teintes grises révèlent un mélange de grains très bleus et de particules noires, identifiées comme étant des particules de noir de carbone. Ce résultat atteste de façon formelle la présence de ce pigment bleu en Picardie dès le XIIe siècle. Elle a été confirmée dans une zone géographique plus large, la Bourgogne, dans le scriptorium de l’abbaye de Cîteaux 3. Présent dans les manuscrits aux riches couleurs du début du siècle, le bleu de lapis-lazuli y a été également identifié dans la production du milieu du siècle, au décor monochrome en accord avec l’élan ascétique suscité par saint Bernard, qui n’a cependant pas affecté le choix du pigment. L’enquête se poursuit par l’étude d’un scriptorium sur une période longue (Coupry 1999). Celui de l’abbaye de la Trinité de Fécamp (Normandie) a eu une production importante, bien conservée et bien documentée. Fondée en 658, l’abbaye fut détruite en 842; la vie religieuse y est restaurée avec l’arrivée de chanoines avant 990, suivie par celle de moines clunisiens en 1001. Quatre abbatiats vont se succéder jusqu’en 1139 avec des cycles de grande activité intellectuelle et artistique, en relation avec les centres anglais et les abbayes normandes voisines, dont le MontSaint-Michel. L’ensemble des manuscrits de Fécamp de cette période conservés à la Bibliothèque nationale de France a été pris en compte. On observe une utilisation du bleu avec des fréquences différentes, jamais dans plus de dix ouvrages, une seule fois dans quelques-uns jusqu’à très abondamment dans certains. Neuf manuscrits, jugés comme représentatifs de ces différentes périodes, ont été sélectionnés en privilégiant l’abbatiat de Jean d’Alie (1028-1078) en raison de son intérêt artistique et historique. Comme pour l’étude des manuscrits de Corbie, les prélèvements ont été réalisés dans les différents types de lettres et de teintes, les rubriques, ainsi que dans les différentes mains des manuscrits. Sur l’ensemble des manuscrits, deux pigments bleus ont été identifiés par leurs spectres Raman qui les différencient sans aucune ambiguïté. Un des pigments, l’indigo,

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est un produit colorant bleu, naturel pour les époques qui nous intéressent, utilisé pour teindre les textiles. D’origine végétale, il est obtenu à partir de plantes de très nombreuses familles dont le pastel des teinturiers, indigène en France, nommé guède au nord et pastel au sud, cultivé en Normandie et Picardie au Moyen Âge, ou à Toulouse dont il fit la richesse aux XVe et XVIe siècles. La molécule responsable de la couleur est l’indigotine. L’indigo n’est utilisé que dans un seul manuscrit de Fécamp, daté de la fin du Xe siècle, à l’exclusion de tout autre pigment bleu, quelque soit la teinte de la couche picturale, bleu franc ou bleu-vert. L’observation ne met pas en évidence des grains d’autres couleurs, qui expliqueraient ces variations, attribuées alors au liant et/ou à une mise en œuvre différente. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli est le pigment bleu présent dans le décor de tous les autres manuscrits. Tout oppose ces deux produits naturels, leur origine et leur structure, organique et végétal pour l’un, minéral pour l’autre, produit localement ou de provenance lointaine, et, malgré l’absence de documents comptables, de prix que l’on peut supposer différents. La présence de pigment bleu peut relever d’un choix du copiste, comme le montrent les manuscrits lat. 2253 et 3776. Les deux mêmes copistes ont participé à leur réalisation, l’un utilise fréquemment le bleu, l’autre jamais. Ces résultats établissent avec certitude la présence de bleu de lapis-lazuli en Normandie-Picardie pour la période des XI-XIIes siècles. Il importe alors de considérer des manuscrits d’autres origines. La page de garde d’un recueil des coutumes et franchises de Narbonne, daté de 1221, écrit et conservé à Narbonne, est décorée d’enluminures de qualité médiocre. Les fonds bleus des vêtements, plus sombre pour le manteau de la Vierge que pour la tunique de saint Jean, sont réalisés avec un même et seul pigment, l’indigo, mais avec des concentrations différentes (Cardon 2000, 111). Un tout autre pigment bleu a été identifié dans des manuscrits géographiquement proches et postérieurs. Ainsi, dans un sacramentaire du XIVe siècle de l’évêché de Carcassonne (sud de la France), une splendide enluminure se déploie sur deux feuillets en vis-à-vis. La robe du Christ présente trois tons de bleu, pour lesquels l’analyse (Cardon 2000, 163) identifie un seul pigment, un produit minéral naturel, l’azurite. Les principaux gisements de ce carbonate basique de cuivre se rencontrent en France, en Italie, à Chypre et surtout en Allemagne d’où son qualificatif d’azur d’Allemagne. Les teintes claires ne sont pas obtenues par dilution mais par ajout d’un pigment blanc, le blanc de plomb. Plus tardivement, dans une Géographie de Ptolémée du XVe siècle 4, la surface des océans est peinte avec de l’azurite, ce qui témoigne du large usage de ce pigment. Des publications d’un très grand intérêt permettent d’étendre notre enquête vers des manuscrits princiers, décorés par des artistes au renom prestigieux soit du début soit de la fin du XVe siècle. La palette du Livre d’Heures du maréchal Boucicaut, réalisé au début de la décennie 1410, a été analysée (Villela-Petit et al. 2003) par spectrométrie d’absorption par réflexion diffuse dans le visible et par spectrométrie de fluorescence X, deux techniques complémentaires non-destructives. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli éclaire de son éclat les vêtements de la Vierge et des saints tandis que l’indigo est réservé pour les personnages peu nobles, toujours en mélange avec le

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4. Paris, BnF lat. 4801, Communication privée.

a la recherche des pigments

5. Evangelia, BnF latin 270 f.106v. 6. Sanctorale, BnF latin 1205 f.92v. 7. Vita sancti Wandregisli, BnF Nal 18315 f.24v.

blanc de plomb. La présence de ces pigments a été confirmée dans deux autres manuscrits décorés attribués au Maître de Boucicaut, le Livre des propriétés des choses, de Barthélemy l’Anglais, et le Bréviaire de Châteauroux, dans lequel il intervient aux côtés du Maître de Bedford et du Maître d’Orose, avec des produits bleus similaires pour les trois enlumineurs. A la fin du siècle, la production de Jean Bourdichon s’étend sur plus de trente ans. Trois manuscrits couvrant l’étendue chronologique de son activité montrent par spectrométrie Raman (Trentelman et al. 2008) la présence de bleu de lapis-lazuli dans tous les feuillets analysés. Mais l’artiste a aussi recours à un mélange faisant intervenir l’azurite, principalement dans le manuscrit réalisé au début de sa carrière, avant qu’il devienne peintre officiel de la cour de France. Notons que l’indigo n’a été observé dans aucun des trois manuscrits. Un rapprochement peut être fait avec la stratigraphie des couches picturales de la chapelle des Moines à Berzé-la-Ville (Bourgogne, France). Cet édifice, construit pour l’abbé Hugues de Cluny dans la deuxième moitié du XIe siècle, présente des repeints XIV-XVe siècle. Le pigment de la couche originelle est le bleu de lapis-lazuli, celui de la couche postérieure est l’azurite. Il est nécessaire d’étendre nos investigations vers des époques antérieures afin de préciser l’introduction du bleu de lapis-lazuli en Europe occidentale. Un manuscrit écrit à l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre (Bourgogne, France), le Commentaire d’Haymon d’Auxerre sur Ezéchiel, présente sur le feuillet 2r une scène dédicatoire, l’abbé Helric prosterné devant saint Germain. Les deux personnages sont vêtus de bleu (Coupry 1990), bleu vif pour l’un et bleu sombre pour l’autre, identifiés comme étant du bleu de lapis-lazuli pour le saint patron de l’abbaye et de l’indigo pour l’abbé. Le choix de ces deux pigments souligne la hiérarchie des personnages et la présence en France vers l’an mil du bleu de lapis-lazuli, déjà identifié à Fécamp est confirmée. Trois manuscrits du nord de la France témoignent du choix des pigments bleus disponibles: les deux premiers, copiés à Corbie au IX e siècle, ont été décorés avec du bleu de lapis-lazuli 5 pour l’un et de l’azurite 6 pour l’autre, le troisième, daté du VIIIème siècle, l’a été avec de l’indigo 7. A ce groupe de trois produits, va s’ajouter de façon exceptionnelle un autre pigment, identifié seulement dans quelques manuscrits. L’Evangéliaire de Charlemagne, dit aussi Evangéliaire de Godescalc, du nom du scribe qui l’a réalisé, est un ouvrage précieux, écrit vers 781-783 en lettres d’or et d’argent sur parchemin pourpré et magnifiquement illustré. Il contient en particulier la première représentation de la Fontaine de Vie au symbolisme fort. Le manuscrit a fait l’objet d’une étude très complète (Roger 2007). L’analyse des couches picturales bleues montre la présence d’indigo dans l’ensemble de l’ouvrage à l’exception de la Fontaine de Vie dont les paons sont peints avec du bleu égyptien. Ce produit fabriqué en Egypte dès 3000 BC est le grand pigment bleu du monde méditerranéen antique et disparaît de la palette des artistes à une date encore imprécise, estimée vers les VII-VIIIes siècles. Actuellement ce pigment a été identifié par le même chercheur dans deux autres manuscrits. Par contre, la Fontaine de Vie des Evangiles de Saint-Médard de Soissons, manuscrit luxueux réalisé vers 805, donc

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quasiment contemporain, est réalisée avec du bleu de lapis-lazuli dont ce serait une toute première attestation d’utilisation. Les recherches sur un autre manuscrit de grande importance, les Evangiles de Lindisfarne, daté de 715-721 et conservé à la British Library (Londres), illustrent les difficultés et l’intérêt de l’identification des pigments. La première étude réalisée en 1956 identifia par comparaison visuelle deux pigments bleus: l’indigo et le bleu de lapis-lazuli, ce qui repoussait l’utilisation de ce dernier au début du VIII ème siècle. En 2004, l’étude fut reprise (Brown et al. 2004), qui montra la seule présence de l’indigo, quelque soit la nuance de la couche bleue, et infirma l’utilisation de bleu de lapis-lazuli. Ce résultat souligne la fragilité d’une identification fondée sur une observation visuelle. A partir de ces résultats, il est possible de tirer un premier bilan, certes à compléter et à préciser en fonction de nouvelles analyses et de nouvelles identifications. Le schéma suivant propose l’utilisation chronologique des trois principaux pigments bleus dans le décor des manuscrits occidentaux, établie sur un nombre restreint de manuscrits analysés.

présence attestée de pigments bleus dans des manuscrits médiévaux d’europe occidentale

Il ne faut pas négliger l’utilisation possible de pigments locaux. Ainsi l’aérinite, minéral argileux qui doit son nom à sa couleur bleue, se trouve dans quelques gisements des Pyrénées. Il a été identifié en peinture murale à proximité de son lieu d’exploitation dans quelques sites des XI-XII es siècles, dont le logis abbatial de la grande abbaye de Moissac (Daniel 2008). A-t-il pu être utilisé également pour des manuscrits? La recherche reste à faire. L’identification de ces produits conduit à des problèmes spécifiques. Pour l’indigo, la caractérisation de l’espèce végétale, comme pour l’azurite, la détermination du gisement d’exploitation, semblent irréalisables avec les possibilités techniques actuelles. Nous avons tenté de différencier par spectrométrie Raman les différents bleus de lapislazuli (Torrès-Bourdel 2003) soit sur des échantillons provenant de manuscrits soit sur des échantillons minéraux. Dans une première démarche, nous nous sommes intéressés à la couleur, due à la présence de deux chromophores, des ions polysulfures, dont on peut évaluer par spectrométrie Raman les proportions relatives. La décomposition et l’ajustement des bandes principales des chromophores montrent des différences

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qui suggèrent des variations dans les environnements électroniques des ions, dont l’interprétation est à poursuivre. D’autre part, le spectre Raman obtenu avec de nouvelles conditions expérimentales montre des bandes attribuées à des ions polysulfures plus condensés, ce qui ouvre également des perspectives de recherche prometteuses.

Couches picturales vertes L’étude des couches vertes dans la décoration de manuscrits répond à une problématique très différente: elle est centrée sur la détermination de leur nature dans les neuf manuscrits de Fécamp, déjà présentés. Cette couleur, moins présente. que le rouge et le bleu, y occupe néanmoins une place importante, dans différents types de lettres, de la plus élaborée à la plus simple, avec une grande diversité de tons. Ainsi les verts peuvent être décrits comme vert clair franc, vert foncé terne, vert olivâtre, vert vif d’une nuance émeraude, sans que nous ayons corrélé ces termes à des données colorimétrique. Certaines couches sont corrosives vis-à-vis du parchemin, d’autres s’écaillent. Cette grande diversité recouvre-t-elle une diversité de produits? Ceci a conduit à effectuer un grand nombre de prélèvements, plus de trente, répartis au mieux pour tenir compte de ces différentes observations. Or, quelque soit l’échantillon et les conditions expérimentales, l’observation Raman a toujours été masquée par un phénomène de très grande intensité, la fluorescence, interdisant d’accéder à la moindre identification. Un comportement identique a été rapporté pour des manuscrits d’origine variée et antérieurs très souvent au XIIIe siècle. Le problème n’est donc pas limité à un scriptorium et acquiert, de ce fait, une portée plus générale pour la connaissance des pigments verts. Lors d’une recherche précédente (Coupry 2007) par microspectrométrie Raman sur deux manuscrits coptes, les pigments verts de l’un d’entre eux n’avaient pu être identifiés, tandis le spectre Raman des grains verts du second manuscrit était la combinaison des spectres de l’indigo et d’un pigment jaune, l’orpiment, la couleur verte observée étant la combinaison des couleurs bleue et jaune. De façon analogue, l’obtention d’une teinte verte par le mélange Bleu/Jaune a été observée dans de nombreux manuscrits. Plusieurs combinaisons sont possibles et reflètent les possibilités d’approvisionnement en l’un ou l’autre des constituants. Indigo/orpiment est identifié dès 715-720, dans les Evangiles de Lindisfarne (Brown et al. 2004). Si le mélange orpiment/azurite, chimiquement instable, n’a pas été identifié, d’autres combinaisons ont été observées, comme bleu de lapis-lazuli/orpiment (Villa-Petit et al. 2003) ou le pigment de synthèse jaune de plomb et d’étain associé à l’azurite (Vandenabeele et al. 1999) ou au bleu de lapis-lazuli (Burgio et al. 1999). La composition peut être extrêmement variable, indigo/orpiment avec des proportions différentes, mélanges binaires jaune/vert ou bleu/vert, mélanges ternaires, pour offrir une très grande variété de couleurs (Cennini 1978, 32). L’analyse élémentaire sur des verts de manuscrits de Fécamp montre la présence de cuivre, ce qui élimine l’hypothèse de terres vertes, aluminosilicates de fer, potassium et magnésium. Plusieurs sels de cuivre peuvent être utilisés comme pigments: les

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spectres Raman du carbonate basique, la malachite, ou de sulfate permettent généralement leur identification, ainsi pour les verts dans des manuscrits de Jean Bourdichon (Trentelman et al. 2008) qui n’y utilise pas le mélange bleu/jaune. Les sels le plus fréquemment cités dans les traités de peinture médiévaux sont les acétates, souvent regroupés sous le terme de «vert-de-gris». La littérature technique, antique et médiévale, est riche de nombreuses recettes de fabrication, basées sur l’action de vinaigre sur des feuilles de cuivre. Les réactions sont lentes et complexes, dépendant de nombreux facteurs, plusieurs produits peuvent être obtenus, chimiquement proches et pouvant évoluer d’une forme à l’autre. Ils sont verts, bleus, turquoise… La composition du pigment est souvent non stœchiométrique. Pour modifier la teinte ou les propriétés du pigment, les recettes proposent des composés additionnels: le vinaigre pour modifier la teinte, le safran comme anti-oxydant, le savon ou le miel pour stabiliser le produit. L’ajout de jus de cerise ou de baies de fleurs sans répondre à des buts clairement établis ne fait qu’augmenter la complexité du mélange pigmentaire. L’interaction avec les liants protéiniques à base d’œuf doit être prise en compte dans la structure du produit final ainsi que la dégradation au sein de la couche picturale même. Alors que les spectres Raman des différents acétates de synthèse sont connus (Chaplin et al. 2006), ils n’ont été que très difficilement et très rarement observés dans les couches picturales vertes de manuscrits. La cause principale est la très forte fluorescence, inexistante dans les composés purs, et attribuée au composé complexé. En conséquence, la présence de cuivre dans un pigment vert, en l’absence d’une identification formelle (carbonate ou sulfate), ne peut conduire qu’à proposer l’hypothèse d’un vert-de-gris. Il s’agit d’une «identification» par élimination. Mais tous les pigments verts non identifiés ne sont pas du vert-de-gris comme le montre l’étude d’un manuscrits italien du XVe siècle (Bruni et al. 1999). Le spectre Raman ne permettait pas d’identifier le pigment au cuivre. C’est le recours à la microspectrométrie IRFT par réflexion qui a permis de caractériser la malachite. Ces quelques exemples montrent l’avancée très différente des recherches sur les pigments. Les pigments bleus principaux dans les manuscrits de l’Europe médiévale sont connus et facilement identifiables, c’est la chronologie et les aspects artistiques, économiques et sociaux de leur utilisation qui ouvrent des perspectives intéressantes dans le domaine historique. La nature et la structure des pigments verts, dérivés des acétates de cuivre, sont à identifier, ce qui permettrait d’élucider leur mode de préparation. La constitution des mélanges bleu/jaune et la chronologie de leur utilisation n’ont pas fait l’objet de synthèses. La palette verte recèle toujours bien des inconnues.

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Bibliographie Brown K.L. and. Clark R.J.H 2004. The Lindisfarne Gospels and two other 8th century Anglo-Saxon/Insular manuscripts: pigment identification by Raman microscopy. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 33: 4-12 Bruni S., Cariati F., Casadio F., and Toniolo L. 1999. Identification of pigments on a XV century illuminated parchment by Raman and FTIR microspectroscopies. Spectrochimica Acta Part A 55: 1371-1377. Burgio L., Ciomartan D.A., and Clark R.J.H. 1997. Pigment identification on medieval manuscripts, paintings and other artefacts by Raman microscopy: application to the study of three German manuscripts. Journal of Molecular Structure. 405: 1-11. Cardon D. 1999. Teintures précieuses de la Méditerranée. Carcassonne/Terrassa. Cennini C. 1978. Le Livre de l’Art ou Traité de la Peinture, 1437. Trad. V. Mottez, Ed. 1978 (F. de Nobele, Paris) Chaplin T.D., Clark R.J.H., and Scott D.A. 2006. Study par Raman microscopy of nine variants of the green-blue pigment verdigris. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 37: 223229. Coupry C. 1990. «Etude des pigments Manuscrit Paris BN latin 12302» in L’Ecole carolingienne d’Auxerre, ed. D. Iogna-Prat, C. Jeudy et Lobrichon (Beauchesne, Paris) 119. Coupry C. and Brissaud D. 1996. «Application in Art, Jewelry and Forensic Science» in Raman Microscopy, ed. Turrell G. and Corset J. (Academic Press) 421. Coupry C. 1999. «Les pigments utilisés pour l’enluminure à Fécamp aux XIe et XIIe siècles» in Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (X e-XVe siècles), ed. P. Bouet et M. Dosdat (Presses Universitaires de Caen) 69. Coupry C. 2007. Approche analytique du décor de deux manuscrits coptes. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. 163: 199-208. Daniel F., Laborde B., Mounier A. et Coulon E. 2008. Le pigment d’aérinite dans deux peintures romanes du Sud-Ouest de la France. ArchéoSciences: 32. http://archeosciences.revues.org/987. Guineau, B., Coupry, C., Gousset, M.T., Forgerit, J.P., Vezin, J. 1986. Identification de bleu de lapis-lazuli dans six manuscrits à peintures du XIIe siècle provenant de l’abbaye de Corbie. Scriptorium, XL: 157-171 Isacco, E. 2008. Les pigments des miniatures indiennes. L’Asiathèque Paris.

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Porter C. 1995. «You can’t tell a Pigment by Its Color». In Making the Medieval Book: Techniques of Production, Anderson-Lovelace Ed. 111. Roger P., 2207. Etude des couleurs et de la pratique picturale. Art de l’enluminure, l’évangéliaire de Charlemagne, 20: 46-66. Roosen-Runge, H. 1967. Farbgebung und Technik frühmittelalterlicher Buchmalerei. Berlin. Torrés- Bourdel A. 2003.Etude de la lazurite dans des roches et des pigments de lapislazuli par spectrométrie Raman. Diplôme d’Etudes Supérieures, Université Bordeaux3. Trentelman K. and Turner N. 2009. Investigation of the painting materials and techniques of the late-15 th century manuscript illuminator Jean Bourdichon. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 40: 577-584. Vandenabeele P., Wehling B., Moens L., Dekeyzer B., Cardon B., von Bohlen A. and Klockenkämper R. 1999. Pigment investigation of a late-medieval manuscript with total reflection X-ray fluorescence and micro-Raman spectroscopy. Analyst, 124: 169-172. Villela-Petit et Guineau B. 2003. Le Maître de Boucicaut revisité. Palette et technique d’un enlumineur parisien au début du XVe siècle. Art de l’enluminure, 6: 3-34.

Biographie Ingénieur en retraite du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Laboratoire de Dynamique, Interactions et Réactivité, auparavant en charge de l’équipe «Matériaux des Objets du Patrimoine»). Thèse en Chimie Physique (Université de Bordeaux) et Licence d’Histoire (Université de Paris IV – Sorbonne). Activité scientifique: Résonance magnétique Nucléaire; Spectrométrie vibrationnelle, principalement microspectrométrie Raman. Principaux centres d’intérêt: Pigments dans les manuscrits et les peintures murales; Matériaux contemporains, plastiques (identification) et verres (structure et altérations); Colorants textiles. Recherches en collaboration avec: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Centre des Peintures Murales Romaines, Centre d’Etudes Médiévales d’Auxerre, Musées du Louvre, Arts Décoratifs, Carnavalet, de la Mode et du Costume, Manufacture des Gobelins,…; Archéologues et historiens du CNRS. Distinction: Cristal du CNRS claude.coupry@orange.fr 20, rue Clisson 75013 Paris (France)

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Resumo A nossa abordagem estética, filosófica, psicológica e outras da história da arte começam no olhar – e apreciar – as cores da iluminura. No entanto, como será descrito neste artigo, as cores que hoje vemos nem sempre correspondem às aplicadas pelo artista. O ignorar destas alterações cromáticas pode induzir a sérios erros na interpretação da sua intenção original. A especulação histórico-artística deve ser, assim, precedida por uma avaliação sobre qual seria o aspecto original das cores. Uma observação mais cuidadosa pode evidenciar perda ou alterações de cor. Estas podem ser bastante dramáticas em amarelos, nomeadamente nos corantes orgânicos utilizados no passado, em manuscritos. Este artigo focar-se-á pois no caso destes amarelos desaparecidos. A investigação em História e técnicas de produção artística oferece três formas de avaliar qual o aspecto das cores originais: (i) iconografia e harmonia visual das cores, (ii) análises científicas de tintas originais, (iii) livros de receitas de artistas medievais. Concluí-se que, a consciência destas alterações cromáticas bem como da aplicação dos métodos de análise aos materiais como ferramenta interpretativa, enriquecerá o olhar do historiador da arte.

palavras-chave iluminuras alteração cromática perda de cor história e técnicas de produção artística fontes para os materiais e técnicas da arte

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Abstract All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking at — and enjoying — the colours of manuscripts. However this paper demonstrates that colours observed today are not always those applied by the artist. Ignorance of this alteration results in serious errors of interpretation. Art-historical speculation must be preceded by the evaluation of original appearances. Close visual examination reveals areas of fading or discolouration. This is severe for yellows, especially for organic colorants commonly used in manuscripts. This paper therefore concentrates on the example of lost manuscript yellows. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways to evaluate the original appearance of manuscript colours: (i) iconography and visual harmony of colour, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval artists’ recipe books. It is concluded that art historians can benefit from an awareness of possible colour alterations, and from an awareness of the application of scientific analysis as an interpretive tool.

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Acknowledgments This paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Instituto de Estudos Medievais, Departamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for their kind invitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figures 2, 3, 4 are reproduced of the FellowsdeofAna Corpus Christi College, CambridAgradecimentos por ajudaby napermission configuração do Master texto e and sugestões Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho ge.Sousa, FiguresJustino 5, 6 areMaciel, reproduced by permission of ***STA CRUZ***. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author. de Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words manuscript illumination discoloration fading technical art history art technological source research

colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows mark clarke University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam (The Netherlands) mark@clericus.org

Introduction All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking at – and enjoying – the colours of manuscripts. It is perhaps less obvious that all scientific (chemical and physical) analysis also starts from the observation of the colours: analysis depends on the observation that there is something distinctive present that requires analysis. However – as this paper will demonstrate – the colour observed today on an artwork such as a manuscript is not always the original colour as chosen, composed, and applied by the artist. Ignorance of this alteration results in serious errors of interpretation. Interpretations of the iconography and symbolism of colour, or deductions concerning the appreciation and comprehension of colour by mediaeval artists and their contemporary audience, or attempts to group manuscripts by stylistic use of colour, cannot be correct if the colours that interpretations are based on are not those that were originally intended. Similarly for scientists, failure to suspect the presence of some hidden material may result in failure to apply suitable methods of analysis. Clearly all theorising must be preceded by the evaluation of the original appearance and likely original material composition.

The loss of mediaeval colour Colours can change their appearance. Colours can change their colour. Colours can change their intensity and saturation. Colours can disappear almost completely. The

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vast majority of mediaeval colour has disappeared: clothes, wall-hangings, wallpaintings, enamels, jewellery, street signs, and scenery for pageants. Even ‘fine art’ paintings have not survived well: they have invariably undergone periodic restorations, sometimes with fairly drastic reconstruction of losses. But even when the original paint is not lost extreme changes of colour occur: for example increased yellowing due to aged varnish is familiar, as is the loss of yellow glazes (due to fading or over-cleaning) resulting in unnatural blue foliage. Compared with such losses manuscripts have survived comparatively well. Unlike clothes they do not wear out; unlike jewellery or precious metalwork they are not broken down and re-modelled as tastes change. Manuscripts are relatively safe containers for text and image: illustrations in a closed book are protected from light fading, from touch, and from atmospheric pollutants, and parchment (itself chemically stable) has alkaline surface treatments that help to counteract the acidity of modern air. Nevertheless, much colour in manuscripts has become altered or lost colour, and this alteration and loss needs to be thought about analytically. This paper considers the example of yellows: firstly because with yellows the effects of colour loss may be either dramatic or subtle, i.e. either obvious or almost undetectable, and secondly because many interesting Portuguese examples exist.

Colours versus colorants Analytical thinking about colour (whether by an art historian or a chemist) must begin with an appreciation of the difference between a colour and a colorant, that is, between a colour and the colouring material making that colour. To talk of ‘pigments’ is to talk of physical materials, and to talk of ‘colours’ is to talk of a property of those materials. Colorants and colours do not have a one-to-one correspondence. Any colour can be made by more than one pigment or combination of pigments. For example the plant yellow ‘weld’ (Reseda luteola) and the artificial pigment lead-tin yellow have identical colours (Fig. 1a). Perhaps more surprisingly any one pigment may exhibit more than one colour depending on its preparation method (Fig. 1b). Knowing this provides a powerful tool for the study of manuscripts. It has been shown by physical-chemical analysis that specific colours were made in different ways by different artists or ateliers, and in different regions and periods (Clarke 2001b). Identifying pigments can thus help clarify provenance and authorship. A knowledge of materials derived from chemical analysis is therefore not only interesting to a scientist or a conservator-restorer, but also to a book-historian or art historian, and can inform an art historian far more profoundly than a simple examination of colour ever can. Two examples illustrate the difference between considering colours and considering colorants.

Examination of colours Much work has been done grouping manuscripts stylistically based on patterns of colour use. However, any given colour can be made in a variety of ways. Presum-

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fig.1 (a) one colour prepared from two different materials, (b) different colours prepared from one material (rocella tinctoria)

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1. Unpublished results, Trinity College Dublin: Raman spectroscopy found red lead, indigo, orpiment, carbon and iron gall ink, gypsum, lichen purple (Rocella tinctoria) and some unidentified translucent yellow/brown.

ably within a workshop the choice of method would be consistent. It follows that it is not enough to group manuscripts based on similar appearance: the materials should be the same too. Similarity in materials strengthens an attributed grouping, and inconsistency in materials weakens it. However this independence of colour and pigment is not always appreciated. It is extremely common for people to attempt to identify pigments by eye, using simple visual examination. Typically the appearance of a sample observed on a manuscript is compared with samples and reconstructions of known composition. These reconstructions are made based on mediaeval artists’ recipe books, of which hundreds survive (Clarke 2001a). This methodology of comparing unknowns (the materials on manuscripts) with knowns (historically accurate reconstructions) is essentially valid, and is used today in chemical analysis of manuscript pigments. The problem lies in the use of visual examination to do the comparison. It is an inadequate tool, and any attempt to identify pigments by eye is doomed to failure, partly for the reasons outlined above (that one colour may be made from alternative colorants and that one colorant may exhibit different colours), and partly because, with age, colours may degrade beyond recognition. This may easily be demonstrated by comparing the results of visual ‘pigment identification’ and chemical analysis. Often categorical statements as to which pigments are or are not present have been made by visual examination, which subsequent chemical analysis has shown to be incorrect. For example, British Library MS Arundel 155 was examined by two independent art historians, who stated in the firmest terms that ultramarine was not present; yet chemical analysis found it. Similarly a number of authors have used visual examination to ‘identify’ the pigments on the Book of Kells and the Lindisfarne Gospels. Comparison of their results reveals very little agreement (such disagreement alone should alert us to a problem with visual analysis), and recent reliable analysis has shown all of them to be to some extent wrong (Clarke 2004 a, b). 1 Many of these authors expressed caveats regarding the limitations of visual examination, but the limitations of analytical techniques then available (which required unacceptably large samples to be removed) meant visual examination was used faute de mieux. Chemical analysis has shown such visual examination to be largely worthless, and it should not be practiced today.

Examination of colorants (pigments) Visual naming of colours has been shown to be unreliable, with inconsistencies solved only by chemical analysis of the colorants. One might ask: why might chemical analysis of colorants interest anyone but a chemist? Consider two examples where looking at colours was not helpful, but where pigment analysis produced useful arthistorical evidence. The first example results from a study of pigments in 100 Anglo-Saxon manuscripts (Clarke 2004b). Two particular manuscripts from c.980 AD share text and illustrative programme. One had a secure provenance of Canterbury Christ Church, and it

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had been suggested on stylistic grounds that the other might also originate there. The pigment ultramarine (lapis lazuli) found on both. This was only introduced c.1000, and to find it so early was most unusual, so its presence in both manuscripts strengthened the link between them. In the second example stylistical research into the Lochorst Bible suggested it was illuminated by two teams of artists. Team A worked in an archaic traditional style, whereas team B (probably the Zweder Masters) were more naturalistic and illusionistic. Team A consistently used ultramarine, while Team B consistently used azurite. Thus pigment analysis confirmed and reinforced the proposed division of labour.

Mixtures and imitations Any one colour may also be made from many different mixtures of pigments. From c.300 AD onwards treatises survive recording hundreds of recipes for imitating expensive colours such as ultramarine or Tyrian Purple (Clarke 2001a). These substitutes can be completely convincing to the eye. For example, it has often been asserted that Tyrian purple (derived from shellfish) was used to dye parchment pages, but analysis indicates this is extremely rare compared to purples made from other ingredients and from mixtures. Similarly mediaeval recipes explain how red brazil-wood dye could be added to blue azurite to imitate the more purple hue of the costly pigment ultramarine. Other recipes describe manufacture of a tin-based compound called ‘mosaic gold’ which contains no gold but can look remarkably like it.

Attitudes to inexpensive imitations There were various mediaeval attitudes to substitution and imitation. It is useful to consider these when evaluating whether (and why) certain yellow colorants were used. One attitude was that to use valuable materials was desirable in itself. The use of gold, precious stones, and ultramarine to highlight iconographically important elements in a picture is well known. Another example is the choice of mosaic gold or real gold, or ivory black (an expensive pigment) or bone black (indistinguishable and inexpensive). Alternatively, skill could be considered as more important than the use of expensive materials. (This, perhaps, was the choice made by the stylistically more progressive Team B in the Lochorst Bible when they used the latest illusionistic techniques but inexpensive azurite; a more flexible use of material conventions consistent with stylistic liberties.) Theophilus seems to have favoured this attitude when he warned not to disparage any thing ‘just because your native soil has spontaneously and unexpectedly produced it for you’ and asks, why would you ‘despise these as cheap local products and travel over land and sea to procure foreign ones that are no better and are perhaps of less value’ (Prologue to Book I). When analysis demonstrates the use of local products, plants or minerals, this itself becomes a useful provenanceing tool. This preference for final appearance over cash-value is one reason for the popularity of imitations and substitutes. 2

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2. We might consider a third attitude: the symbolic, magical, and spiritual value. In jewelled objects one stone would certainly be chosen over another for its symbolic value, according to the lapidary texts. I have, however, found no evidence that such values were ever attributed to pigments.

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These attitudes created reasons to choose one material over another (given otherwise similar colours and working properties). These attitudes would have been present in different proportions in different individuals. One might contrast for example Suger with Bernard of Clairvaux. Consequently sometimes an artist might have chosen to use a genuine expensive material, whereas an imitation may have been considered appropriate for a different object or by a different artist. That sometimes there were genuine expensive materials used, and sometimes not, is in itself interesting. The use of intrinsically expensive materials is an important indicator of the attitude of the artist and the patron to a book. And yet to the naked eye it is not always clear. Clearly if chemical analysis can discern between expensive and inexpensive materials this is helpful in indicating which attitude or attitudes applied to which objects or to which periods, regions, artists or patrons. This is directly relevant to the study of manuscript yellows because, as we shall see, imitation gold was common.

Sophistication of the palette Of course there are other reasons to use pigment mixtures, not just to imitate precious materials. Not all colours can be obtained from a single pure natural material. Until very recently there was, for example, a great shortage of green pigments. For symbolic or diagrammatic work this was not problematic, since a face or a landscape could be adequately modelled with one or two crude colours, but for more sophisticated work, e.g. to be more realistically representational, the shortage of subtle colours was a problem. The problem was overcome in two ways. The first method used to increase the range of available colours was mixing pigments. It is often stated that mediaeval artists, having made such efforts to obtain pure colouring materials, did not want to adulterate them, and that in consequence they did not mix pigments. This is simply not true. Mediaeval artists’ recipe books contain thousands of prescriptions for mixtures (Clarke 2011), and chemical analyses have shown a great variety of mixed pigments, notably those mixed to produce greens (Clarke 2001b). Another solution was layering, where a thin or transparent layer of one colour was used on top to modify another. These combinations allow for more sophisticated or more representational art, and indeed, around the ‘Eyckian turning point’, c.1420, we find more and more mixtures and transparent over-layers; this was certainly done in manuscripts, not only in panel painting or in oil painting (Clarke 2011). Another method of increasing the gamut of available of colours was to harness the colours of plants. There are many recipes based on plant extracts, either to make lake pigments, or simply to colour white pigments with the juices: ‘Take yellow flowers, and grind, and express the juice, and temper white lead with this juice, and dry. And temper it again, and dry, and repeat thus a third time’ (Glasgow MS Hunter 110, f.40r). These flower extracts are often specified to be for use ‘in carta’, i.e. on paper or parchment. However, even in a relatively well-protected environment as a closed book, organic pigments based on plant material are very prone to change colour and fade.

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Lost manuscript yellows Careful examination of manuscripts reveals areas where colour only remains as faint transparent traces. Figure 2 shows transparent infills in orange, red-pink, yellow and blue. The transparency clearly seems to indicate a faded organic colour. Similar discolouration and fading of red and yellow is visible in Figure 3. Once alerted to such fading, one can search for it.

fig.2 a, b, c cambridge, corpus christi college ms69 (england, 8th century), f.20r, f.14r, ms144 (england, 9th century) f. 13r

fig.3 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms69, f.1r (england, 8th century)

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3. This does not reproduce well in print.

Why are lost manuscript yellows so particularly interesting and important? One reason is that so often yellow was used either to represent gold, or to imitate gold, or to be a substitute for gold, and in any picture golden objects are of undoubted iconographic importance. There are a great many recipes for imitation gold, and indeed some of the most ancient artists’ recipes we have are for imitation chrysography. The most common ingredient of recipes for imitation gold is saffron. The other reason for concentrating on yellow is that its colour changes and fades away so dramatically; indeed the changes to yellows are often the strongest indication – and the strongest argument – that colours in manuscripts have changed at all. Examples of degraded yellow are found in the earliest manuscripts. On the exhibited pages of British Museum papyrus EA10470 (Egyptian, 1320-1200 BC) the yellow pigment orpiment and the orange pigment realgar (two forms of an arsenic mineral) have both become white (having converted to a third form of the mineral, arsenolite); the unexhibited pages retain their colour. Orpiment is unusual in this respect, because it is a mineral pigment, which are usually stable. Plant-based pigments, on the other hand, all tend to fade very badly, and yellow plant-based pigments fade worst of all. My attention was first drawn to this phenomenon while studying the earliest mediaeval manuscripts from the British Isles. In the Cathach of St Columba (Dublin Royal Irish Academy) on f.48r is a zoomorphic initial that only the closest inspection shows is infilled with a colour not quite the same as the parchment. 3 Clearly in this and in many other early manuscripts the paint is extremely thin, or is a liquid dye or stain rather than a solid pigment bound in a medium. This phenomenon is not confined to English examples, nor to very early examples, and one cannot dismiss it as the result of ‘primitive’ materials and techniques. If we concentrate on yellows, then fading phenomena can be still dramatic in the highest quality twelfth century Romanesque manuscripts. Figure 4 shows a page from the Bury Bible, a de luxe manuscript. The rubric is composed of primary colours, but compared with the other colours the yellow is dull,

fig.4 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms2, f.7r (england, 12th century)

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weak, and translucent. Here surely we can infer that this buff or yellow-brown colour must originally have been intended to be a strong colour as well, most probably a bright yellow imitating gold. This phenomenon appears in Romanesque manuscripts from all over Europe. I first noticed it on English examples, and was most interested to see it again in the Torre do Tombo and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Examples of this same alternation of strong colours with a drab buff were noted from Lorvão (e.g. MS L16 f.7v, f.32), and from Sta. Cruz (e.g. MS1 f.2 and MS17 f.171). In some cases we can deduce that some faded yellows were deliberately transparent. Often a transparent yellow has been used much as one might use a yellow fluorescent pen today, to highlight a rubric (Fig. 5a). That this yellow was intended as a highlighter is confirmed by this unambiguous red used similarly (Fig. 5b). The red is carefully painted around the letters, whereas the yellow is painted all over, suggesting it was always transparent.

4. Further examples of faded and discoloured yellows (shown at the conference) include: Cambridge Corpus Christi College: MS256 (Italy, 6th), MS69 (England, 8th), MS193 (France, 8th), MS411 (Channel, c.1000), MS183 (England, 11th), MS4 and MS94 (England, 12th), MS82 (France, 13th), MS394 (England 14th), MS395 (Catalan 15th). Cambridge University Library: MS Ll.1.10 (England 9th), MS Ii.6.32 (England 10th), MS Ff.1.23 (England, 11th). Glasgow University Library: MS Hunter 404 (Italy, 10th, e.g. f.25r). Engelberg Stiftsbibliothek: Cod. 5 (Switzerland 12th). Portuguese Romanesque examples include Lorvao L16, Santa Cruz MS1, MS17, 43 and 76, and Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal MS Alcobaça 333 and MS360.

fig.5 (a) sta. cruz ms58 (12-13th century) f.1 (b) f.140

The use of a transparent yellow is confirmed in other Portuguese manuscripts, where it is used in combination with patterns of dots (Fig. 6). This use of transparent yellow is confined neither to Portugal nor to this period, and examples might be multiplied indefinitely, from 6th to 15th century, from England, France, Italy, central Europe and Iberia. 4 Transparency in aqueous paint media such as those used on manuscripts is important as it implies the use of an organic pigment, and organic pigments are those most prone to fading.

Evaluating losses Visual examination and comparison clearly reveals areas of fading or discolouration, especially severe for yellow; indeed, in some cases it is not obvious that an area was coloured at all. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways to evaluate what the original appearance of manuscript colours may have been: (i) iconography and visual harmony, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval artists’ recipe books.

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fig.6 sta cruz ms40 (13th century) f.30

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5. Degraded orpiment, arsenolite, is also invisible to Raman. 6. Cheryl Porter, personal communication 2009. 7. Some years ago I suggested that the use of Infra-Red lasers might overcome the fluorescence problems that have until now hindered analysis of organic pigments by Raman spectrosopy. Perkin-Elmer have now lent an Infra-Red FT-Raman instrument to the British Library, who in 2010 will examine certain Anglo-Saxon manuscripts where I identified faded yellow organics. Preliminary results using reconstructions seem promising. (David Jacobs, BL, personal communication 2009.)

Iconography and visual harmony One must re-consider images where one might expect yellow for iconographical reasons. There are few motifs in mediaeval European art where the iconographic meaning of yellow is sufficiently robust and consistent to deduce a lost yellow, but possible useful motifs include heraldic devices (specified in unambiguous terminology: ‘or’ should be yellow), or representations of golden objects and haloes. Even without iconographical clues we can deduce when the colours must be wrong by loss of visual harmony, as for example in Fig. 4 where the colour of the red, blue and green letters is intense, thickly applied, strong, dark and saturated, but the brownyellow letters are dull and insipid. Especially in these Romanesque examples it seems clear that the pale-brown colour is incongruous, and a strong yellow would surely have made better pictorial sense alongside the other strong colours. In cases where a colour is barely distinguishable from the colour of parchment (e.g. the yellow in Fig. 3 b) we may conclude that it would have been decoratively valueless, and thus is surely degraded.

Technical analysis Unfortunately chemical analysis is unusually problematic for faded yellows. For organic pigments the currently favourite technique for manuscript analysis – Raman spectroscopy – is unsuitable. 5 The best method of analysis of organic colours is High-Performance Liquid Chromatography, but it requires samples; these only need to be very small, but they do need to be not too degraded. Sometimes when a yellow colorant degrades it can be identified by its degradation products (although not in the case of saffron). Saffron has been detected using Fourier-Transform Infrared spectroscopy, even in mixtures, but only when it has survived in good condition. Despite these problems there have been successes. The Wollaton Antiphonal (University of Nottingham MS250), for example, is a high-quality English manuscript c.1420, painted with a very full palette. Recent HPLC analysis identified several plant-based pigments, including yellows from broom (Genista tinctoria), sometimes with weld added. All are found on a base of either chalk or lead white, and in one remarkable case, on the synthetic inorganic pigment lead-tin-yellow. The organic yellows were also found mixed with verdigris. Of particular interest is that it has been suggested that this book was made in the English region of East Anglia, where broom is a local product. 6 The application of other analytical techniques to manuscripts is being developed, including Direct Injection Mass Spectrometry (requiring only tiny samples) and fluorescence spectroscopy (requiring no samples). 7

Recipes So, in summary, analysis can be very helpful, but is difficult for yellows. Fortunately, when analysis is not able to provide the answer, we have another clue. There survive a considerable number of mediaeval treatises containing artists’ recipes, including for organic yellow pigments. The majority of these use saffron (Crocus sativus). Audemar (c.1300) stated saffron was produced in France (but that it was not good),

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that it was imported from Spain and Italy, and the best from ‘Sicily’ [read: ‘Cilicia’ i.e. Turkey] (Clarke 2001a, #2790). The 11th century specialist treatise De clarea (‘On glair’) devotes a large proportion of its short length to saffron (Clarke 2001a, #140). Other yellows suggested by recipes include weld, safflower (Carthamus tinctorius), buckthorn (Rhamnus cathartica), blackthorn (Prunus spinosa), aloes, fustic (Rhus cotinus), and the gall of an ox or fish. These were usually mixed in glair (egg white), although hide glue was also suggested, e.g. by Le Begue in 1431 (Clarke 2001a, #2790). Alternatively organic colorants could be added to inorganic white substrates such as egg-shell, lead-white, chalk and gypsum. The prevalence and wide diffusion of recipes for organic yellows means that we should be looking for traces of them. (The prevalence of recipes for mosaic gold after c.1400 suggests analysis of what appears to be gold is also needed.) It is satisfying that recipes in the 15 th century Portuguese Livro de como se fazem as cores (Clarke 2001a, #2950) seem to correspond well with chemical analysis of Portuguese manuscripts, suggesting that its recipes for yellows may well explain these faded areas. Knowledge of the recipes suggests lines of enquiry: in reconstructions of saffron and safflower recipes, plant fibres are visible (Fig. 7), so it would be worthwhile trying to find them (although a careful illuminator may have excluded them).

fig.7 reconstructions (left) safflower, (right) saffron

Microscopic examination of the lettering shown in Fig. 4 showed the paint medium to be thick, almost colourless brown, and to exhibit craquelure. This is what would be found if it had originally been a yellow transparent colorant in a thick glue medium. (Reconstructions showed that saffron in a glue or gum medium needs to be applied thickly.) If indeed the Bury Bible lettering was originally made with saffron (or similar) then all the colours of the lettering would have originally been equivalent in terms of strength and saturation, and thus more visually coherent. This effect has been reconstructed in Figure 8 by digitally increasing the degree of colour saturation. Surely this makes more decorative sense.

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fig.8 digital reconstruction with enhanced yellow

Recipes supply the surprising information that the problem of faded yellow pigments is not confined to faded yellow colours. This is because saffron was not just used in yellow pigments, but was also an additive to other pigments. Recipes document that the addition of saffron to verdigris was common in Europe (and Persia), and analysis confirms this. (The stated reason was to improve colour, although saffron also reduces corrosion of pages by verdigris.) Saffron was added to azurite to make green, and even to improve orpiment. Consequently loss of yellow organic colorants can cause colour change in even non-yellow areas. Other organics were added to other inorganics too, and so although inorganic pigments such as verdigris, minium or azurite may be identified by reliable and robust techniques, nevertheless the colours may not be original (Clarke 2011).

Mediaeval responses to colour loss It is unclear how much durability of pigments was understood by mediaeval craftsmen. Recipes warn that certain pigments are chemically incompatible and will discolour each other if mixed, and other recipes specify that some pigments (notably organics) were suitable for manuscripts but not suitable for other supports (such as panels and walls). It is not clear how soon colour loss occurred, whether it was noticed, or whether repairs were carried out. Financial documents record mediaeval restorations of wall- and panel-paintings, but regarding manuscripts are largely silent. Accounts from Merton College Oxford c.1500 itemise painting saffron onto fore-edges – apparently now lost. Examination shows ‘improvements’ to manuscripts certainly were carried out: not really restorations but rather re-decoration projects. Pigment analysis is useful in finding anachronistic materials that document this. British Library Add. MS 40618 is an Irish eighth century manuscript, but includes some pages of late tenth century illustrations that have been pasted in (f. 22v, f.49v). One might easily spot these added pages by their later style, but ultramarine is also found on the original eighth century initials (23r and 50r); clearly these original initials must have been re-touched while the book was undergoing improvement

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(Clarke 2004b, which see for another example). Whether lost yellows were repainted remains to be determined.

Conclusions Clearly there has been a loss and change of colour in mediaeval European manuscripts, due to the degradation and fading of colorants, and in particular there has clearly been a particularly severe loss of yellows, especially transparent yellows. This yellow loss is not confined to areas originally coloured yellow, but also in certain areas such as verdigris green. Furthermore many non-yellow pigments contained an organic component, which has probably altered in colour too. Since what is seen now is clearly not always what was originally there, the appearance of manuscripts must be re-assessed. In the case of transparent yellow, the contrast with the parchment is often negligible, and even allowing for some darkening and yellowing of the parchment, if it had always been this colour it would have made no decorative sense. The buff or brown colour in Romanesque manuscripts has in the past been accepted as a bona fide colour. It does contrast somewhat with parchment, and is legible, but, since the other colours are usually all strong and bright, a subtle or drab yellow-brown seems out of place, and so I suggest that it would make more decorative sense if it had originally been golden-yellow. It seems, from inspection of surviving traces of colour, and from mediaeval recipes, that there was an extensive use of vivid organic yellows, which are now lost. Clearly art historians can benefit from an awareness of possible colour alterations. It may help to explain, for example, why so little gold was used in Portuguese manuscripts in this period, compared with elsewhere in Europe. In addition to being vehicles for the transmission of texts and images, manuscripts are also archaeological artefacts, and one must constantly bear in mind this physicality. Chemical analysis is helpful to establish provenance, to identify intrusive anachronistic elements, and to deduce original appearance. This is a golden age for the study of the physical properties of art works in general and manuscripts in particular, with increasingly sensitive analytical instruments available, and a renaissance in the philology of artists’ recipe books. But to establish what was conventional usage for different periods, regions, or ateliers, more work is needed to build up a substantial and statistically significant corpus of analyses (similar to that extant for easel paintings). This must be collaborative, as the best analyses are done by physicists and chemists working closely with conservators, librarians, and art historians.

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Acknowledgments This paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Instituto de Estudos Medievais, Departamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for their kind invitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figures 2, 3, 4 are reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Figures 5, 6 are reproduced by permission of BPMP. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author.

Bibliography Clarke, M. (2001a) The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications. Clarke, M. (2001b) ‘The analysis of medieval European manuscripts’ Reviews in Conservation 2: 3-17. Clarke, M. (2004a) «Really don’t trust your eyes to identify manuscript pigments!» Gazette du livre médiéval 44: 50-53. Clarke, M. (2004b) ‘Anglo-Saxon Manuscript Pigments’ Studies in Conservation 49: 231-244. Clarke, M. (2011) Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier ‘Liber diversarum arcium’. London: Archetype Publications.

Biography Mark Clarke (°1962) trained in England in conservation and conservation science, with an interdisciplinary doctorate on medieval manuscript paint. He has been a researcher in technical art history and art technological source research, at the University of Cambridge, the Institute Collectie Nederland, the Fitzwilliam Museum, and FOMAMOLF. He specialises in the interdisciplinary study of historic artist’s paint, combining technical analysis, art history, historically accurate reconstructions, and written sources. He has made a particular study of mediaeval artists’ recipe books. He co-founded the International Council of Museums (Conservation Committee) working group on Art Technological Source Research. He is currently working on the early history of oil paint at the University of Amsterdam, and is an invited Fellow of the VLAC Institute of Advanced Study of the Royal Flemish Academy. University of Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum Ateliergebouw, Hobbemastraat 22, 1071 ZC Amsterdam, The Netherlands. mark@clericus.org

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Resumo A iluminura românica que chegou até nós encontra-se intimamente ligada ao mundo monástico, particularmente aos mosteiros de São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. É neste universo cultural, rico de referências religiosas, políticas e artísticas que nos propomos estudar a cor. Como formas de construção da cor, entendemos a procura de certas combinações e padrões bem como de efeitos visuais particulares. Procedeu-se à quantificação das principais cores presentes, através do mapeamento da cor, obtendo-se assim a distribuição das áreas relativas para o azul, vermelho, verde, amarelo e laranja. O trabalho de investigação levado a cabo por uma equipa interdisciplinar permitiu assim lançar novas hipóteses em relação às opções estéticas e simbólicas dos iluminadores e à datação dos manuscritos, respectivamente do Apocalipse do Lorvão e os De avibus. Procuramos ainda dar início a uma narrativa que nos permita chegar ao significado da cor nos códices medievais (sécs. XII e XIII), detectando as contribuições das três culturas medievais que forjaram o Portugal moderno – hebraica, muçulmana e cristã.

palavras-chave iluminura medieval cor análises científicas apocalipse do lorvão de avibus

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Abstract The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries. It is in this cultural universe, rich in religious, political and artistic references that we propose to study colour. By exploring how colour was created and applied in specific patterns and for especial visual effects, we aim to contribute for a better understanding of its symbolic and social meaning. Colour distribution was quantified by mapping the relative areas of the main colours, blue, red, green, yellow and orange. The interdisciplinary research that was carried out has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options of the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De Avibus respectively. Finally, we started a narrative that will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour in medieval codices, detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which forged Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words medieval illuminations colour scientific analysis lorvão apocalypse de avibus

the colour of medieval portuguese illumination: an interdisciplinary approach maria j oão m e lo (co o r d i n ato r ) cata rin a mi g u e l , a n a c l a ro, r i ta ca stro Departamento de Conservação e Restauro and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)

M a r i a a d e l a i d e m i r a n da ( co o rd in ator ), a n a l e mos Instituto de Estudos Medievais and Instituto de História da Arte, FCSH, UNL, Lisboa (Portugal)

v. s o l a ng e f. m u r a l h a VICARTE: Vidro e Cerâmica para as Artes, FCT, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)

j oão a . lo pe s REQUIMTE, Departamento de Química, Faculdade de Farmácia, Universidade do Porto, Porto (Portugal)

a ntó nio p e r e i r a g on ç a lv e s Departamento de Química, Instituto Tecnológico e Nuclear, Lisboa (Portugal) 1. The team includes researchers from Art History, Conservation and Chemistry; computer scientists have recently joined the team. 2. An interdisciplinary approach to the study of colour in Portuguese manuscript illuminations, POCTI/EAT/33782/2000. 3. The identity of Portuguese medieval manuscript illumination in the European context, PTDC/EAT/65445/2006.

Preamble In 2004, we started an interdisciplinary project on the colour of medieval Portuguese illuminations, within which an interdisciplinary team 1 was created. The experimental design as well as the modus operandi were developed and fully tested 2. Two important and dated manuscripts were selected as case studies, Apocalypse and The Book of Birds (De Avibus of Hugh of Fouilloy) from São Mamede do Lorvão monastery. The study of colour was continued in a project that included the scriptoria of Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Santa Maria de Alcobaça as well as a larger and representative selection of manuscripts 3. In this paper, the findings of these two projects will be presented.

1. The Romanesque illuminated manuscripts in Portugal and the Alcobaça, Lorvão and Santa Cruz monasteries The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries 4. The two last monasteries present the more homogeneous and consistent collections of our Romanesque scriptoria and, at that

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time, were central for the formation of the Portuguese nationality, assuming artistic protagonism in the kingdom. It is in this cultural universe 5, rich in religious, political and artistic references that we propose to study colour 6. Inheriting of ancient traditions, the new religious orders, Benedictines, Augustinians and Cistercians, will integrate in their scriptoria important treatises for the artistic techniques, such as the Mappae Clavicula in the library of Santa Cruz de Coimbra 7 and On divers arts very likely present in Alcobaça. The monks’ artistic creativity is present in the architectural space they inhabited as well in the liturgical arts, particularly in the illuminated manuscripts. Colour appears as a fundamental element in the organisation of the Codex, creating sense and beauty. By exploring how colour was created and applied in specific patterns and for especial visual effects, we aim to contribute for a better understanding of its symbolic and social meaning in medieval Portuguese illuminations in these monasteries. We will approach this subject within an international context, namely considering the leading French monasteries, with which the Portuguese monks were connected, see Figure 1. The monastic libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz were produced in their scriptoria, through the circulation of manuscripts between the monasteries which they were associated with, and together with donations made from or orders made to the most prestigious productive centres at that time. A short presentation of the monastic medieval libraries, and the monasteries in which they were established, is important for having a better understanding of the origin, purpose and circulation of medieval manuscripts.

4. Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura Românica em Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. PhD Dissertation. Lisboa: Universidade Nova de Lisboa; Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura de Santa Cruz no Tempo de Santo António. Lisboa: Edições Inapa; Nascimento, A.A., Miranda, M.A. (coord.) 1999. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identidade e Influência (do séc. X ao XVI): catálogo da Exposição. Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal; Miranda, M.A., Lemos, A., Claro, A., Miguel, C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa, uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de História de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245. 5. Mattoso, J. 2009. Os antepassados dos navegadores in Naquele tempo. Ensaios de História Medieval. Lisboa: Temas e Debates/Círculo de Leitores, p.240: «(...) investigações recentes acerca da cultura dominante em Coimbra e nas cidades portuguesas do Sul mostram que os conhecimentos dos Moçárabes estavam ainda suficientemente vivos imediatamente a seguir à conquista cristã e que exerceram uma influência profunda sobre os clérigos destas mesmas cidades durante o século XII. Ora Lorvão situa-se precisamente junto a Coimbra e era um centro importante da cultura moçárabe». 6. Pastoureau, M. 1996. Couleur, images, symboles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, sd.p.47: «La symbolique des couleurs est une notion floue dont on use et abuse. Il n’y a pas de symbolique des couleurs envisagée hors du temps et de l’espace, mais seulement de multiples systèmes de la couleur ou dans un contexte donné, précis, daté, localisé, les couleurs prennent en charge tel ou tel réseau de significations.» 7. Peixeiro, H. 1998. A Iluminura do Apocalipse do Lorvão. Provas públicas para professor coordenador. Tomar: IPT/EST/DTAG/ACG, p.28.

fig.1 portuguese medieval monasteries: são mamede do lorvão, santa cruz de coimbra and santa maria de alcobaça, and the french monasteries which they were associated with (mother abbeys)

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8. «A documentação do Liber Testamentorum toma por referência a comunidade monástica do Lorvão. É esta, certamente mais antiga que o documento de 857 (...). Efectivamente, comprovando ele que a comunidade monástica recebe doações nessa data, há que admitir a sua existência anterior» in Nascimento, A.A. 2007. Liber Testamentarum do Mosteiro de Lorvão, in Monarquia y Sociedad en el Reino de León. De

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Alfonso III a Alfonso VII. ed. J.M. Fernández Catón, León, 315-339. 9. While both scholars agree with the fact that the date mentioned in the ms. 777, must be corrected, Aires Augusto do Nascimento proposes 857 and Fernández Catón 907 or 917. Please see also Mattoso, J. 2009. Recension to the paper by Nascimento A., Fernández Cáton, J. (ed). Liber testamentorum coenobii laurbanensis (estúdios). Léon: Centro de Estudios y Investigación. in Mediavalista. 7. Lisboa: FCSH: «Enquanto A. Nascimento defende a correcção do evidente erro de data do referido documento de 777 para 857, Fernández Catón considera esta opinião impossível e propõe 907 ou 917, mas inclina-se mais para 917 (pp. 467-475)». 10. Mattoso, J. 1996. «A vida religiosa dos beneditinos portugueses durante o séc. XIII» in Religião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2.ª ed., 167-168: «Provavelmente ignoraremos para sempre até que ponto eram verdadeiras as acusações feitas aos monges de Lorvão. Não podemos, porém, deixar de notar que o fim do séc. XII é neste mosteiro uma época de prosperidade e de vitalidade religiosa, como atestam as cópias de livros aí feitas entre 1183 e 1189. Além disso, sabemos que os bens do mosteiro provocavam as ambições do bispo de Coimbra, contra as quais os monges se queixavam amargamente por volta de 1200».

The São Mamede do Lorvão monastery provides us scarce documental evidence on the date it was founded. A recent publication on Chartularium Laurbanense (Cartulary of Lorvão), also known as Livro dos Testamentos do Lorvão, coordinated by Aires Nascimento and Fernández Catón, proposes 857 8 and 917 9 for its foundation. This monastery had an important role in the period before the Portuguese Kingdom was founded, and was involved in the Iberian resistance to the introduction of the monarchism from Cluny 10. Its collection is heterogeneous and from 1206, the date from which it starts to follow the feminine Cistercian 11, we believe it will no more have a scriptorium, even though it continues to enrich its library. For the medieval period, the collection has 18 manuscripts, of which two have colophon, particularly significant for the history of illumination in Portugal – the Lorvão Apocalypse (1189) (Figure 2) and the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy (1183-1184) (Figure 3). These manuscripts can be found in the National Archives (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo) 12. Santa Cruz de Coimbra, which dates back to 1131, is one of the most important monasteries linked to the construction of Portugal as an independent kingdom. The communitarian life started the following year and its importance was reinforced by the fact it was the first royal pantheon. Donations from the crown and nobility were in the origins of the monastery that will follow the regular Canons of Saint Augustine and the guidelines of St. Ruf of Avignon, depending on the Holy See due to the conflicts with the Cathedral of Coimbra 13. We know that the scribes substituted the Visigoth by the Carolina script between 1054 and 1072 in the documents of the chancellery 14, being the writing of the Codex close to this date. The first Codex is dated of 1139, Homiliário Santa Cruz 4 (Appendix 1), even though there are doubts of its production in this monastery 15. Until the first quarter of the thirteenth century, Santa Cruz has approximately 36 illuminated manuscripts from which a significant number will have here its origin. The collection has a total of 99 codices, conserved

fig.2 lorvão apocalypse (1189), ff. 43, 115, 172v, 209v and 210. photo © antt

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fig.3 de avibus (book of birds) from lorvão monastery (1183-1184), ff. 5, 6, 16, 25 and 50v. photo © antt

in the Public Library of Porto 16. It is one of the monasteries that have received more attentions from scholars 17. Santa Maria de Alcobaça is a Cistercian monastery founded in 1153, the year in which St. Bernard died. Its foundation is also regulated through a «Carta de Couto» given to the white monks. Only few codices are dated, but the fact the construction of the monastery only started in 1179, shows that the scriptorium would have started to operate lately. It possesses a set of approximately 458 volumes from the Middle Ages, of which 160 illuminated ones from the last quarter of the 12th and first quarter of the 13th century, which are kept in the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal 18.

2. Characterization of the manuscripts from Alcobaça,Lorvão, Santa Cruz collections (12th-13th centuries) As far as the contents of the libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz are concerned, there is, in both, a strong predominance of works related to the Patristics (documents written by the Fathers of the Church transmitting the Christian thoughts of the 3rd to 8th century). Although in Alcobaça the Greek Patristics were highlighted, it was however almost absent in Santa Cruz. In Alcobaça we found a significant number of Fathers from the East. Amongst them, Origen, John of Damascus, St. Ephrem, St. Cyprian, St. Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea and John Chrysostom. In Santa Cruz, we only have Origen and Eusebius of Caesarea with the Ecclesiastic History, which was justified by the presence of the Bernardin spirituality in the formation of Alcobaça monastery. As far as the Latin Patristics is concerned, the resemblance

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11. Cocheril, M. 1978. Routier des Abbayes Cisterciennes du Portugal. Paris: Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian, p.195. 12. The illuminations of these two codex are available at http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt 13. Nascimento, A.A. 1998. «Vida de D. Telo» in Hagiografia de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Ed. critic, trad. e estudos introdutórios. Lisboa: Colibri, 81-82. 14. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1994. Da visigótica à carolina. A escrita em Portugal de 882 a 1172. Lisboa: FCG/JNICT, 277-278. 15. Nascimento, A.A. 2002. Liber Testamentorum cit. N.C. Borges, Arte monástica em Lorvão, sombras e realidade – Das origens a 1737. Lisboa. 16. Vilares Cepeda, I. and Ferreira, T.D. 2001. Inventário dos Códices Iluminados até 1500. Vol.2. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda. 17. Martins, A.A. 2003. O Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Séculos XII-XV. Lisboa: Centro de História – Universidade de Lisboa; Gomes, S.A. Gomes. 2000. Limine Conscriptionis: Documentos, Chancelaria e Cultura no Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Séculos XII-XIV. Coimbra: Polimage Editores. 18. Ferreira, T.D. and Santana, A.C. 1993. O tratamento documental de manuscritos ao serviço

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da investigação: a experiência da Biblioteca Nacional. Cadernos BAD, p. 1. 19. Twelfth century encyclopaedias, contemporary for the ms. studied. 20. In Santa Cruz there is only one copy from Papias.

between both libraries should be stressed. Saint Augustine and St. Gregory in Alcobaça, and Saint Augustine and Saint Isidore, in Santa Cruz (library in which we also find a copy of Saint Ambrose, St. Gregory, St. Bede and Cassian), are the most representative authors, being significantly higher in number in Alcobaça (for example, Saint Augustine appears about twenty times). The encyclopaedias are the second group of works, being present Saint Augustine with De doctrina christiana, Saint Isidore with Etimologias, St. Bede with De Rerum Naturam and Hugh of Saint Victor with Didaskalion. In both monasteries, the encyclopaedias from Honorius Augustodunensis and William of Conches are absent 19. Peter Lombard, a polemic author whose work is considered by some to be one of the most important for the study of dialectics and by others a compiler, is largely represented in Alcobaça, however it is absent from Santa Cruz. In the libraries of both monasteries, there are also texts from theologians and homileticians, such as St. Bernard and Hugh of Saint Victor, with the latter being an important author as he represents the speculative mystics. The De Sacramentis, existing in Alcobaça as well as in Santa Cruz, is a large Summa Theologica. However, contrary to what expected, St. Bernard is not the most represented author, even though his works spread rapidly through the library of Alcobaça. Here, we can also find one of the first works of Saint Anselm, Cur Deus Homo, of mystic character, but three of his fundamental works are absent: the Monogium, the Proslogium and the De Veritate. Another well represented group in Alcobaça, though less significant than in Santa Cruz, is the Hagiography, the narration of miraculous and exemplary achievements of the Saints. These manuscripts constitute one of the most important remaining hagiographic collections from the 12th century, being an important link in the history of the first Cistercians legendaries. Writings in Law are absent from Santa Cruz, while present in Alcobaça but with an insignificant number, apart from Bucardo and Bernardo Papiense, the Canons of the Fourth Council of the Lateran, the Livros do Uso de Cister, the Cistercian Carta Caritatis and Consuetudines (Charter of Charity). The Decretum Gratiani, not present in the library but whose existence is known in Clairvaux, Pontigny and Fontenay, is considered as one of the lost manuscripts from the library. We highlight the Grammar works linked to teaching 20, which are well represented through Papias, and also with Alexander of Villedieu, Garnier of Rochefort (Cistercian monk of Clairvaux) and an Alegoric Dictionary of Pedro Cantor. We emphasize also the presence of the Bible, the Book, whose existing copies, due to the importance given in terms of dimension and care to its execution and ornaments, show the importance they had in this library. It is also worth mentioning that the two Santa Cruz bibles present only the Old Testament, with the New Testament being absent in this library. Finally, there are the liturgical books, which are quite significant in the constitution of these two libraries, due to their number and quality, the Psalters and Missals. At the end of the twelfth century, the Portuguese monastic cultural context was spiritually propitious to the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy, a text that was meant to be a behaviour model for the lay – brotherhood community, explaining to them

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the mysteries of incarnation using birds as examples. The three monasteries had a copy of the «Book of Birds» 21. The Lorvão monastery, as previously referred, unlike the two other monasteries, present a very heterogeneous collection 22 as well as a few number of manuscripts. Within this project were studied the manuscripts dating from the Iberian monachism period of the monastery until the Cistercian period, which include two Lectionaries (one Temporal and one Santoral), one Martirology, one Psalter, a manuscript of Saint Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (1183), one Gradual, one Livro das Calendas and two dated manuscripts, the Book of Birds (1183/84) and Lorvão Apocalypse (1189) 23. The manuscripts selected for study, produced during the 12 th and the first half of the 13th century, are available as Supplementary Material 24, together with the folia object of molecular characterization. Thirteen manuscripts were chosen from the Santa Cruz collection, fourteen from Alcobaça, and eleven from the Lorvão collection. This selection was based not only on the chronological period established, but also on the richness of artistic and chromatic features. Many of the manuscripts are only tentatively dated,Tables AP1-AP3, and only 6 24 present a colophon in which a date was originally included by the author.

3. Colour: molecular characterization We approach the study of the materials and techniques of medieval illuminations from three perspectives: art history, molecular analysis of the original artworks and historical accurate reconstructions 25. This section will describe the results of the molecular analysis in Portuguese medieval paint colours. In this research, we aim to unveil the complete paint formulation, including the proportions of which colourants, binders, fillers and other additives were used. With this knowledge, it will be possible to reproduce, in the laboratory, a medieval paint that will be as durable and luminous as the colours that we still find in medieval illuminated manuscripts; we will also be better prepared to preserve this illuminated heritage.

3.1 Colourants Missions to Torre do Tombo (ANTT-DGARQ), Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto (BPMP) 26 and Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP) were carried out during November 2007, January 2009 and May 2009, respectively. The experimental design and the analytical techniques are described in Appendix Experimental Design 27. From the study of all three monasteries’ manuscripts, the medieval Portuguese molecular palette was proposed Figure 4 28. This included the best colourants available during medieval times: vermilion, red lead (minium), orpiment, lac dye (and possibly other red dyes), lapis lazuli, indigo, white lead, carbon and bone black 29 as well as a synthetic copper green named bottle green. Although included in Figure 4, azurite and malachite were very seldom used 30. In the Portuguese illuminations of the

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21. Miranda, M.A. et al. 2010. On Wings of Blue: The history, materials and techniques of the Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 181182. 22. The involvement of the Bishop of Coimbra, D. Pedro Soares, in the expulsion of the Benedictine monks from the Lorvão monastery, prompt us to consider the possibility that they would have carried with them some of the codex and left others, possibly some mss. that were necessary for the religious service as De Avibus and the Lorvão Apocalypse. 23. The Lorvão Apocalypse is part of a large collection of manuscripts known as Beatus, a name derived from the Beatus of Liébana, a monk who lived at the turn of the eighth to the ninth century, in Liébana and wrote a Commentary to the Apocalypse of Saint John, in an environment of belief in the end of the world, accentuated by the closeness to the end of the millennium and an Iberic Peninsula that was converted to the Islam. It is believed that the original manuscript would have been illuminated and that it would communicate the visual message of the events that occurred since the Revelation of Christ up until the moment of the reconstruction of New Jerusalem. In these manuscripts text and image are intrinsically interconnected. 24. Lorvão 5, 43 and 50; Alcobaça 410; Santa Cruz 4 and 27. Supplementary material at www. dcr.fct.unl, section Events – Medieval Colours Conference. 25. This in part explains our engagement in the critical edition of The book on how to make colours that is presented in the Varia section of this number. 26. The BPMP manuscripts were studied in a Molab mission, in the framework of the Eu-ARTECH European project. www.eu-artech.org/files/MEDMAN-UserReport.pdf 27. Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2010. Bright light: microspectrofluorimetry for the characterization of lake pigments and dyes in works of art. Accounts of Chemical Research. 43(6): 857-866.

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28. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel, C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa, uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de História de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245. 29. Cabral, J.M.P. 2006. História Breve dos Pigmentos. 4. Das Artes da Idade Média (1.ª parte). Química-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química. 103: 33-44. 30. They will become later the colour for blue and green [Moura, L., Melo, M.J., Casanova, C., Claro, A. 2007. A Study on Portuguese Manuscript Illumination: The Charter of Vila Flor (Flower Town), 1512. Journal of Cultural Heritage. 8: 299-306]. 31. Cabral, J.M.P. 2001. História Breve dos Pigmentos. III – Das artes grega e romana. QuímicaBoletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química. 82: 57-64. 32. Miguel, C., Claro, C., Melo, M.J. and Lopes, J.A. 2009. Green, blue, greenish blue or bluish green? Copper pigments in medieval Portuguese Illuminations. Sources and Serendipity – Testimonies of Artists’ Practice, London: Archetype: 33-38. 33. In this text carmine describes a dark red, obtained from an organic red dye such as lac dye (laccaic acids A, B, etc.) or cochineal (kermesic and carminic acid). 34. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak (eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 3-18; Seixas de Melo, J., Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2006. As moléculas da cor, na Arte e na Natureza. Química-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química, 101: 44-55. 35. Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and convivência. PhD Dissertation. Cornell University. 116-184; Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese work on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly Review. 19: 97-135; Moreira de Sá, A. 1960. Revista da Faculdade de Letras, 4: 210-223.

fig.4 colourants and colour patterns in portuguese medieval illuminations

twelfth and thirteenth century, lapis lazuli was the colour for blue and was usually used as a pure pigment 31. Dark blues were obtained by adding indigo to lapis lazuli (Santa Cruz) or by using indigo (Lorvão). A deep saturated green, named bottlegreen, found ubiquitously in all manuscripts, was always applied as a single colour 32. Reds were obtained with vermilion that we found as a pure pigment in the lettering or mixed with chalk or red lead (Lorvão) for more extensive painting. Dark reds or carmine colours 33 could be obtained both with an organic dye as lac dye 34 (Lorvão) or by adding an organic dye to vermilion (Santa Cruz). The whites and lights were applied using white lead, and for the black colour, both carbon black and bone black were employed. Red lead was used for the orange colour, namely for typical visual effects, together with pink and white, as depicted in column 2 and 4 of Figure 4. Orpiment was less often employed, having been found in the Lorvão Apocalypse, where it was extensively applied, in the Bible Sta Cruz 1 and in the Homiliário Sta Cruz 4. Other shades of yellow and brownish colours were also found in the studied manuscripts, but until now their characterization was not possible (please, see also next section). Pink and grey colours were consistently applied in the Alcobaça manuscripts and will be discussed in the section «Colour construction and meaning». Alongside the molecular analysis of the artworks, paint historical reconstructions were produced based both on the analytical data and the recipes found in the medieval treaties «The book on how to make colours» 35. These form an important reference database, that will allow a better understanding of the degradation mechanisms and to study the most appropriate conservation strategies.

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3.2 Binders, the invisible side Binding media, the invisible component of a paint colour, is necessary for the cohesion and adhesion. It influences the perception of colour and it may also play a key role in colour changes over time as well as in the stability of the colour paint. Therefore, its characterization becomes important, not only to fingerprint the specificities of the paint’s formulations of Portuguese medieval illuminations, but also to understand the degradation problems that are now visible in some manuscripts. Binders can be applied as a single binder (e.g., egg yolk), in mixtures of two or more polymers (e.g., parchment glue and glair) as well as more complex formulations where several additives are present in however minor amounts, but could still contribute to the paint’s film performance and permanence. To address this issue, chemometrics methodologies were used to compare a considerable number of infrared spectra of medieval paint colours, unveiling multivariate hidden patterns and by comparison with a reference database, to characterize the binders present. The infrared spectra showed that the binder was protein based and therefore the reference database included infrared spectra for the most probable medieval proteineaceous binders: egg white, parchment glue, egg yolk and casein glue 36, Figure 5. A set of 19 micro-samples (six blue paint micro-samples and 13 red paint micro-samples) from eight Lorvão manuscripts 37 was analysed. Vermilion red and lapis lazuli blue were chosen because they are colours ubiquitously present in the medieval illuminations 38. To quantify the binder composition, a multivariate curve resolution (MCR) analysis was performed; this algorithm was able to break down the infrared spectra to its «pure binders»: mainly a collagen binder together with egg white. It was not yet possible to ascertain if the binders were applied as a mixture or as binder and varnish, or a combination of both. To further test these results, antigen-antibody essays are currently in progress.

fig.5 scores plot of a pca model for red (l) and blue paints (l). the grey circle represents the 95% of confidence limit. binders projected onto this model: parchment glue (n), egg white (n), egg yolk (s) and casein glue (s)

3.3 Colour degradation over time When studying medieval illuminations, colour changes over time must be taken into account as they may not only dramatically transform the original colour paint, but also our perception of the overall colour construction and its meaning. As previously discussed, faded shades of «yellow colours» are yet to be characterized. It is possible that some of those faded achromatic yellow paints were originally bright yellows. However, evidence must be found to corroborate this hypothesis, as one must also consider that many organic dyes (including blues, reds and yellows) may have evolved to an achromatic yellow- brown stimulus upon degradation 39. Other colour changes that may give rise to misleading interpretations are the darkening of white lead and red lead, as these may be interpreted as shading. However, under microscope, the degradation is clearly visible, see bellow. These degradation phenomena are not frequent in the studied collections, but are present in several manuscripts as Lorvão Apocalypse, Bible Sta Cruz 1 and Etymologies, Alc 446, Figure 6. The most dramatic changes were observed in the extensive darkening of the orange colour used in Apocalypse, Figure 7, and in the loss of the ubiquitous bottle green in all

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36. Principal Components Analysis (PCA) was applied in the 2840 to 3000 cm-1 spectral window, a region less vulnerable to pigments and fillers and therefore a good infrared window to discriminate the proteinaceous binding media. 37. The Book of Birds, Lorvão Apocalypse, Lorvão 3, 12, 13, 15, 16 and 50. 38. Lapis lazuli does not absorb in the selected protein region and vermilion does not absorb in the entire spectral range. 39. See also the paper by Mark Clarke, in this volume, pag. 138.

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40. Miguel, C. «Le vert et le rouge»: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning of the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations. Ongoing PhD Thesis (SFRH/ BD/44374/2008).

fig.6 alcobaça 446 (13th century), f.96v evidencing signs of degradation on the white lead on the flesh paint. image © bnp (please see text for more details)

the codices. Projects were launched aiming to unveil the degradation mechanisms 40, as this knowledge is fundamental for the development of stabilization procedures. Relevant aspects of this on-going research will be next presented.

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Orange 41 The red lead from Lorvão Apocalypse changed from being a bright orange to a dark brown, following three general degradation patterns: a very textured surface where a pastel yellow colour and red grains were observed, a thin black-grey layer over the orange and, finally, a thicker layer of a metallic appearance, Figure 7. To further understand the degradation mechanisms, based on the fact that in the orange paints the presence of orpiment in ca. 1-4% and vermilion below 2% (%wt) was detected 42, a set of experiments were designed to test the influence of extenders, pH and the two other pigments used 43. The results obtained indicated that lead sulphide 44 (PbS) was one of the main degradation products 45. This concurs with the results obtained in situ and from Raman analysis on a micro-sample of a degraded area in f. 118, which confirmed galena as the main degradation product of red lead 41.

41. Miguel, C., Claro, A., Gonçalves, A. P., Melo, M. J. and Muralha, V.S.F. 2009. A study on red lead degradation in the medieval manuscript, Lorvão Apocalypse (1189). Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 40: 1966-1973. 42. Based on the quantification of As, Hg and S by micro-EDXRF and molecular fingerprint by microRaman. 43. The experiments were followed by microRaman, micro-EDXRF and XRD, for more details please see 41. 44. Also known as galena. 45. The general reaction pathway could be described by the general reactions described in eq (1) and (2): (1) 2Pb3O4 + As2S3 ➝ 3PbS + (AsO4)2Pb3 (2) 2AsO43– + 3H2O ➝ As2O3 + O2 + 6OH– 46. Colour coordinates in the Lab* system, L*=35.75 a*=-9.99 b*=7.58 (D65 illuminant and 10.º observer angle).

fig.7 details from lorvão apocalypse for orange degradation: no visible degradation (angel, f.118), degradation (beast, f.158), and severe degradation that may be misinterpreted as a paint shadow (dragon, f.153v). two macro photos evidence it

Bottle-green32 The bottle-green paints are also suffering from extensive degradation, and even though this has not affected the brightness or the intensity of the deep green 46, it has however affected the invisible component of the paint: the binder. Bottle-greens are being lost due to a weakening in the cohesion and adhesion of the support. The bottle-green has a glassy fractured appearance under the microscope and under polarized light it appears as a non-crystalline structure. Historic reconstructions were performed to further characterize this paint, using several copper salts as the source for colour. The experimental design was based on the material analysis of the greens found in manuscripts, namely by μ-FTIR, pointing to the existence of a copper proteinate. The reproduction of the bottle-green colour concludes that copper sources play an important role and, from all tested compounds, only verdigris, previously dissolved in a 50 year aged homemade vinegar, proved to be adequate. Work is currently in progress on the framework of a PhD Thesis 40, to further elucidate both its synthesis and degradation mechanisms.

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47. As already described, the study of colour in the Santa Cruz monastery collection was carried out in the framework of a Molab mission and it was possible, with the aid of a portable fluorimeter, to acquire emission spectra and to measure fluorescence lifetimes in situ. As indigo is easily identified both by fluorescence data as well as by Raman spectroscopy it was possible to conclude that the dark blues were obtained mixing lapis lazuli with indigo. With regard to the carmine or dark red colour, the presence of emission was detected but it was low and no match was found in the database. However, it was possible to conclude that the dark red was obtained again by mixing an inorganic pigment, vermilion, with this dye. The detection of these mixtures for the dark blue and red colours is, in itself, important evidence for the characterization of the Santa Cruz palette, as it was not observed in the manuscript collections of the two other monasteries, Lorvão and Alcobaça.

4. Colour construction and meaning In all the collections, as already described, colours are applied almost as a pure colourant in a proteinaceous tempera. In a considerable set of manuscripts, matiz and highlights are also used to give volume and to create a greater visual impact, Figure 4. Exceptions have been found in the construction of some dark reds and blues, obtained by mixing an inorganic pigment with this dye 47; in the pinks and greys, obtained by adding white lead to red or black (or to dark blue indigo); in vermilion, which, is sometimes mixed, when applied on a large surface, to a red lead (minium) with no alteration of its hue, or in the use of fillers, such as calcium carbonate. None of the mixtures mentioned represents an obstacle for the colours’ visual impact, being luminous and with unique hues (red, green, blue, yellow), where the contrasts red/blue or red/green are frequently used. This contributes to the effect of radiance of light and colours which streams from the Portuguese medieval illumination.

4.1 Santa Cruz The manuscripts dating from the middle of the 12th century, such as Santa Cruz 58 and 17, were probably the first to be produced and present a palette consisting of yellow, red and green. Another palette with clear dominance of blues, yellows, greens and reds would later replace. The colours are opaque, saturated and bright and they are applied homogeneously in backgrounds, using predominantly the contrasts yellow/green/red, which would be replaced in the end of the 12th century by blue/red, such as in the Psalter Santa Cruz 27 or the Bible Santa Cruz 1. Figure 8

fig.8 details from santa cruz manuscripts. from top to bottom: santa cruz 20 in ff. 152, 173v, 128v and 92; santa cruz 1 in ff. 314, 338, 197, 206v, 364v, 362v, 364 and 362v,

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4.2 Alcobaça: matiz and volumetry It has been revealed that the religious community of Alcobaça knew the new processes of manuscript painting, delivered through prescriptions and treatises presenting a Byzantine influence. This influence is visible in Italy, as well as in Catalunya, Bourgogne and Champagne. Besides Saint Bernard’s prohibitions 48 on image and colour, the matiz technique generalized in the Clairvaux scriptorium allowed to develop volume and a diversity of shades in one letter, mostly at an ornamental level. In Alcobaça, the monks only applied monochromatism as an exception and used this technique in letters full of volume and exuberance. The ornament presents a more restrictive palette in the first manuscripts, diversifying latter in the liturgical manuscripts. This can be verified in the set of Alcobaça missals 49. Figure 9

48. Lucet, B. 1974. La codification cistercienne de 1202 et son évolution. Roma: Editions Cistercien. Litterae unius fiant et non depictae (Letras de uma só cor e não figuradas). 49. BNF, Alc 249, 251-53, 255-59. 50. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel, C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa, uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de História de Arte – FCSH. 5: 232. 51. Gage, J. 2009. Color and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson, 61-64. 52. In this counting are not included canon tables, schema and marginal illustration. 53. Wirth, J. 1999. L’image a l’époque romane. Paris : Du Cerf, p.389 : «La façon de placer les couleurs est particulièrement intéressante. Dans l’ensemble, elles forment des bordures et ne couvrent qu’exceptionnellement un champ, laissant le parchemin nu sur la plus grande partie de sa surface. De part et d’autre de l’arche, Hugues dispose trois poutres adjacentes dans le sens de la longueur, formant des bordures successives d’inégale épaisseur. La plus forte est à l’extérieur et celle du milieu est la plus fine, contractée entre les deuz autres. Dans la partie supérieure de l’arche, correspondant au temps de la loi naturel, le vert est à l’extérieur, la pourpre au milieu et le jaune à l’intérieur. Dans la seconde partie, correspondant à la loi écrite, on a successivement le jaune, le vert et la pourpre. Enfin dans la troisième partie, celle de la grâce, on a la pourpre, le jaune et le vert».

fig.9 details from alcobaça manuscripts. from top to bottom: alcobaça 419 in ff. 1v and 91v, alcobaça 426 in f. 252 and alcobaça 446 in f. 96v

4.3 Lorvão Even though the Lorvão collection is the most heterogeneous, it includes two manuscripts that present relevant characteristics in the national and international context, having, for this reason, a monographic treatment. They are Lorvão Apocalypse and the Book of Birds, which will be later discussed. Besides the restricted palette of red, orange, yellow and black colours, Figure 10, the particularities of Lorvão Apocalypse in the context of Romanesque illumina-

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fig.10 colour mapping of lorvão apocalypse by relative areas

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54. The etymology of carmine is described by Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur. Zurique: Éditions Francke Berne, p 170: «carmim, formation hybride à partir d’un élément de provenance arabe et d’un élément latin (<qirmizi x minium). (...) quant à / cramoisi/ (<qirmizi »rouge de kermès», c’est-à-dire «rouge de cochenille» aussi) dont l’introduction est postérieure d’un siècle environ à celle d’/ écarlate/ et de /carmin/ (première attestation 1298), c’este le terme rouge cochenille qui designe le «rouge foncè», «pourpre», «rouge violâtre.» 55. Anil is synonymous for indigo and it was commonly used in Portuguese until the first decades of the twentieth century. 56. Lombard, M. 1978. Les Textiles dans le monde musulman: du VIIe au XIIe siècle. Paris: Mouton Editeur, p.252. 57. These red dyes could be obtained from animal or plant sources, for more details please see (Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak (eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 6-7). 58. On Chapters 13 and 14 (this one is incomplete, with no reference for the colour source). For producing rose colours, other recipes are present based on Brazilwood on chapters 8, 9, 27 and 44. 59. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, p.87: «escrita deste texto em aljamia hebraica, percebe-se a existência, no séc. XV, de uma comunidade judeo-portuguesa bem integrada no tecido nacional, com elevada competência de literacia tanto em hebraico como em português». 60. Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in Hebrew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem as cores, in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 29-43. 61. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comuni-

tion in Portugal are also due to the fact it is the only one with an iconographic programme 50. The exclusive use of theses colours makes us search for its meaning; the predominance of yellow (50% of the area), materialized in the orpiment, provoke a luminous effect, which may be related to an aesthetic of light common to the Christian and Arabic worlds, where it is linked to the divine 5. The symbolic and eschatological character of the text and image in the literary tradition of the commentary on Apocalypse, and the need to spread a message in the political and religious context of the peninsular Christian expansion, would have conducted the artist of the Lorvão Apocalypse to create an iconographic programme which is conveyed in 88 52 images. He opted for the use of contrasting and luminous colours applied in the backgrounds and transparent bodies, which seems to exalt the spirituality present in the text. The Portuguese illuminators would use this painting process for a long time. There is a predominance of the use of drawing, being colour applied in the backgrounds 53. This practice had a large widespread in the Western Christian manuscripts, namely by the Norman (Mont Saint Michel, Fécamp Abbey) and Southern France communities (Albi, Limoges and Moissac) and also the Saxon world. In the other manuscripts, we can say that, generally speaking, we observe an extensive use of carmine 54, directly applied on the parchment, like in Diagrama da Pomba (Book of Birds, f.6), or on the minium, to darken it and create an effect of relief (incidire). Moreover, it is mixed with white lead to create a scale from dark to light (matiz), Figure 4. This organic red, lac dye in the Book of Birds, could be a characteristic of the Portuguese medieval illumination and, together with blue 55 indigo, was a colourant used in luxury fabric dyeing. By that time, both colourants were integrated in the extensive net of trade routes created by the Arab conquest 56. The use of white lead for the white colour is also characteristic. The contemporary European production presents many common characteristics, such as the use of lapis lazuli for blue, of vermilion for red and the presence of minium in the palette. The latter being applied pure, as already described, or in a matiz from pink, dark red and very dark red (or black) 57 Figure 4. It is important to mention that, in the Book on how to make colours 35, two recipes are described to obtain a lac dye carmine 58 as well as one for a parchment glue tempera. It is worth to stress that Besides Ivo Castro 59, a Portuguese expert in linguistics, also Devon Strolovitch 60, author of one of the recent critical editions of this manuscript, states that this manuscript is the product of a cult and socially integrated Hebrew community. Our critical edition of the science involved also shows that some recipes reflect complex technological processes but, generally, allowed us to obtain the colours described 25. So, we may conclude that there are evidences that, in the 15th century, the Hebrew community had the necessary knowledge to prepare a medieval colour paint and, even more important, this know-how was part of a more ancient tradition as discussed in a recent linguistic analysis 61. Further investigation in the technological aspects of the Book on how to make colours will probably allow us to reach conclusions on the contribution of this community to the colour of the Portuguese illumination.

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cação, p.87: «a co-presença de camadas linguísticas de diferente cronologia mantém a possibilidade de fontes textuais mais antiga». 62. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur. èditions Francke Berne. 63. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak (eds), p.7. 64. Possibly this vocabulary was brought by the Arabs into the Peninsula, but it derives from the Persian word for the blue stone lapis-lazuli, lãzaward. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur. Èditions Francke Berne, 237- 238. 65. Lack of published molecular data on the ms. collections contemporary to ours.

fig.11 colour analysis for the book of birds of the portuguese monasteries (lorvão, santa cruz and alcobaça) and the french abbey clairvaux. reds used for lettering, being part of the illumination, are shown slightly out

4.4 General conclusions From our investigation of colour of medieval Portuguese illumination, it emerges that the materials used in its production, play an important role in a global history. The cultural importance of the materials of colour is well presented in our language, where many terms used to designate colour come from the materials source, that is, medieval colourants. Thus, taking for example, the red and blue, the Portuguese etymology is for both directly related to the source producing the colour 62. In the case of red, the small parasite from which dye was extracted, vermiculum in Latin 63; in the blue, to the semiprecious stone lapis-lazuli from which the most coveted colour of the Middle Ages was obtained 64. Thus, one of the aims of this investigation would be to compare the materials used in the creation of colour of the Portuguese medieval illumination with some of the used ones in other important European centres, such as France and Spain. This comparative analysis is however not yet possible 65, and in order to overcome this obstacle, we decided to launch a project on colour mapping, which includes quantifying relative proportions of the area occupied for each colour

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66. Manuscript preserved at Troyes Library, BM 177. 67. As proposed by Pastoureau, M. 2002. Bleu. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 67-68; Gage, J. 2009. Color and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson; and Brussatin, M. B.1995. Oro e azzurro. Lezione sui colori, Veneza: Libreria Editrioce Cafoscarina, p 13. 68. Based on the findings of Rémy Cordonnier and discussion with Patricia Stirnemann.

in the illuminations. In a first phase, we will quantify the areas of the main colours used in the Portuguese manuscripts: the red, carmine, orange, blue, green, black and yellow. In the Portuguese case, it is possible to associate a molecular palette to these colours. We tested the potential of this approach with the Books of the Birds from the Portuguese monasteries, comparing them with the one of the Clairvaux monastery 66, Figure 11. In a first analysis, it was possible to verify that the distribution of colours of the codex of Alcobaça is identical to the one of Clairvaux, as expected, considering the similarity of its iconographic programme. One of the most interesting and unexpected results which emerged from the analysis of the Book of Birds from Lorvão is the evidence of the amount of red being identical to the blue one, as if those two colours existed in its contrast. We emphasise the low proportion of green in this manuscript, which was increasing from the Santa Cruz manuscript to the Alcobaça at the expense of the blue. Will these data allow us to propose a review in the dating of theses codices towards a more recent dating of the Lorvão manuscript? In other words, the progression of blue 67 (and the regression of green) corresponds to a change of paradigm, the blue ascending to the main colour in the medieval palette, taking for itself, the meaning of spiritual colour? This is a question to which only an analysis on a larger number of manuscripts could answer; an analysis that is actually going on. However, it is possible to add that this hypothesis is in agreement with the new dating of the Clairvaux manuscript, 1170, proposed by Patricia Stirnemann and Rémy Cordonnier 68.

5. Outlook One of the often-neglected components in the study of medieval illumination is what it is made from: paint. As if the materials, their process and technology involved were not also a cultural product, so many times paradigmatic. In the technological revolution started in the Middle Age, which coined the western modern civilization, the technological production is a cultural product with a high impact. With the present interdisciplinary project, we hope to give contribution to a cultural history of medieval colour, intrinsically global. The work of the investigation conducted by the interdisciplinary team has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options of the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De Avibus respectively. Moreover, we tried to start a narrative that integrates the contributions of different cultures, which coexisted in the Romanesque Portugal. We have integrated diverse evidences which, even apparently dispersed, allowed us to forecast a consistent pattern. For example, two of the most important colours of the medieval palette, the red and the blue, were traded and/or processed by the Arabs or Jews. Thus, lapis lazuli and lac dye (dark red) were imported from Afghanistan and India; the vermilion, though it could be imported from the Almaden mines as a mineral, became a production of Arabic sciences, that is, obtained by (al)chemical synthesis, combining mercury and sulphur. This recipe is clearly described in detail in the Hebrew-Portuguese Book

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on how to make colours 69. In the case of, it is in the meaning of the colour itself that we can find evidences of the Islamic culture influence, consistent with the fact it was copied in Lorvão, located in a region that was an important centre of the Mozarabic culture, from a Mozarabic codex of the 10th century. Within the current on-going project Colour in medieval illuminated manuscripts: between beauty and meaning 70, we wish to deepen this lead and seek for new evidences which will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour in medieval codices, detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which forged together Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures. Finally, and as a way to share our findings with the interested audience, in addition to hands-on workshops of production of medieval illumination that we frequently organize since 2007 71, we will also explore the modern computer interaction technologies 72, with the main focus on children and young publics. We intend to achieve an engaging, intuitive and easy to use interactive system. This installation will simulate the illuminations’ creation process in the medieval period, addressing several aspects from the materials’ origin and production methods to the painting process. It will also show users the historical and social context of that time and reveal the meanings of the colours and images depicted.

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Bibliography Afonso, L.U. 2010. New devellopments in the study of O Livro de como se fazem as cores das tintas in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The materials of the Image. As matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1994. Da visigótica à carolina. A escrita em Portugal de 882 a 1172. Lisboa: FCG/JNICT. Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese work on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly Review. 19: 97-135. Brussatin, M. B.1995. Oro e azzurro. Lezione sui colori. Veneza: Libreria Editrioce Cafoscarina. Cabral, J.M.P. 2001. História Breve dos Pigmentos. III - Das artes grega e romana. Química- Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química. 82: 57-64. Cabral, J.M.P. 2006. História Breve dos Pigmentos. IV. Das Artes da Idade Média (1.ª parte). Química- Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química. 103: 33-44. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, p.87.

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69. The new date for this ms. 15th century, was recently proposed by the team of FLUL that studied the treaties on the art of painting produced in Portugal from Medieval Ages to 1850. It is probable that some of the processes described in the manuscript reflect older traditions. As Ivo Castro could establish, based on linguist analysis, the first version could date form the 13th14th centuries. Inês Villela-Petit was one of the first scholars to propose a new date for the ms. For more details please see, Luís Afonso (p14) e Ivo de Castro (p93-94) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) 2010. The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. As well as paper by Maria João Melo and Catarina Miguel in Varia section of this volume, pag. 290. 70. PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008. 71. As an example, the workshop that was organized in the framework of the International Day of Museums, to a public ranging from 7 to 77 years old (please see http://www.cvtv.pt/ imagens/index.asp?id_video=295 and http:// www.cvtv.pt/imagens/index.asp?id_video=302). These workshops are based on the step by step [Melo, M.J., Miranda, M.A. (coord.), Claro, A., Lemos, A. and Miguel, C. 2007. À descoberta da cor na iluminura medieval com o Apocalipse do Lorvão e o Livro das Aves, published online at http://www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/step-by-step]. 72. See paper on Varia section of this volume, pag. 294.

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Clarke, M. 2001. The Analysis of Medieval European Manuscripts. Reviews in Conservation, 2:3-17. Clarke, M. 2001. The Art of All Colours: Medieval Recipe Books for Painters and Illuminators. Dorchester: Archetype Publications. Cocheril, M. 1978. Routier des Abbayes Cisterciennes du Portugal. Paris: Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian. Coupry, C. 1999. Les pigments utilisés pour l’enluminure à Fécamp, XI-XII ème siècle in Bouet, P. and Dosdat, M. (eds) Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (X-XVème siècles). Caen: Presse Universitaires de Caen, 69-79. Ferreira, T.D. and Santana, A.C. 1993. O tratamento documental de manuscritos ao serviço da investigação: a experiência da Biblioteca Nacional. Cadernos BAD. Lisboa: APBAD. Gage, J. 2009. Color and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson. Gomes, S.A. 2000. Limine Conscriptionis: Documentos, Chancelaria e Cultura no Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Séculos XII-XIV. Coimbra: Polimage Editores. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur. Zurique: Éditions Francke Berne. Lombard, M. 1978. Les Textiles dans le monde musulman: du VII e au XIIe siècle. Paris: Mouton Editeur. Lucet, B. 1974. La codification cistercienne de 1202 et son évolution. Roma: Editions Cistercien. Martins, A.A. 2003. O Mosteiro de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Séculos XII-XV. Lisboa: Centro de História-Universidade de Lisboa. Mattoso, J. 1996. A vida religiosa dos beneditinos portugueses durante o séc. XIII in Religião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2.ª ed. Mattoso, J. 2009. Recension to the paper by Nascimento A., Fernández Cáton, J. (ed). Liber testamentorum coenobii laurbanensis (estúdios). Léon: Centro de Estudios y Investigación in Mediavalista. 7. Lisboa: FCSH. Mattoso, J. 2009. Os antepassados dos navegadores in Naquele tempo. Ensaios de História Medieval. Lisboa: Temas e Debates/Círculo de Leitores. Melo, M.J., Miranda, M.A. (coord.), Claro, A., Lemos, A. and Miguel, C. 2007. À descoberta da cor na iluminura medieval com o Apocalipse do Lorvão e o Livro das Aves. Published online at http://www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/a-descoberta-da-iluminuramedieval. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in the ancient Mediterranean world in Bechtold, T. and Mussak, R. (eds). Handbook of Natural Colorants. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 3-18. Melo M.J., Claro A. 2010. Bright light: microspectrofluorimetry for the characterization of lake pigments and dyes in works of art. Accounts of Chemical Research. 43(6): 857- 866. Miguel C., Claro C., Melo, M.J., Lopes, J.A. 2009. Green, blue, greenish blue or bluish green? Copper pigments in medieval Portuguese Illuminations. Sources and Serendipity – Testimonies of Artists’ Practice. London: Archetype: 33-38.

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Miguel, C., Claro, A., Gonçalves, A. P., Melo, M.J. and Muralha, V.S.F. 2009. A study on red lead degradation in the medieval manuscript, Lorvão Apocalypse (1189). Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 40: 1966-1973. Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura Românica em Santa Cruz em Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. PhD Dissertation. Lisboa: Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura de Santa Cruz no Tempo de Santo António. Lisboa: Edições Inapa. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel, C., Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa, uma abordagem interdisciplinary. Revista de História da Arte. 5: 228-245. Miranda, M.A., Lemos, A., Miguel, C. and Melo, M.J. 2010. On Wings of Blue: The history, materials and techniques of the Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. Moreira de Sá, A. 1960. Revista da Faculdade de Letras, 4: 210-223. Moura, L., Melo, M.J., Casanova, C., Claro, A. 2007. A Study on Portuguese Manuscript Illumination: The Charter of Vila Flor (Flower Town), 1512. Journal of Cultural Heritage. 8-299:306. Nascimento, A.A. 1998. Vida de D. Telo in Hagiografia de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Ed. critic, trad. e estudos introdutórios. Lisboa: Colibri. Nascimento, A.A., Miranda, M.A. (coord.) 1999. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identidade e Influência (do séc.X ao XVI): catálogo da Exposição. Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Nascimento, A.A. 2002. Liber Testamentorum cit. N.C. Borges, Arte monástica em Lorvão, sombras e realidade – Das origens a 1737. Lisboa. Pastoureau, Michel. 1996. Couleur, images, symboles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or. Pastoureau, M. 2002. Bleu. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 67-68. Peixeiro, H. 1998. A Iluminura do Apocalipse do Lorvão. Provas públicas para professor coordenador. Tomar: IPT/EST/DTAG/ACG. Seixas de Melo, J., Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2006. As moléculas da cor, na Arte e na Natureza. Química-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química, 101: 44-55. Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and convivência. PhD Dissertation. Cornell University. 116-184; Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in Hebrew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem as cores, in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 29-43. Vilares Cepeda, I. and Ferreira, T.D. 2001. Inventário dos Códices Iluminados até 1500. Vol.2. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda. Wirth, J. 1999. L’image a l’époque romane. Paris: Du Cerf.

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Biographies Ana Claro obtained her PhD in Conservation and Restoration in 2009 from the Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal. She was a trainee assistant at this University (2005-2009) and joined the Associate Laboratory REQUIMTE-CQFB (FCT-UNL) in 2004 and the Medieval Studies Institute (FCSH-UNL) in 2005. Her primary research focus is the study of materials applied in illuminated manuscripts. She worked at the Getty Conservation Institute as a Visiting Post Doc (2009). Currently she is doing research on Asian organic colorants as Post Doc at Centre for Overseas History (CHAM-UNL) and Hercules laboratory – Évora University. Ana Lemos is graduated in History-Art History by Faculdade de Letras, Lisbon University. In 2006 she integrated the research team supervised by Maria João Melo and Maria Adelaide Miranda, working on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval Illuminations. In 2009, Ana Lemos got a Master degree by Faculdade Ciências Sociais e Humanas, New University of Lisbon, with the thesis «Um Novo olhar sobre o livro de Horas de D. Duarte». Currently, she is working on her PhD thesis entitled «Catálogo dos livros de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções públicas portuguesas (primeira metade do século XV)». António Pereira Gonçalves is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior Técnico (IST), Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD in Chemistry (IST). He has been focusing his research on solid-state chemistry, Materials Science, High Temperature Chemistry and Crystallochemistry. António Pereira Gonçalves is currently a Principal Researcher at Instituto Tecnológico e Nuclear (ITN), and is responsible for the High Temperature Synthesis and Crystal Growth and for the Films Deposition Laboratories. Catarina Miguel studied Chemical Engineering at Instituto Superior Técnico (IST), Technical University of Lisbon. After a final internship at the Portuguese Institute for Conservation and Restoration (IPCR) in 2004, she joined Maria João Melo research group (DCR-FCT-UNL) on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval illuminations. Presently, she is focusing her studies on art and technological source research, in the framework of her PhD thesis «Le vert et le rouge: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning of the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations». João A. Lopes is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior Técnico (IST), Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD, also by IST. He is a Researcher at Requimte, and member of the Physical-Chemistry group of Faculdade de Farmácia, Oporto University. His research interests include Chemometrics, Process Analytical Chemistry, Vibrational Spectroscopy, Process Systems Engineering and Biospectroscopy. João A. Lopes current research activity is focused on the development and application of chemometrics and data-mining tools through the principles of process systems engineering. Main research interests consist on on-line, in-situ, non-destructive and automatic systems for monitoring. Maria Adelaide Miranda has graduated with a degree in History from Faculdade de Letras, Lisbon University. MA and PhD degrees, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas

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(FCSH), New University of Lisbon. Associated professor of Medieval Art History at the Department of Art History (FCSH-UNL, Lisbon). Her research interests in Medieval Art include the study of colour, iconography and manuscript illuminations, having coordinated interdisciplinary projects such as «The colour of medieval illuminations» and «Imago». She is a fellow researcher at Instituto de Estudos Medievais and associate researcher at Instituto de História da Arte as well as member of the editorial board of the journals Medievalista on line (IEM) and De Arte (Univ. de León). Maria João Melo obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry, in 1995, from New University of Lisbon. In 1999, after a Post Doc at ICVBC-CNR in Florence, she joined the Conservation Unit at the New University of Lisbon, where she is responsible for the C&R scientific laboratory. Since 1999 she has also been researcher at Requimte. Her research interests include the colour of medieval illuminations and conservation of Modern Art, namely the study of the mechanisms of photodegradation in polymer systems and colour paints. Other areas of interest are Color in Art and Nature and Semiochemistry. Rita Castro studied Art History, Chemistry and Conservation at the New University of Lisbon (Caparica). 2009, M.A. Dissertation on Chinese hand-painted wallpaper (18 th century). Since 2010, she carries out research in medieval illumination manuscripts, particularly in the assessment of parchment and in the study of the meaning of color. Currently, she intends to develop these subjects in a PhD in Conservation and Restoration. Solange Muralha obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry in 2005, from the University of Lisbon. The same year she started her research in the field of Conservation Science at the University College of London, with special emphasis on Islamic illuminations. After this thrilling experience with collaborations with the Institute of Archaeology in London and the Vitoria and Albert Museum, she joined the Conservation Unit at the New University of Lisbon. The research interests follow the colour in medieval illuminations field but also provenance studies on artistic glazed tiles. The author acquired a proficiency in several analytical techniques, especially Raman spectroscopy.

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t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e va l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n at i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h

Appendix 1 Experimental Design The global approach and experimental design set-up for a comprehen-

representative for the distribution, in the manuscript, of a certain paint

sive study on colour production for medieval Portuguese illuminations

colour. This was performed by selecting in each folio, and for each

will be briefly described. Missions, where the equipment is transported

colour, five representative areas and three points in each colour area

to the institutions where the manuscripts are preserved, were prepared

enabled to have relevant and representative data, allowing to have

after a careful selection of the manuscripts by the Art history experts.

statistical value that can also be used in other analytical techniques,

From these manuscripts a relevant number of folia were analyzed in

such as chemometrics. To quantify mixtures even more acquisitions

order to ensure statistical relevance. MicroRaman, microFTIR, micro-

were needed. An estimate time to analyse a 10x10 cm illumination

XRF and microXRD are powerful complementary techniques and were

with the entire palette applied (Figure A2.1) , reveals that five hours

used for the characterization of colorants in medieval manuscripts.

would be needed to assure its representativeness. For instance in a

Analytical techniques based on emission fluorescence have been re-

blue colour, 11 micro-EDXRF analyses, 11 micro-Raman and 1 micro-

cently experimented for the identification of dyes and lake pigments

sampling would take at least 50 minutes. Regarding the number of

with rewarding results, and were used to study the organic colourants

illuminations by manuscript and the real time to analyse them, one

in Portuguese medieval illuminations. During the missions, the first

must choose between a folio by folio analysis or selecting represen-

screening is carried out by microEDXRF, which indicates the possible

tative illuminations.

colorants and extenders present and allows a first quantification of

MicroRaman, which allows for high spatial resolution (1- 5 μm spot)

these elements, moreover its 70 μm enable us to obtain data that is

and enables the diverse paint components to be excited separately as well as emission fluorescence techniques are used to address specific points, such as the molecular characterization of an inorganic pigment or a dye, respectively. Together with the spectroscopic investigation, paints are also analyzed by optical microscopy which allows to understand how the final colour is built up (e.g., by layers or by mixture), to detect possible degradation phenomena and to sample the colour paints that will be subjected to a more detailed characterization in the laboratory, as regards the colorants, binders and additives. Designed micro-sampling presents several advantages, namely it keeps to a minimum the handling of the manuscript and allows for more detailed studies in the laboratory, without the time constraint that in situ mission implies. Typically, in the laboratory a sample is first analyzed by microFTIR, allowing for binder characterization and to gain an insight into the full paint formulation. If a dye is present, microspectrofluorimetry may be carried out first, as it requires no contact with the sample and employs a low-intensity radiation. MicroRaman and microDXR may be used to address specific points; with both methods, sample destruction may occur.

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fig. A2.1

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Resumo A grande experiência do Instituto em análises não-invasivas para a caracterização de pigmentos, tintas de escrever e corantes permite a identificação das paletas utilizadas pelos iluminadores e, por vezes, dos próprios scriptoria. Caracterizam-se ainda tratamentos e intervenções passadas bem como se avaliam os métodos e produtos mais adequados para a sua conservação. Neste trabalho serão apresentados os resultados obtidos, por análise molecular (microRaman) e elementar (XRF e PIXE), no estudo de três manuscritos, o Pontificale 492 (séc. XIII, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italia), a Bibbia Amiatina (sécs VI-VIII, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florença, Italia) e o ms Piana 3.207 (séc. XIII, Biblioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italia).

palavras-chave pigmentos xrf raman pixe ouro musivo

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Abstract The huge experience of the Institute in non destructive analysis and characterization of pigments, inks, colours and dyes allows to recognize the palettes used by miniaturists, sometimes distinguishing the scriptoria themselves, identify posterior treatments and additions and assess the proper methods and products to be used in conservation. We present the results obtained by means of non destructive spectroscopic molecular (Micro Raman) and elemental (XRF and α-PIXE) techniques in three case study, the Pontificale 492 (13th century, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italy), the Amiatinus Bible (7th-8th century, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Firenze, Italy) and the ms. Piana 3.207 (13th century, Biblioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italy).

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words pigments xrf raman α-pixe mosaic gold

illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies m a r i n a b i cc h i e r i Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma (Italy), Head of Laboratory of Chemistry, marina.bicchieri@beniculturali.it

mich el a mo n t i Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma (Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of Chemistry, michela.monti@beniculturali.it

g i ova n n a p i a n ta n i da Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma (Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of Chemistry, giovanna.piantanida@beniculturali.it

a r m i da s o d o Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma (Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of Chemistry, and Università di Roma Tre. Department of Physics, sodo@fis.uniroma3.it

Achieving highly accurate information on miniatures composition allows to customize conservation and restoration strategies aiming at the best preservation with the least impact. Cultural heritage objects represent complex and multifaceted problems and conclusions drawn from observations with the naked eye are likely as faulty as those drawn from limited diagnostics. Moreover, the use of destructive techniques as many traditional methods actually are is to be avoided, since samples are often unique, priceless specimens. In order to work out reliable, unambiguous information from non destructive methods a truly scientific approach, based on multidisciplinary analyses, laboratory simulations and proper statistics, must be combined to the knowledge of history, art and of course alchemy that guide the illuminator’s hand. From the experimental point of view, a rich literature upon the use of elemental (XRF, LIBS, EXAFS, α-PIXE ...) and molecular (ATR-FTIR, DRIFT, FT-Raman, MicroRaman...) spectroscopies can be found. In the light of previous experiences (Bicchieri et al. 2001, 169), the combination of XRF, α-PIXE and Micro Raman was considered the proper setup choice. XRF spectrometry is often (Malzer et al. 2004, 229; Cesareo et al. 2004, 703) applied to pigments and dyes analysis: information can be achieved in reasonable times (minutes). Unfortunately, such information is only qualitative on paper and parchment substrates, since elements lighter than Al (Si, in some cases) give a fluorescence response below the detection limit, so it is impossible to detect organic substrates even though the organic matrix contributes to the global spectrum. At the same time, the X-rays penetration depth increases inversely to the atomic weight of the target element and a sheet of paper or parchment is completely crossed. Quantitative XRF analysis requires, in fact, that the thickness of the sample could be considered as

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infinite, i.e. greater than the average thickness crossed by the used XRF radiation. Calibration of the measuring arrangement and the use of reliable calibration model that must be representative of the matrix and target element morphology (particle size distribution, heterogeneity and surface condition) and concentration ranges of the sample to be analysed are also necessary. Contrariwise, α-PIXE allows controlling the penetration into the sample and quantitative elemental information even on trace and lighter elements (above Na) can be obtained. The simultaneous use of XRF and α-PIXE gives an almost complete characterization of the elemental composition of the sample (Pappalardo et al. 2005, 114). Raman spectroscopy is a technique sensitive to vibrational states of matter, that actually constitute a «fingerprint» of the material. Raman spectroscopy can be used (Colthup et al. 1990, 60) to identify the molecular composition or even the different state of aggregation of the species in the sample under investigation. The advantages of Raman spectroscopy consist in the short measurement time (seconds-minutes) and in the high sensitivity to inorganic compounds. The main problem with Raman applications is that fluorescence is excited together with the molecular states and sometimes «screens» the measurement, making it impossible to extract data. As far as measurements on the Pontificale 492 and Bibbia Amiatina are concerned, the portable α-PIXE and XRF spectrometers were entirely designed and developed at LNS/INFN laboratory and the portable micro-Raman spectrometer was a custommade instrument developed at Physics Dpt, Roma Tre University. Measurements on the ms. Piana 3.207 were performed with the Assing Lithos 3000 portable XRF spectrometer and the Renishaw In-Via Reflex Raman microscope currently owned by the Institute (Bicchieri et al. 2008, 1074). The full sets of analyses on Bibbia Amiatina and Pontificale 492, including the instruments and their specifications, are fully described in dedicated articles. (Bicchieri et al. 2001, 169; Pappalardo et al. 2008, 466). They will be only synthetically reviewed in present work, whereas a major focus will be given to the investigation campaign on the ms. Piana 3.207 and the related experimental work on pigments analysis and simulation of mosaic gold. The Bibbia Amiatina, Codex Amiatinus, ms. Laur. Amiat. 1, is the last surviving out of three copies of the Bible produced in Ceolfrith’s scriptorium in the area of the twin monasteries of Wearmouth Jarrow in Northumbria between the end of the 7th century and the beginning of the 8th. It is composed of 1029 parchment sheets, measures 345 mm x 540 mm and weighs around 50 kg. The manuscript is the most ancient and complete witness to the Vulgate Latin Bible and it is also a great example of English uncial writing and of illuminations in anglo-saxon style, influenced by the Mediterranean-Bizantine one. Therefore its historical interest is inestimable. The first goal of the analyses laid in the establishment of the original arrangement of the sheets present in the first booklet. Some pigments, in fact, left offsets on the adjacent sheet that were analyzed under ultraviolet light of two different wavelengths (253 nm and 365 nm). It should be underlined that the ordering of the sheets coming out from such a method did not necessarily correspond to the original one, but rather

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represented the sequence that the pages had likely followed for the bulk of the document’s lifetime. However, scholars agreed to adopt it when re assembling the book. For a complete characterization of the precious manuscript all illuminations were analyzed coupling Raman, XRF and α-PIXE and have been recognized and classified (Table 1). Colour

Composition

White

calcite; white lead

Red

red lead; organic lakes; earths

Blue

not yet identified pigment, copper-based pigments sometimes mixed with earths

Brown

earths (iron and sometime copper) often mixed with orpiment or with gold

Yellow

orpiment, organic lakes, earths

Green

blue and yellow (orpiment) mixtures; verdigris mixed with an unidentified organic compound

Gray

white (sometime calcite, sometime white lead) mixed with blue and carbon black. Silicates containing copper and iron were also used

Metallic inks

mixture with variable composition of copper, lead, silver, gold and sometime added with orpiment (arsenic) and earths (iron) table 1 the bibbia amiatina palette

The ms. 492 Pontificale of Museo Diocesano di Salerno is dated back to a period from the end of 13th century and the incoming of the 14th. The manuscript consists of 349 parchment sheets each having dimensions 400 x 285 mm. The miniatures of excellent quality, ascribed to anonymous illuminators working in the Bologna area, were not always completed: in some cases only the preliminary design was present, in other cases the preparation was not covered by the gold-leaf. These circumstances gave the unique opportunity to investigate the different techniques used by the miniaturists and in particular the composition of the gold preparations and their comparison with the medieval recipes. Using the different penetration depth of the three applied techniques it was possible to carry out a completely non-destructive stratigraphy. Resulting palette is summarized in Table 2 .

Colour

Composition

Gold

pure gold leaf, only rarely added with silver

Yellow

mosaic gold; yellow-ochre

White

lead white

Red

red lead, cinnabar

Blue

lapis-lazuri, azurite

Brown

ochre, earths

Pink

organic lake mixed with lead white

Preparations for gold

armenian bole + gypsum; armenian bole + gypsum + white lead; gypsum + white lead table 2 the pontificale palette.

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The experimental results also allowed to prepare laboratory reproductions of the original illuminations, that were artificially aged and deteriorated in order to test different adhesives on them and to choose the best and less invasive preservation treatment. The Decretum Gratiani, ms. Piana 3.207 (13th-14th c.), also known as Concordantia discordantium canonum is a collection of Canon law. The code consists of 329 parchment sheets (455 mm x 280 mm) and is preserved at the Biblioteca Malatestiana in Cesena, Italy. The restoration of ms. Piana 3.207 was the topic of project Salviamo un codice 2nd edition, an initiative of Alumina – Nova Charta press – with the High Patronage of the President of the Italian Republic (Savoia 2008). Ms. Piana 3.207 had been preserved in a very good condition up to the ‘80s, when it was dramatically maimed: thirteen pages were torn off, damaging the sewing of the binding, and stolen. In the following years, the law enforcement retrieved all the missing pages but one (c.107) which is now considered lost. ICPL (now Icpal), the institutional authority appointed for library materials preservation, was responsible for the thorough scientific analysis of the manuscript and for the subsequent restoration. XRF and Raman measurements allowed us to characterize the palette (Table 3). Colour

Composition

Gold

pure gold leaf, only rarely with traces of copper; mosaic gold

Yellow

not fully reacted mosaic gold; yellow-ochre

White

lead white

Red

red lead, cinnabar, earths

Blue

indigo, azurite

Brown

ochre, earths

Green

not fully reacted mosaic gold mixed with indigo

Black

carbon black (for inks, contour lines and shadows)

Other colours

mixture of the previously described pigments for other colours and tones

Preparations for gold

white lead

table 3 the ms. piana palette.

Very interesting was the discovery that gilded miniatures had been realised either with pure gold or with mosaic gold (tin IV sulphide; Fig.1 and 2). The latter pigment, a yellow crystalline powder that closely resemble gold, was widely used in Europe in the Middle Age and in the Renaissance and in ms. Piana was applied not as goldimitation but in order to obtain particular hues. To confirm the presence of mosaic gold, a standard Raman spectrum was necessary. Due to the fact that modern preparation of stannic sulphide differs from the ancient methods and that Raman spectra from literature (Edwards et al. 2003, 2291) had been obtained from the modern compound, we decided to prepare mosaic gold following ancient recipes. Many texts were consulted, but the most detailed recipe was found in De Arte Illuminandi 1. Concerning amounts of reagents, not cited in

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1. Handbook of technical recipes, written in Latin by anonymous authors in the 14th century and currently kept at the Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli (Napoli, Italy).

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2. Sulphur and Mercury are the alchemic pair. They are transported into the «labyrinth of the transformation of matter» by the external fire. In the Temple (crucible, Ed.) their marriage is celebrated and is only possible with the help of the arcane fire of salt – the alchemic Priest – able to transform the metals. In chemical terms, amalgam increases the reactivity of tin; mercury reduces sulphur to sulphide. In meantime elemental tin is oxidized to tin IV. Ammonium chloride decreases the reaction temperature, allowing the formation of stannic sulphide.

the recipe, we decided to use the proportions suggested by Villavecchia: Dizionario di Merceologia e di Chimica Applicata (Villavecchia 1932). The procedure foresees many steps: preparation of Hg-Sn amalgam, addition of sulphur and ammonium chloride and heating for a long time, choosing the temperature in order to obtain the desired hue. In this process we can recognize the two first steps of the alchemic Opus Magnum, the nigredo (mixing amalgam and the two others compounds the mixture becomes black) and the albedo (during heating, dense white fumes rise) 2. When no more fumes appear, heating is stopped and a gold-coloured powder is found in the crucible: this is mosaic gold. Even when observed at the microscope, the similarity between the mosaic gold prepared in the lab and the pigment used on the ms. Piana 3.207 is total and Raman spectroscopy demonstrates that the two compounds had the same structure. The effectiveness of the presented techniques in analysis of such invaluable manuscripts, the related scientific advance and the more than positive feedback from restorers who take advantage from the obtained information, confirmed once more the Institute choice of pioneering and always pursuing multidisciplinarity based on strictly non-destructive methods.

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fig.1 x spectrum of mosaic gold from the original (christ robes). x ray source 96mo; collimator 0.5 mm diameter, acquisition time 600 s, x tube tension 25 kV, current 0.300 ma, esd silicon detector, resolution 160 eV at 5.9 keV

fig.2 comparison between the raman spectra of mosaic gold laboratory sample (black line, microscope image «a») and of the original pigment (red line, microscope image «b»). excitation λ = 785 nm

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Bibliography Bicchieri, Marina, Francesco Paolo Romano, Lighea Pappalardo, Luigi Cosentino, Michele Nardone, Armida Sodo. 2001. «Non-destructive Analysis of the Bibbia Amiatina by XRF, PIXE-α and Raman.» Qvinio: International Journal on the History and Conservation of the Book 3: 169 79. Bicchieri, Marina, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida and Armida Sodo. 2008. «All that is iron ink is not always an iron-gall!» Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 39, no 8: 1074-78. Cesareo, Roberto, Alfredo Castellano, Giovanni Buccolieri, Stefano Quarta, Maurizio Marabelli, Paola Santopadre, Marcella Leole, Antonio Brunetti. 2004. «Portable equipment for energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence analysis of Giotto’s frescoes in the Chapel of the Scrovegni.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 213: 703–06. Colthup, Norman B., Lawrence H. Daly and Stephen E. Wiberley. 1990. Introduction to Infrared and Raman spectroscopy. San Diego: Academic Press Inc. Edwards, Howell G.M., Emma L. Dixon, Ian J. Scowen, Fernando Rull Perez. 2003. «Lead/ tin mirror formation from mixtures of red lead and tin sulphide.» Spectrochimica Acta Part A 59: 2291 99. Malzer, Wolfgang, Oliver Hahn and Birgit Kanngießer. 2004. «A fingerprint model for inhomogeneous ink–paper layer systems measured with micro-x-ray fluorescence analysis.» X Ray Spectrometry 33: 229 33. Pappalardo, Lighea, Andreas G. Karydas, Despina Kotzamani ,Giuseppe Pappalardo, Francesco Paolo Romano and Charalambos Zarkadas. 2005. «Complementary use of PIXEalpha and XRF portable systems for the non-destructive and in situ characterization of gemstones in museums.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 239:114-21. Pappalardo, Lighea, Marina Bicchieri, Michele Nardone, Giuseppe Pappalardo, Francesco Paolo Romano, Pio Alfonso Russo, Armida Sodo. 2008. «The LNS portable PIXE-alpha system for the examination of gold preparations in the Salerno 492 code miniatures.» X-Ray Spectrometry 37 no 4: 466 69. Savoia, Daniela, ed. 2008. Per giusta causa. Il restauro del Decretum Gratiani (Ms. Piana 3.207) della Biblioteca Malatestiana di Cesena. Padova: Edizioni Nova Charta. Villavecchia, Vittorio. 1932. Dizionario di merceologia e di chimica applicata, vol. 4. Milano: Ulrico Hoepli.

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Biographies Dr. Marina Bicchieri works since 1979 in cultural heritage field and from 2000 she is the director of the chemistry department in Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione del patrimonio archivistico e librario of Rome-Italy (former ICPL). Her research activity is focused on the chemistry of library materials (cellulose, parchment, inks, pigments, charges, adhesives, sizes), the study and set-up of new restoring products and new nondestructive diagnostic methods (μ-Raman, XRF, PIXE-α, μ-IR, AFM, UV-Vis-NIR, SEM) for writing supports and graphic media. She taught classes in chemistry, conservation and restoration organized by Italian and foreign Universities and Public Institutions, the European Union, and several private institutions. Michela Monti obtained her Master Degree in chemistry at University of Rome «La Sapienza» in 2000. From 2001 to 2002 she worked as researcher in the field of conservation of cultural heritage at the University of Udine and at the Istituto Centrale per la Patologia del Libro in Rome. From 2002 to September 2005 she worked as consultant for industrial safety, focusing on the prevention of chemical risk. Since September 2005 she works for the Chemistry Department of the Istituto Centrale il Restauro e la Conservazione del Patrimonio Archivistico e Librario (former Istituto Centrale per la Patologia del Libro), focusing on the application of X-ray fluorescence for the analysis of library materials and carrying out research projects on new methods for restoration and conservation of paper and parchment. Giovanna Piantanida, after achieving a M. Sc. in Physics (2000), worked for three years in the Italian R&D site of L.M. Ericsson Corporate. She then decided to turn back to research activity and obtained a post-doc position in the Department of Physics, at University of Rome «La Sapienza», co-funded by ICPL, an institution within the Italian Ministry for Cultural Heritage and Activities. The research project was the finalization of diagnostic protocols based on physics methods, in particular Atomic Force Microscopt. Currently, she is a fellow researcher at the Laboratory of Chemistry Icpal (former ICPL) and she is pursuing PhD in analytical chemistry at University of Ljubljana. Armida Sodo is researcher at the Physics Department of University Roma Tre. After the degree in Chemistry (1998), she obtained the PhD in Chemical Physics and then got a post-doc position at ESRF (European Synchrotron Radiation Facility). Her research studies concern principally spectroscopic – principally Raman – investigation on Cultural Heritage; in particular degradation process analyses, material characterisation and development of instruments devoted to Cultural Heritage applications. She gives university courses and is co-author of more than 40 publications on international journals, books and conference proceedings.

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Resumo As iluminuras de De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant são consideradas das mais importantes pinturas dos Primitivos Flamengos. O fol. 152v apresenta a seguinte inscrição: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «Foi no ano de 1332 que fui iluminado por Michiel van der Borch». O que permite considerá-las como as mais antigas obras de arte flamenga datadas e com colofon. Os aspectos estilísticos destas iluminuras estão de acordo com o idioma que era comum tanto na Flandres como no noroeste de França, sugerindo que a formação de Van der Borch pode ter aí decorrido. Estas pinturas, de pequena dimensão, foram analisadas por reflectografia de infravermelho (IRR), microscopia óptica, fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (µ-XRF), espectroscopia por reflectância no UV-VIS (FORS) e ainda por técnicas de imagiologia espectral. As análises permitiram identificar as tintas e pigmentos bem como as diversas estratégias de aplicação da cor para organização da composição. Comparam-se os resultados obtidos com as instruções presentes em tratados técnicos contemporâneos como o Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum e o de Peter de Saint Omer, ambos provenientes do noroeste da França.

palavras-chave flandres maerlant iluminura flamenga análises científicas de coloribus

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Abstract The illuminations in De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant belong to the most important Early Netherlandish paintings. On fol. 152v it has the inscription: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was in the year 1332 that I was illuminated by Michiel van der Borch» This makes the illuminations the earliest signed and dated Netherlandish works of art. Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current in Flanders and Northwest France, and suggest that Van der Borch may have been trained there. These small-scale paintings were examined with infrared reflectography (IRR) and light microscopy, energy dispersive micro- x-ray fluorescence (µ-XRF), fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS), and some (radio)spectral imaging techniques. The analyses helped to identify paints and pigments and the different strategies that were employed to deal with colour in order to organise the composition. Terminology and formulae in contemporary technical treatises such as the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum, and in the De Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of St. Omer, both from North-western France are compared with results of scientific examination of Van der Borch’s Agradecimentos porilluminations. ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho

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de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words southern flanders maerlant netherlandish illumination analyses de coloribus

early netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of illuminations in the rime bible of jacob van maerlant a rie wa l l ert Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Amsterdam (The Netherlands)

The Rijmbijbel (The Hague, Rijksmuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 B 21) is one of the most important historical texts in Netherlandish culture. It is a conflation of the Historia Scholastica by Petrus Comestor and the Bello Judaico by Flavius Josephus. But contrary to contemporary tradition, this text written in 35.000 verses by Jacob van Maerlant, was in the vernacular rather than in Latin. Maerlant was the most important Netherlandish author of the Middle Ages. He was the first to deal in the vernacular with such diverse matters as geography, politics and the arts of government, biology and the interpretation of dreams. He was also the first to put the whole Bible in rime in the Netherlandish language, and to write a complete world history. (Van Oostrom, 1996) Therefore, the Rijmbijbel has achieved a canonical status for its significance in the development of the Netherlandish language. At the same time, the illuminations in this manuscript can be considered to be the most important Early Netherlandish paintings. Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current in Flanders and Northwest of France. The execution of the illuminations in the Maerlant manuscript compares very nicely with the characteristics of either the miniatures

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in MS. Lat. liturg. d.42, or those in the Psalter MS Douce 5, both in the collection of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, in a psalter in the Kongelige Bibliothek in Copenhagen (Ms. 3384.8o), or those in the so called Ruskin Hours, presently in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (Ms. Ludwig IX 3; 83.ML.99). These manuscripts all share the same stylistic features, compositional organisation, colour schemes, facial types, and patterned backgrounds that are characteristic for the gothic style that was current in Flanders and Northern France in the beginning of the fourteenth century. (Lyna, 1944, Les Fastes Gothiques, 1981, 276-362) There is little documentary information on the production of those manuscript illuminations. Identified works of art of the period are scarce. If we can identify illuminations of the period and the region, we usually do not know the names of their makers. If we know the names of the illuminators, we generally do not have any certified example of their works. Only a few artists are known by name: Hennequin de Bruge, Girard de Hainault, and Jean de Saint-Omer. Only from documentary evidence do we know that Girard de Hainault worked for the dukes of Burgundy around the 1350s, and that Jean de Saint-Omer worked on one of the tombs of Jeanne d’ Evreux. We do not know, however, what their art works looked like. The exception being Hennequin who was, and still is, famous for his impressive design of the stunning ‘Angers Apocalypse tapestries’.(Calkins, 1979, 248-250) The drama and narrative of the figures, presented more than life size in the Angers tapestries, appears to be re-enacted, albeit in a very much smaller scale, in the miniatures of the Rime Bible. Under the full page painting in the Maerlant manuscript, of the Destruction of Jerusalem on fol. 152v is the inscription: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was in the year 1332 that I was illuminated by Michiel van der Borch». This makes the illuminations the earliest signed and dated Netherlandish works of art. Even though this signature and the presence of his name in the archives strongly suggest a more Northern Netherlandish origin (Utrecht), it is generally agreed that the illuminator of the ‘Rime Bible’ must at least have had training in southern Flanders or northern France. Terminology and formulae in more or less contemporary technical treatises such as the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum (British Library, MS Sloane 1754), and the De Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of Saint-Omer (collection Jehan LeBegue, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms 6741), both from North-western France, may therefore provide relevant information on the making of Van der Borch’s illuminations (Liber de Coloribus, De Coloribus Faciendi). The Liber de Coloribus for instance, describes the manner in which red lead should be prepared and applied, and the colours that could be mixed with it: «Minium molendum est cum aqua sicut uermiculum, et eiecta aqua de cornu, siccabis, et ita ponenda est glarea ovi, et sic illuminatur ex eo. Hoc minium cum nullo colore miscetur nisi cum albo et uermiculo.» «You grind minium with water, like vermilion; and when the water has been poured out of the vessel (horn), you dry the colour; and then add white of egg to it and use it for illuminating. This minium must not be mixed with any other colour except

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e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f jaco b va n m a e r l a n t

1. Observations with the microscope were done with a Zeiss stereo microscope with 8, 12, 20, 32, to 50 x magnifications. Images were recorded with a digital Leica DFC 420 C camera. We also used a AM411T-Dino-Lite Pro digital microscope with 10x ~ 50x - 200x magnifications. 2. Infrared reflectography (IRR) was done with a Hamamatsu C 2400-07 camera, equipped with a N2606 IR vidicon, a Nikon Micro-Nikkor 1:2.8/55 mm lens, and a Wratten 87c (B+W 093) filter. Digitized documentation is done with a Pinnacle PCTV framegrabber. IRR-assemblies were made with Adobe Photoshop CS2.

with white and vermilion.» (Liber de Coloribus, 282-283) Analyses of red areas in the Rime Bible do indeed reveal those admixtures, and the crack pattern is indeed typical for a binding medium based on glair. 1 Similarly, the finding of a strong presence of Ca, Fe, and S in a tan-coloured pigment mixture, visible in abraded areas of the gilding could be related to a passage in the Liber de Coloribus: «Ocrum si necessarium tibi fuerit in percameno,… de ocro siue de gipso» «If you need ochre on parchment, grind it well with water, and when this has been done, add strong white of egg to it. But you must know that ochre is needed only by painters of murals, except that, when you wish to make a letter of gold, you lay it in first with ochre and gypsum.», and: «Gypsum is ground like ochre, but you will not have any use for it except when you wish to lay gold in books. And then you put on the gold as we have described in speaking of ochre». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) The finding of those elements is perfectly fitting for the use of a mixture of yellow ochre, a hydrated iron oxide (Fe2O3 . H2O), and gypsum, a calcium sulphate dihydrate (CaSO4 . 2H2O). The Liber de Coloribus is very explicit that these pigments can only be used for laying a gold ground. And indeed, those were the only instances where that combination of elements could be found. All the illuminations and small figures in the borders of the texts were begun with a fine brush dipped in a carbon black. These drawings define the outlines of the figures. No attempts to indicate shading or volume were made at this stage. The underdrawings often show uncertainties in elements that went beyond typically formulaic figures and shapes like the faces of Christ, or conventions for trees or draperies.2 Van der Borch especially seems to have had difficulties in defining a correct anatomy for the human figure. This would suggest that these, sometimes very complex illuminations were not based on, or copied from precedents in modelbooks, but ‘invented’ on the parchment. (figs. 1 and 2) These drawings were made after

Fig.1 a. expulsion from paradise (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly

Fig.2 a. creation of man (detail),normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly

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the text was written, the scribe writing in iron gall ink, leaving specific spaces open for the illuminator to work on. 3 This is evidenced by the fact that sometimes the illuminator made corrections in carbon black to the texts written in ink. This correction process also corresponds with contemporary recommandations: «Sed si in pergamenis… cum ovo distemperatos assumes», «If you wish to lay black over other colours on parchment, you must not put incaustum, but know that you must take charcoal distempered with egg» (De Coloribus Faciendi, 138-139 ) (fig. 3).

3. Analyses of the writing ink showed a strong presence of Fe, Ca, smaller amounts of Mn, K, Pb, and S, but also traces of Cu and Zn. This might suggest that the ink could have been made or stored in a brass vessel, or more likely, that the iron vitriol needed for the making of the ink also contained traces of zinc vitriol and other associated minerals. 4. Energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses were generally done with a Bruker Artax µ-XRF spectrometer, 40kV, 500µA, 60 sec., Mo-anode, 0.090µm capillary lens, Helium flush (1.7 L/min), over 50keV energy range. For the distribution images a dwell time of 10 seconds was allowed.

Fig.3 a. illumination with text (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly

The outlines in carbon black provided the basis for painting. This was continued in a fairly limited palette. Larger areas appear to be blocked in with single unmixed colours. Modulation of drapery folds was accomplished by laying thin translucent washes over these colour fields. This was further emphasised in the shadow areas with emphatic strokes of carbon black and in the highlights with linear contour strokes of pure and unmixed lead white. Definition of forms is still largely dependent on the elongated contours and strokes in carbon black paint. In general, Van der Borch seems to have had a preference for the use of single, unmixed colours. The exception being the flesh tones where admixtures of vermilion in lead white frequently occur. This can be demonstrated quite nicely in the elemental distribution images of the head of Christ. 4 (fig. 4) In this image the area for the gold ground is indicated by the distribution of calcium, present in the gypsum. The (abraded) gilding is shown by the distribution of the Mα lines for gold. The vermilion, HgS (here indicated by the distribution of mercury Mα lines), is shown to be mixed throughout the flesh tone with lead white (Pb Lα, and Pb Mα). Otherwise, vermilion appears to have been very sparsely used. This practice corresponds to warnings in the treatises: «Si vero minium….est in minio»,: « If the vermilion is very good and new, I put two parts of it, and scarcely the third part of minium. But if the minium is dusky and very old, put a half or a third part of the vermilion, and make the remainder of minium; and you must know that the older the vermilion is by nature, the darker and less useful it is; and the darker it is, less of it must be

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5. A remarkable feature of the azurite used in this manuscript was the notable presence of barium and potassium. As in some regions barium salts are paragenetic with azurite, this may provide an indication for geographical origin of pigment.

fig.4 distribution of elements, face of Christ (detail)

added to the minium» ( De Coloribus Faciendi, 142-143) The vermilion must have been very old indeed! Only a slight admixture was very occasionally found in areas that were otherwise done in red lead. Most red passages, even the blood on the face of Goliath, or dripping from the wounds of Christ, are done in red lead. Similarly, the blue areas appear blocked out only in pure azurite, a copper(II)carbonate mineral (Cu3(CO3)2(OH)2). Azurite is a difficult pigment to work with. To prepare it for painting, the mineral needed to be broken up and reduced to powder. The coarser the powder, the darker and nicer the blue. If it was ground too fine, it tended to look rather pale greenish sky-blue. The separation of the coarser, darker particles from the finer, paler ones was accomplished by a process of levigation. The mineral was ground to powder while wet. As a turbid liquid, the slurry was transferred to a bowl in which the powdered substance remained suspended by continuous stirring. Then it was allowed to settle for some time, before being poured off to a second basin. This affords for the subsequent separation of the mineral into various grades of fineness, because of the slower subsidence of the finer particles from suspension. The turbid liquid, was poured into the first of a series of bowls, and was allowed to stand for a certain time. The coarsest and heaviest particles quickly subside, leaving the finer material suspended in the water, which was drawn from above the sediment into the next bowl. The liquid is passed from bowl to bowl, remaining in each subsequently longer than in the preceding one, since the finer and lighter the particles, the more time is necessary for their deposition. In the illuminations, in particular for the patterned backgrounds, a very powerfully deep blue azurite of good quality was used. 5

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Observation of blue passages under the microscope clearly demonstrated that the artist exploited a finer grained – and thus paler blue – azurite for the lighter passages. It is notable that in order to obtain a lighter blue, choosing finer grade particles was apparently preferred over admixture with white. Darker, sometimes almost black accents, in particular on the background patterns, seem to be of organic nature and may very well be woad indigo. 6 An equally strict adherence to the use of unmixed pigments in the Rime Bible was encountered in the application of copper-based greens, i.e. verdigris (Cu2(OAc)4(H2O)2), again much as recommended in the texts: «Viride de Gretia in uase…operari poteris.», «Put verdigris in a dish made of bronze or electrum and pour wine upon it, so that the wine may become green. Pour the liquid portion of this mixture into another bronze vessel, and pour wine once more into the first vessel from which you remove the liquid. And when this too has been saturated and removed, add wine a third time. Then you may leave off.» And: «Pone uiride in uino….et sic bonum erit.», «Put some green in wine, and rub it well with your finger; when it has settled, take the liquid part and put it in moderate sunlight, or elsewhere, to thicken. When it is fit for writing, put it in a vessel made of glass or wax, and you will be able to keep it in a good condition for a long time. If it is too dark, add a little saffron and the powder of calcined bones. If you wish to illuminate more easily, take some yolk of egg, and mix the green wine with it, and grind the green pigment with this mixture upon the stone, and temper it with the same; and thus it will be good.» (Liber de Coloribus, 282-285) By treating copper acetate in this manner and making an almost saturated solution of it, the pigment dissolving into the wine converts into a very dense, syrupy, copper carboxylate substance. The pigment thereby looses its ‘grittiness’ and acquires much more pleasant working properties. The illuminator obtained a splendidly deep emerald green paint that flowed easily from the brush. It was applied in relatively thick opaque layers but also in thinner, quite translucent paint films, allowing the reflective brightness of the parchment – or better still, gold leaf – to shimmer through. (fig. 5) The smoothness of the thin, translucent green accords beautifully well with the grainy, particulate texture of the deep blue azurite. We also found frequent passages executed in a light, opaque, pink colour, which were often glazed over with darker, deep red, sometimes purple or maroon, translucent strokes. The organic colorant for both the opaque pink as well as the translucent purple was tentatively identified as a brazilwood lake. 7 Brazilwood lakes were the most important organic reds in the Middle Ages (Wallert, 1986, 52-70, Roger, et al, 2003, 155-170). The Liber de Coloribus advised: «Lignum brasilii accipitur,… purpureus color», «Take brazil-wood and scrape it down with a knife into a dish. And after it has all been reduced by scraping, cover it with white of egg. And when it has steeped and commenced to grow ripe, let alum be added in proportion to the quantity of the brazilwood. When the brazil has saturated it, the liquid should be drawn off and kept in another vessel; and when this has been done, add white of egg again, and when it has become saturated, draw it off»… «If you mix white with brazil, it makes rose-

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6. As no samples could be taken, a proper identification by chromatography was not possible. The optical features under the microscope and behaviour of the dark blue in infrared, were found to be consistent with indigoid colorants. 7. Fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) was done with an Avantes AvaSpec-2048 Fiber Optic Spectrometer, based on symmetrical Czerny-Turner design with 2048 pixel CCD detector array. 200-1100nm. Mikropack HPX-2000 xenon light source.

fig.5 micrograph of green translucent glaze over reflective background (magnification 20x)

8. Canon EOS 400D, with 24-105mm 1:4L lens and Nikon D70 with Micro Nikkor 60mm 1:2.8D lens were used. Frequently 81A, and 85B-2B filters were used. Image processing was done with the use of digital filters and Adobe Photoshop CS2.

colour; and with azure it makes purple». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) In the Rime Bible, the white added to the brazil wood extract was a simple calcium carbonate white. This imparted opacity to the mixture and served as colour-stabilising substrate for the organic colorant. Images taken in ultraviolet light give a good impression about the extent of the use of this organic colorant 8. (figs. 6 and 7) It appears to have been applied quite generously in remarkably swift and open touches. The analyses of the illuminations helped to identify paints and pigments and the different strategies that were employed to deal with colour as a means to organise the composition.

Fig.6 a. tobit healing his father’ s eyes (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence

Fig.7 a. tobit setting out on his journey (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence

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According to the historical technical treatises compositions should be formed on the basis of a three-step system of colour application. The points of departure are the individual fields of colour. Each of these fields of colour tends to be provided with a specifically prescribed colour for darker shades: incidis. In the next step, each field of colour is provided with its own fixed colour of a much lighter nature: matizatura. In the technical treatises of the time, such as the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum and De Coloribus Faciendi, this rigidly ordained system of operative forms seems to have been strictly prescribed. In the making of the Rime Bible miniatures, however, all the procedures described in the treatises seem to have been followed, except for the application of the incidis and matizatura system. There the artist allowed himself considerable liberties. Especially in his use of washes with organic colorants, consciously exploiting effects of opacity and translucence, Michiel van der Borch went beyond the rules of tradition 9. In his lively brushwork he added a remarkable sense of freedom and liveliness to the functionality of the mediaeval method.

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Bibliography R.G. Calkins, Monuments of Medieval Art, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1979. De Coloribus Faciendi: Magistri Petri de Sancto Audemaro, De Coloribus Faciendis, in M.P. Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of Painting, John Murray, London, 1849, vol. I, 116-165. Les Fastes du Gothique, le Siècle de Charles V, Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais, Paris 1981. Liber de Coloribus: D.V. Thompsom, ‘Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum, from Sloane MS. No. 1754’, Speculum, I (1926), 280-307. F. Lyna, De Vlaamse Miniatuur van 1200 tot 1530, Amsterdam, 1933. C. Meier-Staubach, ‘La matérialité et l’immatérialité des couleurs a propos du traite De Coloribus d’Avranches 235’, Science antique, Science médiévale, actes du colloque international, eds L. Callebat and O. Desbordes, Olms-Weidmann, Hildesheim, 2000, 451-469. P. Roger, I. Villela-Petit and S. Vandroy, Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médiévale: reconstituition a partir de recettes anciennes, Studies in Conservation, 48 (2003),155– 170.

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9. In this development towards techniques that allowed greater flexibility, alternative approaches induced by the work of the great encyclopaedists may have played a role. Especially Book XIX: De Coloribus, odoribus et saporibus (pp. 848-871) of Bartolomeus Anglicus’ De Proprietatibus Rerum must have been influential. (Meier-Staubach, 2000, 451-469).

F. Van Oostrom, Maerlants Wereld, Prometheus Amsterdam, 1996. A. Wallert, ‘Verzino and Roseta Colours in 15th Century Italian Manuscripts’, Maltechnik/ Restauro, 92, (1986), 52-70

Biography Arie Wallert holds a PhD from Groningen University. Since 1996, he has been curator for the Scientific Examination Department of Paintings of the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, senior scientist in the Department for Conservation RMA. His principal interests are the analysis of museum objects, the characterisation of pigments, the study of art technical historical sources and the scientific examination of mediaeval manuscript illumination. Address: Department of Conservation, Rijksmuseum, Hobbemastraat 22, 1071ZC Amsterdam; a.wallert@rijksmuseum.nl.

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Resumo A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) foi utilizada na análise de uma Bíblia do séc. XIV proveniente de Nápoles. Este equipamento transportável permite uma análise in situ dos materiais presentes nestas luxuosas iluminuras. Puderam assim ser identificados pigmentos como o vermelho de chumbo (mínio), branco de chumbo, ocre vermelho, vermelhão, azuis e verde de cobre, amarelo de estanho e chumbo em combinação com pigmentos orgânicos ou folha de ouro e prata ou ainda com tinta de estanho.

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palavras-chave manuscritos iluminados fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias análise in situ pigmentos folhas metálicas

Abstract X-ray Fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) has been used to examine a 14th century bible manuscript, originating from Naples. This portable equipment provides a powerful aid to analyse in a non-destructive way the materials of the rich illuminations. Mineral pigments like red lead, lead white, red ochre, vermilion, copper blue and copper green, lead tin yellow in combination with organic pigments and with gold and silver leaf or with tin paint could be identified.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words illuminated manuscript x-ray fluorescence spectroscopy non destructive analysis pigments metal foils

analysis of the anjou bible m a r i n a va n b o s Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage (KIK/ IRPA), Laboratory Department, Jubelpark 1, 1000 Brussels (Belgium) marina.vanbos@kikirpa.be

l iev e watte e u w K.U.Leuven, Illuminare, Center for the Study of the Illuminated Manuscript, Department of Archeology, Art History and Musicology, Blijde Inkomstraat 21, 3000 Leuven (Belgium) lieve.watteeuw@arts.kuleuven.be

1. Born in Naples, Johanna was the daughter of Charles, Duke of Calabria (eldest son of King Robert of Naples) and Marie of Valois (a sister of King Philip VI of France). At the age of seven years (1334), she was betrothed to her six-yearold second cousin Prince Andrew of the Hungarian branch of the House of Anjou, the son of Charles I of Hungary and younger brother of Louis I. On the death in 1343 of her grandfather, Robert of Naples, his will provided that Andrew should be crowned King of Naples in his own right as well as Joan’s, Robert having displaced Andrew’s father, Charles Robert, from the Neapolitan throne. The Cardinal crowned Joan alone as Queen of Naples at Santa Chiara in Rome in August 1344. After the assassination of Andrew in 1345 (remaining unclear if under her own orders or not), Joan married three more times: with Louis of Taranto, with James IV of Majorca and Prince of Achaea and with Otto, Duke of Brunswick-Grubenhagen. 2. Nicolaus Ruterius founded the college in 1508 as a home for poor students. From then until the 18th century, it was gradually converted into a residential college, with a reception hall, rooms, a library, a chapel, two courtyards and an interior garden. After the French Revolution it was sold,

Introduction to the Bible The Anjou Bible is a unique bible manuscript originating from the beginning of the fourteenth century. The bible was ordered by Robert I of Anjou, king of Naples and was intended as a present for Andreas of Hungary who was engaged to the granddaughter of Robert of Anjou, Johanna of Naples 1. When Andreas was murdered in 1345, the Bible came in the hands of Johanna’s chancellor Nicoli Alifio, as a present for his diplomatic missions. The precious manuscript remained in Royal circles and in 1402 the manuscript is described in the inventory of Jean Duc de Berry (1340-1416), brother of the French King Charles V (Avril, 1969; Avril et al, 1984, 2005). At the end of the 15th century – beginning of the 16th century, the manuscript ended up at the library of the Arras College in Leuven (Belgium) via the Bishop of Arras and there it stood for centuries until finally in 1970, the manuscript was deposited at the Maurits Sabbe Library of the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic University of Leuven 2. The bible contains almost the complete text of the old en new testament (fig.1). Its size

fig.1 anjou bible, full page illuminations © kik/irpa brussels

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is 420 by 280 millimeters and it contains 338 folios with two full-page miniatures and more than 160 decorated initial and marginal illuminations leaves. The text has been written by one scribe but the rich illumination is the work of at least three different hands. One of them names himself on folio 308 at the sequence of the Apocalypse: Christophorus di Orimina (fig.2). He was the best-known illuminator in the Neapolitan surroundings in the second quarter of the fourteenth century (Maere 1909, 279 and Maere 1910, 25) (Bräm, 2007).

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and the building passed through the hands of a succession of private owners until it was repurchased by the university of Leuven in 1921.

fig.2 anjou bible, detail of folio 308 © kik/irpa brussels

fig.3 anjou bible with marginal decoration of a second illuminator © kik/irpa brussels

The two full-page illuminations in the beginning are clearly made by his hand. The perspective and architectural settings are simple and straightforward and the facial expression isn’t very detailed nor expressive, using the profile of King Robert and other royal members. A second illuminator added decorations when the codex was probably already in possession of chancellor Alifio since he adapted the rich decorations to the new owner. Systematically the imperfection of the edge cuttings in the parchment were camouflaged by a wide range of fantasy birds with long necks and tales, all executed in soft pastel colors (fig.3). The third hand is probably the best miniaturist and he is responsible for all the marginal work and decoration. Often classical themes and fantasy animals are added to the narrative scenes (fig.4). Despite the fame and the richness of the manuscript, the bible has almost never been reproduced nor displayed in public. The conservation state of the manuscript was bad: in the beginning of the 20th century the manuscript was re-bound but the covers were too tight making the manuscript difficult to open; the parchment was folded and pigments and gold leaves were flaking off. Therefore in May 2008, a conservation and preservation project started. The project

fig.4 anjou bible with decorations of a third illuminator © kik/irpa brussels

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a n a ly s i s o f t h e a n j o u b i b l e

3. For generous support and discussion we thank: Jan Van der Stock (K.U.Leuven, Research Center for Medieval Art), Christina Ceulemans (Koninklijk Instituut voor het Kunstpatrimonium), John Lowdon (Courtauld, London), Chris Coppens (K.U.Leuven, Tabularium,); Leo Kenis en Luc Knapen (K.U.Leuven, Library, Faculty of Theology) and Nancy Turner (Senior paper conservator, J.P. Getty Museum, Manuscript Department). 4. Macro photographs (Nikon D 70, AF microNikkor 60 mm) were documenting the techniques and the damage-assessment (Cumulus 5.5©/ digital asset management software). Further infra-red photography and infrared reflectography (InfraCAM SWIR – short-wave infrared – video camera) was combined with highly detailed digital photographs with direct, transmitted and racking light (digital camera MAMIYA RZ 67, Digital back Light Phase I / Nikon D 70 and EOS I D-Mark II, 100 mm macro lens).

is a collaboration between the Department of Art History, K.U.Leuven, the Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage in Brussels and Museum M of Leuven and is funded by the InBev-Baillet Latour Foundation 3.

Experimental The manuscript is now unbound and the loose folios offer a unique opportunity to examine the manuscript in detail in the laboratory. It is obvious that the study of such a precious and delicate work of art has to be done using non-destructive techniques. First an extensive series of highly detailed digital photographs with transmitted light and complementary infrared digital photographs were taken 4 (Watteeuw 2009, 168; Watteeuw et al, 2008, 310; Watteeuw and Van Bos, 2010, 147). Then analyses were performed using X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF). This XRF technique offers a multitude of advantages: it is a non destructive technique with a very small spot size of only 70 µm, which is important to be able to analyze small features in a miniature, it offers the possibility to simultaneously analyze multiple chemical elements and it is a fast analysis technique: each measurement only takes 120 seconds. We used the mobile Arttax equipment (Bruker AXS Microanalysis, Germany) with a Rhodium tube and a built-in color CCD camera (fig.5). The exact location of the measuring spot can be followed (or changed) via the computer screen and also the focusing of the measuring head to the desired position is done via the computer. During the experiments an energy of 50 kV, a current of 500 µA and a Mo 25µm filter were used.

Results for the first full page illumination The first full page illumination is full of self promotion for the Anjou dynasty. One can read: Rex Robertus, rex expertus in omnia scientia. Robert is sitting on a polychrome throne ornate on both sides with gilded lion heads, under a colourful canopy with on the background the gilded lilies of the Anjou dynasty. The King is surrounded by eight cardinal virtues and at the bottom we find seven vices with Diablo.

The reds

Fig.5 arttax xrf equipment © kik/irpa brussels

XRF analysis of the orange border (fig.6, XRF 1) results in a spectrum with a large peak for lead (fig.7a and 7b). Although XRF is an ‘elemental’ analysis technique with no information on the molecular composition of the lead containing pigment, we can assume with high certainty that lead is present as red lead (Pb3O4), since we are analyzing an orange-red color. Red lead, an artificial pigment, was already known

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Fig.7a and 7b xrf spectrum of the orange border and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.6 anjou bible, full page illumination with indication of some of the xrf measuring spots © kik/irpa brussels

for miniature painting and manuscript illumination in Europe since the 8 th century on (West Fitzhugh 1986, 109, Munoz Vinas, 1998, 114); A different result is obtained for the red in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 2). XRF measurement results in a large peak for mercury indicating without doubt vermilion (HgS) as vermilion is the only pigment containing mercury (fig.8a and 8b). Although the pigment mercuric sulfide can also be obtained from the mineral cinnabar (HgS), the use of the artificial vermilion, made by heating mercury with sulfur, was already so widespread in the 14th century that nor in ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ from Cennino nor in ‘De Arte Illuminandi’ (Thompson et al, 1933, Brunello, 1975) a recipe can be found for the preparation of this vermilion. Measurement of the red used for the arm of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 3) gave again a different result: a spectrum with different peaks indicating a mixture of pigments: mercury (indicating vermilion), lead (lead white or red lead) and than a very large peak for iron (fig.9a and 9b) . This suggests that also red earth (containing hematite Fe2O3) is present here. Associated with the large iron peak is the small peak for

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Fig.8a and 8b xrf spectrum of the red used in the baldachin and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

Fig.9a and 9b xrf spectrum of the red used for the arm of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

titanium probably indicating the mineral ilmenite (FeTiO3) present in the naturally found red ochre’s (Eastaugh, 2004, 320) A bright red can be found on the border of the miniature (see fig.6, XRF 4). XRF measurement gives only a weak response with a mayor peak for calcium (fig.10). This spectrum corresponds well with the spectrum obtained for the parchment itself. As organic reds are known for manuscript illumination, it is likely that an organic red, which can not be verified by XRF measurement, is responsible for the bright red color.

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Fig.10 xrf spectrum of the bright red border © kik/irpa brussels

The blue All blue areas in the full page illumination, ranging from dark blue to light blue or from architectural decoration to the clothes of the King or one of the cardinal Virtues gave all a comparable result after XRF analysis: a large peak corresponding to copper, probably indicating azurite as blue pigment (fig.11). Azurite, a basic copper carbonate (2CuCO3. Cu(OH)2) is prepared by grinding and washing of the mineral which was occurring in copper deposits in Italy, Spain and particularly Germany (‘azurium de Alamania’).

Fig.11 xrf spectrum of a blue area © kik/irpa brussels

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The green XRF analysis of the green socle of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 5) resulted in a spectrum with peaks for lead, copper and tin. Although the exact interpretation of this result in terms of composition ànd paint layer built-up can not be given, it is likely that a mixture of pigments is used here: lead white, a copper green or copper blue and a lead tin yellow (fig.12). Different relative amounts of these pigments, as shown by different peak heights of lead and copper, give different color intensities: ‘more’ copper for the darker green areas. The mixture of malachite (CuCO3.Cu(OH)2) with giallorino (an artificial made lead-tin yellow) was described by Cennino. On top of this green layer, occasionally a transparent organic layer is applied to brighten the color.

Fig.12 xrf spectrum of a green area in the socle of the throne © kik/irpa brussels

The white The white inscription on top of the illumination is based on lead white as evidenced by the large lead peak in the XRF spectrum. Lead white, the basic lead carbonate (2PbCO3.Pb(OH)2), made by reaction of vinegar to lead strips, is described in the Arte Illuminandi as the only white color suitable for illuminating practice.

Metal: paint and foil Gold leaf is used for the scepter hold by the King or for the decoration in the baldachin. This gold leaf is either applied on a grayish ground layer or on a bright red under layer.

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A grey ground, based on gesso, is frequently observed in the gold size used in medieval manuscripts. XRF measurement of this layer indicates only calcium which is not surprisingly as with this XRF equipment only elements higher than sodium can be detected and the sulfur associated with the calcium can not be detected. As the gold leaf can be very thin, using a red under layer gives a warmer color to the gold compared to the same gold leaf applied on a grey under layer. This red under layer is often based on Armenian Bole (clay pigmented with iron oxides), following the recipes of the Arte Illuminandi or Il Libro dell’Arte. XRF measurement of the bright red under layer shows however the presence of vermilion as shown by the large mercury peak in the resulting XRF spectrum. To further embellish the gilding, an orange glacis layer is occasionally applied on top of it as can be seen for the belt of the King (fig.13). However, using our XRF analysis method, no information about the composition of this layer is obtained. Silver leaf is used as well: XRF measurement of part of the decoration in the socle of the King’s throne (see fig.6, XRF 6) shows the presence of silver (fig.14a and 14b). The silver leaf could be applied using the same size as for gold leaf.

Fig.14a and 14b xrf spectrum of decoration in the socle of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

A surprising result was obtained when analyzing the quadrofold in the canopy or the lilies in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 7). Although these decorations look like gold, XRF analysis reveals the presence of tin. Since the lilies are painted on top of the blue ground, a large copper peak is present as well in the resulting XRF spectrum (fig.15a and 15b). In this spectrum also a relative small peak corresponding to mercury is present. This result could point to the use of Mosaic Gold. In the Arte

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Fig.13 arttax image of the decoration on the belt of the king © kik/irpa brussels

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5. Also Theolfilus describes the use of tinpaint in his chapter: How paintings in Books are Embellished with Tin and Saffron/ If you have neither of these [i.e., gold or silver] and still want to embellish your work in some way, take pure tin, scrape it very fine, mill it, and wash it as you did the gold. Then, with the same glue, apply it on letters or other places that you wanted to ornament with gold or silver. After polishing it with a tooth, take some of the saffron with which silk is dyed, pour glair without water over it, and let it stand overnight. On the following day cover with a pencil [dipped in this medium] those places you wanted to gild; leave the rest [of the tin bare] to take the place of silver. Then, using a quill, draw fine lines with minium around the letters, foliage, scrollwork, materials of robes, and the other places to be ornamented. Theophilus 37

Illuminandi mosaic gold (stannic sulfide SnS2) is described as an imitation gold color. The preparation of this mosaic gold starts with: «take one part of tin and melt it, and throw upon it one part of pure quicksilver». Mosaic gold could replace the costly true gold powder but did not show the same full brilliance of gold. Therefore it was recommended to model it up with gold powder. Analysis of the decoration with small crosses in the baldachin shows this mixture of gold and tin applied as paint (no metal leaf) on top of the lead white layer, pointing out towards the use of mosaic gold. 5

Fig.15a and 15b xrf spectrum of lilies in the baldachin and arttax image showing the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels

The coat of arms

Fig.16 anjou bible, detail with coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels

At the bottom of the page, the coat of arms of chancellor Alifio is present (fig.16). For this coat of arms, the same materials as present in the miniature were identified: Vermilion applied on a white lead layer for the red and white triangles, red lead for the orange border, silver leaf and gold leaf. A different result was obtained for the golden fess which is a gold paint ‘shell gold’ and not a gold leaf. Another difference was found when analysing the blue ground of the coat of arms. Although it concerns a very intense blue colour, only a relative small amount of copper was detected during the analysis (fig.17). This result could indicate the use of the blue pigment ultramarine (Na8..10Al6Si6O24S2..4) made from lapis lazuli, a pigment that can not be identified using XRF.

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Ultramarine was a very expensive pigment with well known outstanding characteristics. The coat of arms as present now is not the original coat of arms. Originally, the coat of arms of the first owner of the manuscript, Andreas of Hungary was present. But when Alifio became the new owner, all original coats of arms were removed by abrasion and over painted, as a clear possession mark. In that respect, it is maybe not surprisingly that such an expensive and precious pigment is used. This however has to be confirmed using a complementary analysis technique (like non destructive micro Raman spectroscopy). The spectrum shows also an important iron peak (red earth) which indicates the underlying original coat of arms.

Fig.17 xrf spectrum of the blue ground in the coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels

Conclusion Although having a long history, the Anjou Bible was now for the first time ever examined in detail. The combination of highly detailed photographs with transmitted light in combination with the non destructive XRF analysis provides more insight into the craftsmanship of the miniaturist. A very rich pallet of mineral and organic pigments in combination with gold, silver and tin as foil or as paint has been identified. Although the use of a non destructive technique, like X-Ray fluorescence has its limits, this technique is extremely useful when analyzing very delicate and precious works of art.

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Bibliography Avril, François, «Trois manuscrits Napolitains des collec¬tions de Charles V et de Jean de Berry», Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 127 (1969): 293-328. Avril, Francois et al., Dix siecles d’enluminure italienne (VI e- XVI e siècles), Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, 1984 . Avril, François en Marie-Thérèse Gousset, Manuscrits enluminés d’origine italienne, Paris, 2005. Maere R, ‘Une Bible angevine de Naples au Séminaire de Malines’, Revue de l’art chrétien 59 (1909): 279-291 and 60 (1910): 25-34. Bräm, Andreas, Naepolitanische Bilderbibeln des Trecento: Anjou-Buchmalerei von Robert dem Weisen bis zu Johanna I, Wiesbaden, 2007. Brunello, Franco, De arte illuminandi: e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura medievale, Vicenza: Pozza, 1975. Eastaugh Nicholas et al The Pigment Compendium, a dictionary of historical Pigments, Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, 2004, 320. Munoz Vinas, Salvador «Original Written Sources for the History of Mediaeval Painting Techniques and Materials: A List of Published Texts», Studies in Conservation, Vol. 43, No. 2 (1998), pp. 114-124. Thompson, Daniel V jr The Craftsman’s Handbook ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ by Cennino d’A. Cennini, New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933. Thompson, Daniel jr and Heard Hamilton, George, De Arte Illuminandi, The technique of Manuscript Illumination, Translated from the Latin of Naples MS XII.E.27, New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933. Watteeuw Lieve ‘The conservation assessment of the Philips of Clève Book of Hours (Brussels, Royal Library, Ms IV 40)’, in The Quest for the Original, Symposium XVI for the Study of Underdrawing and Technology in Painting, Bruges, September 2006, Louvain la Neuve, 2009: 168-174. Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina ‘The conservation assessment of an Illuminated Book of Hours. Understanding craftsmanship through interdisciplinary research: preliminary investigation’, in Diversity in Heritage Conservation: Tradition, Innovation and Participation, ICOM CC, 15th Triennial Conference 22 - 26 September 2008, New Delhi, 2008: 310-316. Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina «Illuminating with Pen and Brush. The Techniques of a Fourteenth-century Neapolitan Illluminator Explored», in The Anjou Bible, A Royal Manuscript revealed, Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts, Vol 18, ed Lieve Watteeuw & Jan Van der Stock, Peeters 2010, 147-169. West Fitzhugh, Elisabeth «Red lead and Minium», in Artist’s Pigments, A handbook of their History and Characteristic. Volume1, ed. Robert L. Feller Editor, 109-139, Cambridge University Press, 1986.

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Resumo Nicholas Hilliard, que se tornou famoso no séc. XVI pelos seus retratos em miniatura, perseguia o ideal de uma representação da natureza tão próxima do real quanto possível. «That it seemeth…the work of god and not of man». Para atingir esse objectivo, utilizou diversas técnicas, em parte baseadas na tradição da iluminura medieval, mas também na sua formação como ourives. Utilizou um número invulgarmente elevado de pigmentos pretos, alguns obtidos a partir das sementes de frutos carbonizadas, para reproduzir o efeito do veludo preto e das sedas. Classificou também os pigmentos em diversos tipos (categorias? graus). Por exemplo, um tipo médio de branco de chumbo seria o ideal para imitar o aspecto «de pó» de uma maquilhagem, enquanto que um outro tipo, constituído por partículas muito finas, seria o ideal para o impasto brilhante necessário para realçar um laço. Esta última tinta aplicada muito espessa, resultante da mistura do branco de chumbo com muita goma, apresenta um craquelê característico e falta de adesão. Alguns destes danos podem ter sido visíveis ainda no tempo de vida do artista, sem que no entanto o tenham levado a alterar a sua técnica. Um outro exemplo, é o da aplicação de prata em pó (para as armaduras e os realces nas pérolas), que também apresenta problemas de conservação uma vez que a prata cedo começou a escurecer (embaciar?). Resinas aplicadas muito espessas em fundos prateados, para imitar o efeito brilhante das pedras preciosas ou esmaltes, foram muitas vezes esmagadas ainda quando frescas e apresentam-se lascadas ou quebradiças quando secas. Os autores reconstruíram muitos destes métodos e efeitos especiais no âmbito de um projecto levado a cabo no Victoria and Albert Museum (Londres). A produção das reconstruções baseou-se tanto nos resultados obtidos por análises científicas de miniaturas e observação do efeito visual como na pesquisa de fontes escritas contemporâneas ou anteriores. Esta abordagem revelou-se muito frutuosa, pois permitiu tanto reproduzir os magníficos efeitos visuais que terão existido nas miniaturas originais como identificar danos típicos associados ao uso de certos materiais e técnicas.

palavras-chave retratos em miniatura limning hilliard técnica pictórica alquimia

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Abstract Nicholas Hilliard, a 16th century English painter of portrait miniatures or limnings, was driven by the idea of depicting nature as realistically as possible. «That it seemeth… the work of god and not of man». To achieve his aim he used several special methods and techniques, which partly derived from medieval book illumination traditions but also from his own background as a goldsmith. He applied an unusual number of black pigments, some made from charred fruit-stones, to match the appearance of black velvet and silk cloth. He also sorted pigments into various grades. For instance a medium grade of lead white was ideal to imitate the powdery appearance of makeup and another grade, with very fine particles, for the glossy impasto paint he used to depict lace. The thick application of lead mixed with a lot of gum to achieve this effect led to typical cracks and flaking. Some damage might have already occurred during his life-time, nevertheless he continued to use the techniques, which caused them. Another example is the application of powdered silver (for armour and the highlights on pearls), which turned out to be problematic as the silver soon started to tarnish. Thickly applied resin on silver grounds to create the glossy impression of precious stones and enamel often became squashed when fresh, and chipped or flaked of when dry. The authors practically reconstructed many of these methods and effects used on limnings in the context of a research project in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. The practical work was based on visual examination, instrumental analysis of original portrait miniatures and extensive analysis of earlier and contemporary written sources. The practical approach proved to be highly informative as it not only helped to reconstruct the amazing effects of the original appearance but also to identify typical damage inherent in the use of specific materials and techniques.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words portrait miniature limning hilliard painting technique alchemy

that it seemeth to be the thing itself

the obsession of 16 th century miniature painters to imitate the beauty of nature t i m e a ta l l ia n Ethnographical Museum, Vienna and the V&A Museum, London (England)

a l a n d e r bys h i r e Victoria and Albert Museum, London (England)

Introduction and sources

1. Lucas Horenbout, often called Hornebolte in England, (Ghent c. 1490 to 1495 – London 1544) was a Flemish artist who moved to England in the mid-1520s together with his sister Susanna and his father Gerard and worked there as «King’s Painter» and court miniaturist to King Henry VIII from 1525 until his death. His father Gerard Horenbout was an important Flemish manuscript illuminator (Reynolds 2006: 45).

The information presented in this article is mainly based on source material related to the English limner Nicholas Hilliard (1547-1619) and his followers and students. Instrumental Analysis of original limnings has been performed in the conservation department of the Victoria and Albert Museum since the 80s (in particular by the late Jim Murrell and more recently by Alan Derbyshire and various students). Advances in non-destructive techniques such as digital photography, computer image manipulation, Raman Spectroscopy and XRF in the last 10 years have allowed many new opportunities to update and amend the information derived from earlier research. What makes the research on limnings so unique is an abundance of written source material. The three main sources used for this research have been the manuscripts associated with Nicholas Hilliard, Edward Norgate and John Hoskins. (see table 1). Unlike the many anonymous illuminators from previous centuries, Hilliard and his circle left us with a detailed written account of their ideas, ideals and working methods. Their knowledge originates directly from those illuminators of the Ghent Bruges School, who were called to live and work in England by Henry VIII 1. Another indispensable source of knowledge and understanding was the practical reconstruction of materials and techniques. This process was aiming to understand the reasons why certain materials have been used but from a 16th century viewpoint. Reconstruction was not always a success and in most cases a humbling experience as we were not able to achieve the same quality and effects as observed on the originals. However trial and error provided many new insights and a lot more questions.

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It also suggested that some typical deterioration phenomena must have occurred quite rapidly after the making of the objects. Nevertheless limners continued to use them for some time until the 1640s. This paper aims to explore the reasons why limners, who according to their writings were aware of the risks, still continued to use certain methods and materials. table 1 Hilliard MS

Norgate MS

Hoskins MS (known as Gyles’ book)

Edinburgh, University Li-

Oxford, Bodleian Library,

• Original – London, British Library, Harley 6376.

brary, LaingIII174, f.1-14

Tan.326

• Copy – (Hoskins MS copy), NAL, MS copy of Harl. 6376, R.C.A. 20-995-1906.

ed. Thornton and Cain

ed. Muller and Murrell

Extracts published in Muller and Murrell

1992

1994

1997:237-252 and in Murrell 1983:76-79, 80-84, 92-93

The Arte of Limning – That it Seemeth to be the Thing Itself… Illumination did not stop with the invention of printed books. On the contrary, in the 16th century it was not only used for luxury books and important documents but also for portraits after life and illustrations in scholarly publications (for instance of a geographic, ethnographic, zoological or botanic nature). Hilliard and Norgate amongst others stated that it should ideally be practised ‘by gentlemen only’. First of all because it required a gentle nature and was clean to use (did not spoil expensive clothing like oil!). It is recommended for the young gentry as an innocent pastime and useful skill for a future career at court, in war and scientific studies. Further the gentry, not having to make a living (unlike the notoriously financially struggling common artist) could spend the full time required to produce excellent works of art. Also they could easily afford the best quality materials. Limning was (and is, if one aims at accurate reconstruction) indeed expensive. The pricy materials include, first of all, paint made from the metals gold and silver; pigments derived from semi-precious stones; and many exotic materials (like the binder gum Arabic or Indian lake). But also cheaper materials like earth colours and lead pigments had to be of high quality for the fine painting. Each pigment needed to be washed, ground and prepared in a particular manner. Beside all this the best quality fine parchment was required. It is often claimed to be made from the smooth skin of a (yet hairless) animal embryo (called ‘abortive’). It was so thin and fine, that it had to be mounted on a playing card (limnings are usually quite small, about 7x5cm average). Reconstruction also suggested that the skins of small mammals, in particular white rabbits, might have been a possible source or at least an alternative. It can be said that the search for a parchment support of sufficient quality has been difficult and the biggest obstacle for an accurate modern reconstruction. The 16th century gentry conveniently could

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2. It was Hilliard who first observed that the effects of sulphurous pollution on pigments and he states that the working place should be free from the «Sulphurous aire of Sea Cole» (Thornton and Cain p.75). Indeed it seems to be basically atmospheric hydrogen sulfide which causes the discoloration by converting lead white (basic(II) lead carbonate) into the black compound lead(II) sulfide.

purchase materials ready prepared from professional limners, as for instance Alexander Brown (Browne 1679: 39). There is also an arcane aspect of limning. In many ways the usage of 16th century English limning is comparable to the use of photography. However it does not only aim for the naturalistic depiction after life but aspires to transmute pigment and binder into something different, for instance into a real gemstone, an enamelled jewel, a plant or even a piece of textile. Hilliard also puts a lot of emphasis on «super» realistic depiction, suggesting to use the material to depict itself: «… worketh the metals gold and silver with themselves» (Thornton and Cain: 63) He even set a real diamond into one of his miniatures (coronation portrait of queen Elizabeth, 1559, Wellbeck collection). Portrait miniatures of the aging Queen Elizabeth I, in a way, also illustrate this point. They certainly did not intend to realistically depict the physical appearance of a nearly 60 year old queen. More than her wrinkles, it was essential for Hilliard to depict the essence of Her Majesty, which was the Virgin Queen, ‘Gloriana’, the English equivalent to Virgin Mary. Miniature portraits of her and even medals were treated with the highest respect, similar to icons. Any wilful damage to her picture was in fact considered to be high treason. For instance Thomas Harrison was accused of endangering Queen Elizabeth’s I life by placing a medal with the picture of her Majesty next to mercury sublimate, which was poisonous and had already corroded the metal. Interestingly Harrison defended himself by claiming that the damage was not intentional and that Nicholas Hilliard (!) had made the metal image and that it had dissolved again in the wooden box into quicksilver (mercury) (Auerbach pp.32-33). There is no evidence that Hilliard was an alchemist but he certainly had a chemical understanding of materials due to his experience as goldsmith. Hilliard clearly was very aware of reactive chemical processes and is probably one of the first authors describing the deleterious effect of sulphuric gases on pigments 2 and classifies in his treatise some colours as «not fit to be used in limning». Most of the pigments he mentions are prone to fading in light or have the tendency to discolour when being mixed with other pigments (as vermilion – HgS or orpigment – As2S3) , others might change to a dull colour (the copper pigments: Verdigis, Verditer) 1. Nevertheless it has been shown by analysis that he, against better knowledge, used some of those pigments, as for instance vermilion and orpiment. Was he betrayed by his colour merchant; simply a hypocrite; or did he have good reasons not to stick to his own rules? Previous and recent Raman analysis of Hilliard’s palette allowed 13 pigments to be unambiguously identified: lead white, lead red, massicot, vermillion, azurite, natural ultramarine, indigo, malachite, orpiment, pararealgar, yellow ochre, red ochre, and carbon black (Derbyshire 1999, Tallian 2007).

Special effects fig.1 detail from nicholas hilliard, selfportrait 1577, watercolour on parchment, dia. 41mm (v&a, p.155-1910)

Limnings were made to be looked upon at close distance, intimately held in the hand and to be worn in jewels. This was ideal for fine details and the use of techniques

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taking advantage of raking light and movement. Special effects became Hilliard’s trademark e.g. his crisp golden calligraphy, burnished silver highlights on pearls, little sparkling life-like rubies, the bright red Indian lake crimson curtain, glistening and brilliantly blue ultramarine backgrounds, the detailed black textiles and the raised lace of glossy lead white impasto. These effects fascinated not only contemporaries but have the power to enchant us till the present day. Unfortunately most of the mentioned techniques, even though Hilliard tried his best, occasionally caused problems due to the inherent properties of the used materials. Silver tends to tarnish, Venetian turpentine resin dries very slowly and is easily squashed. Indian lake easily fades and requires – for a good colour – a lot of gum and sugar (a combination, which attracts dust and is prone to dry out and crack); ultramarine is of a gritty sandy consistence and sometimes (when the pigment binder ratio is not right) rubs or flakes off; ivory black tends to flake and so does the thick and heavily gummed layers of lead white. Hilliard must have been clearly in a dilemma. But interestingly he did not give up his technique. Sparkling silver looked too good in combination with gold. Indian lake was used also in reality to colour expensive bright red luxury textiles (and was one of the most costly pigments at the time). Ultramarine was a precious gemstone, making the portrait look even more like a jewel; it was adding to its material value and also provided a great contrast for gold inscriptions. Charred Ivory, even though it has its tendency to be a difficult pigment, is creating probably the most appealing and again pricy ‘blackest black’ available, ideal for strong shadows or ornaments in dark costumes or the dark centre of the eye. And vermilion, condemned by Hilliard as an ‘unfit’ colour, was still used by him (proved by analysis) in the face and lips as it produces a radiant red and for the very same reason this pigment was applied by the ladies as rouge and lipstick. And the raised white laces, accurately dribbled in fine lines onto the parchment like icing sugar, casting their own shadows, just looked strikingly real. It was all too tempting, exquisite and worth the risk.

Precaution and Deterioration There are various suggestions in the treatises to prevent certain deterioration phenomena (to protect the silver, how to prepare and to use black pigments to ensure quality and prevent cracking, how to refine ultramarine and most important how to refine lead white and to prevent it from tarnishing). All these methods worked to a large extend, which is evident in Hilliard’s best miniatures and their excellent condition. In strong contrast to our modern reconstructions: those almost immediately showed all sorts of problems. However to a certain percentage, even Hilliard had to lose his battle against ‘stubborn’ painting materials and time.

Fading Colours The most dramatic change is probably the fading of colours of organic origin, which Hilliard probably used amongst other applications to model the features of fair ladies.

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3. Nicholas Frayling, PhD student at the V&A/ RCA conservation course was fundamental in making Tudor miniatures and their techniques more accessible using digital media and the latest computer software. (Frayling, N. 1998) Together with Alan Derbyshire he was the first to combine source research, instrumental analysis, practical reconstruction and computer image manipulation.

Many portraits of Queen Elizabeth I appear unusually pale with white faces, faint red cheeks and red lips. This caused the notion that Hilliard’s portraits are particularly flat and mask-like. Due to the fashion of the time and ‘make up’, portraits of ladies were certainly much paler than those of male sitters. However they still might have had a subtle modelling. This is suggested by the portrait of Elizabeth, which was kept inside a jewelled pendent, presented to Sir Francis Drake. In comparison to those portraits of her which were more exposed to light this picture shows much stronger modelling and colour (see Figure 2). Some of the male portraits like Hilliard’s self-portrait (see figure 1) seem to be less faded. Hilliard’s treatise suggests that he tended to use (lightfast) earth colours for male sitters for a more dark or sunburned complexion.

fig.2 detail from hilliard’s portrait of queen elizabeth, c. 1600 (see figure5) and the portrait mounted in the ‘drake jewel’, private collection presently on display in the british galleries of the v&a. the miniature mounted in the locket shows clearly less fading

Silver The most evident blemishes for the non-conservator are the dark dots on the pearls, caused by tarnished silver. Other treatises suggest protecting silver with garlic juice. Garlic seems to be a strange choice as it contains sulphur, which is well known to promote the tarnishing of silver. It also needs to be considered, that any (more effective) protective layers of gum or varnish could have been removed through abrasion or later cleaning attempts with solvents such as alcohol. To show the splendour of how the silver highlights really should have looked, computer manipulation is a great tool. Nick Frayling has provided stunning examples how to utilise digital media and the computer in combination with reconstruction for a better understanding of the original appearance of Tudor miniatures 3.

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Artificial Gemstones Less obvious, unless viewed with the microscope, is the vanished sparkle of artificial gemstones. Reconstruction experiments have suggested that some of those stones might have been squashed not too long after their making by a cover glass or careless handling (see figure 2). During reconstruction (based on the treatises) the viscous honey-like Venetian turpentine (in our case, larch resin) was mixed with pigments (Indian lake for a ruby, verdigris for an emerald and ultramarine for a sapphire). The resin was applied with a hot needle, in a warm room or near a heating source, on top of a burnished silver ground (see figure 3). Further heat was required for the stringy resin to settle from the shape of a stringy, ‘dwarf hat’ into a round dome. To pick up the right amount of resin is quite difficult and to pick up too much is very tempting as the sparkling resin dome looks great at first. However, the thickly applied resin on the reconstruction was not dry even after a period of several months, and some stones were accidentally squashed by handling. Indeed there is evidence in some treatises that limners experienced the same problem. There are clear warnings to observe certain drying times 4. But even if the pigmented Venetian terpentine resin had time to dry without being squashed, the thick layer of resin tended to be brittle and crack after some time. Hilliard often depicted enamelled miniature lockets in miniatures by coating them with resin. Those in some cases chipped of completely, leaving the blank parchment or a (meanwhile tarnished) silver ground. Variations in the technique can be observed on Hilliards later miniatures. Instead of applying a tick layer of resin Hilliard tried to apply a thinner layer of coloured resin on a silver coated thick blob of lead white. But unfortunately, as mentioned, also raised layers of lead white tended to crack and chip off, leaving blank parchment.

fig.3 detail of a ruby, nichlas hilliard, elizabeth i (v&a, 622-1882) [photo by nicholas frayling]. reconstruction of a ruby

Craquelure – Too Gummy? Each pigment requires a different ratio of pigment and binder. A good method to determine the right ratio was to mix the paint up in a shell. Pigment (which was stored dry in paper or boxes) and powdered gum were mixed with a drop of purified water using the ring finger. If the dried colour in the shell formed a shiny layer like oil

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4. The most detailed description of making a ruby can be found in a manuscript by Daniel King, DL Add. 12461 MS.

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paint there was too much gum. If there was too little, the paint would powder off. If the ratio was right, the paint would smear thinly on the smooth surfaces of the shell and neither crack nor shine (and also made it easier to detect impurities as specks of dust). Some effects and some pigments required more gum than usual. Indian lake needed gum for its colour and ivory black was working better when gummed freshly just before it was used for painting. In the case of the paint used for the lace, gum was required for the shiny effect and the ‘impasto’ consistency. In all these cases it was easy to use accidentally more gum than required. For this reason areas where such paints were used (red background, eye centre, black costume, lace) show an increased tendency for craquelure and for flaking. fig.4 detail of the lace (~4mm), nicholas hilliard (v&a, p.3-1974) and a uv image of nicholas hilliard’s wife alice, by nicholas hilliard, dia. 59mm, (v&a, p.1541910) the uv image shows the extend of loss in the area of the ruff and also the differences in the thickness of the white paint layers

Due to their enormous historical and artistic value Hilliard’s limnings are treated by conservators as sparsely and non-invasively as possible. They are rarely opened and are usually not permitted to travel and further subjected to a strict lighting and display policy. The most common reason to open these early miniatures is their need for consolidation. The fine craquelure and flaking of paint might be not obvious with the naked eye but easily detected under the microscope. Flaking of the ead white, in the thickly applied paint layers of the ruff and costume, is possibly the most serious deterioration phenomenon on Hilliard’s work and other limnings. The difference in the thickness of the lead white paint layer in the face area (very thin) in the ruff (very thick), (and losses of paint) can be clearly seen with x-ray spectroscopy and with the help of UV examination (see figure 6).

Lead white purification Hilliard and other sources mention lead white and ceruse as prime pigments for white paint. According to the most recent hypothesis, the difference in the colour terms might refer to different stages of preparation or different grades of quality

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rather than different chemical compositions. Raman analysis on some of the most prominent miniatures by Hilliard in the V&A unambiguously detected only lead white (basic lead (II) carbonate – 2PbCO3.Pb(OH)2) in all examined white areas (Derbyshire 1999). Interestingly there is only minor evidence for the blackening of lead white, which is a more common phenomenon in later portrait miniatures, in particular of the late 17th century. This is likely to be the result of careful preparation methods, which are described in great detail in the treatises. As Hoskins says: it will be no lost labour to be curious in this Colour, because it is the ground & foundation of all your other works, for if this become faulty, all is lost & cast away. The experience whereof does frequently appear in many excellent peices, being heightned with white lead unprepared are spoild & the Colour all rusty & dead (Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995: 31). Analysing these recipes, the limners seemed to have picked out the whitest flakes from yet un-ground flake white from the outer crust of the lead coil 5. Like this they were able to avoid contamination with pure lead splinters or yellow/grey rusty flakes from the inside of the coil. These snow white flakes were ground and the hairs/dust and water-soluble salts (as lead acetate) were washed away with distilled water (till the water had no harsh taste anymore). The remaining product was dried in the sun or a chalkstone slab. To achieve the powdery appearance of lead white paint, which was required for the carnation – Hilliard had to remove the fine lead white particles by washing. During this process the ground flake white pigment was stirred in distilled water, after a short while the floating fine particles were decanted in a separate shell or container. (When dry these very fine particles were rapped in paper and later mixed with gum for the glossy lace and pearls.) Than the mixture was stirred again and after a shorter period the floating particles were decanted in a different container. This middle portion was ideal for painting non-glossy areas. The bottom layer of big heavy particles was ground again and the process repeated. This simple method of particle separation was used for nearly all pigments as it is crucial to remove dust, the too fine particles and the too coarse ones.

Mineral blues The correct application and preparation of natural ultramarine pigment still largely remains a mystery. There is no doubt anymore (due to analysis) that Hilliard used unadulterated mineral blues (made from lapis lazuli and azurite). His blue backgrounds are surprisingly strong in colour and at the same time very fine and smooth. Limners probably purchased blue pigments made of the best quality raw material. It is unlikely that limners produced these pigments directly from the gemstones, as the preparation was a well kept secret and required probably large quantities of the raw material (Hilliard mentions ultramarine from Venice and notes its enormous costs). Again limners purified the pigment by removing very fine particles. This is of the greatest importance as particles under 5 microns appear to be colourless and would settle on the surface spoiling the blue colour underneath with a greenish or greyish cloud.

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5. Lead white was produced by suspending a coil of lead in a glass or ceramic container above vinegar in a warm carbon dioxid rich environment (recommended is a barrel with horse dung).

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6. The following book is very much recommended. It shows amazing pictures from a traditional Indian miniature workshop, The materials and techniques are reminiscent to those described in the treatises: Lazaro 2005. 7. Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995, fol.35.

The second step was again to remove coarse particles, which would hinder a smooth application and the final burnishing of the paint. This is a very narrow line. Approximate evaluation of the particle sizes of the blue pigments under high magnification showed a minimum of 5 micons, an average of 10 microns and a maximum of about 25. How the blue has been laid down can best be learned from contemporary Indian miniature painters or those miniature painters still working in the Islamic manuscript tradition 6. However, as experienced by the author there is a great difference between watching and doing it yourself. Even ignoring the lack of good quality pigment and experience, it seemed to be generally a nerve-racking and difficult business.

fig.5 nicholas hilliard, elizabeth, c. 1600, oval, 64.5x49mm (v&a, p.1-1974). a quantity of good quality azurite has been separated into various colour shades and grain sizes by the method of ‘washing’. the shell in the middle is the one hilliard would have used (the pigment is not too coarse, not too fine and has a good colour)

Black is not black The most satisfying was the reconstruction of black pigments. According to the treatises some limners prepared black pigments themselves from the raw materials. Only in this way could they ensure the quality and authenticity of their final product. And limners were very specific what they wanted: namely cherrystone and Ivory black. Cherrystones consist of very dense almost grain-less wood. During the charring process organic materials keep their original shape – a nutshell, a plum stone or a willow twig when charred would produce different pigments, of different texture and shade. Cherrystones produce a black paint with very fine regular particles, which is very nice to work with. The shade it produces is of a silvery grey/ black colour. Charring fruit stones turned out to be relatively easy. They were placed in a metal container with a lose lid and placed in an ordinary burning wood stove. Within a quarter of an hour, coloured flames escape the container and the process is then finished. Charring is a reduction process – the less oxygen enters the container the better. In the case of ivory the temperatures needed to be somewhat higher. Hoskins says that the iron container needs to be of a dark red colour for about an hour. According to Hoskins MS the container was fully packed with ivory splinters and ‘luted’ (sealed) with a mixture of wet clay mixed with salt 7. (The salt probably prevents sudden shrinkage of the clay. The woodstove was heated with coal to its full temperature and the container left inside till the stove cooled down. All this is described in some detail in the treatises. But every treatise seems to provide only a tiny piece of information. The combination of all sources was needed to reproduce

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the recipe in reality is a key for understanding what is meant. After this experience there was little doubt that it was easy for the miniature painters to collect scraps of broken ivory, combs, scrapings from sculptors etc and produce their own pigment from scratch to achieve exactly the effects they wanted to. The amazing detail of Hilliard’s costumes shows it was well worth the effort. fig.6 detail of the black costume. nicholas hilliard. unknown lady, 159093, oval, 59x47mm (v&a, p.9-1947). ivory black after breaking the clay seal of the crucible used for reconstruction. paint made from the reconstructed ivory black seemed to flake in a similar way as the black paint in the miniature (lower edge) also did the paint an irregular shine similar to the one on this miniature

Summary The research into 16th century limnings is far from being finished. It rather feels that it has just been started. Further research for instance might include exploring the link with earlier manuscript illumination (i.e. Ghent Bruges School). Reconstruction provided a few new insights as well as many new questions. Which was surprising as Hilliard’s technique was always thought to be well understood due to the abundance of treatises based on it. However, today we know that not all of the information given is necessarily correct. Also we became more aware that the appearance of artefacts today is not necessarily the appearance intended by the artist. To study the artists intentions, the cultural circumstances in which a work of art was produced and to learn about the methods and techniques it was made with, greatly adds to the art works’ value and appreciation.

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Acknowledgments We greatly want to thank the large number of people investing time, sharing their knowledge and resources in helping with the research and reconstruction work on Hilliard’s materials and techniques: First of all the Royal College of Art and the V&A Museum, which provided an amazing platform for the research, thanks to William Lindsay, Nick Frayling and Katherine Coombs. We also want to thank Carmen Krisai-Chizzola, Mike Wheeler, Dr. Georg Kremer (Kremer pigments), David Margulies, Anita Chowdry, Dr. Spike Bucklow, Dr. Mark Clarke and the scientists: Dr. Robert Withnall, Dr. Lucia Burgio and Dr. Vincent Daniels.

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Bibliography Auerbach, E.. 1961. Nicholas Hilliard. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Browne, A.. 1679. Ars Pictora. London. Derbyshire, A. and R. Withnall. 1999. ‘Pigment Analysis of Portrait Miniatures Using Raman Microscopy.’ Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 30, 185-188. Frayling, N.. 1998. ‘An exploration of the original appearance of Nicholas Hilliard’s portrait miniatures using computer image manipulation.’ V&A Conservation Journal 28, July 1998, 4-6. Lazaro, D. P.. 2005. Materials, Methods and Symbolism in the Pichhvai painting tradition of Rajastan. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing. Muller, J. M. and J. Murrell (1997) Edward Norgate, Miniatura or the Arte of Limning. New Haven & London: Yale University Press. Murrell, J.. 1983. The Way Howe to Lymne – Tudor Miniatures Observed. London: V&A Publications. Peacham H.. 1622 The Compleat Gentleman. London. Reynolds, Graham. 2006; The Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Miniatures in the Collection of Her Majesty The Queen, Royal Collection Publications Ltd. Tallian, T.. 2007. Reconstruction of Nicholas Hilliard’s Materials and Techniques, a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Royal College of Art fort the degree of Master of Philosophy, May 2007, The Royal College of Art / Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Thornton R. K. R. and T. G. S. Cain. 1992. The Arte of Limning by Edward Norgate. Manchester: Carcanet Press.

Biographies Timea Tallian studied art history and fine art before she joined the conservation course at the Academy of fine Arts in Vienna (MA in 2003). Initially trained as paper conservator she developed a strong interest for ethnographical objects, portrait miniatures and the study of miniature painting techniques in general. In 2003 she embarked on a research project, at the V&A/RCA postgraduate conservation course, focusing on the practical reconstruction of Hilliard’s materials and techniques (Mphil 2007). After a year break, working as conservation consultant in Bhutan, she is back in London, presently working as a free lance conservator. Timea is affiliated with the Ethnographical Museum, Vienna and the V&A Museum, London. Email:- timea.tallian@network.rca.ac.uk Alan Derbyshire obtained a BSc in Physics fromU.M.I.S.T. in 1975 before going on to study paper conservation at Gateshead Technical College. He is Head of Paper, Books and Paintings Conservation at the Victoria and Albert Museum, where he has worked since 1983. For the last twenty years he has specialised in the conservation of portrait miniatures on ivory and vellum. He has written, taught and lectured extensively on the conservation of works of art on paper and on portrait miniatures. He is an accredited member of ICON. Email: aland@vam.ac.uk, Address: Paper Conservation, Victoria and Albert Museum, London SW7 2RL, Telephone:- 0207 942 2113

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Resumo Guido di Pietro, mais conhecido por Fra Angelico ou Frei Giovanni de Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), foi um dos mais importantes artistas do séc. XV. Exceleu tanto em pintura mural e de cavalete como nas artes da iluminura. O seu talento foi celebrado em 2007-08 no Museu de São Marco em Florença, por ocasião da exposição Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore, no âmbito da qual se levou a cabo um estudo comparativo dos materiais e técnicas que o artista utilizou na iluminura e na pintura sobre tábua. Este centrou-se nos materiais – pigmentos e corantes – utilizados por Angelico em manuscritos, em particular, numa das suas obras mais belas, que integra a colecção permanente do Museu: o Graduale n. 558. Tendo em conta que se tratam de obras em pergaminho, são de preferir métodos de análise que permitam uma identificação in situ. Para além disso, técnicas não invasivas são consideradas as mais adequadas, uma vez que é difícil recolher amostras ou micro-amostras. De facto, as camadas cromáticas são tipicamente muita finas quando comparadas com a pintura de cavalete. Acresce que, normalmente, as decorações cobrem áreas pequenas. Este artigo descreve o uso da fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) em conjunto com a reflectografia de UV-VIS-NIR por fibra óptica (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), que foram seleccionadas de entre as possíveis técnicas não-invasivas e de aplicação in situ, para o estudo dos materiais utilizados no Graduale n. 558 de Beato Angelico.

palavras-chave manuscritos iluminados fluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energias (xrf) reflectografia de uv-vis-nir com fibra óptica (fors) fra angelico graduale n. 558

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Abstract Guido di Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall- and panel-paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminations. His talent was celebrated in 2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibition Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? in which the technique and materials used by the artist in making manuscripts and panel paintings were investigated and compared between these two different forms of art. The focus of the study in the context of the exhibition was on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces located in the permanent collection of the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558. Due to the fragility of parchment-based artworks, the application of in situ non-invasive analytical techniques is strongly recommended for analyzing the materials used by artists in making the manuscripts. Moreover, non-invasive analytical methodologies are usually considered to be the most suitable techniques for the investigation of manuscripts since taking samples, or even micro-samples, from such delicate art objects is generally considered unacceptable. Indeed, the manuscript paint layers are typically very thin compared to those of wall and panel paintings. Also, painted decorations usually cover relatively small areas. This report illustrates the effective use of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and ultraviolet, visible, and near infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), selected from the available in non-invasive techniques, to identify theCatarina materials used in makAgradecimentos porsitu ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Sousa, Pedro Fialho ing the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

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key-words illuminated manuscripts x-ray fluorescence (xrf) fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (fors) beato angelico graduale n. 558

non-invasive xrf and uv-vis-nir reflectance spectroscopic analysis of materials used by beato angelico in the manuscript graduale n. 558 m . p i co l lo IFAC-CNR, Firenze (Italy)

a . a l d rova n d i Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Firenze (Italy)

a. migliori Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN , Firenze (Italy)

s . g i acom e l l i Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino, Firenze (Italy)

m . s cu d i e r i Museo di San Marco, Firenze (Italy)

Introduction In the study of artworks the application of more than one analytical technique permits one to better identify the materials and the techniques used by the artists (Clarke 2001, Ricciardi et al. 2009). These techniques are grouped in two main categories: non-invasive and invasive. Among the first group of techniques both X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and optical fiber reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) provide conservators and curators with useful information about works of art (Bacci et al. 2009, Dran et al. 2009). Their non-invasiveness enables these light and compact devices to acquire a large amount of data in situ. In some cases, it may be necessary to integrate the data obtained with some noninvasive methods with other non-invasive or micro-invasive analytical techniques. For example, FORS and XRF can also be very useful tools, in conjunction with other techniques, for locating areas for micro-sampling and for extending local data from micro-analyses to a broader scale, thus reducing the extent of micro-sampling. However, the small size of the illuminates and the presence of very fine details prohibit, in most cases, the use of the precise analytical chemical methods typically used on paintings, because of the sample size limitation. In this case, XRF and ultraviolet (UV), visible (Vis), and near infrared (NIR) FORS were selected from the available in situ non-invasive techniques and applied to iden-

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tify the materials used in making the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. Guido di Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall – and panel – paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminates. His talent was celebrated in 2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibition Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? There, the technique and materials used by the artist in making manuscripts and in making panel paintings were investigated and compared. The focus of the study, in the context of the exhibition, was on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces of the permanent collection of the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558.

Methodology The artwork The Graduale n. 558 represents one of the most famous illuminate masterpieces of Angelico’s young production and was made for the church of San Domenico in Fiesole where the artist lived at the beginning of his monastic life. Fra Angelico was a versatile artist who excelled in the fresco, illuminate, and panel paintings techniques. The Graduale n. 558 was probably made in two different periods: in 1424-1425 and in 1428-1430. Consequently, the illustrations present some different stylistic characteristics, which make it possible to group the miniatures in four groups by their chromatic, stylistic, and decorative features. This choir book is constituted of 260 folios written in «Testualis» with text and music. These folios were bound together probably when the Graduale was added in the Leopoldo II di Lorena Collection in the 19th century. The illustrations are composed of 986 watermarked letters, 30 miniatures, and seven decorated letters.

Analytical techniques FORS was performed using two spectroanalyzers: Zeiss model MSC501 and MCS511 NIR 1.7 operating in the 200-1700 nm range. The approximate spectral resolution was less than 3 nm in the 200-1000 nm range (MCS501) and 10 nm in the 900-1700 nm range (MCS511 NIR 1.7). An internal tungsten lamp (Zeiss model CLH500) was used for the final operative range (350-1700 nm). The sampled area was smaller than the approximate 2 mm diameter, and the acquisition time for each spectrum was less than one second. The spectrometers were calibrated using a white Spectralon® 99% reflectance standard. A 0°/45°/45° reflectance configuration was adopted to avoid specular reflectance. The identification of the pigments was accomplished by comparing the acquired unknown spectra with spectral databases (http://fors.ifac. cnr.it). Assignments were made using both the primary and first derivative spectra. Given the thinness of the paint layers and the presence of overtone bands in the NIR associated with the vellum substrate, the assignment of peaks to pigments required

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particular care. The NIR region was, however, found to be particularly useful for the identification of some pigments as well as gypsum. XRF analyses were performed with an Assing LITHOS 3000 portable spectrometer equipped with a molybdenum tube and a Peltier cooled Si-PIN detector with a sensitive area of 7 mm2, thickness of 0.5 mm and a berillium (Be) window 12.5 μm thick. The resolution was of approximately 165 eV at 5.9 keV. For the measurements on the Graduale the X-ray tube voltage was 24 kV, the current was 300 μA, and the acquisition time was 100 seconds (in case of intense X-ray counting rate the current was reduced and the acquisition time was increased). Also, a 1 mm collimator was used for an investigated area of approximately 2 mm in diameter. The distance between the investigated area and the detector was about 2.8 cm. The X-ray sending and collecting angles were approximately 45° and 50°, respectively. Due to the intrinsic limitation of XRF, which does not yield results spatially resolved in depth; and, in order to avoid confusing results, the areas for analysis were chosen, whenever possible, so that no decoration was present in the corresponding area on the verso of the manuscript leaf.

Results and discussion On the Graduale approximately 130 FORS and 50 XRF spectra distributed on about 30 pages were acquired. Pigment identification was achieved by combining FORS and XRF spectral data. From the XRF measurements the preparation of the parchment was found to be made with calcium carbonate as calcium, with a small amount of arsenic, were the only chemical elements recorded. However, the calcium element could have been related to the presence of calcinated animal bones (Brunello 1975). FORS measurements in the presently available operative range were not able to better specify the materials used to prepare the parchment (Fig. 1). FORS data, on

fig.1 fors spectra of the parchment (dashed line) and of the gypsum with iron oxide (hematite) in the preparatory layer for the application of the gold leaves (f.33v)

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the other hand, made it possible to exclude the use of calcium sulfate bi-hydrated (gypsum) or calcium sulfate hemi-hydrated (plaster of Paris) in the ground layer (Bacci et al. 2007). This information was also confirmed by XRF because no sulfur was found in the preparation of the parchment. The gypsum was present only as a preparatory layer for the application of the gold leaves (c.33v, c.86v, c.124r) in mixture with iron oxide (hematite) based pigments (Fig. 1). In one case, XRF also found the presence of mercury, together with iron, in the preparatory layer. This was due to the presence of cinnabar, which gave a reddish tint to the layer. The gold leaves, which were extensively used in the Graduale for background and aureole areas, were made with pure gold. The XRF analysis did not show the presence of impurities such as silver, tin, lead, or copper (c.9r, c.21r, Fig. 2).

fig.2 xrf spectrum of a gold leaf, made with pure gold. from the xrf data the gold leaves did not show the presence of impurities such as silver, tin, lead, or copper (f.9r)

As found by FORS spectra on about 30 different areas of the Graduale the painted blue areas were made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). Ultramarine blue was also used in mixture with a red pigment, red lake mainly, at different concentrations to depict violet-purple details (Figs. 3 and 4). Azurite was used only for the watermarked letters. This second blue pigment was positively identified by the two analytical techniques. A copper based green pigment, such as malachite, mainly, created the green zones. This pigment was used to depict both the cloths of the characters and the landscapes. Also, as illustrated by FORS measurements on 12 areas of the illuminated manuscript, it was used to make frames and decorations surrounding the painted scenes. Another green pigment, green earth, was only applied to paint complexion (flesh tones) areas in mixture with lead white, iron oxide and hydroxide (yellow and brown ochre or earth pigments) pigments, and cinnabar. In this Graduale the artist

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fig.4 fors spectra from blue areas made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). spectrum a from folium 33v; spectrum b from folium 60v; spectrum c from folium 93r

did not use mixtures of blue (azurite, indigo, lapis lazuli) and yellow (lead-tin yellow, orpiment) pigments to produce green hues/shades. In one case only, the FORS acquired spectrum resembled a mixture of ultramarine and lead-tin yellow pigments; but here the yellow pigment was painted as a glaze on the blue sky. The yellow and brown colors were obtained by using lead-tin yellow pigment for lighter areas and iron oxide and hydroxide pigments for darker and less saturated hues. The first pigment was identified by the presence of contemporary lead and tin in the XRF spectra (Fig. 5) and from its reflectance spectral shape (FORS); the second pigments showed typical FORS, in which the characteristic absorption bands fig.3 detail of the folium 33v with reported some xrf and fors measurement

fig.5 xrf spectra of yellow and brown areas obtained by using lead-tin yellow pigment (red curve, f. 93r), iron oxide and hydroxide pigments (sienna earth, black curve, f. 21r), and orpiment (green curve, f. 60v)

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of trivalent iron are easily detected, and XRF spectra. In the case of XRF data, the presence of iron is usually linked to manganese, which usually is related to the occurrence of Sienna and, more typically, of umber earths. In the folium 60v the dark yellow mantle of San Peter was depicted using orpiment (Fig. 6). This material was only identified in this area of the Graduale by the presence of arsenic in XRF spectrum and by its FORS spectrum, even though the reflectance spectra of most of the yellow pigments could be easily modified when mixed together or with red pigments (Fig. 5).

fig.6 detail of the the folium 60v with the dark yellow mantle of san peter depicted using orpiment (xrf measurement n. 92)

The red areas were created primarily by use of cinnabar and red lakes. In certain cases red lead (minium) was found, even if most of the time it was associated with cinnabar (Fig. 7). Cinnabar is easily detected by XRF due to the presence of mercury in the paint layer. This pigment was extensively used for the main scenes, the decorations, and the watermarked letters. The red lake, instead, was mainly used to paint the purple-violet glazes and to produce hues from pink to purple. This pigment is not seen by XRF, and its identification by means of FORS is certain only when red lakes are used as glaze on a light substrate or in a mixture with a white pigment, such as lead white. To date, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, there have been no systematic studies to determine how preparation, ageing, and type of lake affect the reflectance spectra. Many of the absorption features can vary depending on the preparation of the dye into a lake (Bacci et al. 2001) as well as the preparation of the paint (Bisulca et al. 2008). In some cases characteristic features are less intense

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fig.8 fors spectra of red lead (solid line - a, f. 13v), cinnabar (dashed line – b, f. 13v), and red lake (dotted line – c, f. 93r)

or absent altogether, which can cause misleading results in interpretation of spectra. While it is sometimes possible to distinguish between these dyes or to broadly classify them as of animal or insect in origin, in the analysis of real paintings identification is complicated by the presence of other pigments, the nature of their application, and the effects of natural ageing. These factors can mask or alter characteristic features in UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectra (Fig. 8). Finally, it was noteworthy to report that sometimes, such as in the folium 85v, the ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of the letter were made by using mosaic gold, a very fine powder made with tin and copper, as revealed by XRF (Fig. 9). fig.7 detail of the folium 13v where red lead (minium) and cinnabar were found

fig.9 xrf spectrum from the ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of the letter of folium 85v made by using mosaic gold, a very fine powder made with tin and copper

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Conclusion The combination of high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and XRF) proved to be a useful tool for the examination of illuminates and miniatures artists’ materials, as already found in easel and mural paintings. Expanding the FORS range of analysis further into the infrared, improving the XRF procedure in the detection of light chemical elements, and adding Raman spectroscopy to the list of applied techniques, would make possible more precise descriptions of the characteristics of the materials found in this kind of artworks, in particular when organic materials, such as binding media, need to be identified.

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Bibliography Bacci M., Orlando A., Picollo M., Radicati B., Lanterna G. 2000. Colour analysis of historical red lakes using non-destructive reflectance spectroscopy. Compatible Materials for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, in PACT 58, 21-35. Bacci M., Magrini D., Picollo M., Radicati B., Trumpy G., Tsukada M., Kunzelman D. 2007. Modern white pigments: their identification by means of non-invasive ultraviolet, visible and infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy in Proceedings of the Modern Paints Uncovered Symposium, Tate modern, London, May 16-19, 2006. Editors T.J.S. Learner, P. Smithen, J.W. Krueger, M. Schilling. The Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, 118-128. Bacci M., Boselli L., Picollo M., Radicati B. 2009. UV, VIS, NIR Fibre Optic Reflectance Spectroscopy (FORS) in Practical handbook on diagnosis of paintings on movable support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European Project ARTECH, Centro Di, Firenze, 197-200. Bisulca C., Picollo M., Bacci M., Kunzelman D. 2008. UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopy of red lakes in paintings in Proceedings of the 9 th International Conference on Nondestructive investigations and microanalysis for the diagnostics and conservation of cultural and environmental heritage, Jerusalem, May 25-30, 2008. Clarke, M. 2001. The analysis of medieval European manuscripts, Reviews in Conservation 2, 3-17. Brunello F. 1975. De Arte Illuminandi, Neri Pozza Editore, Vicenza. Dran J.-C-, Laval E. 2009. X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) in Practical handbook on diagnosis of paintings on movable support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European Project ARTECH, Centro Di, Firenze, 210-213. Ricciardi P., Delaney J.K., Glinsman L., Thoury M., Facini M., de la Rie R. 2009. Use of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy to study illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and visualization of underdrawings in Optical Methods for Arts and Archaeology – Aug. 2009 Proc. SPIE Vol. 7391, R. Salimbeni, L. Pezzati Eds. http://fors.ifac.cnr.it. Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectra (FORS) of Pictorial Materials in the 270-1700 nm range.

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Biographies Marcello Picollo, geologist, is a Researcher at the Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara» IFAC-CNR, Florence. He has been working on spectroscopic investigations of works of art since 1991. His main focus is on pigment characterization using non-invasive spectroscopic, imaging and X-ray techniques. Address: Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara» IFACCNR, Via Madonna del Piano 10, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino (Italy). E-mail: m.picollo@ifac.cnr.it Alfredo Aldrovandi received his Master in Science in Physics at the University of Modena. He has been working from 1983 at the Restoration Laboratories of the Opificio delle Pietre Dure in Florence. His main focus is on the development and application of non-invasive diagnostic investigation techniques on artworks. Address: Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Via degli Alfani 78, 50121 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: alfredo.aldrovandi@gmail.com Alessandro Migliori received his Master in Science in Physics in June 2001 and his PhD in «Science for the Conservation of Cultural Heritage» in December 2004, both at University of Florence. He is an expert in techniques for compositional analysis using ion beams (Ion Beam Analysis techniques: PIXE, PIGE, RBS, NRA) and X-ray radiation (XRF), mainly in the field of Cultural Heritage. He has worked at CMAM laboratory in Madrid and Opificio delle Pietre Dure in Florence. Presently he is working as researcher at LABEC laboratory of INFN-Florence. Address: Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN (Florence), Via Sansone 1, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino, Italy. E-mail: migliori@fi.infn.it Sara Giacomelli received her Master in Humanities in 2004 with a thesis on History of Ancient Book Illumination. She received a post Master specialization in Art history in 2008 with a thesis on techniques and pigments used in miniatures. She has worked at the Museum of San Marco for the exhibitions «Miniatura in Umbria del Rinascimento. Suggerimenti per un percorso artistico» (2004); «Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore?» (2007-2008); «L’Angelico ritrovato. Studi e ricerche per la Pala di San Marco» (2008-2009); «Beato Angelico. L’alba del Rinascimento» (2009). Her publications dealt with Umbrian and Florentine illumination artworks. Address: Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino (S.I.S.M.E.L.), Certosa del Galluzzo, Via della Certosa 1, 50124 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: saragiacomelli@gmail.com Magnolia Scudieri received her Master in Humanities specializing in Medieval and Modern Art history. She is the Director of both the Museum of San Marco and the Conservation Laboratories of Soprintendenza of the Florentine area. She is actively involved in encouraging and initiating study and research to further the knowledge on the permanent collection of the Museum of San Marco. She is responsible for creating proficient collaboration with prominent institutes dedicated to the investigation of, in particular, the artistic production of Beato Angelico and his followers. She has organized several exhibitions and published works on this topic. Address: Museo di San Marco, Piazza San Marco, 50100 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: scudieri@polomuseale.firenze.it

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Resumo A caracterização das paletas de cor utilizadas na iluminura medieval é tarefa importante de um ponto de vista histórico-artístico, mas árduo numa perspectiva científica: é difícil recolher amostras, não é aconselhável utilizar técnicas que necessitem de contacto (i.e., IR em modo de ATR) nem levar a cabo sessões de análise longas, devido ao stress que se poderá causar aos manuscritos. Por estes motivos, é necessário utilizar técnicas analíticas que sejam não-invasivas e rápidas; para além disso, na maioria dos casos será necessário trabalhar in situ, utilizando instrumentação transportável. De entre as técnicas possíveis, a espectroscopia de Raman será a mais informativa, dado o seu potencial de diagnóstico; no entanto, requer tempos de análise longos. A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) é uma alternativa poderosa, mas sendo uma técnica de análise elementar, nalguns casos não permite chegar a conclusões precisas. A espectroscopia de UV-VIS-NIR, em modo de reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS), pode ser considerada uma técnica preliminar promissora, mas apresenta algumas limitações óbvias. Neste trabalho é proposto um protocolo de análise para a caracterização de iluminuras em manuscritos, de forma não-invasiva, utilizando equipamento transportável e efectuando análises in situ. Este protocolo permite a identificação de colorantes através da aplicação sucessiva de técnicas complementares, explorando as vantagens de cada uma delas. Antes de mais, preparou-se uma paleta com os diversos pigmentos que se sabe terem sido utilizados na Idade Média; prepararam-se tintas à base de goma arábica e clara de ovo, seguindo receitas antigas descritas em tratados medievais tais como De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. Esta paleta constitui-se como ponto de partida para a construção de uma base de dados para a análise espectroscópica, reproduzindo cenários semelhantes aos encontrados nos manuscritos. É assim importante enfatizar o facto dos espectros obtidos com esta paleta serem mais fiáveis que os obtidos a partir do colorante em pó. O protocolo começa com uma análise global levada a cabo com FORS, sendo adquiridos espectros em todas as áreas pintadas do manuscrito e comparados com a base de dados. Isto permite a identificação de cerca de 60-70% dos colorantes presentes. De seguida, procede-se a uma inspecção visual das cores com uma câmara digital acoplada a um microscópio 10-80x, por forma a obter boas imagens das áreas onde se obtiveram espectros de FORS inconclusivos, i.e., misturas de pigmentos, cores degradadas, etc. Após o que se conduzem as análises de XRF que permite caracterizar os pigmentos metálicos (i.e., pigmentos à base de ouro, prata e cobre), verificar a presença de camadas sobrepostas, identificar mordentes em corantes e lacas, e ainda identificar eventuais produtos secundários que, por sua vez, fornecerão informação útil para estudos de proveniência das matérias-primas. Nesta fase cerca de 90% dos colorantes presentes estarão identificados. Finalmente a espectroscopia de Raman será aplicada a casos que ainda levantem dúvidas. Após a aplicação destas técnicas obtém-se muita informação, causando pouco ou nenhum stress aos manuscritos analisados.

palavras-chave in situ fors raman xrf iluminuras

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Abstract The characterisation of palettes used in medieval manuscript illumination is an important task from the historical-artistic point of view, but a hard one from the scientific point of view: miniatures cannot be sampled, it is unsuitable to use techniques operating in contact (e.g. IR in ATR mode) and to perform long-lasting analytical sessions, due to the stress that can be imparted to manuscripts. For these reasons it is necessary to use analytical techniques both non-invasive and fast; moreover, in most of cases it is necessary to work in situ with portable instruments Among available techniques working in portable versions, Raman spectroscopy is the most informative, due to its diagnostic power; it requires, though, long time of analysis. XRF spectrometry is a powerful alternative but, being an elemental technique, in some cases it does not yield accurate results. UV-visible-NIR spectrophotometry in reflectance mode with fibre optics (FORS) can be promising as preliminary technique with some apparent limits. In this work a protocol of analysis is proposed for characterisation of miniature paintings on manuscripts in non-invasive way, using only portable techniques and performing in situ analysis. The protocol allows identification of colorants by successive application of complementary techniques, exploiting the advantages of each technique. First of all a palette with several pigments, dyes and lakes on parchment has been prepared with colorants that were in use in Middle Ages; paints have been prepared in gum Arabic and in egg white, according to ancient recipes described in medieval textbooks such as De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. This palette is the base on which to build a database of spectroscopic analysis, reproducing a situation similar to the one present on manuscripts. It is important, therefore, to stress the fact that spectra collected from this palette are more reliable than spectra obtained from analysis of colorants in powder. The protocol is started with an overall investigation with FORS, collecting spectra from all painted areas of the manuscript and comparing them with the database. This allows to identify almost 60-70 % of the colorants present. Then visual inspection of the paintings is performed with a digital camera connected with a 10-80x microscope, in order to have a clear image of areas that show uncertain FORS spectra, i.e. mixtures of pigments, altered paints, etc. Then XRF spectrometry is performed in order to characterise metal pigments (i.e. gold, silver and copper pigments), to verify the presence of overlapping layers, to identify mordants for dyes and lakes and to identify contaminants in pigments yielding information useful to study the provenance of raw materials for colorants. At this stage almost 90% of colorants can be identified. Finally Raman spectroscopy is used for the most uncertain cases. After application of these techniques a wealth of information is obtained, causing little or no stress at all to the manuscripts under analysis.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words non invasive fors raman xrf miniatures

a protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintings mau riz io ac e to Department of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont (Italy); Centro Interdisciplinare per lo Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali (CenISCo), Università del Piemonte Orientale (Italy)

a n g e lo ag o st i n o Department of General Chemistry and Organic Chemistry, University of Turin, Italy; NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and Surfaces) (Italy)

mo n ica g u l m i n i el eo n o ra pe l l i z z i va l e n t i n a b i a n co Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin (Italy)

Introduction The characterization of palettes used in miniature painting is an important task as a great amount of information can be obtained at the disposal of art historians. It is, though, a hard task since miniatures are among the most precious and fragile artworks. Many problematic aspects must be considered: – sampling from miniatures is usually not allowed by owners and institutions, so that only in situ analysis can be performed; – it is not possible to use analytical techniques working at contact with the sample, such as ATR-IR; – while performing analysis sessions, prolonged opening of manuscripts can cause stress to painting layers and to parchment itself, so that after few hours sessions must be closed. Due to these drawbacks, it is clear that only portable, non invasive and fast analytical techniques must be used. Another important consideration is the following: no analytical technique, when used alone, can yield all information needed to characterize palettes. Several aspects support this statement. Information must be gained either on macroscopic scale (1-3 mm spot) to identify the main components, and on microscopic scale (0.1 - 0.001 mm) to identify single components in a mixture. Mixtures can be apparent (brown ➮red + black; pink ➮ red + white; grey ➮ white + black) or less evident (green ➮ blue + yellow; purple ➮ red + blue). Illuminators used sometimes a mixture of indigo and orpiment called vergaut or vergant, to obtain a green hue. Secondly, information must be gained either with surface techniques and with indepth techniques. Surface techniques (such as Raman spectroscopy) allow identification of colorants in the last pictorial layer, of varnishes and protective layers and of

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alteration compounds, while in-depth techniques (such as XRF) allow identification of underlying pictorial layers, information on preparation layers and on grounds. This can be seen from the following example. In the miniature shown in fig.1, taken from a XV century Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di Arte Antica in Turin (Italy), the Virgin’s robe is painted in blue. XRF analysis on the blue area shows the presence of copper, suggesting the use of azurite; Raman and FORS analysis, though, both show the presence of ultramarine blue in the surface layer, so that we can hypothesize that the author used the layering technique, that is the superimposition of different pigments (Aceto et al. 2008).

fig.1 complementary analysis on the virgin’s robe from a xv century miniature

In the analysis of manuscripts, among the techniques available in portable version Raman spectroscopy is with no doubt the one with the best diagnostic power (Aceto et al. 2006; Bersani et al. 2006). It requests, though, lengthy times of analysis. XRF spectrometry has a good diagnostic power (Bruni et al. 2008) but results are sometimes not conclusive, due to the fact that it is an elemental technique; moreover it cannot be used to identify organic compounds. IR spectrophotometry (Bruni et al. 1999) and X-ray Diffraction spectrometry (Duran et al. 2009), though available in portable version, are at present still difficult to be used in situ as self-consistant techniques. A good alternative to these powerful but sophisticated techniques is UV-visible diffuse reflectance spectrophotometry, whose acronym is FORS when it is used with fiber optics (Bacci et al. 1997, 28; Bacci 2000). This technique is easy to use, it requests short analysis times and it can be used in all geometrical situations.

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Truly portable instruments are available on the market. Its major drawback is that results are hard to interpret in case of mixtures and when varnishes or patinas are present, being a surface technique. Moreover, due to the present performances of probes, it is not fit to analyze short painted areas (< 3 mm). It must be considered, though, that in miniature painting the range of colorants is usually narrow and known according to age and geographic zone, and that usually varnishes are not present. The range of information available from the cited techniques is the following: – Raman and IR can yield information on compounds present, such as colorants, ligands and varnishes; – UV-Visible FORS can yield information on compounds present in the surface layer; – XRF can yield information on elements present in colorants as key-elements, in order to identify the colorants, and as impurities, in order to have information on the origin orf raw materials. To resume, it is clear the need to operate with more techniques, due to fact that these must be non invasive and portable, fast and with minimal impact on the object being examined, to be executed on macro and micro scale, on surface and in-depth. As said before, no analytical technique can fulfill all these requirements when used alone.

Analytical protocol In order to address these issues, we propose the development of an analytical protocol to optimize the number and type of analysis needed in the characterization of miniature paintings. The protocol is composed by the following steps. – preliminary analysis with UV-visible FORS – chemometric treatment of spectral data – visual inspection with digital camera – XRF analysis – Raman analysis As it is obvious, the application of the protocol must be preceded by a proper knowledge of bibliographic sources, in order to build spectral databases in proper conditions. This is because it is much better to compare analytical results from unknown samples with analytical standards prepared in similar conditions. A palette of colorants on parchment was therefore prepared, choosing colorants among those used by medieval artists and following recipes of medieval technical treatises such as De Arte Illuminandi (Brunello 1971a), Compositiones ad tingenda musiva also known as Manoscritto di Lucca (Caffaro 2000) and Il libro dell’arte (Brunello 1971b). To simulate the painting techniques used by ancient illuminators, paints were prepared either in egg tempera and in gum Arabic. In fig.2 the resulting palette on parchment is shown.

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fig.2 the complete palette of colorants on parchment

1st stage In the preliminary stage, FORS analysis is executed on all painted areas of a manuscript (fig.3). Identification of colored colorants (i.e. all but black, white and grey) is performed according to their spectral features: reflectance or absorbance maxima for blue, green and purple colorants, inflexion points for yellow, red and orange colorants (fig.4).

fig.3 analysis of miniatures by fors

fig.4 spectral features in the fors spectrum

2nd stage Multivariate analysis is performed on FORS spectra in order to identify painted areas obtained with similar pigments. Among unsupervised pattern recognition techniques, Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) or Principal Components Analysis (PCA) can be used. Upon classification of FORS spectra into different classes, identification performed on a single painted area can be extended to all items, i.e. all painted areas belonging to the same class. It must be noted that classification must be performed

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separately on painted areas of a single hue: if all hues were classified simultaneously, the differences among hues would be stronger than the differences among pigments of the similar hue. In fig.5 a dendrogram is shown resulting from cluster analysis on blue painted areas taken from a XII century Italian manuscript: painted areas are clearly grouped into three classes, respectively made of azurite, indigo and ultramarine blue. In fig.6 a similar result is obtained by red painted areas from a XV century Italian manuscript: again, it is apparent the classification in distinct groups, in this case made of minium and cinnabar.

fig.5 dendrogram from cluster analysis on blue painted areas from xii century italian manuscript

fig.6 dendrogram from cluster analysis on red painted areas from a xv century italian manuscript

3rd stage

fig.7 visual inspection on a manuscript with a digital camera and a zoom lens

After performing FORS analysis, it is useful to carry out a visual inspection of painted areas in order to better understand the result of FORS analysis. This can be made through a digital camera connected with a zoom lens (in the present case a 10x-80x zoom, fig.7), in order to have a look under the microscopic scale. Visual inspection can yield useful information concerning the identification of mixtures, which can help tuning the interpretation of FORS spectra; moreover identification of altered areas and of particular features can be obtained. In the following figures some examples are shown, taken from inspection on a XII century Italian manuscript called Liber Evangeliorum, held in the Archive and Chapter Library of Vercelli (Italy).

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In fig.8 a blue initial is shown. The corresponding FORS spectrum, shown in fig.9, suggests the presence of azurite but we must note that the reflectance maximum is red-shifted. An image at 80x magnification (fig.10) allows to clarify this behavior: little red particles, later identified as made of cinnabar, are present that cause the red shift in the spectrum; as a consequence we must think that the blue initial was painted with a mixture of azurite and cinnabar, possibly due to a dirty brush.

fig.8 a blue initial from a xii century italian manuscript fig.9 fors spectra of the blue initial (blue line) and of a standard of azurite (black line)

In fig.11 the miniature shows the Virgin’s and Saint John’s robes painted in a very weak blue hue. The image at 80x magnification (fig.12) put into evidence that residual particles of ultramarine blue are present: most probably both robes were painted in blue but the painted areas were later subjected to a phenomenon known as ultramarine sickness, in which ultramarine looses its color as a consequence of interaction with acidic agents.

fig.11 a highly degraded miniature from a xii century italian manuscript fig.12 magnified image (80x) of the blue paint on the virgin’s robe

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fig.10 magnified image (80x) of the blue initial

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In fig.13 it is possible, at high magnification, to see the preparation layer underlying a gold foil and to hypothesize that the preparation be of the flat gilding type, that is with glue. In fig.14 another gilding shows the presence of gold and silver foils overlapped (the so-called oro di mistà). Finally, in fig.15 a translucent layer of iron-rich paint is shown, which was later identified as iron-gall ink used as pigment.

fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a gilding

fig.14 magnified image (80x) of a oro di mistà gilding

fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a paint made from iron-gall ink

4th stage After FORS analysis, identification of colorants is followed by XRF analysis (fig.16). Application of XRF is mandatory to address the following issues that cannot be fulfilled by other techniques: – characterization of metal pigments such as gold, silver, tin, etc. either in foil or in powder form;

fig.16 analysis of miniatures by xrf spectrometry

– characterization of uncolored colorants, i.e. white, black and grey pigments that cannot be identified by FORS; – identification of overlapping layers; – identification of mordants used with dyes and lakes; – identification of impurities in pigments, useful to yield information on the provenance of raw materials.

fig.17 relationship among copper and barium in blue paints

The last issue is exemplified in fig.17 which shows the relationship among copper and barium as determined by XRF on blue painted areas laid with azurite on a XV century Italian manuscript. It is apparent the good correlation among copper (chromophore in azurite) and barium (impurity in azurite). Same result is obtained for copper and zinc in green areas laid with malachite. These results suggest a link among the pigments and the minerals from which they were obtained: if large enough information is available, the geographical origin of the minerals used can be determined.

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5th stage At this stage almost 80-90% of the colorants is already identified. Raman analysis (fig.18), which is together the most sophisticated and the most cumbersome of the cited techniques, can be used as far as uncertain cases are left and to confirm previous identifications. Its spatial resolution helps in fine-tuning identification. Finally, to illustrate the application of the proposed protocol, results from characterization of the palette of a manuscript are described. The manuscript is the already cited Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di Arte Antica in Turin (Italy) and dating to the XV century. The whole palette is reported in tab.1. Hue

Colorant

FORS

XRF

Raman

White

lead white

n.i.

Blue

Yellow

ultramarine blue on azurite

azurite

Cu, Ba

phtalocyanine blue

Cu, Ti

gold foil

n.i.

shell gold

n.i.

mosaic gold

n.i.

Sn, S

lead-tin yellow type I

Pb, Sn

Grey

gold on silver

n.i.

Ag, Au

n.i.

Black

carbon

n.i.

Red

cinnabar

Hg, S

minium

Green

malachite

Cu, Zn

Violet

lake (kermes?) with lead white

n.i.

table 1 palette of the book of hours by antoine de lonhy (xv century). x = colorant identified by the technique; n.i. = colorant not identified by the technique

In fig.19 a miniature taken from the Book of hours shows the presence of four different yellow pigments used by the author in order to obtain different effects. Identification was possible only by complementary application of analytical techniques, following the protocol described. The miniature in fig.20 shows a peculiar feature. Again, the application of the protocol allowed to put into evidence a later retouch in the background sky, in which the original paint in ultramarine blue was reinforced with phtalocyanine blue laid on titanium white, an intervention made later than 1935 when phtalocyanines were patented.

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fig.18 analysis of miniatures by raman spctroscopy

a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s

fig.19 yellow pigments identified on a xv century miniature

fig.20 original and later added blue pigments on a xv century miniature

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Bibliography Aceto, M., Agostino, A., Boccaleri, E., Crivello, F., Cerutti Garlanda, A. 2006. Evidence for the degradation of an alloy pigment on an ancient Italian manuscript. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, vol. 37: 1160-1170. Aceto, M. Agostino, A., Gulmini, M., Pellizzi, E., Castronovo, S. 2008. Reconstructing the palette used in a fifteenth century manuscript illuminated by Antoine de Lonhy. Porceedings of the 37th International Symposium on Archaeometry, Siena, 12-16 Maggio 2008. Bacci, M., Picollo, M., Porcinai, S., Radicati, B. 1997, Non destructive spectrophotometry and colour measurements applied to the study of works of art. Techne, vol. 5: 28-33. Bacci, M. 2000. UV-VIS-NIR, FT-IR and FORS spectroscopies. In: E. Ciliberto, G. Spoto eds., Modern Analytical Methods in Art and Archaeology, Chemical Analysis Series, vol. 155: 321-361. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc. Bersani, D., Lottici, P.P., Vignali, F., Zanichelli, G. 2006. A study of medieval illuminated manuscripts by means of portable Raman equipments. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, vol. 37: 1012-1018. Brunello, F. 1971a. De arte illuminandi. Vicenza: Neri Pozza. Brunello, F. 1971b. Il libro dell’arte. Vicenza: Neri Pozza. Bruni, S., Cariati, F., Casadio, F., Toniolo, L. 1999. Identification of pigments on a XV century illuminated parchment by Raman and FTIR microspectroscopies. Spectrochimica Acta Part A, vol. 55: 1371-1377. Bruni, S., Caglio, S., Guglielmi, V., Poldi, G. 2008. The joined use of n.i. spectroscopic analyses – FTIR, Raman, visible reflectance spectrometry and EDXRF – to study drawings and illuminated manuscripts. Applied Physics A, vol. 92: 103-108. Caffaro, A. 2000. Scrivere in oro. Salerno: Palladio. Duran, A., Perez-Rodriguez, J. L., Espejo, T., Franquelo, M. L., Castaing, J., Walter, P. 2009. Characterization of illuminated manuscripts by laboratory-made portable XRD and micro-XRD systems. Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry, vol. 395: 1997-2004.

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Biographies Maurizio Aceto graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern characterisation of colorants of pictorial artworks with non-destructive and noninvasive spectroscopic techniques. Currently he is research associate at the Department of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, Italy; he is also a member of Centro Interdisciplinare per lo Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali (CenISCo), University of Eastern Piedmont, sede of Vercelli. Address: Department of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, via T. Michel, 11 – 15100 Alessandria, Italy. Tel.: +39 0131 360265; Fax: +39 0131 360250; E-mail: maurizio. aceto@unipmn.it. Angelo Agostino graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a PhD in Chemical Sciencs (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern application of X-ray spectroscopic techniques to the characterisation of materials of artisticarchaeological interest. Currently he is technician at the Department of General and Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin; he is also a member of Centro di Eccellenza NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and Surfaces), University of Turin. Address: Department of General and Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin, c.so M. d’Azeglio, 48 – 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707585; Fax: +39 011 6707585; E-mail: angelo. agostino@unito.it. Monica Gulmini graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy). His research interests concern characterisation of glasses, ceramics and pictorial artworks with spectroscopic techniques. Currently she is research associate at the Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin. Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin, via P. Giuria, 5 – 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707618; Fax: +39 011 6707615; E-mail: monica. gulmini@unito.it. Valentina Bianco graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin, via P. Giuria, 5 – 10125 Turin, Italy. Eleonora Pellizzi graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Centre de Recherche sur la Conservation des Collections, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, 36 rue Saint Hilaire – 75005 Paris, France.

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Resumo A fluorescência de raios-X por radiação de sincrotrão é uma técnica eficaz de análise elementar, in situ e não-invasiva. O uso de novos detectores permite operar com fluxos elevados sem perca de resolução. Apresentamos um estudo onde a SR-XRF é utilizada, com um sensor CCD (thick fully-depleted), no estudo dos pigmentos utilizados numa iluminura de um manuscrito produzido no círculo de Fra Angelico, em torno a 1450. Os dados obtidos são utilizados conjuntamente com a análise estilística e a pesquisa em arquivos para a interpretação do processo de decoração de manuscritos no séc. XV em Florença.

palavras-chave sincrotrão fluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energias iluminuras fra angelico

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Abstract Synchrotron-radiation induced X-ray fluorescence is an effective technique for noninvasive, in-situ, elemental analysis. The use of new detectors enables operation at large fluxes without loss of resolution. We present a case-study application of SR-XRF with a thick, fully-depleted CCD sensor to the analysis of the pigments on the illumination of a manuscript decorated in the circle of Fra Angelico around 1450. Physical data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive research in the interpretation of the process of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words synchrotron x-ray fluorescence manuscript illuminations fra angelico

the application of sr-xrf to the analysis of manuscript illumination a case study 1 m a rco b at tag l i a University of California at Santa Cruz and Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, CA (USA)

l au ra a l ido r i b at tag l i a University of California at Santa Cruz, CA (USA)

rich a rd cel e st r e

Introduction

p eter den es d io nis io do e r i n g ta e s u n g k i m sa ra h z a lu sky Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Berkeley, CA (USA)

1. In this article LAB has been responsible for the sections on art history and archive research, the other authors for the XRF analysis. 2. M Picollo et al., these proceedings and references therein. 3. M Bernasconi et al., Analyse des couleurs dans un groupe de manuscrits enlumines du XII au XV siècle avec l’emploi de la technique PIXE, in Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Techniques, Citta’ del Vaticano, 1993, pp. 57-101.

The use of synchrotron radiation induced X-ray fluorescence (SR-XRF) is well suited for the elemental analysis of pigments in artworks since the analysis is fast and non-destructive, the beam can be made monochromatic and its energy changed to fit the analysis requirements. The small spot size probes tiny regions and disentangles individual pigments and small pitch scans can be performed to acquire detailed pigment maps. XRF 2 and PIXE 3 analyses have already provided us with fundamental data for the study of the pigments used in the decoration of Medieval and Renaissance manuscripts. Here we discuss pigment analysis by SR-XRF to clarify the methods of work and sharing of responsibilities among artists of the circle of Fra Angelico in mid-XV century Florence. This case study is based on the analysis of the illuminated opening page of a manuscript decorated by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and another artist, around 1450. The physical data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive research in the interpretation of manuscript illumination. This analysis introduces also a novel detector for XRF. We employ a thick, high-resistivity, front-illuminated Charge Coupled Device (CCD). CCD sensors offer several advantages over a conventional Si(Li) detectors. Their active surface is large and the high pixellisation allows us to operate with large X-ray fluxes without pile-up effects. This paper is organized as follows. First we discuss some aspects of the organisation of manuscript decoration in Florence around 1450 as it emerges from archival sources. Then we present the manuscript under study, the experimental set-up and the CCD performance. Finally we discuss the results of the analysis of the red pigment composition, in areas which appear to be due to different artists, and of the

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rendering of the «incarnato», comparing it with that by other artists active in Florence in the same decade.

«Ad faciendum storias» and «ad miniandum»: the Sharing of Illumination Roles and the circle of Fra Angelico Fra Angelico and the artists of his immediate circle enjoy a privileged role in the landscape of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence, as they were responsible for some of the most prestigious cycles of service books. This small group of artists included Zanobi Strozzi and Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and they all worked both as panel painters and as illuminators, at least according to the recent identification of the so-called Maestro del 1419 with Battista di Biagio 4. The profile of Battista di Biagio as illuminator, which still needs to be studied in detail, can be reconstructed from few documented commissions from the 1430s 5. The choirbooks for San Gaggio, now at San Marco, are the centerpiece for the identification of his style. Starting from these works, a large corpus of illuminations has been assembled. Battista di Biagio emerges as one of leading illuminators in Florence in the second quarter of the XV century and his relationship to Fra Angelico and the other artists of his immediate circle appears of special importance. Not only did he collaborate with Fra Angelico and Zanobi Strozzi to the decoration of manuscripts, but he also developed close personal relations to these artists 6. The analysis of documented commissions of manuscript decoration by these artists has clarified the difference of roles between «istoriatore» and «miniatore», as it has recently been pointed out 7. Three examples are particularly pointing. The first is the 1437 commission for an illumination for the monastery of San Pancrazio 8 to Zanobi Strozzi and Filippo di Matteo Torelli 9. The second is the 1445 commission for the decoration of the antiphonaries of Santa Maria del Fiore 10 to Zanobi Strozzi, Filippo di Matteo Torelli, Battista di Niccolo’ da Padova and a not yet identified Bartolomeo 11. Finally, the «Libro delle Ricordanze del Convento di San Marco, A» relates us details of the making of the choirbooks for the Dominican foundation by Zanobi Strozzi and other artists from 1446 to 1454 12. In all these documents the sharing of roles is clearly defined. Specific artists are named as responsible for the «figure» in the main scene, or «storia», and others for the leafy marginal decoration, «fogliami e oro e altri adornamenti». These roles are generally respected: Filippo di Matteo Torelli is attributed almost exclusively the role of «miniatore», while Zanobi Strozzi is documented to work on the same leaves as «istoriatore». In at least one instance the exchange of leaves from one artist to the next during the decoration process is documented 13. We know from stylistics analysis that Battista di Biagio was similarly active as «miniatore», responsible for the marginal decoration and the body of the letters, in the majority of the manuscripts for which Fra Angelico painted the historiated initials 14. This collaboration may date

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4. LB Kanter, Zanobi Strozzi miniatore and Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, Arte Cristiana, 90 (2002), pp. 321-331. 5. ASF, Conv. Soppr. 234, San Gaggio, n. 77, c. 13v (1432): note of a credit with the monastery of San Gaggio: «Batista miniatore dee avere per insino a di’ primo di novembre 1432 per miniature d’uno ynnario grande notato e per miniature in uno salterio grande da coro e per miniature negli antifonari nuovi»; ibid. n. 78, c. 35r (1435) «Batista di … miniatore de avere a di’ 14 ottobre (1435) lb. 33 s. 14 d. 2 per resto di sua ragione per i libri miniati al munistero …»; ASF, Catasto 1433, vol. 482, c. 264r (1433): note of a credit with Bardo de’ Bardi «per un libricciuolo gli fe’»; published in W Cohn, Il Beato Angelico e Battista di Biagio Sanguigni. Nuovi documenti, Rivista d’arte, 30 (1955), pp. 207-216, in particular pp. 213, 215-216. 6. As it is well known, it was Battista di Biagio who introduced Guido di Pietro (Fra Angelico) to the Compagnia di San Niccolo’ di Bari in 1417 (ASF, Compagnie Soppresse, vol 1549: Compagnia di San Niccolo’ di Bari in Santa Maria del Carmine, Elenco dei Confratelli c-c 17, n. 410 e a-c 18, n. 507) and lived near his house in S. Michele Visdomini. He later shared a house, located near San Domenico in Fiesole where Guido di Pietro moved after joining the Dominican order, with Zanobi Strozzi from around 1430 until 1438; Cohn 1955. 7. A Dillon Bussi, Zanobi Strozzi istoriatore e non miniatore (Indagine nel mondo della miniatura muovendo dai quattro piu’ importanti corali quattrocenteschi fiorentini), Rara Volumina, 13 (2006), 1, pp. 15-25. 8. A Dillon Bussi, Una «glorificazione di San Pancrazio» di Zanobi Strozzi, Paragone Arte, Anno 57, n. 69 (2006), pp 3-19. 9. ASF, Corporazioni Religiosi Soppresse dal Governo Francese 88, San Pancrazio, vol. 63, c. 34r, published in M Levi d’Ancona, Miniatura e Miniatori a Firenze dal XIV al XVI secolo, Firenze, Olschki, 1962, p 107: «nel qual libro abbiavamo speso insino nel 1437 in fare fare le figure del minio della messa di san pancratio e piu’ altri fogliami ed adorneza di detto minio. Il quale fece

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Zanobi degli Strozi cioe’ le figure et il resto Pippo di Matteo che dacordo ebbono insino a di’ 17 di maggio 1437 L.20 s.-». 10. Mss. Edili 148-151 in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, see I libri del Duomo di Firenze: codici liturgici e biblioteca di Santa Maria del Fiore (secoli XI-XVI), L Fabbri and M Tacconi (eds.), Firenze 1997, pp. 79-96 (Dillon Bussi) and pp. 217-224 (Tacconi). 11. Archivio Opera del Duomo, I-1-4, c. 41t , 54 published in G Poggi, Il Duomo di Firenze, vol. II (1988), p 39, n.1630: «Nobiles viri … operarii antedicti omni modo etc. locaverunt Zanobio Benedicti Carocii de Strozis ad faciendum storias de uno ex antifanariis locatis ad scribendum Goro, pro pretio, et remuneratione alias fiendis. Item locaverunt magistro Batiste…ad faciendum storias in alio antifanario predicto pro pretio alias fiendo. Item locaverunt ad miniandum unum de dictis antifanariis Filippo Mathei Torelli, miniatori, pretii (sic) alias fiendo. Item locaverunt ad miniandum alium antifanarium Bartolomeo minatori…». 12. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Libro delle Ricordanze di San Marco «A», San Marco 902, f 26v: «Ricordo come Zenobio degli Strozzi miniature à auto da me frate costantino [da Nocera] de san marcho per storie fan el primo graduale delle feste florin dodici in duo partite» and following entries published in S Orlandi, Beato Angelico, Firenze, 1964, pp 116-117 and 194-195. 13. On 23 May 1447 Zanobi receives from Filippo Matteo Torelli two letters to be decorated, San Marco 902 cit., f 23r published in M Levi D’Ancona, Miniatura e miniatori a Firenze dal XIV al XVI secolo, Firenze, 1962, p 265. 14. LB Kanter, ad vocem Guido di Pietro, in Dizionario biografico dei miniatori italiani: secoli IX-XVI, M Bollati (ed), Milano 2004, pp. 334-335. 15. See for example and references therein: A Guidotti, Indagini su botteghe di cartolai e miniatori a Firenze nel XV secolo, in La miniature italiana tra Gotico e Rinascimento, Atti del II Congresso di Storia della Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti (ed.), Firenze 1985, pp. 473-507; A Guidotti, Nuovi documenti su Vespasiano da Bisticci la sua bottega e la sua famiglia, in Federico da Mon-

as early circa 1425 in the work for the choirbook Ms 558 for San Domenico, now in San Marco. It likely continued shortly afterwards in the decoration of Ms. Gerli 54 in Biblioteca Braidense of Milano. We recognize again his hand in the decoration of the two Psalters, Mss 530 and 531 of San Marco, which can be dated circa 1449 near the end of his life and are very close in style to the miniature analyzed here. This peculiar organisation of work, which sees two different artists working on the same initial is further confirmed by the analysis of Missal Ms 534 from San Marco where one artist, possibly Sanguigni himself, paints all the letters and their marginal decoration leaving the space for the work of the «istoriatore». As the decoration of the missal was left unfinished, today we see the spaces left for the «storie». Conversely, in the choirbooks for San Gaggio, the main illumination, by Sanguigni, was completed, but several foliated decorations were left unfinished. All these examples demonstrate that the decoration of the letters and their marginal extensions and those of the «storie» belonged to two distinct and possibly independent phases in the process of manuscript decoration, thus confirming the evidence from the archival sources. The organisation of artist workshops has been studied in details, 15 including the relations between the workshop principal and his collaborators and the role of the «cartolaio» in the distribution of the work of manuscript production and decoration. Since the appearance of the finished manuscript does not reveal to us chromatic inconsistencies, we are faced with the question whether different artists did work side-by-side, sharing the same pigments, or the observed chromatic uniformity is the result of a high degree of organisation of this process, which ensured the constant quality of the final product 16. While archival sources are generally scarce on such details of the process of manuscript production, in at few instances, documents confirm that single leaves were brought to the artist for being decorated. One of these is the case of a group of leaves for one of the antiphonaries being produced for Santa Maria del Fiore and brought to Filippo Maria Torelli in 1450 17. Therefore, we know about the effective organisation of manuscript production, which followed the various stages of the work, from the acquisition of the parchment to the writing, decoration and binding, dispatching the parts through the work chain. Responsible for this was in general, probably, the «cartolaio» but in the specific case of the choirbooks of the Duomo this role was taken by the patron itself, i.e. the «Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore». It is suggestive to assume that the same form of organisation could also ensure the uniformity of the decorative work, even when «storie» and decorative borders where painted by different hands at different locations. The sources do not help us in clarifying this point. In fact, mentions of transactions of colours between patrons and artists, in the surviving documents for XV century Florence, are mostly limited to the gold and the «azzurro», possibly due to their high cost 18, even though the quality of the colours to be employed is often mentioned in contracts 19. Now, the identification of another manuscript where Battista di Biagio shares the decoration work with an artist of the immediate Fra Angelico circle, provides us with the opportunity to better understand their working practice and confirm the stylistic evidence with physical data.

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SR-XRF Analysis of a Miniature by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and a Collaborator of Fra Angelico The illumination analysed in this study is on the opening page of a manuscript containing works attributed to St. Jerome, now in a private collection, decorated around 1450 20. The stylistic analysis indicates that its decoration is the work of two distinct artists. One is responsible for the body of the initial and its foliated extensions and can be doubtlessly identified with Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, while a second artist, who expresses a style very close to that of Fra Angelico himself, paints the figure of the St. Jerome in the initial. This SR-XRF analysis was performed on beam line 5.3.1 at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory Advanced Light Source (ALS). Synchrotron radiation is produced by the 1.9 GeV electron beam in one of the main ring bending magnets, which gives a continuum X-ray spectrum up to ~20 keV. Upstream from the sample a mono-chromator selects the beam energy. A collimator eliminates the white beam and defines the monochromatic beam geometry while a shutter controls the exposure time. For this study the beam energy was chosen to be 12 keV. The beam spot at the sample surface has a diameter of ~1 mm. The sample is mounted on a computer-controlled XY stage, which allows us to perform automated scans of the surface of the manuscript. X-rays are detected with a thick, front-illuminated CCD sensor developed at LBNL on high resistivity Si. The CCD has an active surface of 118 mm2 with 1024x512 pixels arrayed on a 15 μm pitch and two output channels. Under the operating conditions adopted for this analysis the sensitive thickness is ~450 μm, which offers high spectral sensitivity up to energies well above the beam energy. Thick, high-resistivity CCDs offer high detection efficiency and an excellent energy resolution, matching or surpassing that of conventional solid-state X-ray detectors. The single pixel noise is measured to be (4.2±1.0) e— ENC. The energy resolution measured for reconstructed clusters from a 55Fe source is 155 eV FWHM at 5.9 keV. The CCD response is calibrated in the range 3-12 keV using thin metal foils in the same geometry used as for the manuscript analysis. Data are saved in the fits format and subsequently converted to the lcio format, while performing pixel-by-pixel pedestal subtraction and noise computation from CCD exposure taken without beam. The offline analysis is performed using custom clustering processors in the Marlin C++ analysis framework. Beam back-scattering from the sample is removed by subtracting a reference spectrum obtained with the beam aimed at a non-decorated part of the parchment. The spectrum is reweighted to correct for the effect of X-ray absorption in the kapton window and the inactive detector surface. The final spectrum analysis and peak search is performed in ROOT. Cluster shape analysis is helpful for rejecting spurious background signals, pile-up clusters and scattered photons striking the detector at large angles. This is particularly important when performing XRF on a high intensity primary beam, such as at a light source. The XRF analysis sampled a total of twenty-six points on the decorated

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tefeltro: lo stato, le arti, la cultura, G Cerbeni Baiardi et al (eds.), Roma, 1986, pp. 97-111; L Indrio, Firenze nel Quattrocento: divisione e organizzzione del lavoro nelle botteghe, in Il colore dell’antico, Ricerche di storia dell’arte, 38 (1989), pp. 61-70; JJG Alexander, Medieval illuminators and their methods of work, New Haven 1992; Maestri e botteghe : pittura a Firenze alla fine del Quattrocento, M Gregori et al. (eds), Firenze 1992, Organizzazione, componenti e ruoli della bottega laica tra XIV e XV secolo, A Guidotti (ed.), Firenze, 2006. 16. A Dillon Bussi, Rara Volumina (2006). 17. Archivio Opera del Duomo, VIII-4-1, Giornale H, c. 54 pubblicato in G Poggi, Il Duomo di Firenze, vol. II (1988), p 47, n.1672: «A Filippo di Matteo Torelli, miniature, addi’ 6 di luglio gli porto’ a chasa Martino manovale cho’ licenza di Pazino operai 2 asse d’albero nero entrovi… charte scritte e notate del primo antifanare si fanno di nuovo perche’ lle minii … Rimando’ dette cose all’opera». Another case concerns the Olivetan convent of «S. Bartolomeo alle Sacca» in nearby Prato where leaves written in the convent scriptorium were sent to an outside workshop for being decorated, M Ciatti, Appunti e documenti per la storia della miniature a Prato nel Quattrocento, in La miniatura italiana tra Gotico e Rinascimento, Atti del II Congresso di Storia della Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti (ed.), Firenze, 1985, pp. 509-533, in particular p. 528. 18. For example, Battista di Biagio contracted a debt with the friars of Santa Maria degli Angeli for blue pigment in 1430 (ASF, Catasto 1430, vol 389, c . 354). Filippo di Matteo Torelli is paied for blue pigment in 1437 «l. tre s. xi demo a Pippo miniature per oncia 1 dazuro de la magna e per ¼ oncia dazuro ultramarino », ASF, Conventi Soppressi 78, Badia vol. I, Giornale (1435-1441). 19. A Guidotti, Il mestiere del «dipintore» nell’Italia Due-Trecentesca, in La Pittura in Italia. Il Duecento e il Trecento, E Castelnuovo (ed.), Milano, 1986, pp. 529-540, in particular p. 535. 20. L Alidori Battaglia, An unpublished miniature from the circle of Fra Angelico, The Burlington Magazine, vol. CLI, n. 1277 (2009), pp. 518-525.

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surface of the manuscript (see Figure 1). Ten different pigments have been analyzed. In some cases, the same pigment has been sampled at different locations to study the effect of possible local in-homogeneities. Here we discuss the pigment composition on those parts which appear to be due to two different artists and the technique for the rendering of the «incarnato» of St. Jerome face.

fig.1 page with the initial l with st. jerome from the regula monachorum, c. 1r, tempera on parchment, 19 by 14 cm (private collection).

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First, we study the composition of the red pigment at various locations on the foliated decoration and on the book hold by the St. Jerome. The spectra are shown in Figure 2. The analysis reveals Pb and a small amount of Cu in the red pigment on the leaf protruding from the letter. This is consistent with what we would expect for minium. Instead, the red pigment on the book is characterized by a large quantity of Cu with Pb, Fe with traces of Zn and Ba. This composition indicates that the artist mixed minium with another pigment, possibly an «ocra rossa». We sampled three distinct spots on the leaf and two on the book. Results are consistent. Differences in the pigment composition, associated to the work of different artists in the same manuscripts have already been observed 21. The different composition of the two pigments seems to support the indication from the stylistic analysis that there are two artists working independently on the miniature.

fig.2 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the red pigment on the book hold by the saint (black histogram) and on the marginal leaf (gray histogram).

The second part of this study attempts to elucidate the technique employed for the rendering of the «incarnato». The deep shadows on the face of St. Jerome are obtained with brushstrokes in an olive colour, possibly a «terra verde» which follows the outline of the cheeks and the beard. The analysis of the beard shows that the pigment has Fe, Cu, Pb and traces of Ba. Instead, on the forehead there are larger brushstrokes beneath the final painted layer, revealed by infra-red photography. This technique is adopted by Fra Angelico as well as Zanobi Strozzi. The XRF analysis enables us to compare the pigment composition on the forehead, the breast and the hand. The four spectra are shown in Figure 3. The composition of the pigment used on the breast and on the hand appears to be identical. It is characterised by Fe and Pb, with traces of Cu, Zn and Ti. On the contrary, we observe a much larger Fe and

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21. M Bagnoli, Amanuensi e miniatori in un Decretum Gratiani del Walters Art Museum di Baltimora, Arte Medievale, n.s. Anno VI (2007), 2, pp. 65-74 reports subsequent interventions on the same initials; M Bernasconi et al., 1993 identifies differences in pigment composition between Florentine-style and Lucca-style artists working on BML, Conv. Soppr. 298.

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22. R Cambria et al, A PIXE analysis of Manuscripts Illuminated bu Francesco di Antonio del Chierico, Ancient and Medieval Book cit., pp. 103-119.

Cu content on the forehead, with traces of Mn and Cr. The rendering of deep shades on the face by underlying a Cu-based green pigment has already been observed in the PIXE analysis of ms. Plut. 66.22 of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana 22. This manuscript is dated 1455 in the colophon and was decorated by Francesco d’Antonio del Chierico. Other pigments differ significantly in the two manuscripts. For example, the analysis reveals only Ca, from the parchment preparation, in a pink-coloured area in the miniature of Francesco d’Antonio, which suggests the use of a pigment of organic origin. On the leaf by Battista di Biagio in our manuscript the pink is characterized by Sb, Pb, Cu and Fe. These comparisons are particularly interesting since they refer to two manuscripts decorated within a few years by two of the most prominent workshops in Florence and highlight the variety of techniques and pigments adopted by these artists.

fig.3 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the pigment on the forehead in the region of the deep shadow (continuous black histogram) and away from it (continuous gray histogram), on the breast of the saint (dashed black histogram) and on the hand (dashed gray histogram).

Conclusions and Perspectives This case study offered us with the opportunity to address some issues in the practice of manuscript decoration in mid-fifteenth century Florence. We attempted to combine the results of SR-XRF analysis with stylistics analysis and archival research. Even within the limitations imposed by data collected from a single manuscript, the picture which emerges is very consistent and quite encouraging for the continuation of such studies. Manuscript decoration was a well-organized and structured process

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with different artists contributing as «miniatori» and «istoriator». This seems to be the case not only in the decoration of major cycles, but also on minor commissions consisting of a single illuminated initial per manuscript. Results of physical elemental analysis confirm the evidence from stylistic analysis and documents. The results of this case study highlight the need to tightly integrate future campaigns of elemental analyses with well-defined art history problems which can be answered by the knowledge of pigment composition. At the same time it is apparent that more data on pigment analysis should be made available to support the work of art historians in the understanding of manuscript decoration practice and techniques across chronological and geographical boundaries. The effect of the intense X-ray beam from a light source on the pigment and the parchment is an issue which is often raised by conservationists and curators and deserves further studies. Proton irradiation is known to induce the so-called «dark spot» phenomenon which appears to be related to the generation of colour centers 23, but there is only limited understanding on the mechanisms responsible for pigment damage and on their reversibility 24. Contrary to the case of protons, in SR-XRF, the X-ray energy is often below threshold for displacement damage. We carried out some observations on the pigments on a XV century bas-de-page after exposure to a 15 keV X-ray beam at the ALS. Observations were performed immediately after the irradiation, after several months and after more than a year. No effect was detectable. However, it would be important to further study the issue. Finally the use of advanced pixellated sensors, as the high-resistivity CCDs adopted for this case study, offer new opportunities for high resolution spectroscopy with large photon fluxes, which will benefit the study of manuscript pigments both in terms of the exposure time and sensitivity to trace elements.

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23. J Absil et al., Study of color centers induced by PIXE irradiation, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research, B198 (2002), pp. 90-97. 24. E. Enguita et al., Damage induced by proton irradiation in carbonate based natural painting pigments, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research, B219-220 (2004), pp. 53-56.

Resumo A fragilidade e pequeno tamanho das iluminuras torna difícil a aplicação de métodos químicos que requeiram pequenas amostras como é comum fazer em quadros. Em alternativa, técnicas com boa resolução espacial e passíveis de aplicação in situ, como a fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) e microscopia Raman têm sido utilizadas para a identificação de pigmentos. Ainda que o número de técnicas não-invasivas esteja a crescer, são todas de aplicação pontual e como tal não são utilizadas para investigar a obra de arte por inteiro. Recentemente descobrimos que combinando os dados obtidos através de técnicas de imagiografia multiespectrais, baseadas em reflectância de VIS-NIR e luminescência, com métodos pontuais como a espectroscopia de UV-VIS por reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS) e XFR, é possível identificar e mapear os pigmentos principais utilizados em iluminuras bem como visualizar o desenho preparatório e eventuais alterações na composição. Descrevem-se exemplos do procedimento experimental e dos resultados obtidos em diversos fólios iluminados.

palavras-chave imagiografia multiespectral fluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energias fors iluminuras

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Abstract The fragility and small dimensions of illuminated manuscripts prohibit the use of chemical methods that rely on small samples being taken from the artwork as is typically done for paintings. Instead site-specific in situ techniques such as X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy are commonly used to identify pigments. While the number of non-invasive analytical techniques is growing, all are site-specific and thus cannot be used to survey the entire work of art. Recently we have found that by combining results from multispectral visible/infrared reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy with those from site-specific methods such as fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and XRF, it is possible to successfully identify and map the primary pigments on medieval illuminated leaves, as well as visualize the underlying preparatory sketches and compositional changes. Examples of the experimental workflow and results obtained by using it to study several illuminated leaves are presented.

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Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.

key-words multispectral imaging x-ray fluorescence fors manuscript illuminations

combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific, in-situ techniques for material identification and mapping pao l a riccia r d i , j ohn k. d e l a n e y Scientific Research Dept., National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (USA) paola.ricciardi@gmail.com j-delaney@nga.gov

Introduction The work being carried out at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC (NGA), is aimed at adapting the imaging spectroscopy methods, originally developed for remote sensing, for use in conservation science, and in particular to explore the resulting synergy when these results are combined with in situ chemical methods. Of particular interest is the study of illuminated manuscripts, which have a simpler palette than many paintings and often cannot be sampled. Among the many questions often addressed in the analysis of illuminated manuscripts, two are most relevant for conservation science. Namely, the identification of the materials used, particularly the colorants, and elucidating the construction techniques used such as layering and the use of preparatory sketches. Site-specific analytical techniques, such as X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy,

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are usually employed to identify the pigments and possibly the binders used for the illumination. While such methods are analytically powerful, they cannot be used to survey the entire surface of a miniature. With both techniques, spectra are usually acquired on visually identified sites thought to be representative of the pigments and mixtures used for the illumination. Such visual inspection may not always ensure an adequate representation of the pigment diversity present. On the other hand visual imaging techniques such as microscopic observation, infrared reflectography (IRR), and UV-excited fluorescence, are employed to visualize the preparatory sketches and understand the layer structure of the miniature. Radiometric calibration of images acquired in numerous visible/infrared spectral bands can be used to produce quantitative results, thus «transforming» the imaging process into «imaging spectroscopy», which can provide chemical information about materials. This is done by generating reflectance and luminescence spectra at each pixel and thus over the whole imaged art object. In recent years, research carried out mostly on paintings has proved that imaging spectroscopy techniques can be effectively used for material identification and mapping on works of art (Casini et al. 1999, Delaney et al. 2005, Delaney et al. 2009a, Delaney et al. 2010). However such imaging spectroscopy methods have required light levels too high for works of art on paper or parchment. Here we present some results regarding the use of a high sensitivity multispectral visible/infrared camera system (400 to 2500 nm, 15 spectral bands), which operates at illumination levels of approximately 150 lux. We have used this camera system to acquire reflectance and luminescence images of several 14 th century Italian illuminated leaves in the NGA collection, notably, one attributed to the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, representing «Christ in majesty with twelve apostles», and another attributed to Niccolò da Bologna, representing the «Birth of John the Baptist». Combining the imaging spectroscopy results with data from low light fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and X-ray fluorescence, we have found that the primary pigments on these medieval illuminated leaves can be identified and mapped, and preparatory sketches and changes can be visualized (Delaney et al. 2009c, Ricciardi et al. 2009).

Summary of experimental techniques Imaging spectroscopy involves the acquisition of spatially co-registered images in many spectral bands in order to allow construction of a spectrum at each point in the spectral image set (Fig. 1). In the case of reflectance imaging spectroscopy the spectral features collected relate to the electronic transitions and some vibrational modes of the artist’s materials. By grouping similar spectra maps can be made, and the average spectra from each map can be compared to data-bases to help with the identification. Luminescence imaging spectroscopy exploits the observation that a subset of artists’ pigments, mostly organics dyes, is luminescent when excited with UV/blue light. This is useful to help in the identification of pigments which have

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fig.1 (top) schematic representation of the working principle of reflectance imaging spectroscopy, with the reconstruction of the reflectance spectra for a blue and a red area from the multi-spectral images of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (visible image detail at top left); (bottom) high-resolution reflectance spectra of the same areas collected with the fiber optics reflectance spectrometer. the gray gaussians and rectangles represent the wavelength ranges analyzed by the imaging cameras

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reflectance spectra that lack unique features, as may be the case for organic dyes, and it is for this reason that it is useful for the analysis of illuminated manuscripts. As noted before, the use of imaging spectroscopy for the study of light-sensitive materials such as illuminated manuscripts can be problematic; to date in fact, many of the multi-spectral imaging (MSI) camera systems having high spatial fidelity require high light levels. The study of works of art on paper and parchment requiring low illumination (about 150 lux, comparable to a few times gallery light levels) is currently carried out at NGA with an optimized low-noise, high-sensitivity 4 mega pixel Si-CCD imaging camera. This system is used to collect 12 narrow-band reflectance and luminescence images in the visible to near infrared range (400 to 950 nm, 40 nm FWHM). While multispectral imaging spectroscopy in this spectral range (visible to near infrared) is a powerful tool to spectrally separate and cluster similar materials it is not robust enough to identify directly most artist’s materials. Thus site-specific methods such as XRF and FORS can be used to aid in the identification. Infrared reflectograms (IRR) in the 750 to 950 nm and 1000 to 2500 nm range can be acquired using the Si-CCD camera (see above) and a highly sensitive InSb camera equipped with infrared filters, allowing the observation of preparatory sketches and compositional changes at the same low light level used for MSI. IRR is also useful to distinguish between the materials used for underdrawings; most iron-based inks are in fact totally transparent in the 1000-2500 nm range, while carbon-based inks and most metalpoints remain visible throughout this range. Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectroscopy (FORS) is used to collect higher resolution reflectance spectra in selected areas in the 350 to 2500 nm range, allowing access to the short-wave infrared region, which yields important information for the identification of certain materials such as azurite (easily recognizable by two absorption bands at about 2285 and 2352 nm), lead white, and gypsum. Derivative spectra can be used to distinguish for example between red lead and vermillion, thanks to the difference in the position of the transition edge (~570 vs. ~595 nm, respectively). The interpretation of spectra acquired on mixtures is, however, not always straightforward. The presence of numerous parchment-related absorption bands in the infrared range also makes it harder to separate which spectral features actually relate to the pigment. In both cases, additional data treatment is required. X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses are carried out using a Bruker ARTAX Pro instrument equipped with a Rh tube and 75 μm capillary optics. A helium flush is used to be able to detect light elements (> Na). Whenever possible, areas for analysis are chosen so that no decoration is present in the corresponding area on the verso of the manuscript leaf, in order to avoid confusing results due to the intrinsic limitation of XRF which does not yield results spatially resolved in depth. It is worth noting that XRF analyses of works of art on parchment are difficult due to the low density of this material, which creates a large amount of inelastic scattering in the spectrum compared with the small amounts of material actually being analyzed in the manuscript. XRF data are interpreted using traditional methods, i.e. the combination of elements identified in each spectrum is compared with possible pigment/mixture

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compositions. This leads to several possible assignments and thus not always to a unique answer. Comparing these results with those from the spectral methods can help finalize the assignment to the most likely candidate.

Methodology First, the multispectral reflectance image cube is constructed from 12 reflectance images (400 to 950 nm). Second, the luminescence image cube (500 to 900 nm) is constructed from images acquired while the manuscript is illuminated with blue light (380 to 450 nm) to excite the fluorescence. Next, infrared reflectance images are collected in three spectral bands: 1100 to 1400 nm, 1500 to 1800 nm and 2000 to 2400 nm, and added to the multispectral reflectance cube. The reflectance and luminescence images are processed to correct for pixel and illumination non-uniformity and calibrated to reflectance or emittance using standards. These calibrated images are then spatially «registered», i.e. aligned together to remove lens and filter related image shifts. Spatial maps of the primary spectral elements can be made directly by probing the low-resolution reflectance image cube with a reference spectrum. The reference spectrum can come from a spectral library, from a user selected site in the image cube, or as result of principle component based analysis with software designed to find the primary spectral components. The cube is probed with the spectral angle mapper algorithm which finds pixels having similar spectra to the reference spectrum. These maps are produced using all 12 spectral bands as opposed to creating false color maps from just three bands, ensuring more meaningful results. In a similar manner the luminescence spectral cube can be probed and maps of areas having the same emission spectra found. These maps then can be used to guide selection of sites where more definitive in situ analysis can be performed, such as XRF, Raman spectroscopy, or fiber optics reflectance and luminescence spectroscopy. An example of the experimental workflow used during the study of the «Christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, is illustrated in Fig. 2. It should be noted that imaging in the 400-1600 nm range can be easily performed with relatively inexpensive equipment, quite commonly found in Conservation Departments.

Case Studies In the case of the illuminated manuscript leaves analyzed at NGA, the described analytical methodology yielded distribution maps for several pigments typically used for illuminations in the Middle Ages (Brunello 1975), i.e. regions of azurite, ultramarine, vermillion, and brown earth, along with some indication of pigment layering in the blue and red areas. In two separate cases (Delaney et al. 2009b, Ricciardi et al. 2009), the use of imaging spectroscopy allowed, among other things, to map selected blue

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fig.2 experimental workflow used to collect and analyze the reflectance images followed by site-specific analysis, as carried out during the study of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (rosenwald collection, accession number 1952.8.277, image courtesy of the national gallery of art, washington dc)

areas not identified by other techniques, where a layer of ultramarine was painted over azurite, a practice which was common in 14th century Italy (Bomford et al. 1989). XRF and FORS analyses of selected sites, chosen following the indications provided by the MSI maps, specifically showed the presence of lead white and «mosaic gold» (tin sulphide). The presence of organic dyes was identified and mapped through the analysis of the luminescence image cubes. The reflectance and luminescence datacubes therefore allowed mapping the pigment distribution and layering on the illuminated leaves in a totally non-invasive and relatively fast way, not requiring a time-consuming detailed observation under the microscope. They also helped «guide» the choice of the sites to be analyzed by XRF and FORS for more accurate pigment identification. During the analysis of «Birth of John the Baptist» by Niccolò da Bologna (Ricciardi et al. 2009), infrared reflectograms revealed a few preliminary sketches, either executed with a carbon-based ink on a fine brush, or with a metalpoint. The near infrared images also showed that the skin tones were loosely painted and do not always match the finely detailed preparatory lines.

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Additional remarks In order to produce results which are relevant from the point of view of art historical issues, scientific analyses are usually applied to many, if not all, the illuminated manuscript leaves contained in one manuscript. The final goal is a comprehensive characterization of the manuscript, obtained by the identification and mapping of the primary pigments, and by the observation of preparatory sketches. The availability of a relatively quick procedure would allow surveying a large number of leaves, increasing the possibility to obtain significant results and providing a chance for extensive comparisons. The analysis of each miniature, including data acquisition and treatment, following the methodology presented in the previous sections, at the moment requires two days for the MSI and IRR, at least one day each for XRF and FORS. Significant, if preliminary, results on a single illuminated manuscript leaf can thus be obtained in about a week. This is therefore a «quick» and effective methodology compared to the time (and effort) which would be required to obtain pigment identification and mapping at a comparable level using only site-specific methods, such as Raman spectroscopy and XRF, which would have to be performed on hundreds of spots. In the future starting with the MSI-derived maps improved results could be obtained by combining XRF, FORS, and Raman spectroscopy into a single setup, which would allow acquiring different kinds of information on the same sites, yielding a complete characterization of the materials in situ (e.g. identification of the binding media and organic pigments).

Conclusions The combination of reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy, FORS, and XRF has proved useful for the identification and mapping of the primary pigments on medieval illuminated manuscript leaves. Imaging spectroscopy, even in only a few bands, has shown its utility for pigment mapping; the imaging was made «quantitative» thanks to calibration and this allowed reconstructing reflectance and emission spectra. This approach of combining high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and XRF) with the mapping capability of multispectral reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy appears thus to be a useful tool, providing improved in situ mapping and identification of pigments on illuminated manuscripts in a relatively short time. This methodology can be further refined, for example by improving the correlation between the luminescence and reflectance images in order to improve the characterization of organic dyes and yellow pigments. Finally, the identification of the organic binding media could be attained by adding Raman spectroscopy or mid-IR spectroscopy to the list of analytical techniques.

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Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. They also wish to thank their colleagues Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Doug Lachance, Mathieu Thoury and René de la Rie for their respective roles during the experimental part of this work.

Bibliography Bomford, David, Jill Dunkerton, Dillian Gordon, Ashok Roy. 1989. Art in the Making – Italian painting before 1400, London: National Gallery Company Ltd. Brunello, Franco. 1975. De Arte Illuminandi e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura medievale. Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editore. Casini, Andrea, Franco Lotti, Marcello Picollo, Lorenzo Stefani, and Ezio Buzzegoli. 1999. Image spectroscopy mapping technique for non-invasive analysis of paintings. Studies in Conservation 44: 39-48. Delaney, John K., Elizabeth Walmsley, Barbara H. Berrie, Colin F. Fletcher. 2005. Multispectral imaging of paintings in the infrared to detect and map blue pigments. In Scientific examination of art – modern techniques in conservation and analysis, 120-136. Washington D.C.: The National Academies Press. Delaney, John K., Mathieu Thoury, Michael Palmer, Jason G. Zeibel, Roy T. Littleton, E. René de la Rie. 2009a. Visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy of paintings: pigment mapping and improved infrared reflectography. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and archaeology II, Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 7391, ed. Luca Pezzati and Renzo Salimbeni, 739103. d.o.i. 10.1117/12.827493. Delaney, John K., Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, and Paola Ricciardi. 2009b. Application of imaging spectroscopy to the study of illuminated manuscripts. Poster presented at the 37th AIC annual meeting, May 19-22, in Los Angeles, USA (and manuscript in preparation). Delaney, John K., Jason G. Zeibel, Mathieu Thoury, Roy Littleton, Michael Palmer, Kathryn M. Morales, E. Rene de la Rie, Ann Hoenigswald. 2010. Visible and Infrared Imaging Spectroscopy of Picasso’s Harlequin Musician: Mapping and Identification of Artist Materials in situ. Applied Spectroscopy, 64(6): 584-594. Ricciardi, Paola, John K. Delaney, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, Michelle Facini, and E. René de la Rie. 2009. Use of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy to study illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and

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visualization of underdrawings. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and archaeology II, Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 7391, ed. Luca Pezzati and Renzo Salimbeni, 739106. d.o.i. 10.1117/12.827415.

Biographies Paola Ricciardi has been at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, since 2008 as the Samuel H. Kress fellow in imaging science. Her research focuses on the application of in situ analytical methods to the study of light-sensitive works of art. She received her undergraduate degree in Physics from the University of Rome La Sapienza in 2003 and her PhD in Conservation Science from the University of Florence in 2008 with a thesis on the application of Raman spectroscopy to the analysis of ancient pottery, porcelain, and glass. Address: DCL, National Gallery of Art, 2000B South Club Drive, Landover, Md. 20785; paola.ricciardi@gmail.com John K. Delaney is the senior imaging scientist at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, where his research focuses on the development of in situ imaging methods for art conservation and the understanding of the optical properties of varnishes. He is also a research professor in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at George Washington University in DC. He received his PhD from the Rockefeller University and completed post-doctoral studies at the University of Arizona and the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. Address: as for Ricciardi; j-delaney@nga.gov

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Recensões Michel Pastoureau: Noir. Histoire d’une Couleur. Éditions du Seuil, 2008 Adelaide Miranda Rita Carvalho

recensões · noir. histoire d’une couleur

michel pastoureau

noir. histoire d’une couleur éditions du seuil, 2008

ma ria a del a id e m i r a n da rita ca rva l h o Instituto de Estudos Medievais e Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

«Noir. Histoire d'une couleur» (2008) marca um etapa importante nas publicações mais recentes sobre a cor. No seguimento de «Bleu. Histoire d'une couleur» (2002), obra decisiva para a introdução desta temática na História e da História da Arte, Michel Pastoureau brinda-nos com mais um volume em que a cor é apresentada do ponto de vista do historiador, mas cujo impacto recai sobre variadíssimos ramos de conhecimento. Muito embora se trate de um estudo monográfico sobre o preto, o autor mantém-se fiel aos princípios enunciados nas suas obras pioneiras, das quais não podemos deixar de citar «Couleurs, images, symboles» (1989), alertando-nos para a necessidade de o estudar num contexto social, cronológico e simbólico, não esquecendo a sua dimensão científica, material e técnica. Confessa-nos igualmente que esta obra se insere num desejo mais vasto de construir uma história das cores nas sociedades europeias, da Antiguidade romana até ao séc. XVIII. Com efeito, longe de estudar o preto isoladamente, o autor aborda-o enquanto parte integrante de um sistema de cores. A este respeito, afirma (2008, p. 12): «Une couleur ne vient pas seule; elle ne prend son sens, elle ne fonctionne pleinement du point de vue social, artistique et symbolique que pour autant qu´elle est associée ou opposée à une ou plusieurs couleurs.» Pastoureau chama a atenção para a importância da consciência das dificuldades inerentes ao estudo da cor, nomeadamente as alterações que esta sofre através dos tempos e a especificidades dos meios através dos quais se transmite. Descodificar o documento, ponderar a procura de significados, não caindo na armadilha de aceitar passivamente a forma de nomear as cores, será um trabalho árduo mas profícuo para o historiador. Neste sentido, Pastoureau (2008, p.15) dá-nos um exemplo bem claro: «Croire, par exemple, qu'une porte noir prenant place dans une miniature du XIIIe siècle ou dans un tableau du XVII e représente une porte véritable qui a réellement été noir, est à la fois naïf et anachronique. C’est une erreur de méthode. Dans toute

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isbn 9782020490870 – 39 €

recensões · noir. histoire d’une couleur

1. Um mordente liga-se simultaneamente à fibra têxtil e ao corante, conferindo assim resistência à cor quando da lavagem do tecido. O ião ferro poderia ser introduzido através de compostos como o sulfato de ferro, também utilizado para obter tintas de escrever ferrogálicas.

image, une porte noire est d'abord noir parce qu'elle s'oppose à une autre porte, ou à une fenêtre, voire à une autre objet, qui est blanc, rouge ou d'un autre noir.» Dotada de grande clareza, esta obra evidencia uma notável erudição, expressa na riqueza das notas e vasta bibliografia. Revela um profundo conhecimento histórico, particularmente da história social do vestuário e da pintura, que são sem dúvida os grandes eixos nos quais o preto toma lugar na ordem das cores. O carácter transdisciplinar deste estudo está patente na relação que estabelece com grande agilidade, por exemplo, no período medieval, entre o bestiário, a heráldica e o preto. Também relevante é a ligação que vai tecendo, ao longo do texto, entre a construção material do preto e a sua carga simbólica e social. No caso do vestuário, as dificuldades na obtenção de um preto brilhante, homogéneo e duradouro deviam-se aos materiais a partir dos quais era produzido – cortiça, raízes de árvores ou partes de plantas ricas em taninos que, mordentadas com o ião ferro 1, produziam tons acastanhados ou acinzentados, ou seja, um «mau preto». Seria preciso que letrados, burgueses e príncipes adoptassem o preto como cor do vestuário para que se divulgasse o preto obtido à base de noz de galha, produto dispendioso, já que o de melhor qualidade era importado da Europa Oriental ou do Norte de África. No entanto, o «mau preto» também podia ser apanágio de virtude e austeridade, caso do hábito dos monges cluniacenses e mendicantes. No que respeita à estrutura da obra, o autor optou por uma organização cronológico-temática (ditada pelo próprio percurso do negro no mundo ocidental), desenvolvendo de forma coerente e estimulante aquilo a que se propunha, em quatro períodos. Mergulhamos na perspectiva histórica de longa duração, concepção sempre presente nas suas obras. Na Antiguidade e até ao ano mil, o preto assumia-se como uma cor positiva porque ligada a terra fértil. Inseria-se num sistema triádico em combinação como o branco e o vermelho. Contudo, a sensibilidade judaico-cristã aliou, desde cedo, o negro às trevas (a luz é condição para a vida), à morte e progressivamente ao inferno. É esta caracterização do negro que marcará o período seguinte. Com efeito, a cristianização do mundo ocidental e a oposição ao paganismo e ao mundo islâmico, leva a que o negro adquira todas as conotações maléficas. Aplica-se ao demónio, e a todas as formas animais que lhe estão associadas. Esta atitude face ao preto não é uniforme. Devemos ter em conta, por exemplo, que o hábito negro dos cluniacenses em oposição ao hábito branco dos cistercienses, antecipa em muito o carácter moral do preto associado à pobreza e austeridade que irá dominar o vestuário laico e religioso protestante. É através da heráldica e dos seus códigos que Michel Pastoureau nos apresenta uma nova ordem das cores, em que o preto se desvincula do seu sentido negativo, fazendo-se representar no leão das armas do conde da Flandres e na águia do imperador do Sacro-império. Para a mudança de atitude face ao negro, contribuem ainda, por um lado, o clima austero decorrente da Peste Negra, e por outro, as leis sumptuárias que, vedando à burguesia cores como o azul e o vermelho, permitiram a escolha do negro para o vestuário de uma classe social abastada. Assim, a partir da 2.ª metade do séc. XIV os negros

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produzidos nas tinturarias vão adquirindo uma qualidade superior, já que mercadores e legistas o exigiam. No séc. XV, príncipes como Filipe o Bom vestem-se já de negro. Com a Reforma Protestante o preto, agora uma cor valorizada, é contudo excluído da ordem das cores. Uma nova sensibilidade propicia o que Pastoureau designa por cromofobia (sendo as cores associadas à sedução, ao luxo e ao pecado), o que irá generalizar o uso do preto, afirmando-o como negação da cor, ou como uma cor à parte. A descoberta da imprensa vem inaugurar um mundo a preto e branco, reforçando a oposição entre «cores» e «preto». De facto, esta cor, nos sécs. XVI e XVII assume um papel histórico na cultura ocidental através da sua utilização sistemática no texto impresso e na gravura. Valoriza-se nesta época o papel intelectual do livro, sendo por esta razão desprestigiadas as imagens coloridas tão características do livro iluminado. Toda esta atitude face ao negro é confirmada pela descoberta do espectro das cores de Newton que o exclui da ordem das cores ao demonstrar que a luz branca é uma mistura de todas as cores (violeta, indigo, azul, verde, amarelo, laranja e vermelho). Na sequência desta descoberta, o século das luzes assiste a um recuo dos negros. O vestuário apresenta cores alegres e luminosas, de tons pastel, principalmente na gama dos azuis, rosas amarelos e cinzentos. O preto perde terreno, vindo apenas a revalorizar-se no final de século, no contexto de um exotismo literário. A difusão e a criação de uma nova paleta de cores vivas justificam esse recuo do negro, que só vai ser valorizado no séc. XIX com o romantismo, que trás consigo o culto da melancolia, noite, da morte e mesmo do macabro. Se valorizado nos meios intelectuais, particularmente na literatura, o negro recebe igualmente a conotação negativa provinda dos sombrios meios operários da II revolução industrial, com os quais os outros grupos sociais não se queriam identificar. No entanto, o preto torna-se omnipresente na vida quotidiana, mesmo em ambientes financeiros, numa atitude ética em parte herdada pelos protestantes. A fotografia e o cinema contribuem em muito para o já mencionado mundo em preto e branco, mas são os pintores e designers, que explorando tons e texturas, produzem pretos excepcionais e expressivos, promovendo-o como uma das cores emblemáticas da modernidade. O significado desta cor não se esgota no universo das artes: socialmente o preto está presente nas bandeiras das ideologias contemporâneas, é a cor utilizada pelos totalitarismos mas também pelos movimentos de libertação, não deixando de estar igualmente associado a superstições e mesmo por vezes a um bestiário do diabo. Tal como nos primeiros tempos, os múltiplos significados do preto (ou dos pretos) só podem ser entendidos nos seus contextos sociais. Não se poderá ficar indiferente à apresentação gráfica do presente volume, cujo design honra o estudo e a cor que apresenta. Tal como num manuscrito medieval, a construção do volume é cuidada, criativa e funcional, quer na encadernação escolhida quer na ligação entre o texto e as excelentes imagens. Não estaremos face a um objecto produto do design contemporâneo, que nos fará tomar uma posição afirmativa face à interrogação: O preto é uma cor?

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mark clarke

mediaeval painters’ materials and techniques: the montpellier liber diversarum arcium archetype, london, 2011 ste fan os k rousta l l i s stefanos.kroustallis@gmail.com

isbn 9781804982647 – 50 €

Mark Clarke en su libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium ofrece una edición crítica (con el estudio codicológico del manuscrito) del tratado medieval de tecnología artística Liber diversarum arcium, junto con la primera traducción al inglés del texto en latín. El autor acompaña la traducción de las prescripciones con extensos comentarios históricos, técnicos y artísticos y, además, realiza un estudio comparativo de estas recetas con otras similares de otros tratados. Los tratados medievales de tecnología artística se han convertido en las últimas décadas en una importante herramienta de trabajo para varios campos de estudio, como la historia del arte y de la tecnología o la conservación, al describir los materiales y técnicas empleados por los artistas y artesanos en el pasado. Hoy en día se conocen más de 400 tratados medievales de tecnología artística (desde textos extensos hasta recetas singulares), cuya recopilación ya llevó a cabo el autor en su obra (The art of all colours. Medieval recipe books for painters and illuminators, 2001, Archetype). En el presente trabajo el autor se centra en el estudio de uno de estos tratados (o recetarios) el Liber diversarum arcium que forma parte del manuscrito Ms H 277, folios 81v-101v, de la Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, section medecine, de Montpellier (Francia). El tratado es un texto extenso de alrededor de 580 prescripciones técnicas agrupadas en cuatro secciones (o libros) y dedicadas, principalmente, a las técnicas pictóricas (preparación y mezcla de pigmentos y aglutinantes, barnices, soportes, dibujo, témpera, pintura al óleo, pintura mural, pintura sobre vidrio y ce-

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rámica, así como otras técnicas decorativas auxiliares). El Liber diversarum arcium es anónimo, data aproximadamente de 1430 y fue escrito en latín, en Venecia o sus alrededores. Mark Clarke en su estudio argumenta, de manera convincente, sobre un núcleo original del tratado que fue escrito cerca de 1300 y refleja prácticas artísticas del norte de Europa. A lo largo del siglo XIV, a este tipo de prescripciones, corregidas y aumentadas, fueron añadidas prácticas de influencia italiana, bajo la mano de un compilador y revisor experto en las técnicas descritas. En la introducción del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques el autor explica de manera breve y concisa la historia del tratado Liber diversarum arcium, su uso como fuente de tecnología artística, su importancia dentro del esquema de la transmisión de los conocimientos técnicos y su relación con el resto de los tratados medievales. El resto del libro se organiza en dos capítulos, con varias secciones cada uno. En el primer capítulo se contextualiza el Liber diversarum arcium dentro de la tratadística medieval de tecnología artística y se resaltan las similitudes textuales con algunos de ellos. En la siguiente sección se estudia la manera en la que el tratado fue compuesto y compilado, así como la manera en la que sus recetas técnicas fueron reelaboradas, reincorporando material nuevo y actualizado. En el segundo capítulo se exponen las principales características de la técnica pictórica coetánea al tratado de Montpellier y se resaltan las analogías tecnológicas entre ellas (propias del siglo XIV). Además se hace hincapié en la importancia del Liber diversarum arcium en la historia de la pintura al óleo y se argumenta sobre las razones que hacen el tratado tan importante e interesante para el estudio de las técnicas pictóricas medievales. Sigue la traducción al inglés del texto, jerarquizando las recetas para facilitar las referencias y las llamadas cuando es necesario. A continuación, el autor ofrece extensos y detallados datos y comentarios técnicos e históricos sobre los procedimientos descritos que, aparte de su valor documental, sirven como argumentos a las tesis propuestas por el autor anteriormente. Un vocabulario inglés-latín de términos técnicos sirve como puente entre la traducción y la nueva transcripción del texto (fue transcrito por primera vez por Libri, 1849, en Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des departaments, v. I). El libro se complementa con varios apéndices donde se reúnen el estudio codicológico del manuscrito, prescripciones y referencias a otros tratados de tecnología artística que facilitan la comprensión del texto y, sobre todo, una muy interesante lista de referencias modernas sobre el Liber diversarum arcium y la manera en la que fue considerado y utilizado por la historiografía especializada. Tal como señala Mark Clarke la publicación del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques se debe al hecho de que el Liber diversarum arcium constituye el tratado medieval de tecnología artística más interesante y exhaustivo que sintetiza el estado del arte y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa del siglo XIV. Además, la estructura y el contenido del tratado muestra un claro afán práctico, estrechamente relacionado con el aprendizaje de la técnica de la pintura, propio de un manual de taller. Las prescripciones técnicas del tratado y su organización en la preparación de pigmentos, dibujo y técnicas pictóricas avalan, precisamente, la propuesta del autor y

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lo sitúan al mismo nivel de interés que el célebre Il libro dell´arte de Cennino Cennini. El Liber diversarum arcium permite sacar conclusiones más generalizadoras sobre la historia y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa de los siglos XIV-XV. Mencionaré sólo dos de los casos que Mark Clarke ha sabido resaltar en su estudio: en primer lugar, el tratamiento que se da a la pintura al óleo, no como una novedad sino como un conocimiento tecnológico subyacente que estaba a punto de eclosionar estéticamente, al darse cuenta los artistas de las posibilidades que ofrecía tal técnica. En segundo lugar, toda la información técnica que ofrece para los juegos de luces y sombras y la imitación de texturas, como las famosas telas tornasoladas que aparecen con mucha frecuencia en la pintura de la época. Otro elemento a destacar es la metodología de trabajo en la traducción y transcripción del texto, que incluyen elementos como la incorporación en la traducción de los términos en latín para los materiales cuando el autor considera que es necesario para facilitar la comprensión y evitar equívocos. De este modo se consigue evitar o mitigar el problema en la traducción de términos técnicos del latín vulgar y en la identificación de un nombre con una sustancia concreta. Otro punto que el autor ha sabido gestionar muy bien es la transcripción del texto latín, adaptando los principios de la crítica textual a la realidad de un texto tecnológico, sin pretensiones literarias y al que no se puede atribuir a un único arquetipo: el texto de las prescripciones técnicas se ha cotejado con similares en otros manuscritos y se han señalado los pasajes adicionales o divergentes. Finalmente, me gustaría destacar el hecho de incorporar en la publicación el estudio codicológico del manuscrito entero y no simples referencias a los folios del tratado concreto, un hecho que permite sacar conclusiones interesantes sobre la transmisión de la tecnología técnica e indagar sobre sus autores, su finalidad y su público. En definitiva, la publicación del Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium de Mark Clarke explora al máximo los posibles enfoques (históricos, artísticos, técnicos, estéticos, lingüísticos) de un tratado de tecnología artística y estoy seguro que pronto se convertirá en una referencia obligatoria a la hora de tratar estos textos como una fuente para la historia del arte y disciplinas afines.

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Varia Des interactions entre scriptoria Portugais au XIIe siècle Rémy Cordonnier

Highlighting manuscripts’ third dimension. Access, documentation and display of micrometric details Inês Correia

À volta de um vermelho. Apresentação de edição d’O livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia Maria João Melo, Catarina Miguel and Adelaide Miranda

Interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations Nuno Correia, Tarquínio Mota, Rita Carvalho and André Ricardoetti

.................................................................................. Colour in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts: Between Beauty and Meaning Maria João Melo

Imago Adelaide Miranda e Ana Lemos

The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters Ana Isabel Seruya and Maria Luísa Carvalho

Studies in medieval manuscript illuminations: Master and PhD thesis Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities and Faculty of Sciences and Technology, New University of Lisbon

Seminário e Exposição. Os Livros de Horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra e a cultura artística do século XV Ana Lemos

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des interactions entre scriptoria portugais au xii e siècle rémy co rdo n n i e r artuslemerle@gmail.com

Introduction Le corpus des manuscrits de l’Aviarium de Hugues de Fouilloy est riche de 128 manuscrits dont une soixantaine sont illustrés de tout ou partie du programme iconographique 1. Ces illustrations ont été conçues par l’auteur lui-même si l’on en juge par le contenu de la dédicace et du prologue du traité 2. Le fait que l’auteur du texte soit également le concepteur des illustrations confère à ces dernières un statut particulier. Hugues explique en effet que, dans la mesure où il destine son ouvrage à un lectorat peu cultivé, les images ont pour fonction de faciliter la transmission de l’information à ceux qui auraient des difficultés à saisir la subtilité du texte. C’est probablement cette valeur didactique qui a valu au Traité des oiseaux de connaître une telle diffusion à travers toute l’Europe médiévale 3, y compris au Portugal où ont sont conservées trois prestigieuses copies dont au moins deux furent réalisées dans une abbaye lusitanienne 4: • Lisboa, Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, ms. Lorvão 5 (anc. 90), Portugal, Saint-Mamede de Lorvão (OSB puis OCist. vers 1200), 1184 (Era 1222 – colophon) 5. • Porto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, ms. 43, Portugal (Santa-Cruz de Coimbra ?), déb. du XIIIe s., Santa-Cruz de Coimbra (Aug.) 6. • Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, ms. Alc 238, vers 1200-1210, SantaMaria d’Alcobaça (OCist.) 7.

Ces trois manuscrits, tous illustrés du cycle iconographique complet 8, comptent parmi les plus beaux exemplaires du corpus. Quant à celui qui provient de Lorvão, il est le plus ancien Aviarium daté à ce jour. S’il y a de fortes chances pour que ces trois manuscrits aient été copiés au Portugal, cette question n’est pas encore entièrement

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1. Le texte a été édité et traduit en anglais par Willene B. CLARK, The Medieval Book of Birds: Hugh of Fouilloy’s «Aviarium», Binghamton, Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 80), 1992. Ce livre s’accompagne d’une étude introductive, d’un catalogue des manuscrits illustrés recensés par l’auteur, et d’une liste des autres exemplaires connus à l’époque. Signalons également l’édition à partir des trois manuscrits concernés par cette étude et accompagnée d’une traduction en portugais par Maria Isabel REBELO GONCALVES, «Livro das aves» Hugo de Folieto: Tradução do latim et intradução por Maria Isabel Rebelo Goncalves, Lisbone, Colibri, 1999. Pour la liste des manuscrits voir Baudouin VAN DEN ABEELE, «Trente et un nouveaux manuscrits de l’Aviarium: regards sur la diffusion de l’œuvre d’Hugues de Fouilloy», Scriptorium, 57-2, 2003, p. 253-271 (ici p. 264-267). Il faut y ajouter l’exemplaire de Sevilla, Biblioteca Colombina, 7-2-21 (XIIIe s.), cat. Y. F. SAEZ GUILLEM, Catalogo de manoscritos de la Biblioteca Colombina de Sevilla, Seville, 202, notice 390, p. 467-468 – qui m’a été signalé par B. Van den Abeele que je remercie chaleureusement; et l’exemplaire de Bruxelles,

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KBR, ms II 2313 (XVe s.) que j’ai découvert lors de mes recherches doctorales, voir Rémy CORDONNIER, «Un 128 e exemplaire de l’Aviarium de Hugues de Fouilloy: Bruxelles, KBR, ms. II 2313», Revista Signum, 2010, 11-1, p. 358-411.

clarifiée. Les chercheurs qui se sont penché sur la question auparavant n’ont pas put donner de réponse définitive 9. Je ne prétends pas non plus pouvoir le faire à ce stade de mes recherches. Mais dans le cadre d’un récent séjour au Portugal 10, j’ai eu l’occasion de travailler directement sur ces manuscrits et d’y faire des observations qui me permettent de proposer de nouvelles hypothèses de recherche.

2. Charles DE CLERCQ, «Le rôle de l’image dans un manuscrit médiéval (Bodleian, Lyell 71)», Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 37, 1962, p. 2330 et du même: «Hugues de Fouilloy, imagier de ses propres œuvres?», Revue du Nord, 177, 1963, p. 31-43.

Le traité des oiseaux

3. Voir la carte donnée par B. VAN DEN ABEELE, 2003 (art. cit. notre note 1), p. 269. 4. Il existe également une version partielle de l’Aviarium en ancien portugais réalisée au XIVe siècle et actuellement conservée à Brasilia: Livro das aves. Reprodução fac-similar do manuscrito do séc. XIV; introdução; leitura crítica; notas e glossário. Edição preparada por Jacira Andrade MOTA, Rosa Virgínia MATOS, Vera Lúcia SAMPAIO e N. ROSSI, s. l., Instituto nacional do livro, Ministério da educação e cultura (Dicionário da língua portuguêsa. Textos e vocabulários, 4), 1965. Voir aussi: Serafim DA SILVA NETO, Textos medievais portugueses e seus problemas. Rio de Janeiro, MEC / Casa de Rui Barbosa, 1956, p. 40-45 ; Pedro de AZEVEDO, «Uma versão portuguesa de historia natural das aves do sec. XIV», Revista lusitana, 25:1-4, 1925, p. 128-147; Maria Adelaide VALLE CINTRA, Bibliografia de textos medievais portugueses, Lisboa, Publicações do Centro de estudos filologicos, 1960, p. 68-69 et Rosa Virgínia MATTOS E SILVA, Américo Venâncio LOPES MACHADO FILHO, «Fontes para o conhecimento da língua portuguesa de trezentos: Os mais antigos manuscritos portugueses existentes no Brasil», Série Estudos Medievais, 2: Fontes, 2009, p. 189-202 5URL: http://www.fclar.unesp.br/poslinpor/gtmedieval/interno.php?secao=fontes). 5. Mário MARTINS, «O Livro das aves», Broteria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416, brève description codicologique du mansucrit; Firmino CRESPO et Frade FERNANDO, «Anotações e comentários sobre o Livro das aves», Geographica, III-9, 1967, p. 20-39, qui décrivent le manuscrit

Le De avibus fut rédigé au milieu du XIIe siècle par Hugues de Fouilloy, prieur d’une communauté de chanoines réguliers augustiniens, installée entre Amiens et Corbie 11. Ce traité est dédié à un certain Rainier, ancien chevalier devenu frère convers, à qui le Prieur de Saint-Laurent se propose d’enseigner les principes de la vie régulière 12. Les deux principales sources doctrinales du traité sont d’ailleurs la Règle bénédictine qui donne sa structure thématique au traité, et le Pastoral de Grégoire le Grand auquel Hugues à largement puisé. L’Aviarium est organisé de façon binaire afin de refléter les deux aspects de la vie religieuse au Moyen Âge: la vie contemplative et la vie active – la vie contemplative étant principalement consacrée à la lectio divina, et la vie active à la pratique des bonnes actions et de la prédication. Le choix du symbolisme des oiseaux est motivé d’abord par le fait qu’Hugues s’adresse à des religieux, traditionnellement représentés par des oiseaux dans la symbolique chrétienne 13. Dans la mesure ou il écrit pour des lecteurs qui ne sont pas formés «es lettres», Hugues a pris soin d’adapter son propos en l’enrichissant de figures peintes destinées à en faciliter la compréhension à ceux qui ne sauraient pas se contenter du texte. Son Traité des oiseaux est donc illustré de miniatures qui forment des compositions complexes reliées de façon étroite pour relayer le message de l’auteur auprès des illiterati 14. Le cycle iconographique complet de l’Aviarium comprend trente miniatures, toutes sont annotées. La miniature de la dédicace, le diagramme de la colombe, le diagramme des trois colombes, le diagramme de l’autour, la miniature du palmier, la miniature de la tourterelle et la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux, illustrent la premières partie du traité. Ce sont les compositions les plus originales. Les vingttrois autres miniatures illustrent la seconde partie du Traité des oiseaux. Elles sont beaucoup plus simples car elles ne font que représenter l’oiseau en question dans le chapitre qu’elles accompagnent. Mais elles sont aussi accompagnées d’une inscription placée soit en incipit du chapitre, soit dans la bordure du cadre de l’illustration s’il y en a un, soit simplement autour de la miniature. Ces compositions picturales s’inscrivent dans la tradition de l’exégèse visuelle 15. Les diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partie du traité expliquent la signification allégorique des oiseaux concernés et les figures idéalisées de la seconde partie ont pour fonction de mettre en évidence la dimension signifiante des autres oiseaux décrit par Hugues. L’importance du rôle des images dans l’économie du sens de l’Aviarium explique le grand nombre d’exemplaires illustrés qui nous sont parvenus, même si la tradition n’est pas exempte d’erreurs de copies ou de réinterprétations 16.

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Spécificités iconographiques des exemplaires portugais Les diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partie Les trois exemplaires portugais sont, dans l’ensemble, assez fidèles à la principale tradition iconographique du traité 17. Ils présentent néanmoins quelques variations intéressantes à signaler pour l’étude de la tradition portugaise du Traité des oiseaux. Ainsi, dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, un arbalétrier et un archer sont représentés sur la page en regard de celle du diagramme de la colombe (f. 5v.). Ils ne font pas partie du cycle originel du traité. Peut-être est-ce une évocation du Psaume 90, 3-5: «C’est lui-même qui m’arrachera au filet de l’oiseleur et d’une parole meurtrière. Il te mettra à l’ombre sous ses épaules, et sous ses ailes tu espèreras. Sa vérité t’environnera de son bouclier, et tu n’auras pas à craindre d’une terreur nocturne, d’une flèche volant le jour». L’assimilation de ces personnages à des figures négatives voir démoniaques est corroborée par la mutilation apotropaïque des visages dont ils ont fait l’objet 18. La thématique du Psaume 90 est par ailleurs très proche de celle des premiers chapitres de l’Aviarium et du diagramme de la colombe dont les inscriptions évoquent la recherche de sécurité et l’espoir du repos éternel. Comme le suggère W. Clark 19, il se peut aussi qu’il s’agisse simplement de figures destinées à combler l’espace vide du feuillet créé par le rejet du diagramme de la colombe sur la pleine page en regard. L’enlumineur s’est peut-être inspiré d’archers représentés dans d’autres manuscrits du scriptorium d’Alcobaça (Clark donne l’exemple de Porto, BM, ms 31, f. 207v.) 20. Les miniatures du cycle traditionnel de la première partie du traité présentent quelques modifications plus ou moins importantes par rapport au cycle originel. Les termes clericus et miles qui identifient les oiseaux de la miniature du prologue n’ont pas été reportés. Dans le diagramme de la colombe il manque les inscriptions pennas vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs, et les mots timor, desiderio, spes et amor autour de l’oiseau dans le médaillon central. Dans le diagramme des trois colombes, la colombe du christ est dissociée des deux autres mais les trois oiseaux restent visibles en même temps car ils sont figurés sur deux pages en visà-vis. Le rubricateur a oublié le mot nigra entre anima et formosa dans l’inscription de la bordure du médaillon de la colombe de Noé. Le diagramme de l’autour, sensé représenter une rose des vents, est ici remplacé par un médaillon contenant la figure de l’oiseau. Les inscriptions habituellement placées sur les bras de la croix servent de rubrique aux chapitres 12, 13 et 14 21. La miniature du palmier est partiellement inscrite dans un médaillon dans le cadre duquel est reportée la rubrique du chapitre 24 déjà inscrite de part et d’autre du tronc. La miniature de la tourterelle perd son apparence cruciforme. Le médaillon central avec l’oiseau est ici encadré par les rubriques inscrites normalement dans le stipex de la croix. Les inscriptions du patibulus servent quant à elles de rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. La miniature du cèdre et des passereaux est un arbre stylisé. Des rinceaux s’enroulent autour de son tronc. Son feuillage dessine une mandorle losangée à fond rouge, au centre de laquelle est figuré un jeune Christ imberbe au nimbe crucifère 22, revêtu d’une robe et enveloppé

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et surtout ses enluminures; voir aussi la notice de Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, dans A iluminura em Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa, BN, 1999, p. 190. 6. Johana LENCART, notice dans A. A. NASCIMIENTO, J. F. MEIRINHOS, Catálogo dos códices da Livraria de Mao Do Mosterio de Santa Cruz de Coimbra na Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Porto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, 1997, p. 199-203. 7. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, notice dans A iluminura em Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa, BN, 1999, p. 184. 8. L’exemplaire de Santa-Cruz est hélas lacunaire du premier feuillet, qui devait comprendre la miniature du prologue et le diagramme de la colombe. 9. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identidade e Influências, catálogo de exposição, orientação cientica Adelaide Miranda, Lisboa, Ministério da Cultura/Biblioteca Nacional, 1999, p.184191; W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 41-50, cat. n.° 23, 24, 47; Antonio CRUZ, «O Livro das Aves. Um Códice Ignorado Idêntico ao de Lorvão», Revista de Ciências Historicas, 1, 1986, p. 161-174; Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, A Iluminura Românica em Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. Lisboa. Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, 1986 p.181-184; Mário S. J. MARTINS, «O Livro das Aves», Broteria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416. 10. J’ai plaisir à remercier à cette occasion l’équipe du projet FFCT/FCT/UNL «Color in medieval illuminated manuscripts: between beauty and meaning» et tout particulièrement Adélaïde Miranda, pour son chaleureux accueil. 11. Sur Hugues de Fouilloy, en plus de ce qu’en dit W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 5-10, voir notamment: Jean BRIAL, «Hugues de Fouilloi, prieur de Saint-Laurent de Heilli», dans Histoire Littéraire de la France, XIII, Paris, Victor Palme, 1879, p. 492-507; Henri PELTIER, «Hugues de Fouilloy, chanoine régulier, prieur de Saint-Laurent-au-Bois», Revue du Moyen Âge latin, 2, 1946, p. 25-44; Ivan GOBRY, «Hugues de Fouilloy», Dictionnaire de spi-

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ritualité, Paris, t. 7, 1969, col. 880-886; Cosimo Damiano FONSECA, «Hugues de Fouilloy entre l’ordo antiquus et l’ordo novus», Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 16, 1973, p. 303-312. 12. Jacques BERLIOZ et Rémy CORDONNIER, «Le convers et les oiseaux. Monde animal, morale et milieu monastique: le De avibus d’Hugues de Fouilloy (XII e siècle)», dans L’homme-animal, histoire d’un face à face, Strasbourg, Adam Biro/Musées de Strasbourg, 2004, p. 72-81. 13. Voir Rémy CORDONNIER, «La plume dans l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy: sénéfiance(s) d’une «propriété» aviaire», dans F. POMEL (dir.), La corne et la plume dans la littérature médiévale, Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010, p. 167-202. 14. Willene B. CLARK, «The Illustrated Medieval Aviary and Laybrotherhood», Gesta, 21, 1982, p. 63-74; Rémy CORDONNIER, «Haec pertica est regula. Texte, image et mise en page dans l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy, dans B. VAN DEN ABEELE (éd.), Bestiaires médiévaux. Nouvelles perspectives sur les manuscrits et les traditions textuelles, Louvain-la-Neuve, Institut d’études médiévales, 2005, p. 71-110. 15. Sur l’exégèse visuelle voir notamment: Anna C. ESMEIJER, Divina quaternitas, a preliminary study in the method and application of visual exegesis, Assen, Van Gorcum, 1978; Patrice SICARD, Diagrammes médiévaux et exégèse visuelle: le Libellus de formatione arche de Hugues de Saint-Victor, Paris-Turnhout, Brepols (Bibliotheca Victorina 4), 1993; E. MAGNANI et D. RUSSO, «Histoire de l’art et anthropologie, 3. Exégèse textuelle, exégèse visuelle», Bulletin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre [En ligne], Histoire de l’art & Anthropologie. Séminaires, mis en ligne le 22 octobre 2009 (URL: http://cem.revues.org/index11323.html); Natasha F. H. O’HEAR, Contrasting Images of the Book of Revelation in Late Medieval and Early Modern Art: A Case Study in Visual Exegesis, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010. 16. Rémy CORDONNIER, «Enluminure et spiritualité: le sens du signe et ses difficultés», Histoire et images médiévales, Thématique 15: les arts de la couleur, février 2009, p. 24-29.

dans un pallium. Il bénit de la main droite et de la gauche maintient un livre posé sur sa cuisse. Il est assis sur un arc de cercle tandis qu’un autre arc lui sert de reposepieds. Six médaillons à fond bleu sont dessinés dans le tracé du feuillage de part et d’autre du Christ et un septième au sommet de la mandorle qui se termine par une palmette fleurdelisée. Chaque médaillon comprend un oiseau. L’aviaire de Santa-Cruz est enluminé dans un style très élégant et coloré. Le premier feuillet a été hélas découpé (l’onglet est encore clairement visible), il devait comprendre à n’en pas douter le prologue et la dédicace ainsi que la miniature du prologue et le diagramme de la colombe qui sont donc perdu à ce jour. Comme dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão, la mise en page du diagramme des trois colombes isole la colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David. Mais cette fois, l’une est sur le recto du feuillet et les deux autres sur le verso et de ce fait l’unité visuelle de l’ensemble est entièrement perdue. Le rubricateur a fait le même oubli que celui de Lorvão: le nigra entre anima et formosa. Il avait en plus inscrit nigra au lieu de nivea dans la bordure du médaillon de la colombe du Christ, mais cette erreur a été rectifiée par le correcteur au Moyen Âge. Les autres miniatures de la première partie du traité sont, iconographiquement et du point de vue de la composition, identiques à celles de l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Les inscriptions du digramme de l’autour et de la miniature de la tourterelle sont, là aussi, devenues les rubriques des chapitres 12, 13 et 14 sur les vents et 25 et 27 sur le palmier. Le rubricateur, qui n’était décidément pas brillant, a fait une troisième erreur. Dans l’inscription du médaillon de la tourterelle il a inscrit in nido pour in nidulo, corrigé par le relecteur monastique. Les modifications les plus importantes apparaissent finalement dans la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux. Le Christ y est désormais barbu et moustachu. Il tient un sceptre crucifère au lieu d’un livre dans la main gauche. Il n’est plus assis sur un arc et ses pieds reposent désormais sur une extension des rinceaux du tronc. La miniature est aussi plus colorée. L’enlumineur a peint en vert l’intérieur du tronc, la bordure centrale du losange et la hampe du sceptre, des rehauts de vert servent à modeler les plis du pallium. La robe du christ, certaines parties du corps des oiseaux ainsi que les bras de la croix du nimbe et la bordure extérieure du feuillage sont en jaune pâle. Les décorations de la ceinture du Christ et certaines parties des rinceaux du tronc sont en rouge. Le nimbe du Christ est bleu. Enfin, l’aviaire d’Alcobaça est d’un style beaucoup plus fruste que ceux de Lorvão et Santa-Cruz et a vraisemblablement été illustré par le scribe lui-même ou en tout cas par un peintre qui n’était pas artiste de formation. La miniature du prologue y est néanmoins complète. Dans le diagramme de la colombe, les inscriptions pennas vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs sont absentes à l’exception du mot penne inscrit dans l’écoinçon supérieur gauche. Il n’y a pas d’inscriptions non plus dans le médaillon central. Le diagramme des trois colombes reçoit la même mise en page qu’à Santa-Cruz et reproduit le problème du recto-verso. Le diagramme de l’autour est là encore transformé en un simple encadrement situé non plus au centre de la page mais aux deux tiers de la colonne de texte de droite. Le rubricateur a placé les inscriptions de la croix en tête des chapitres 12, 13, 14, 15. La miniature du pal-

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mier est au milieu de la colonne de texte de gauche. Et sa rubrique est aussi portée deux fois: entre les branches du feuillage et sous le tronc en tête du chapitre 24. La miniature de la tourterelle est transformée en un simple médaillon placé au milieu de la colonne de texte de droite, en regard de la miniature du palmier. Les inscriptions du patibulus sont placées dans l’entrecolonne et les inscriptions du stipex servent de rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. Comme dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, le cèdre est stylisé pour devenir une mandorle losangée. Outre le style, on note les différences suivantes: disparition des arcs sur lesquels le Christ était assis, ce dernier tient un sceptre crucifère au lieu d’un livre dans la main gauche, et on ne compte que six médaillons au lieu de sept. En revanche, l’enlumineur a figuré les plaies des pieds du Christ qui reposent sur un escabeau. Le tronc et le feuillage sont teints en vert.

Les portraits d’oiseaux de la seconde partie Les portraits d’oiseaux qui illustrent la seconde partie de l’aviaire de Hugues ne présentent pas de différences notables dans les exemplaires portugais par rapport à la principale tradition du corpus. Il faut mentionner cependant l’absence de la figure du hibou dans le manuscrit de Lorvão en raison d’un arrachement de la moitié supérieure de la page où se trouvait la miniature 23. Dans les manuscrits de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz tous les oiseaux sont figurés dans un médaillon dont la bordure comprend à chaque fois la sentence rimée qui résume le trope principal du chapitre. Les deux manuscrits présentent par ailleurs une certaine parenté formelle. Dans l’ensemble les figures présentent les caractéristiques du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz déterminées par W. Clark 24. On retrouve notamment dans ces deux exemplaires l’un des petits du pélican mystique dessiné à l’horizontale sur la droite de la composition. Il y a aussi cette manière particulière de figurer l’autruche avec son croupion emplumé de touffes presque «pileuses». Dans le manuscrit de Santa-Cruz l’autruche s’éloigne de l’échassier de Lorvão pour s’apparenter à un rapace palmipède. L’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz l’a en outre affublée de deux petites oreilles qui caractérisent habituellement les rapaces nocturnes. Dans l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz l’enlumineur a fait déborder les plumes de la queue de la grue sur l’inscription du médaillon et a reporté en bleu dans la marge adjacente le mot que sa peinture avait occulté: viuent. L’hirondelle de Santa-Cruz a l’aile droite relevée, ce qui n’est pas le cas dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão. On peut aussi relever la position particulière de la cigogne dans ces deux manuscrits, où elle est représentée en train de craqueter, c’està-dire la tête renversée en arrière sur le dos et claquant du bec. Dans l’exemplaire de Santa-Cruz elle lève en plus la patte gauche. Le héron de Lorvão tourne la tête vers l’arrière alors que celui de Santa-Cruz regarde devant lui, mais l’un et l’autre présentent la même ondulation du cou. Les caladres sont figurés comme des palmipèdes. Dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça seul le corbeau, le coq, le vautour et l’hirondelle sont dans un médaillon. Pour les figures du corbeau et du vautour, le médaillon a visiblement été rajouté après dans la mesure où il passe par-dessus le dessin de l’oiseau. Le coq et l’hirondelle posent un autre problème car leur style est nettement différent du reste du manuscrit, mais je reviendrai sur ce point plus bas.

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17. Voir R. CORDONNIER, 2005 (art. cit. notre note 14), p. 76-79 et du même, L’illustration du «De avibus» de Hugues de Fouilloy: symbolisme animal et méthodes d’enseignement au Moyen Âge, thèse en 4 vol., non éditée, Université Charles de Gaulle, Lille, 2007, vol. 1 p. 121-174. 18. Sur le thème du diable oiseleur voir: B. G. KOONCE, «Satan the Fowler», Mediaeval Studies, 21, 1959, p. 176-184. 19. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 45. 20. Il a également été suggéré que ces personnages pourraient évoquer le «miles» du prologue, voir A. MIRANDA, A . LEMOS, C. MIGUEL, M. J. MELO, «On Wings of Blue: The history, material and technique of the Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria», dans L. U. ALFONSO (ed.), The Materials of the Image/As Matérias da Imagem, Lisbonne, Universidade de Lisboa, 2010, p. 171-184 (ici p. 175). Toutefois l’agressivité de ces archers rend cette interprétation difficilement recevable dans la mesure où le miles du prologue est présenté comme quelqu’un s’étant converti à la vie religieuse. 21. D’après la numérotation de l’édition de CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1). 22. Comme le signale M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 190, on retrouve ce Christ jeune à la croix dans l’exemplaire de Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995, f. 67v. Elle mentionne aussi l’exemplaire de Valenciennes, BM, ms. 101, f. 176, mais si le Christ y est jeune et glabre, en revanche il tient une sphaera mundi à la place de la croix. 23. Cette lacune n’est pas mentionnée par W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286287, mais elle est signalée par M. I. REBELO GONÇALVES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 50. 24. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 42.

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25. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 41-51. 26. Le premier comprend l’aviaire d’Heiligenkreuz plus les exemplaires de Zwettl, StiftsB, ms. 253, v. 1200, Bruxelles, KBR, ms. 8536-43 (Flandres ou France du Nord?, v. 1250, et Oxford, BL, ms. Lyell 71 (Lombardie?, v. 1300). Le second réunit nos trois manuscrits portugais plus les exemplaires de Troyes, BM, ms. 711 (fin de XIIe s.), Rome, B. Cansanatense, ms. 444 (v. 1220-1230), et Paris, BNF, ms. 2495 (XIII e s.). Le troisième sous-groupe réunit les manuscrits de New Haven, Yale UL, Beinecke ms. 189 (v. 1200), Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995 (2e moit. XIIIe) et Cambrai, BM, ms. 259 (région parisienne, v. 1230-1235). 27. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (ar t. cit. notre note 1), cat. 11, p. 258. Sur ce ms. voir Martine SAINTE-MARIE, «Note sur un “traité des oiseaux” conservé parmi les manuscrits de la Société archéologique de Montpellier», Mémoires de la Société archéologique de Montpellier, 21, 1993, p. 393-401. 28. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (art. cit. notre note 1), p. 264. 29. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 190 donne DEN[TUR]. 30. Comme le souligne W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286-287, l’ordre des cahiers a donc vraisemblablement été inversé l’ors d’une reliure antérieure et les cahiers contenant le texte d’Isidore de Séville sur la création de l’homme et de la femme devait initialement se trouver avant l’Aviarium et les extraits de l’Exameron sur les animaux. Cette hypothèse est corroborée par la coïncidence entre le trou situé à coté du genou du Créateur dans la miniature de la création d’Ève et une tache brune que l’on observe à peu près au milieu de la page d’incipit de l’Aviarium. L’ensemble constituait une suite logique décrivant la signification des créatures vivantes en commençant par l’homme et en poursuivant par les oiseaux et les mammifères. 31. Saint Mamède de Lorvão est passé sous plusieurs obédiences depuis sa fondation. Ini-

Relations entre les manuscrits État de la question Selon le classement proposé par Clark 25, les trois manuscrits portugais appartiennent au groupe des aviaires illustrés dit d’Heiligenkreuz, du nom de l’Abbaye autrichienne où est actuellement conservé le manuscrit type du groupe (Heiligenkreuz, StiftsB, ms. 226, France ?, fin du XII e siècle). Les quatorze manuscrits qu’il comprend seraient issus d’un modèle dit «modèle A», qui était soit l’original soit très proche de ce dernier. Du point de vue textuel, l’aviaire d’Heiligenkreuz est l’exemplaire qui possède le plus de points communs avec le reste du corpus. C’est le groupe le plus nombreux et qui comprend les plus anciens témoins de l’Aviarium, ce qui en fait le meilleur représentant potentiel du traité originel. La majorité de ces manuscrits sont d’origine cistercienne, et ils semblent rattachés de près ou de loin au scriptorium de l’abbaye de Morimond. Clark distingue trois ensembles au sein de ce corpus 26, mais les différences textuelles qui les distinguent sont minimes. Plus récemment B. Van den Abeele a ajouté un manuscrit au groupe, celui de Montpellier, Société archéologique, ms. 8 (fin XIIe - déb. XIIIe s.) 27, dont il souligne la parenté des illustrations avec les exemplaires portugais en précisant: «il pourrait donc s’agir d’un chaînon entre les manuscrits français et ceux du Portugal» 28. Les aviaria de Lorvão et Santa-Cruz sont très proches stylistiquement et les chercheurs qui s’y sont intéressé sont tous d’accord pour situer leur production au Portugal. Pour le premier la chose est évidente grâce aux deux colophons présent dans le manuscrit: ad honorem Dei et sancti Mametis in Monasterio laurbanense est scribtus [sic] liber iste. In diebus Johannis abbatis FINITO LIBRO DONA DEN[IQUE] 29 LARGIORA magistro. Era M.C.C.XXII (f. 67) et: Scriptus est liber este ad laudem et honorem Dei omnipotentis et sancti Mametis laurbanensis monasterii temporum regis Alfonsi, in diebus Johannis abbatis. Era M.CC.XXI (f. 90v.) 30. Pas de doutes donc sur son lieu de production ni sur la datation qui le situe dans la période bénédictine de l’abbaye 31. La date est donnée selon l’Ère espagnole, dont le point de départ correspond à l’application de la loi romaine en Espagne en 38 av. J.-C., ce qui donne 1184 pour le premier colophon et 1183 pour le second 32. Or Lorvão, ne devint une abbaye cistercienne de femmes qu’en 1206, sous l’influence de Dona Teresa, fille du roi Sanche I, et confirmée dans ses statuts en 1213. Le scribe a été identifié comme étant Egeas, celui du fameux Beatus de Lorvão 33. Les enlumineurs de l’Aviarium sont également les deux mêmes qui se sont chargé d’illustrer le Beatus. Le plus doué des deux étant cependant moins présent dans l’Aviarium que dans le Beatus 34. Bien qu’étant le plus ancien manuscrit daté du corpus, l’exemplaire de Lorvão a été copié au moins dix ans après la mort d’Hugues de Fouilloy (survenue probablement vers 1173) et plus de vingt ans après la rédaction probable du traité que je situe entre 1130 et 1160. Certes au XIIe siècle les voyages prenaient plus de temps que de nos jours, mais en vingt ans un texte avait bien le temps d’être largement diffusé y compris jusqu’au «lointain Portugal» pour reprendre les mots de Charles de Clercq 35. Par ailleurs, les modifications apportées au digramme de l’autour et à la miniature de la

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tourterelle montrent quand même une nette divergence par rapport au cycle originel. La suppression de la composition cruciforme de ces deux miniatures les ampute d’une grande part de leur signification exégétique. De même, la séparation de la colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David dans le diagramme des trois colombes rend impossible la lecture ascensionnelle de ce dernier et en supprime la dimension anagogique. Contrairement à ce que suggérait Ch. de Clercq, l’exemplaire de Lorvão témoigne plutôt de ce que vingt ans après la rédaction du traité, son cycle iconographique avait déjà subit d’importantes modifications et déperditions de sens. En outre, les miniatures ne sont pas les seuls éléments du traité à avoir subit des modifications. En effet, le texte a aussi été augmenté par l’interpolation de deux passages de l’Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan (V, 21, 74) entre les chapitres 15-16 et 16-17 36. Il est en outre suivit sans transition d’une dizaine d’autres passages du même texte, auquel le scribe s’est contenté d’ajouter une série de rubriques indiquant de quel animal traite le passage adjacent: [fin de l’Aviarium]

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De infantulo

sit, ut oculo tuae mentis eius perfidiam deprehendas,

Vix infantulo coeperunt dentes prorumpere,

[f. 145v.] et prior cursum verborum eius impedias, in (sic)-

et iam novit sua arma tentare. De catulo

pudentiam eius et acumen disputatio-

Nondum catulo dentes, et tamquam ha-

nis obtundas. Quod si te ille praevenerit,

beat, ore proprio se quaerit ulcisci. De cervo

vocem tibi aufert: et si obmutueris, sol-

Nondum cervo cornua, et tamen fronte praelu-

ve amictum tuum, ut sermonem resol-

dit, atque ea quae nondum expertus sit, tela

vas. Et si in te insurrexerit lupus, petram

cape, et fugit. Petra tua Christus est. Si ad

¶minitatur.

[f. 145] Lupus si prior hominem viderit De lupus,

Christum confugias, fugit lupus, nec terre-

vocem eripit, et despicit eum tamquam vocis

re te poterit. Hanc petram quaesivit Pe-

ablatae victor. Idem si se praevisum senserit,

trus, cum titubaret in fluctibus, et in-

deponit ferociam, non potest currere. De

venit; quia dexteram amplexus est Christi.

Leo gallum et maxi leo fortitudine

De leone pardo quod alia odorem refugiat

Me album veretur. De medicamine capre

Quid dicam allio homines delectari,

Capra vulnerata dictamnum petit, et

et illud ad escam sumere, quod et

de vulnere excludit sagittas. De remediis

leopardus fugit ? Denique sicubi allium

Norunt et bestiae remedia sua. bestiarum

aliquis confricandum putaverit, leopardus

Leo aeger simiam quaerit, ut devoret;

inde exsilit, nec resistit. Cuius venenata fe-

quo possit sanari.

ra odorem non potest sustinere, id tu pro

Leopardus capreae agrestis sanguinem

cibo sumis, et visceribus infundis in-

bibit, et vim languoris evitat. Omnis fe-

ternis ? Sed medicatur interdum doloribus. Su-

ra aegra canis hausto curatur sanguine.

matur pro medicamento, non pro cibo: sumatur

Ursus aeger formicas devorat.

[f. 146] ab aegrotantibus, non ab epulantibus.

Cervus oleae ramusculos mandit.

Medicamentum Ieiunium salubre est coporis

Ergo ferae norunt ea [ex]petere quae sibi

quaeris, et ieiunium fugis; quasi maius

prosint ; tu ignoras, o homo, remedia tua!

aliud remedium reperire possis. serpens

Tu nescis quomodo virtutem eripias adversario,

Ieiuni De sputo ieuni hominis moritur

ut te tamquam praeventus lupus effugere non pos-

hominis sputum si serpens gustaverit,

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tialement créé sous une version remaniée de la regula communis de saint Fructueux. L’abbaye devint progressivement bénédictine entre 1064 et 1109, sous l’influence de l’abbé réformateur Eusèbe. Voir J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA, L’image dans le Beatus de Lorvão, thèse en 4 vol., non éditée, consultée sur place, Université Libre de Bruxelles, 2008, vol. 1 p. 71-72. (Je remercie chaleureusement Alain Dierkens et Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx pour m’avoir signalé et prêté un exemplaire de cette étude). 32. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), n. 2 p. 45. 33. Voir W. NEUSS, O Comentário do Apocalipse do Lorvao e Suas Iluminuras, Coimbra, 1929; Anne DE EGRY, Um estudo de O Apocalipse do Lorvao e sua relação com as ilustrações medievais do Apocalipse, Lisbonne, 1972. 34. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 45. 35. Charles DE CLERCQ, «La nature et le sens du De avibus d’Hugues de Fouilloy», dans A. ZIMMERMANN et R. HOFFMANN (éds.), Methoden in Wissenschaft und Kunst des Mittelalters, Berlin, de Gruyter (Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 7), 1970, p. 279-302, ici p. 302. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), n. 1 p. 46, a mal interprété les propos de Charles de Clercq et lui fait dire que l’aviaire de Lorvão aurait été copié d’après le premier exemplaire. Or de Clercq ne fait qu’affirmer l’existence du cycle iconographique dans l’exemplaire originel à partir du constat de la transmission relativement stable de ce cycle au sein du corpus, y compris dans des exemplaires produits loin de la région d’origine du traité. 36. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286 – transcrits par M. I. REBELO GONÇALVES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 76 et 78. 37. Ambroise de Milan, Exameron, VI, 26-29 (PL 14, c. 123-273 - Paris, 1845). J’ai rendu le texte comme il apparait sur le manuscrit sauf pour l’organisation sur deux colonnes, choisie ici pour gagner de la place, dans le manuscrit le texte est à longues lignes. M. MARTINS, 1963 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 413; F. CRESPO et F.

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FRADE, 1967 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 30 et M. I. REBELO GONÇALVES, 1999 (art. cit. notre note 1), p. 33 donnent la liste des rubriques ajoutées dans le manuscrit. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), n. 2 p. 45, identifiait ces passages à des extraits la seconde famille du Bestiaire latin tout en soulignant par ailleurs que cette famille du Bestiaire, d’origine anglaise, n’est connue par d’autres sources sur le continent qu’à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle. 38. A. G. DA ROCHA MADAHIL, «Os códices de Sant Cruz de Coimbra», Boletim de Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra, 8, 1927, p. 386-391; A. CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra na cultura Portuguesa da idade média, Porto, Marânus, 1964, p. 130-136; Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, A iluminura românica em Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça, Lisboa, 1996, p. 409-442. 39. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 46; J. LENCART, 1997 (art. cit. notre note 6), p. 199, le situe dans la première moitié du XIII e s. et (p. 200) mentionne une note au f. 117 avec la date «Era 1312», soit 1274, ce qui nous donne un terminus ante quem. Le codex contient en outre un catalogue des manuscrits de l’abbaye qui débute avec la mention d’un don fait en 1207 (Era 1245) par Pierre Vincent, chanoine de Saint-Vincent de Lisbonne. 40. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 135-139. 41. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 46-47. 42. En grande partie reprises par M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 5), dans ses notices sur les aviaires de Lorvão et Alcobaça, p. 184 et 190. 43. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 47. 44. Hugues de Fouilloy, De avibus. Traité des oiseaux (extraits). Fac-similé du manuscrit 177 de la Médiathèque de l’Agglomération troyenne, extraits trad. en fr. par Rémy Cordonnier, Paris, 2004. Ce manuscrit est mentionné en 1472 dans le catalogue de l’abbaye composé par Pierre de Virey, voir Françoise BIBOLET,

moritur. Vides quanta vis ieiunii sit; ut et

superiacit. Novit enim quod huiusmodi folia lu-

sputo suo homo terrenum serpentem inter-

pi fugere consuerint. Novit vulpecula

ficiat, et merito spiritalem. Quantam Dominus etiam

quomodo posteritatem foveat suam: et tu igno-

minusculis infudit prudentia[m]! ris

ras, tu negligis quomodo adversum lupos

Turtur nido suo, ne pul- De nido turtu-

nequitiae spiritalis posteritatem vitae huius ha-

los suos incurset lupus, squillae folia

beas tutiorem? 37

Le scriptorium de Santa-Cruz était bien actif à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle 38. Il est donc très probable que l’aviaire y ait été produit. Toutefois, bien que leur style soit différents, l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz, nous l’avons dit, est iconographiquement très proche de l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Clark a relevé de nombreux points de contact entre l’iconographie des deux exemplaires, mais situe la production de l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz après celui de Lorvão 39. Selon Clark, son style plus nerveux éloigne l’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz de la production traditionnelle locale et le place sous l’influence de l’art roman français. Le monastère Sainte-Marie d’Alcobaça, fondé en 1153, est la 53e fille de Clairvaux. Sa construction ne débute effectivement qu’en 1178, mais son scriptorium est déjà pleinement en activité à la fin du XIIe siècle. En témoigne un ensemble de manuscrits de grande qualité produits à cette époque et qui se démarquent nettement de la production de Lorvão 40. Pourtant, W. Clark, a relevé une caractéristique stylistique commune à certains oiseaux des manuscrits de Lorvão et d’Alcobaça, ce qui lui fait dire que l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça aurait pu avoir été copié à Lorvão. Il s’agit du motif en forme de soleil radiant (sunburst) que l’on trouve sur les genoux du Christ de Lorvão et sur les épaules de plusieurs oiseaux du même manuscrit ainsi que sur les figures du coq et de l’hirondelle d’Alcobaça. Parallèlement, Clark a relevé la présence d’une initiale au début du premier chapitre de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça, donc le style est très proche, mais pas identique, de celui d’une Bible produite à Santa-Cruz (Porto, BP, ms. 31, SC 2) 41. Au vu des ressemblances et des divergences entre les trois exemplaires portugais, W. Clark avait émis des hypothèses de localisation sans pouvoir se prononcer avec certitude quant à leurs interrelations ni sur le lieu de production de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça 42. Pour elle, si les trois manuscrits ont été réalisés dans la région de Coimbra, le scriptorium le plus susceptible d’en avoir possédé le modèle commun serait Santa-Cruz dans la mesure où il s’agit d’une maison augustinienne, soit l’ordre auquel appartenait Hugues de Fouilloy 43. Mais l’enquête se complique avec l’inclusion nécessaire dans le corpus d’un quatrième témoin illustré. Il s’agit de l’exemplaire actuellement conservé à Troyes (Médiathèque municipale, ms. 177), daté lui aussi de la fin du XIIe siècle ou du début du XIIIe siècle, et qui a appartenu à l’Abbaye cistercienne de Clairvaux 44. Les miniatures des aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Clairvaux sont virtuellement identiques à l’exception, là encore, des miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle. Leurs textes sont très proches également, bien que celui de Clairvaux soit moins fautif que celui d’Alcobaça 45. Clark considère donc comme possible que l’aviaire d’Alcobaça ait été copié

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279

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d’après celui de Clairvaux, mais les différences entre les deux manuscrits ne lui permettaient pas de l’affirmer. L’inverse est également envisagé par l’auteur, qui argue du caractère plus portugais que claravalien de l’exemplaire de Clairvaux. Il aurait pu alors avoir été la copie et non le modèle. Les deux manuscrits cisterciens peuvent aussi, selon Clark, avoir été réalisés à Alcobaça d’après un même modèle et l’un des deux offert ensuite à Clairvaux 46. W. Clark conclue en proposant sans l’affirmer une origine portugaise pour les aviaire de Lorvão, Santa-Cruz, Alcobaça et Clairvaux. Tous les quatre auraient alors été copiés indépendamment mais à partir d’un même modèle aujourd’hui perdu. Elle ajoute pour finir que nombre de variantes textuelles et certaines des caractéristiques iconographiques que l’on trouve dans ces manuscrits se retrouvent également dans deux autres exemplaires illustrés : L’aviaire d’Avignon (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 2495, déb. XIIIe s., dont l’origine est pour le moment indéterminée 47) et celui de Rome (Bibliothèque Casanatense, ms. 444, v. 1230-1240 48, ayant peut-être appartenu à l’abbaye cistercienne de Montier-en-Argonne 49) 50.

Nouvelles découvertes De nouvelles données codicologiques peuvent désormais être ajoutées au dossier, et devraient permettre de faire avancer la problématique de l’interrelation entre les manuscrits concernés. Lorsque j’ai consulté le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, j’ai en effet pu faire des observations intéressantes sur les miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle qui posaient problème en raison de leur nette différence stylistique avec les autres illustrations du manuscrit. En y regardant de plus près, j’ai pu constater que la portion de parchemin qui a reçu les deux miniatures était plus sale et plus veloutée que le reste de la page, comme s’il avait été gratté. En outre, l’un des cercles du médaillon du coq est nettement estompé comme si lui aussi avait subit une tentative d’effacement. Finalement, l’inspection de ces deux miniatures à l’aide d’une lampe de Wood a confirmé mon hypothèse en révélant les traces légères mais bien visibles d’un dessin sous-jacent différent de celui des miniatures actuelles. Le coq et l’hirondelle de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça sont donc des repeints. Pour l’hirondelle, le dessin de la tête de l’ancien oiseau est encore visible à droite de l’aile de la figure actuelle et il correspond au dessin de la miniature de Clairvaux. Pour le coq, le cercle intérieur du médaillon qui a été gratté dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça correspond à celui présent dans la miniature du coq de Clairvaux. On distingue aussi la trace d’une ancienne rubrique grattée sous le médaillon du coq d’Alcobaça, qui pourrait correspondre à celle qui encadre le même médaillon dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux. Le dessin sous-jacent de l’oiseau est en revanche trop effacé pour que l’on puisse objectivement le comparer à celui de Clairvaux. Il me semble donc que l’on peut désormais considérer les aviaires de Clairvaux et d’Alcobaça comme des exemplaires jumeaux. Les deux miniatures qui empêchaient cette affirmation jusque là ont été ajoutées a posteriori d’après un des deux autres exemplaires portugais, ce qui explique que l’on y retrouve certains motifs typiques de ces scriptoria – comme les soleils radiants sur les épaules. Cette hypothèse est par ailleurs corroborée par les nombreuses corrections textuelles qui ont été faite

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«Portraits d’oiseaux illustrant le De Avibus d’Hugues de Fouilloy (Manuscrit de Clairvaux, Troyes 177)», dans Benoît CHAUVIN (éd.), Mélanges à la mémoire du Père Anselme Dimier, présentés par Benoît Chauvin, [II (Histoire cistercienne), vol. IV (abbayes)], Beernem, B Chauvin, 1984, p. 409-447, ici p. 409. 45. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 47-48. 46. F. BIBOLET, 1984 (art. cit., notre note 42), p. 411, ne partage pas son avis et considère que le style de l’aviaire correspond à la production claravalienne de la fin du XIIe siècle. 47. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), cat. 43, p. 301-302; R. CORDONNIER, 2009 (art. cit. notre note 11), p. 27-29 et du même «Le coq et les cloches dans l’iconographie», dans Fabienne POMEL (éd.), Cloches et Horloges: le Temps au Moyen Age, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes (sous presses): «On sait simplement qu’il fut offert aux Célestins d’Avignon au XVe siècle, par le cardinal Jean Allarmet de Brogny (1342-1426) évêque d’Ostie, puis archevêque d’Arles. Ce dernier ayant terminé sa formation cléricale à Avignon, il est probable qu’il ait fait don du manuscrit aux Célestins de la ville à ce moment là. Mais on ne sait pas comment il est entré en possession du livre auparavant. C’est une compilation des traités d’Hugues contenant outre l’Aviarium: Le cloître de l’âme, La médecine de l’âme, Les noces spirituelles et charnelles et une Visio cuiusdam monachi, également attribuée à Hugues de Fouilloy». 48. Ada DI MORICCA CAPUTI (dir.), Catalogo dei Manoscritti della Biblioteca Casanatense, Roma, Libreria dello Stato, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1949-1978, vol 5, p. 73-74 ; W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), cat. 49 p. 306. Vincenzo DE GREGORIO, La Biblioteca Casanatense di Roma, Napoli, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane (Pubblicazioni dell’Università degli Studi di Salerno. Sezione di studi Filologici, Letterari e Artistici, 23), 1993. 49. Anne-Marie TURCAN-VERKERK, Les manuscrits de la Charité, Cheminon et Montieren-Argonne. Collections cisterciennes et voies

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de transmission des textes (IXe - XIXe siècles), Paris, CNRS éditions, 2000, p. 250. 50. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 49. 51. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 47. 52. Ces observations ont pu être faites à l’aide d’un éclairage spéciale à la lumière rasante (selon un angle de 30 à 15 degrés) qui révèle nettement les irrégularités du manuscrit et dévoile les trous de pochoir ainsi que les traces de poinçon pour la réglure et pour certains tracés de dessins préparatoires. Voir notamment l’article d’Inês CORREIA, «Highlight manuscripts third dimension – access, document and display micrometric details. Some examples shown at ms. ANTT, Lorvão 5 – De avibus», dans ce même ouvrage, p. 284. 53. Cette méthode a été observée dans un autre aviaire par W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 57, 93 voir aussi de la même: «The Aviary-bestiary at the Houghton Library Harvard», dans Willene B. CLARK et Meradith T. MCMUNN (éds.), Beast and birds of the Middle Ages, the bestiary and its legacy, Philadelphie, 1990, p. 26-43; Dorothy MINER, «More about Medieval Pouncing», dans Helmut LEHMANN-HAUPT (éd.), Homage to a Bookman: Essays on Manuscripts, Books, and Printing Written for Hans P. Kraus on his 60 th Birthday, Berlin, Gebr. Mann, 1967, p. 87-107; Mojmir FRINTA, Punched Decoration on Late Medieval and Miniature Painting, 2 vol., Prague, Maxdorf, 1998-2000.

dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça. Ces corrections sont clairement repérables car l’encre d’écriture qui a servit à les inscrire est beaucoup plus sombre, presque noire, que l’encre brune du manuscrit. Or W. Clark, qui mentionne ces corrections, souligne que cette encre noire est typique d’Alcobaça et Santa-Cruz 51. On peut se demander pourquoi l’on a souhaité reprendre seulement deux miniatures du cycle. Pour le coq il semble que la réponse se trouve dans les sentences rimées et rubriquées qui accompagnent lesdites miniatures. En effet, dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux, le rubricateur a inscrit la sentence rimée du coq autour du médaillon: gallus alis se percutiens est doctoris aliis exemplum praebens, et dans la bordure de celui-ci il a reformulé une des idées principales du texte courant: Intelligentia galli prudentia magistri. Or dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, seule la sentence rimée est inscrite dans la bordure du médaillon. Il n’y a plus de rubrique autour du médaillon, il a du y en avoir une mais elle a été visiblement grattée. Pour faciliter son travail le correcteur du manuscrit d’Alcobaça a probablement gratté entièrement l’ancienne miniature, son médaillon et les rubriques pour les remplacer par la composition actuelle. On ne peut hélas pas en dire autant de la miniature de l’hirondelle car la rubrique qui encadre l’oiseau est correcte et les traces de grattage sur le parchemin ne concernent que la figure de l’oiseau. Il n’est pas non plus possible pour le moment de déterminer lequel des aviaires de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz fut l’exemplaire de référence du correcteur d’Alcobaça, si tant est que ce soit l’un de ces deux là. Toutefois, une autre découverte codicologique récente tendrait à désigner l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Les recherches menées par l’équipe de conservateurs et de chercheurs en charge de la restauration du manuscrit 52 ont en effet montré que le contour de trois miniatures de ce manuscrit a été piqueté pour servir de pochoir (le merle, le phénix et le paon) – une technique largement utilisée au Moyen Âge pour faciliter la copie des enluminures 53. Il me semble en outre que l’aviaire de Lorvão a peut-être servit de modèle à celui de Santa-Cruz. Sur certaines des miniatures de ce derniers on distingue en effet un tracé sous-jacent léger mais qui est encore visible ça et là, notamment entre les pattes de l’autour (f. 92) ou la queue de la cigogne (f. 104). Or ce tracé ressemble beaucoup à celui de la miniature idoine dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Nous avons donc là une poignée de nouveaux indices qui permettent, sinon d’apporter des réponses définitives, du moins de réorienter les recherches et de proposer de nouvelles hypothèses concernant les interactions entre ces quatre manuscrits. • L’aviaire de Lorvão a été utilisé comme modèle, mais est-ce pour celui de Santa Cruz ou pour un tout autre manuscrit ? • Les aviaires de Clairvaux et d’Alcobaça étaient bel et bien des manuscrits jumeaux à l’origine, mais ont-ils été copiés l’un sur l’autre ou à partir d’un modèle commun, et était-ce au Portugal ou en France ? • Les aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Santa Cruz ont fait l’objet de corrections textuelles et iconographiques, mais est-ce à partir de l’exemplaire de Lorvão ou d’un autre manuscrit ?

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Conclusion Si le manuscrit de Lorvão a servit de modèle pour celui de Santa-Cruz, l’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz s’est réapproprié le programme iconographique du Traité des oiseaux et en a adapté l’expression à son propre style. Il se détache des influences mozarabes encore fortement présentes dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão 54, pour se tourner vers le nouveau courant stylistique qui fleurit en Europe de l’ouest autour de 1200, marquant le passage du roman au gothique dans l’enluminure. Un style qui se caractérise notamment par abandon progressif du «formalisme plastique des artistes romans» 55 par un assouplissement de la ligne et une multiplication de plis serrés dans les drapés. Cela se remarque notamment dans les vêtements du Christ de la miniature du cèdre, qui abandonne par ailleurs le type lusitanien jeune et imberbe pour un Christ barbu plus «français». Dans les figures animales cette nouvelle expression se traduit par une plus grande attention aux détails, des figures plus animées, plus mouvementées, plus vivantes 56. On observe également un abandon progressif de la mise en couleur par aplats couvrants au profit d’une technique plus «impressionniste», constituée de petites touches multicolores destinées à rendre le détail du plumage. Enfin les techniques de dessin évoluent. Le fameux motif en soleil radiant utilisé à Lorvão pour dessiner les épaules des oiseaux est nettement moins présent dans les enluminures de Santa-Cruz dont l’artiste semble préférer un motif de palmette pour dessiner l’articulation des ailes. Toutefois, je suis tenté de voir deux mains dans la réalisation des miniatures de l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz en raison du contraste qualitatif que l’on observe dans certaines miniatures. Ainsi le diagramme des trois colombes et les miniatures de l’autour, du palmier, du cèdre et des passereaux, du pélican, du nictocorax, du corbeau, du coq, de la grue, de l’hirondelle, de la cigogne, du hibou, du geai, de l’oie, du héron, du phénix, me semblent moins abouties et plus maladroites dans leur dessin et leur mise en couleur que les autres miniatures du manuscrit. Je les attribuerais donc à un enlumineur plus proche de l’ancienne tradition romane locale. Alors que les miniatures de la tourterelle, de l’autruche, du vautour, du milan, du merle, du caladre, de la perdrix, de la caille, de la huppe, du cygne, du paon et de l’aigle, montre une plus grande sureté et une plus grande finesse du tracé ainsi qu’un sens plus aigüe de la couleur 57. Toutefois je dois admettre que la distinction n’est pas évidente et que pour certains oiseaux tels que l’autour, l’autruche ou la caille l’attribution à l’une ou l’autre main est loin d’être évidente. Les connections entre les scriptoria de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz peuvent aussi en partie s’expliquer par leur histoire. Outre une grande proximité géographique, en 1109 l’abbaye de Lorvão a été confiée aux autorités ecclésiastiques de Coimbra par Henri de Bourgogne (1066-1112 comte de Portugal à partir de 1093). Elle retrouvera néanmoins son indépendance dix ans plus tard. Il est évident que cette période d’affiliation temporaire a renforcé les liens entre les deux maisons et probablement occasionné des échanges importants entre les scriptoria. De son coté, Santa-Cruz est un produit conjoint de la Réforme Grégorienne et de la nouvelle monarchie. Sa

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54. M. MARTINS, 1963 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 413; M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 190. 55. François AVRIL, L’enluminure à l’époque gothique 1200 - 1420, Paris, Famot, 1979, rééd. Bibliothèque de l’Image, 1995, p. 8. 56. M. A. MIRANDA et al., 2010 (art. cit., notre note 20), p. 174. 57. A ce sujet on consultera M. A. MIRANDA et al., 2010 (art. cit., notre note 20).

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58. J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA, 2008 (op. cit. notre note 28), vol. 1 p. 73-74. 59. José MATTOSO, Portugal Medieval. Novas Interpretações, Lisboa, INCM, 1992, p. 111. 60. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, «A iluminura Românica em Portugal», dans A iluminura em Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa, BN, 1999, p. 139.

fondation en 1131 coïncide avec le déplacement de la cour royale à Coimbra. La ville devient alors le centre du pouvoir de la nouvelle monarchie et permet à Alphonse I d’affirmer son autonomie face au pouvoir des puissants laïcs du nord 58 et de renforcer sa position en se rapprochant de la zone de conflit avec les musulmans. Dans ce contexte particulier, le choix des chanoines augustiniens était stratégique en raison de leur réputation d’érudition, de leur vaste diffusion dans toute l’Europe et de la mixité de leurs vœux qui leur permet de bénéficier de l’aura de piété propre aux religieux réguliers tout en cultivant le contact avec les populations laïques. Ils étaient alors bien placés pour diffuser la réforme et appuyer le pouvoir royal nouvellement instauré 59. Toutefois, venant juste de s’installer dans la région, même s’ils avaient apporté des manuscrits avec eux, les chanoines de Coimbra ont certainement eu besoin d’enrichir leur fonds initial. La présence d’une grande, riche et ancienne abbaye bénédictine non loin de là, faisait de Lorvão le lieu tout désigné où trouver des manuscrits susceptibles d’aider les religieux de Santa-Cruz de combler les lacunes de leurs armaria. Les différences stylistiques s’expliquant alors par l’influence française (languedocienne ou aquitaine 60) des chanoines de Coimbra qui ont réalisé leur exemplaire et certainement contribué au développement du gothique lusitanien dans l’enluminure. En dépit des ces nouvelles découvertes, plusieurs questions majeures restent en suspend pour le moment. Elles concernent essentiellement le doublon Clairvaux-Alcobaça, pour lequel je ne suis toujours pas en mesure de trancher au sujet de leur lieu de production. Ces manuscrits proviennent-ils tous-deux du scriptorium de Clairvaux, de celui d’Alcobaça ou chacun de leur scriptorium d’origine où ils auraient alors été copiés d’après un modèle commun? J’espère qu’une étude comparative plus poussée de ces deux témoins et notamment de leurs textes permettra de faire avancer la question. Il faudra également se pencher sur le cas des aviaires d’Avignon, de Rome et de Montpellier, afin de déterminer comment ils s’intègrent au corpus, et tenter d’affiner la situation des aviaires portugais au sein du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz.

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highlighting manuscripts’ third dimension

access, documentation and display of micrometric details inês co rreia DGARQ – National Archives of Torre do Tombo and IEM, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas – UNL, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ines.ineia@gmail.com

Introduction Medieval scribes complained of the difficulty and physical effort of the long and hard labour of illuminating or copying manuscripts with the dim light coming through the windows of the monasteries 1. We can make some interesting reflections on the characteristics of that light. It would reach the working table at an extreme angle 2, similar to a raking light, modelled by the orientation of the room and time of day. The position of the scribe and the angle of incidence of the light source are not clearly attested by written sources, but may be found in iconography 3. It is not rare to find the scribe or copyist monk depicted as seated in profile at their working table, sometimes framed by the arches of the cloister 4. When illuminated in the same way, with light from the side as it would have been in a Scriptorium, i.e. more parallel to the parchment (‘grazing’ or ‘raking’ light), a manuscript can expose an extraordinary dimension – texture. If this seems redundant, imagine the difficulty in following lines ruled with a punctorium (blind ruling) without such raking light (Figure 1). Such light could also help when painting, where overlapping strokes can be better controlled because of similar lighting. In modern reading rooms the lighting is generally more diffuse and homogeneous, and in consequence the surface texture of a manuscript is not perceived in the same way. Therefore there is increasingly a danger that the evidence of the manufacturing processes and later uses of a medieval manuscript that are detectable within its third dimension (subtle surface deformations, subtle surface textures, such as blind ruling, stylus markings, pricking) will be lost (at worst) or not appreciated (at best). Conservation treatments can remove or reduce this evidence through flattening. Furthermore, increasing reliance on digitised im-

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1. Glenisson, J. (dir.). 1988. Le Livre au Moyen Âge. Paris: CNRS, 40-41. 2. We are not considering the cases in which the light enters through the roof. 3. Metzeger, B. 1968. When did scribes begin to use writing desks? in Historical and literary studies, Pagan, Jewish and Christian (New Testament Tools and Studies, 8). 2 éd. Leyde: BNF, 123-132; III-XIX. 4. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 2001. As condições técnicas e materiais da cópia de manuscritos na Idade Média in Catálogo da Exposição Santa Cruz de Coimbra: A cultura portuguesa aberta à Europa na Idade Média. Porto: BPMP.

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fig.1 illuminating the folio with cold light at a sharp angle, highlights the ruling marks of a blind tool, lorvão 5, f. 12

ages of manuscripts by scholars means that these clues can be overlooked (because these features are rarely visible under the types of illumination used for photography and scanning). Within this framework, we propose the revaluation of digital objects created from the transfer programs of medieval manuscripts, in which the gradual increase in resolution does not compensate, yet, for the bi-dimensional perception of the folio. We propose to improve the access-preservation of these manuscripts based on a recovering of optical effects by variable and raking-light as a result of manipulating the orientation and intensity of a proper light source, during direct physical access. We propose the use of raking-light, not as an optional or secondary procedure, but as an essential and routine measure, which simultaneously improve our perception of important details in the manuscript. The illumination of objects from a light source at an oblique angle or almost parallel to the surface reveals significant information on the codex production, and can thus help improve the understanding of the relations between monastic institutions, theological and doctrinal influences, author’s receptivity, migration of models or illuminators and several other contextual matters. Some of these relations are revealed in, on or beyond the surviving material of a unique cultural heritage.

From a ‘low tech’ method to ‘high tech’ possibility

figs.2 crow in f. 33, left, and, right, detail captured with raking-light (optic fibre). the effect of a deliberate mutilation is recognized in the marks left by a tool tip

5. Sequence of images obtained with a different type, intensity and orientation of light in order to obtain specific information. 6. Clark, W. 1992.The Medieval Book of Birds. Hugh of Fouilloy’s Aviary. Bringhamtom: Medieval & Renaissance texts & studies. p 41; Clark, W. 1982. The Illustrated Medieval Aviary and the Lay-Brotherhood. Gesta. 21(1): 63-74.

In this context, we deal with a so-called ‘low tech’ method based on a specific lighting plan, (LP) 5 applied to particular manuscripts. Direct access to the manuscript itself would be justified to assess three-dimensional surface details that are not recorded on digital format. The method proved to be useful for the study of an important medieval manuscript, De Avibus from Lorvão Monastery (Lorvão 5), both in terms of assessing its conservation status, and helping the interpretation of marks left by copy processes, habits from handling or owner censorship (Figure 3b). Dated, by colophon to 1184, it is known (Clark, 1992) as the earliest surviving dated copy of Hugh of Fouilloy text 6. In this fully illustrated manuscript the depiction of the twenty-two

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birds is very natural; the illuminator combines in his drawings the classical tradition of the representation as nature and as allegorical symbol 7, (Table 1). Its importance in medieval art justifies its presence in numerous thematic exhibitions 8. Five years have elapsed since a conservation treatment, which was carried out because of the risk of structural collapse. Intervention included disassembly of the structure, stabilization and restoration of parchment support and binding. Interdisciplinary projects had been developed since then, revealing much about this Portuguese manuscript’s production 9 and suggesting that there is more to be revealed. Simultaneously, the dismantling of the codex, freeing the folios of the structure, has also facilitated the scanning of high resolution (300dpi), which is currently available on-line 10 (Figure 6). We will focus on lighting of type B, which is, as mentioned before, a ‘low tech’ easy to manipulate source of light. At very sharp angles to the surface of the manuscript, details such as surface defects or distortions can be easily revealed, mapping not only physical changes but also dimensional phenomena like retracting, curling or slight undulations, Table 1-B. At a closer look, we can observe depth of thick paint layers, tool incisions and even subtle scribal corrections 11. Table 1 Manuscript Lorvão 5, observed through the microscope with optic fibre lighting, rakinglight and a standard homogeneous source

A – Stereoscopic Light

B – Raking Light

C – Standard Light

Macro for lapis lazuli, f. 16, Hawk.

Parchment distor tion produced by over tension of sewing, f. 58v-46.

General view, displaying text, data on colour, opacity and gloss, f. 54.

This blue pigment area will be characterized at the molecular level by microRaman and micro FTIR.

System of optic fibre with rheostat, which reveals information about macroscopic texture and planar distortion 1.

Standard lighting from scanning technology, optical recording is converted into digital image with variable resolution.

1. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public service of the Institute for Dynamic Educational Advancement (IDEA).

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7. Miranda, M.A., Lemos A., Claro A., Miguel C. and Melo M.J. 2010. On Wings of Blue: The history, materials and techniques of the Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. 8. Clark, W., Ib idem, p.40. For further information about Portuguese «Book of Birds», see Rebelo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das aves / Hugo de Folieto. 1st edition. Lisboa: Edições Colibri. 9. Projects: 1) «An interdisciplinary approach to the study of color in Portuguese manuscript illuminations», POCTI/EAT/33782/2000; 2) «The identity of Portuguese medieval manuscript illumination in the European context», PTDC/ EAT/65445/2006; 3) «Colour in medieval illuminated manuscripts: between beauty and meaning», PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008. 10. http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt, Reference code: PT/TT/MSML/B/5. 11. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public service of the Institute for Dynamic Educational Advancement (IDEA).

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12. Inês Correia, «What Image physical disturbance can tell?» (in progress). 13. Articulated optic fibre was used with rheostat supply. 14. Michael Arnott and Ian Bevan, «Pouncing». The Aberdeen Bestiary. http://www.abdn.ac.uk/ bestiary/codicology.hti#pounce. 12/04/2003. 15. IDAP, «Improved Damage Assessment of Parchment». Assessment, data collection and sharing of knowledge 2007, European Commission, Directorate-General for Research. Final report, 2008.

Figures 3 and 4, show three examples of LP application to Lorvão 5, which became the basis of a current research in image damage and its relation with transmission and censorship 12. Images indicated ‘A’ were digitized using standard lighting from analogue capture, which was not enough to reveal micrometric details of texture. It also shows some interference coming from verso side writing, which is increased by the high intensity of the lighting. On the other hand, when the manuscript was observed under filtered natural light (35 lx), eyes easily adapted to this low levels of light intensity and, at the same time, more was revealed on the texture surface with an additional raking light source 13. The first example, Figure 3b and Figure 4b, shows the possibility of surface assessment by reducing the translucent character of parchment, revealing even subtle creases. If light direction is changed during examination we can understand the causes of mechanical damage such as shrinkage or local distortion. This example is also significant because it enabled detection of the fine holes along the bird contour, just as in the Aberdeen Bestiary, where such holes can be found on several of the images, and which have been largely studied as pouncing, one of most popular copying techniques. 14 To better document the impact of the pricking tool, the verso side was documented (Figure 3b) as well as the next folio, f.62, where no holes were found. During the last conservation treatment (2005), while backlighting was used to help parchment infill, all the images with this kind of contour prick were documented on the conservation report, but it was never contextualised as an artistic or historic issue. The studies on this manuscript did not

fig.3: a), c) details acquired with a standard homogeneous light source (>800 lx) for the Phoenix and the Partridge, respectively; b), d) texture revealed by raking-light at 300 (50 lx)

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Fig.4: a) detail acquired with a standard homogeneous light source (>800 lx) for the Ostrich (f. 40); c), d) texture revealed by raking-light at 300, with 35 and 50 lx, respectively; b) stilus incisions, in f. 61v, revealed by raking-light at 150, 50 lx

proceed to a systematic texture examination. Looking at the next examples it is easy to agree on the importance of the details unveiled. The Ostrich (Figure 4) seen under raking light at 200 reveals two distinct, previously unnoticed, types of physical damage: a deep incision along the contour made with some sharp tool, which is clearly seen under 50 lux and a deliberate scratching on the image. A blind trace, not so abrasive, is documented for the Partridge, f.62v, but this time, out of bird contour, suggesting two different drawing options. The indications detected on the surface of Lorvão 5 thus can increase our knowledge on its reception and transmission. Medieval manuscripts are full of significant texture – maybe due to the light angle, with which they were written and illuminated. Raking lighting is shown to be a shortcut to bring this past to light.

Conclusion - Texture conservation and display Parchment is particularly sensitive to relative humidity and temperature changes. Even a small variation induces changes in its dimensions such as curling and waving. Conservation procedures, such as cleaning, even with a small amount of moisture, may increase the stiffness, accelerate chemical reactions and produce irreversible shrinkage, even at room temperature. Also, flattening and pressure with heavy load on moist parchment may cause considerable change of colour and transparency. 15 These treatments have a direct impact on appearance: decreasing surface texture they may decrease or remove the evidence related to the manufacturing processes and

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later uses of the codex. Reducing the level of information should always be avoided, but the risk is higher if information at the micro level is not even acknowledged. This evidence may be disclosed with raking-light, applied with a low light intensity to avoid photodegradation. We propose that this lighting may bring us closer to what might have been the medieval conditions of its manufacture and use. It is concluded that, for an accurate recording of medieval manuscripts, namely to assess the conservation status, raking-light examination is an indispensable tool. As far as we know, digital scanning is not carried out systematically under raking light; this could be easily achieved, in order to preserve and highlight manuscripts’ third dimension. Selected manuscripts, with relevant micrometric details noticed by conservators or researchers, should be also digitized with raking light. One of those manuscripts should be, undoubtedly, The Book of Birds from Lorvão.

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Acknowledgements The National Science Foundation, FCT-MCTES, is gratefully acknowledged for the PhD grant SFRH/BD/44192/2008 and for funding the project PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008. The author would like to thank the Director of Torre do Tombo, Silvestre Lacerda, and to Mark Clarke, Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for helpful suggestions; the author is also grateful to Mark Clarke for his generous assistance in the text editing.

Bibliography Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1998. A Ars Scribendi: Textos e Imagens. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra (Humanitas). Vol L. Batori, A. 2003. Innovation in Preserving and Conserving Book Heritage. Rome: Instituto Centrale di Patologia del Libro. Brownrigg, L. 1995. Making the Medieval Book: Techniques of Production. Oxford: The Red Gull Press. Driscoll, M.J. and Ragnheiour, M. (editors) 2008. Care and Conservation of Manuscripts 11: Proceedings of the Eleventh International Seminar Held at the University of Copenhagen 24th-25th April 2008 (Paperback). Conpenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen. Gilissen, L. 1977. Prolégomènes à la codicologie – Recherches sur la construction des cahiers et la mise en page des manuscrits médiévaux. Gand: Éditions Scientifiques StoryScientia S.P.R.L. Miranda, M.A. 2001. A produção do livro: do monge ao artesão. A iluminura e o iluminador no contexto de produção do códice. Coimbra: Câmara Municipal: INATEL: ADDAC. Rebelo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das Aves. Lisboa: Edições Colibri.

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à volta de um vermelho

apresentação de edição d’ o livro de como se fazem as cores , sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia ma ria j oão m e lo e c ata r i n a m i g u e l Departamento de Conservação e Restauro and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia, FCT, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

ma ria a del a id e m i r a n da Instituto de Estudos Medievais and Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)

O processo de preparação da síntese de um vermelho medieval que a seguir se apresenta é o resultado de muitos anos de investigação em torno de um dos mais interessantes tratados técnicos medievais, O livro de como se fazem as cores 1. Para este contribuíram, com inúmeras tentativas de reprodução da receita, os muitos alunos de História e Técnicas de Produção Artística do Mestrado em Conservação e Restauro da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, e mais recentemente, Catarina Miguel no âmbito do seu projecto de doutoramento, Le vert et le rouge. A presente edição distancia-se em muitos aspectos de outras excelentes deste tratado, pois deseja actualizar práticas e materiais vindos de um passado longínquo. O que significa reproduzir, com sucesso, a receita descrita pelo praticante medieval. Se numa receita culinária, o sucesso é medido aferindo se o produto final é esteticamente apelativo e saboroso, no nosso caso, o sucesso é medido pela beleza (e durabilidade) da cor obtida. O desafio intelectual foi grande e podemos afirmar que este é um trabalho em aberto e novas descobertas na história e arqueologia do passado nacional permitirão maior rigor na reconstrução destes pigmentos e corantes medievais. Assim, optamos por uma edição on-line 2, de modo a permitir uma rápida partilha e discussão com outros investigadores e curiosos; o que, esperamos, levará a uma actualização eficiente. Centramo-nos neste número especial no caso do vermelhão 3, talvez a reprodução mais complexa de todo o tratado, para que o leitor participe na história do vermelho dos vermelhos, o mais utilizado na iluminura medieval, HgS.

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1. A edição crítica pioneira foi a de Blondheim, a que neste momento se junta a mais recente tese de Devon Strolovich. A datação deste tratado tem intrigado estudiosos tendo sido reavaliada recentemente por um grupo de investigadores portugueses, em que se destaca a participação de Luís Afonso, Ivo Cruz e António João Cruz. Nas palavras de Luís Afonso, O livro de como se fazem as cores das tintas, translated into English as The book on how to make the colours of the paints, is a Portuguese technical text written during the Late Middle Ages dealing with the preparation of artists’ materials. It is composed by forty-five chapters of different lengths, most of them concerning materials and techniques to be used in the illumination of manuscripts. (...) The text on colours is written in Portuguese language but using Hebraic script, making it an example of the practice of Iberian aljamia writing, that is the use of Arabic or Hebrew script to write a text in an Iberian romance language.

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Para mais informação consultar a bibliografia abaixo elencada. – Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese work on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly Review. 19: 97-135. – Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and convivência. PhD Dissertation. Cornell University. 116-184; – Cruz, A.J. and Afonso, L.U. 2008. On the Date and Contents of a Portuguese Medieval Technical Book on Illumination: O livro de como se fazem as cores. The Medieval History Journal. 11: 1-28. – S trolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in Hebrew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem as cores, in -Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 29-43. – Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the study of O livro de como se fazen as cores das tintas, in L. U. Afonso (ed.) The Materials of The Image: As Matérias da Imagem, Série Monográfica «Alberto Benveniste» 3.º Volume. Lisboa: Cátedra de Estudos Sefarditas «Alberto Benveniste» da Universidade de Lisboa, 3-27. – Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma1959) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, p.87. 2. www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/LivComoFazemCores, e aí seleccionar arquivo digital.

Chapter 15. To make vermilion

Figure 1. Main steps in the reproduction of the process of making vermilion.

"To make vermilion, take five pounds of quicksilver, that is mercury, and place it in a bottle or large glazed bowl, and take a pound of very fine virgin sulphur. And pour the powdered sulphur over the quicksilver little by little until it is well incorporated, always stirring it with a dog's foot that has its hair and wool, until the fire turns to ashes. [10r.] And once the fire has thus died down, place it in two new pots that are made like bottles, broad below and narrow above. And seal them, leaving only a small hole through which the vapor will escape. And place the pots on the fire on their holders and cover them well with clay, and place a bowl over the holes. And when you see the smoke coming out red and not malodorous, place a thin spit in it. And if anything sticks to the spit, remove the pots from the fire and let it cool. And once it is cool break the pots and you will find the vermilion made. With these measures you ill made as much vermilion as you wish: for a terça of mercury take five pounds of sulphur, and for five pounds of mercury take one pound of sulphur. And regulate the first in such as way that it does not [10v.] burn, and keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow. On this note, if by chance the vermilion burns, break the pots and grind it and incorporate it and mix it with another measure of mercury and sulphur, and place them in other pots and proceed as described. And pay attention to the vapours that escape, thus you will never ruin anything." [1]

Reproduction The olhas (clay container) were designed, handmade using white or red clays, and fired as necessary to obtain a ceramic pot. In this reproduction, we used a white crucible made of two parts: a base where metacinnabar is heated and a cover.

The proportion present in the treatise was followed: 1.047g of mercury and 0.1674g of sulphur were weighed and ground in an agate mortar with a pestle. To improve the incorporation of both compounds, sulphur was slowly added and mixed with mercury, until all were bound and a silver-black-greyish compound was formed. What is observed may be described as in the treatise "until the fire turns to ashes" [1]. This step takes time and patience. Black mercury sulphide, was then transferred into the base of the clay crucible, which was covered and sealed with fresh clay. Experiments placing the pot directly into the fire were carried out. When needed, small amounts of water were dropped over the necessary areas to avoid flames or lowering the temperature. For maintaining the embers, combustion air was introduced with the aid of a wooden air blower. In a successful experiment, after two and a half hours, the pot was taken from the fire and cooled to room temperature. Afterwards, the olha was opened and vermillion was found inside its base.

Rationalization / Chemical reactions In the first step, mercury and sulphur are ground to produce metacinnabar, a silver-black compound with a cubic crystal structure, which is the kinetic product of this reaction [2, 3, 4], being thermodynamically stable only for high temperatures, above about 370ºC. The thermodynamic stable form at room temperature is the hexagonal mercury sulphide (vermilion). For more details please see [2-11].

3. O vermelhão é um sulfureto de mercúrio de fórmula química, HgS.

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Figure 2. Reaction scheme for vermilion synthesis.

In a second step, metacinnabar is heated at 350370ºC, and will rearrange into the hexagonal form that corresponds to the red product, vermilion. It is important to stress that, for our experimental conditions, the production of red mercury sulphide – vermilion – is a solid-state reaction and not a sublimation process [12, 13]. When sublimation occurs, for temperatures higher than 580ºC, a black product, not yet characterized, is formed. This product can be a mixture of meta and hipercinnabar [3].

Key aspects Reaction stoichiometry: one mole of sulphur reacts with one mole of mercury. Mixing mercury with sulphur to produce black mercury sulphide may be achieved by a thorough grinding, heating or using amalgam. In our reproductions we tested both thorough grinding and amalgam formed by heating sulphur: both worked in the same way, although in the text grinding is described and with very specific details. Temperature at which black metacinnabar is converted into red vermilion is "the crucial" parameter. To transform the black mercury sulphide form (α’-HgS) into the red form (α -HgS), it is necessary to avoid temperatures above about 400-450ºC. On the other hand, the higher the temperature the more efficient will be the solid state reaction that enables the conversion of the cubic black form into the red one. To test the influence of

temperature control over reaction yield, sand baths were used and temperature was measured over time in the sand. For our experimental conditions, starting with about 0.5 g of black metacinnabar, we found that introducing the pot in the sand bath heat at 285ºC for 2h30 and afterwards rising the temperature (heating rate of 15ºC/min) until circa 350ºC for 2h30 produced the best results.

Missing / Obscure indications Pot design: There is no precise information about the shape of the olha. Strolovitch in his translation refers to it as a vessel “like bottles, broad below and narrow above", [1]. Heating temperature and time: the only information given is “place the pots on the fire” and "keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow", [1]. Usually, embers’ temperature fall between 620670ºC. We do not know if the pots should be placed directly on the fire neither for how long (a couple of hours? all day?). Where was this fire made? In a special apparatus or just on the ground? How was it maintained and controlled? We infer, from the lack of information, that the experiment time was to be expected more in the 1-2h range than in the 3h-6h. Heating time and red smoke: The information present in the treatise says “and when you see the red smoke coming out red and not malodorous, place a spit in it. If anything sticks to the spit, remove the pots from the fire and let them cool” [1]. However, no red smoke was observed in any of the many experiments conducted. The only smoke observed was black, probably the result of metacinnabar sublimation.

Figure 3. Examples of vermilion in Portuguese medieval illuminations. From left to right: Santa Cruz 20, f.137v: pure vermilion paints for the red and a mixture with an organic dye for the dark red; Alcobaça 419, f.91v: pure vermilion paint; De Avibus (Lorvão 5), f.25: vermilion is found in mixture with the extender calcium carbonate; Lorvão Apocalypse, f.210 with red lead.

Comments heating temperature: The reference of “red smoke” as a signal for the complete transformation of metacinnabar into cinnabar, prompt us to considerer that a sublimation process could be present. In fact this smoke colour was never observed. Only a black smoke was seen due to the overheating of the bottle (olha). heating time: Although there is no specific information about the heating time, it is clear that this reaction takes hours and not days. pot design: The olha’s base thickness is essential on the inset temperature control, namely on allowing a controlled heating rate and on maintaining constant temperature inside the olha, undoubtedly the two most determinant parameters of this recipe. the dog's foot: "always stirring it with a dog's foot that has its hair and wool until the fire turns to ashes" is possibly one of the most beautiful instructions found in a medieval treatise. Those who have tried to mix sulphur with mercury know how "fugitivas" the small drops of mercury may turn to be. The use of a fluffy surface could help in capturing Hg, facilitating the grinding and reaction of big amounts of Hg and S, as those described in the text. Also, the description "until the fire turns to ashes" not only conveys a beautiful image but it also depicts accurately what is observed; indeed, during the grinding, the yellow sulphur and the bright mercury are transformed into a greyish colour that may be described as "ash colour".

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Vermilion in Portuguese medieval illuminations Vermilion red is an important colour in Portuguese Medieval manuscripts; it was used both to paint the rubricae and in the illuminations, displaying a very good conservation condition. Vermilion as a proteinaceous paint was applied as a pure pigment or mixed with red lead or/and calcium carbonate and white lead. The later compounds were added as extenders as they did not affect the final colour. In the Lorvão collection, we found pure vermilion in the lettering and mixtures of vermilion with variable percentages of red lead (from 5% up to 40% wt) or other additives in big size illuminations. To produce dark reds, it was mixed with an organic dye, as found in Santa Cruz 20.

Works cited [1] - Strolovitch, D. 2005. “Old Portuguese in Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and convivência”, PhD Dissertation, Cornell University, 116-184. [2] - Dickson, F.W. and Tunnel, G. 1959. The stability relations of cinnabar and metacinnabar. American Mineralogist. 44: 471-487. [3] - Pattrick, R.A.D., Bell, A.M.T. and Vaughan, D.J. 2010. Structural evolution of aqueous mercury sulphide precipitates: energy-dispersive X-ray diffraction studies. Mineralogical Magazine. 74: 8596. [4] - Sharma, R.C. and Chang, Y.A. 1993. The HgS (Mercury-Sulfur) System. Journal of Phase Equilibria. 14:100-109.

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[5] - Melo, M.J. and Miguel, C. 2010. The making of vermilion in medieval Europe - Historically accurate reconstructions from The book on how to make colours, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M. (eds.), Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE. [6] - Miguel, C; Miranda, A.; Lopes, J.A.; Melo, M.J. and Clarke, M. 2011. A Study in Scarlet – vermilion red and colour paint formulations in medieval illumination, in Preprints of the XVI ICOM-CC Triennial Conference, Lisbon. [7] - Miguel, C., Clarke, M., Melo, M.J., Miranda, A. and Oliveira, M. The “book on how one makes colours of all shades in order to illuminate books” Revisited, in “Technology and Interpretation Reflecting the Artist's Process”. London: Archetype.

Moreira de Sá, A. 1960. Revista da Faculdade de Letras, 4: 210-223. Cennini, C. 1960. The Craftsman's Handbook – The Italian “Il libro dell’arte”, translated by D.V. Thomson. New York: Dover Publications. Theophilus. 1979. On Divers Arts. Smith, C.S. and Hawthorne, J.G. (eds). New York: Dover Publications. Plinio. 1985. Histoire Naturelle, Livre XXXIII. Paris: Belles Lettres. Merrifield, M.P. 1999. Medieval and Renaissance Treatises on the Art of Painting: original texts with English translations. London: Dover Publications.

Other [8] - Charnock, J.M., Moyes, L.N., Pattrick, R.A.D., Mosselmans, J.F.W., Vaughan, D.J., and Livens, F.R. 2003. The structural evolution of mercury sulfide precipitate: an XAS and XRD study. American Mineralogist. 88: 1197-1203. [9] - Munir, Z.A., Kashkooli, I.Y. and Street, G.B. 1973. Sublimation of IIB-VIA compounds. V. Relative thermal stability and heat of transformation of blackmercury sulfide (metacinnabar). High Temperature Science. 5: 8-15. [10] - Potter II, R.W., and Barnes, H. L. 1978. Phase relations in the binary Hg-S. American Mineralogist. 63: 1143-1152. [11] - Rodic, D., Spasojevic, V., Bajorek, A. and Onnerud, P. 1996. Similarity of structure properties of Hg1-xMnxS and Cd1-xMnxS (structure properties of Hg-MnS and Cd-MnS). Journal of Magnetism and Magnetic Materials. 152: 159-164. [12] - Gettens, R., Chase, M., and Feller, R. L. May 1972. Vermillion and Cinnabar. Studies in Conservation. Vol. 17, 2: 45-69. [13] - Rinse, J. 1928. The vapour pressure, dissociation, and transition point of mercury sulphide. Recueil des Travaux Chimiques des Pays-Bas. 47: 28:32.

Garcia-Moreno, R. and Thomas, N. 2008. Cinnabar or vermilion?, in Art Technology- Sources and Methods. London: Archetype.141-143. Bruquetas, R. 2010. El bermellón de Almadén: de Plinio a Goya, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M. (eds.), Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE. Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the study of O livro de como se fazem as cores das tintas, in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. 3-27

Appendix Vermilion characterization. Produced following "The book on how to make colours" Colour Table 1. Colour coordinates, Lab*, for vermilion paint reconstructions using two different binders (arabic gum and parchment glue) applied over filter paper and parchment. Support

Binder

Filter paper

Parchment glue

49.72

36.97

19.96

Arabic gum

49.64

38.30

22.68

Parchment glue

46.64

36.18

26.30

Arabic gum

46.56

37.24

27.77

Parchment

Spectroscopic characterization