CASSAVA - A CROP FOR HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY

CASSAVA - A CROP FOR HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY A 1986 Situation Analysis For Oyo Local Government Area - Nigeria

Anthony E. Ikpi, Tesfaye Gebremeskel, Natalie D. Hahn, Humphrey Ezumah and Johnson A. Ekpere

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UTA-UNICEF CoII'''"II.e .",.,em on Promotion of Household Food Production and Nutrition Socio-Economic Unit International Institute of Tropical Agrlcultura Ibadan, Nigeria.

JUNE 1986

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, It I • •

CASSAVA - A CROP FOR HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY A 1986 SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS POR OYO LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA NIGERIA

Anthony E. Ikpi, Tesfaye Gebrerneskel, Natalie D. Hahn, Humphrey Ezumah and Johnson A. Ekpere

IITA-UNICEF Collaborative Program on PROMOTION OF HOUSEHOLD FOOD PRODUCTION AND NUTRITION

Socio-Economic Unit International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) Ibadan, Nigeria

June 1986

"Cassava, the poor man's crop, could be the poor man's Cinderella."

J 411t r..6 Glta.n.t UNICEF EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR May 7, 1986

iii CONTENTS Page Lis.t of Figures

viii

List of Tables

ix

Foreword

xii

Acknowledgments

xiii

I.

INTRODUCTION

1

1.1

The History of Cassava Cultivation In Nigeria

1

1.2

General Government Policy on F'ood Production

3

1.3

Government Policy on Cassava Development

5

1.4

Objectives of Study

7

1.5

Methodology of the Survey

8

1.5.1

Geographic Area of the Survey

8

1.5.2

Method of Data Collection and Sampling Frame

9

1.5.3

Method of Analysis

11

..

1.6

Plan of Report

II

LITERATURE REVIEW ON CASSAVA IN NIGERIA

13

2.1

The Role of Cassava in Nigeria's Household Food Security

13

Cassava Varieties 1n the Nigerian Farming System

17

The Place of Cassava in the Cropping Pattern

21

2.2 2.3

11

iv

..

2.4

Cassava Production Trends

2.5

Cassava Consumption Trends

26

2.6

Foods Derived and Derivable from Cassava

26

2.7

Position and Nutritional Importance of Cassava

28

2.8

Cassava's Potential as a Base for Weaning Foods

31

Cassava Toxicity, Hydrocyanic Acid and Endemic Goiter •.

31

2.10

Gender Roles in Cassava Production and Processing

32

III

CASSAVA PRODUCTION IN OYe LGA

37

3.1

Trends in Cassava Production

37

3.2

Cultural Practices in Cassava Production

41

3.3

Cassava Varieties in Oyo LGA and Adoption Levels

42

2.9

22

Characteristics

3.3.1

Local Varieties

43

3.3.2

IITA Varieties

43

Comparative Yield Performance of Identified Cassava Varieties

44

Constraints to Cassava Production and Development

44

Demographic Characteristics of Cassava Producers

46

3.6.1

Gender

46

3.6.2

Age

46

3.6.3

Household Size and Age

47

3.6.4

Level of Formal Education

49

3.4

3.5 3.6

v

3.6.5

Number of Children in School

50

3.6.6

Years in Cassava Production

50

Household Decision Making and Cassava Production

51

3.7.1

Decision on What to Grow

52

3.7.2

Decision on Input Use

53

3.7.3

Decision on Use of Income from Cassava

54

IV

CASSAVA PROCESSING AND MARKETING IN OYO LGA ..

56

4.1

Methods of Cassava Processing and Their Levels of Management

56

Children's Input in Cassava Processing and Marketing

57

4.3

Stages and :l'ime Requirement in Gar i Processing

58

4.4

Stages and 'r ime Requirement in Lafun processing

59

4.5

Stages and Time

59

4.6

Marketing of Cassava and Its Products

60

4.6.1

Patterns of Demand for Cassava Products

62

4.6.2

Price Trends in Cassava Tubers and Cassava Products

63

Cassava Processing, Storage and Marketing Constraints •.

66

3.7

4.2

4.7

Requ~rement

in Fufu Processing

vi V

CASSAVA IN HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY, NUTRITION AND HEALTH IN OYO LGA •.

67

5.1

Cassava Utilization for Household Food Security

67

5.2

The Nutritional and Dietary Assessment of Cassava-Dependent Consumers

68

5.3

Heal th Assessment of Cassava-Dependent Consumers

77

VI

ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS IN CASSAVA DEVELOPMENT IN OYe LGA

79

Resource Requirements and Costs in Cassava Production

79

Fam11y Time Allocation in Cassava Production, Processing and Marketing

79

Income Generation Potential of Cassava for Rural Families

83

Economic Implications of Gender Roles in Cassava Production, Processing and Marketing

83

Economic Consequencies of Cassava Development Constraints •.

87

VII

SOCIAL MOBILIZATION AND EDUCATION

89

7.1

The Experience of the Expanded Program on Immunization (EPI) in Nigeria and Its Relevance for Cassava Production and Utilization

89

Assessment of Existing Infrastructure and Capabilities for Social Mobilization in Oyo LGA

91

Strategy for Social Mobilization

94

7.3.1

Collaborative Partners in Oyo LGA

94

7.3.2

'The Role of the Media

95

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5

7.2 7.3

vii

7.4

7.5

Development Support Communications and Capability for Social Mobilization

95

Manpower Development and Training for Sustained Social Mobilization

96

VIII

CONCLUSION

100

8.1

Summary of Major Findings

100

REFERENCES

106

viii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURBS PAGE

1

Villages surveyed in Oyo LGA, Nigeria

10

2

Some traditional cassava transformations in Africa

27

3

Effect of traditional processing of four varieties of cassava tuberous roots in the preparation of gari, on total and free cyanide content at each respective stage of process ing

33

ix LIST OF TABLES CHAPTER II Table 2.1

Table 2.2

'fable 2.3

Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 2.6

PAGE Preference pattern of cassava in four states of Nigeria for early and late cassava (percent)

19

Yields (t/ha) of cassava cultivars and maize as influenced by intercropping with egusi (melon) on farmers' fields (Umudike, 1985 - Humid ecology)

20

Mean cassava root yields (t/ha) at Nigeria Tobacco Company (NTC) trials at Ekwosa and Auchi (Subhumid ecologies)

21

Comparative cassava production figures for Nigeria, 1970-1982 ('000 tonnes)

24

Cassava production and quantity available for Nigeria, 1965-84

25

Yield and nutrient content of selected crops

30

Cassava production in Oyo State as indication of production in Oyo LGA (1966-1984 )

38

Average annual household cassava production and consumption trends in Oyo LGA, 1980-85

39

Number of farmers Who have increased or decreased their cassava production over the period 1980-1985

40

CHAPTER III Table 3.1

Table 3.2

'I'able 3.3

x Table 3.4.

Comparative yield performance of TMS 30572 and Odongbo from field samples in Oyo LGA

45

Table 3.5

Age of respondents

47

Table 3.6

Household size by age and gender

48

Table 3.7

Years of schoo11ng

49

Table 3.8

Number of children in school

50

Table 3.9

Number of years in Cassava production

51

Table 3.10

OWnership of cassava farm plots

52

Table 3.11

Decision on what to grow

53

Table 3.12

Decision to use input (Fertilizer)

54

Table 3.13

Decision on cassava income spending

55

Consumer preference in cassava utilization in rural households

56

Farmers' ratIng of cassava varieties and derlved products

61

Average monthly prices, Ijaye Market, Oyo State, Nigeria, 1985-86 (Kobo)

64

Average annual prices per tonne of cassava and cassava products in Oyo LGA, 1980-1986

65

Foods commonly consumed in Oyo LGA in order of preference, 1986

69

Vegetables commonly consumed in Oyo LGA, 1986

70

CHAPTER IV Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 'fable 4.4

CHAP'l'ER V Table 5.1 Table 5.2

xi Table 5.3

Meat items normally used for preparing stew/soup in Dyo LGA, 1986

71

Table 5.4

Fruits normally consumed in Dyo LGA, 1986

72

Table 5.5

Popular breakfast foods in Oyo LGA, 1986

73

Table 5.6

Common lunch diets in Dyo LGA, 1986

74

Table 5.7

Common supper diets in Dyo LGA, 1986

75

Table 5.8

Nutrient content of alternative food items consumed in Dyo LGA

76

.Financial cost of resources for producing one tonne of cassava, Oyo LGA, 1985

80

Gender roles and average workhours spent to produce, process and market the average annual household output (5.89 tonnes) in Oyo LGA, 1985

82

CHAPTER VI

Table 6.1

Table 6.2

Table 6.3

Estimated average income generated by a cassava growing household in Oyo LGA, 1985 (Naira)

84-85

CHAPTER VII

Table 7.2.1

Existing infrastructure in Oyo LGA

92

Table 7.2.2

Distribution of extension staff in Oyo State by function

93

xii Poreword

Increasing attent.ion is now being given by African countries and international agencies to root and tuber production and utilization as a more pragmatic alternative to using grains and cereals in solving the problem of incessant food shortages, increasing household food security, improv ing nutr i tion and generating more income for rural families.

The sepcia1 session on Africa at the United Nations' General Assembly of May 26th 1986 focused on the severity of cont.inuing drought and food shortages in the continent..

SPORTAID FOR AFRICA including other activities such as the international marathon have been initiated primarily to generate support for sub-Saharan Africa.

Thus, the II 'fA-UNICEF Collaboration on Household Food Production and Nutrition for which this survey on cassava is a first step ' comes at a most appropriate time.

The collaborative arrangement between the two agencies is intended to combine and high1 ight II 'r A' s crop technology research and UNICEF's expertise on the use of social mobilization strategy for a more meaningful and measurable program which have impact on the rural poor.

Presently, the collaboration is centered around cassava whose potential for immediate introduction and acceptance in existing farming systems of sub-Saharan Africa is greatest.

The survey reported in this publication documents the importance of cassava as a sustainable and enduring crop for household food security, rural nutrition and farm income generation within the Oyo Local Government Area (LGA) of Nigeria.

As of now, 25 percent of the 100,000 households of the LGA have adopted lITA' s improved cassava var ieties.

It is hoped that by 1988 this joint lITA-UNICEf program will be able to reach fifty percent (that is, 50,000 households) of the LGA with IITA's improved varieties.

We commend the spirit and message of this study to the Federal Government of Nigeria and other African countries for whom cassava holds such a promlse.

, •••11,.,

'"'~

UNICEF Representative Nigeria

J~" o . f~ Laurence D.Stifel Direc tor General

IlTA

xiii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Our special appreciation is extended to Mrs. Alison Fong Weingartner, the Editor, and to Mrs. Lydia Awe and Ms. Mary Anike for their wonderful secretarial and word-processing assistance.

Our sincere thanks also go to

Hrs. Bolaji Fapohunda for her field supervision of the enumerators and the data analysis.

None

of the data procp.ssing would have been possible without the patience and technical guidance of Mr. A. N. Akintunde, rITA Senior Computer Operator.

The Computer Engineer, Mr. Sunday

Adalumo, is acknowledged for quickly coming to the Team's aid with the operation of the IITA computer.

A UNICEF grant made this study possible.

We salute the UNICEF-Lagos (Nigeria) Office for their personal and professional commitment to the survey.

They have helped to take research

beyond the "Golden Gate".

Survey Team Anthony Ikpi, Tesfaye Gebremeskel, Natalie Hahn, Humphrey Ezumah and Johnson Ekpere June 10, 1986

1

I.

1.1.

INTRODUCTION

Tbe History of Cassava Cultivation In Nigeria

Cassava is a relatively new crop in the Nigerian farming system.

Although widely cultivated today in the southern portions of Nigeria, cassava is by definition not yet classified and accepted as a "staple food crop". in the country's farming culture.

This is due largely to its comparatively recent introduction into Nigeria's traditional farming system, and partly to the generally low level of its acceptance in the food culture of Nigerians, especially in the northern states.

Histor ically, the cul ti vation of cassava in Niger ia dates back to the turn of the 19th century when around the 1850s, some emancipated slaves from Brazil and the West Indies returned to southern Nigeria via the island ot Fernando Po (then a Portuguese colony off the shores of Nigeria) with cassava cuttings and introduced them into Warri on the midwestern coast and Yenegoa, Calabar and Owerri in the eastern part of Nigeria (Ekandem, 1962 & 1964; Agboola, 1968 " 1976).

Thus, compared to other root crops (such as yams and cocoyams) that have constituted a major part of Nigeria's traditlonal staple food crops and been cultlvated in the country for centuries, cassava is a relatively new crop wlth a history of a little over 130 years in the country's farmlng system.

Within that period, cassava has been cultlvated mostly in the southern parts of the country where it is grown practically in every hamlet, village, town and city.

Now it is even becoming an increasingly important crop in the rapidly expanding urban areas.

Initially, the spread of cassava cultivation was slow primarily because people looked down on it as a poor person's crop.

Later, however, as communication improved between the coastal parts of the country and its hinterland and more of the population moved inland, more Nigerians realized that cassava was a sustainable crop that could be processed into a number of different products.

So, cassava started spreading to many parts ot the country.

Its storability in the ground until desired (even up to three years) coupled with its low labor demand have made it an attractive choice for cultivation and it is consumed

•

A "staple food crop" is a chief commodity of a place for WhlCh the demand is constant and Which has widespread and constant use.

2

by millions of rural farmers and urban people in spite of falling prices, and increasing cynicism about cassava as a poor person's food by the very well-to-do in Nigerian society.

'I'oday, cassava is fully integrated into southern Nigeria's farming system. 'fechnical research findings on cassava at the International Institute ot Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, (see sections 3.3 to 3.5 of this Report) confirm the great potential of cassava as a crop ot the future in Nigeria's struggle to attain household food sufficiency and security through increased production and utilization.

In fact, for a crop with such a recent history, the phenomenal rate of its spread and acceptance in all of southern Nigeria up to and inclUding the middle portion of northern Nigeria is assuring and significant for domestic food production.

It has helped identify those factors psychological, socia-economic, biological and physical - that accelerate or inhibit the spread of cassava. Its cultivation has been accelerated by the following factors: an early recognition by producers that cassava can be profitable and can be processed in many ways for the consumption of urban elites; the ease with which its main product (gari) can be prepared and served; cassava's lower price relative to yarns, rice and other energy-rich food staples in the Nigerian consumer's food-basket; its agronomic qual i ties of thr i ving in soils and under climatic conditions unsuited to other traditional crops, and the ease with which it can be propagated.

However, a few factors have tended to slow down the pace of its adoption and acceptance beyond the middle portion of northern NIger ia.

These include the following: the labor iousness of process ing cassava compared to other root crops consumed there; the relatively lower economic returns from cassava compared to other trad1tional crops presently grown in the North; the preponderance of women in the productlon, processing and marketing of cassava and lts products wnich is counter to the exist1ng pur dan system, and misunderstandings about the relat10nships between hydrocyanic acid content, toxicity, and endem1C gOlter*.

Cassava 1S no longer a neglected crop in Nigeria.

Its rapid and w1despread acceptance in an era of increasing dlfficulty in domestic fOOd production is helping in no small way to establish *

Thls last negative factor has been effectively challenged and proven to be incorrect by nutr i tion and publ ic heal th experts (see Oke, 1982 and Cooke, 1982 in Delange and Ahluwalia (Eds.), 1982).

3

it as a dependable and sustainable crop for the future.

Internationally, it is gradually being recognized as the main hope of combating human starvation in sub-Saharan Africa.

It is now dawning on several international agencies that have in the past concentrated pr imar ily on promoting cereal production in ecologically unsuitable areas of the tropical world, that cassava is really a "Cinderella crop" for the millions of starving poor in sub-Saharan Africa, and the "potentially great famine reserve of our time." (Power, 1986).

As indicated by increas ing levels of production and use, cassava has corne to stay in Niger ia I s farming and food culture.

The specific role it has to play in combating the shortage of energy food in the country depends on the policies and activities of government that may affect its cultivation.

So far, the future for cassava appears promising when viewed from all perspectives from the point of view of researchers, the government, producers and consumers.

1.2.

General Government Policy On Food Production

Until very recently, there was nothing that one could point to and call a Nigerian "government policy on food production".

This was due primarily to the unsystematic manner of official pronouncements indicating government's intentions on domestic food production.

At various crisis points, ad hoc statements were credited to var ious government funct10nar ies and/or politicians and these were purported to be "government policy" on food supply.

In fact, certain large-scale programs such as the National Accelerated Food Production Program (NAFPP l, Operat ion Feed the Nation <OFNl and the Green Revolution were publicized and implemented with great fanfare to support such declared government food production policies.

There is now a policy being developed which could justifiably be termed "an articulated agricultural, food and nutrition policy for Nigeria".

It is being prepared by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources for the Federal Government, with moderated input from all the states of the federation.

It will include past and present policy thought, incorporating some of the declared desires. that is "policy statements" of past administrations, with current thinking on food production and supply.

Unl ike former pronouncements whose lifespan was terminated with each succeeding administration, the present document has no specific time-span.

Only some of the programs outlined in the document have definite time periods.

The Nigerian government's general policy objectives on food

4

production follows:

in

the

document

(FMOA,

1986)

may

be

summar i zed

i.

to ensure an adequate domestic food supply at reasonable and affordable prices in order to meet the basic nutritional requirements of all segments of the population as recommended by FAO/WHO;

ii.

to ensure sufficient access to adequate food with the right nutritional balance so as to provide optimum nutrition for the entire population but particularly for children, pregnant women, lactating mothers and the aged.

The aim is to ral.se the calorie and protein intakes from the current estimated low levels of 1964 kcals and 46 gms of crude protein per person per day to the FAO/O'IHO recommended levels of 2470 kcals and 68 gms of crude protein per person per day.

Adequate intake of minerals and vitamins is to be ensured through properly controlled food fortification: and

iii.

to ensure the continuity and stability of food supply from season to season, thereby minimizing price fluctuations throughout the year .

as

However, specific quantities have not been set for the crop and livestock products that will ensure the attainment of these objectives.

The government will considers the setting of these targets when next revising the nation's food balance sheet prepared by Olayide et al. in 1972.

Several broad agr icul tural policies will guide the programs to be used in achieving national food sufficiency: 1.

the attainment or self-sufficiency in some basic crop and livestock food commodities (namely: maize, rice, guinea corn, millet, yams, cassava, cowpeas, fish, beef, sheep and goat meat) where ~igerl.a has comparative product10n advantage, to save on the use of scarce foreign exchange:

ii.

the improvement of nutritional status of Nlgerians through the domestic provision of high quality, protein-rich crop and llvestock products at reasonable prices:

5

i~i.

~v.

v.

vi. vii.

the local provision of over 90 percent of all necessary crop and livestock raw material inputs for the country's agro-industries; the provision of necessary meaningful and efficient use livestock by-products;

facilities for a of both crop and

the improvement and stabilization incomes emanating from agricultural livestock) production;

of rural (crop and

the provision of opportunities, and

employment

increased

the effectuation of proper maintenance of the ecosystem.

rural land

use

and

Various strategies and programs are outlined in the document for each agricultural subsector to achieve the stated objectives.

It is evident from objective (i) that government has recognized cassava as one of the crops that will be needed for providing the basic calorie intake required by Nigerians.

Despite that recognition, however, little has been done to promote its development.

1.3.

Government policy On Cassava Development

No government administration of the country has ever drawn up what might oe considered a crop-by-crop development policy.

For cassava, the closest the nation has ever come to a "policy statement" was in 1977 when, along with six other Commodity Boards, the Root and Tubers Board was establ iShed by Decree No .

29 of April 1977.

Among its other defined functions, the new Board was "to promote and stimulate the development of roots and tubers (all varieties of yams, cassava, cocoyams, and potatoes) in the area~ of production, processing, manufacture, marketing, research an, quality control so as to generate adequate quantities of thes! crops of acceptable quality for both domestic consumption ant export." (Decree No. 29, 1977).

In promoting the development oj these crops, the Board was to "rehabilitate the producing areas generally and in particular to ensure that adequate supply of fertilizers and improved seedlings, cuttings and other requisite inputs are made available to promote the benefit and prosperity of the producers." (op. cit.). Additionally, the Board was:

6

i.

"to engage in the processing of the relevant commodities and, where necessary, the purchase and subsequent sale of processed or semi-processed products thereof for the domestic market and for the export of any surplus to such requirements": and

ii.

â&#x20AC;˘ to conduct research into the production, handl ing, marketing, pest-control of the relevant commodities and any other matter relating to the commodities and any products derived from or connected therewith." (op. cit.).

Secause of the general problem of storabil i ty associated with roots and tubers and the rapidity with which they decay, this Board made little impact.

It neither promoted nor st~mulated the development of these crops in the areas of production, processing, marketing, research and quality control.

The only research conducted on these crops was agronomic and been aupl icated already by existing national and international research centers in the country (such as NRCRI, Umudike and IITA, Ibadan) â&#x20AC;˘ In 1978, the National Root Crop Research Institute, Umudike and the National Seed Multiplication Service, Ibadan were created to test, propagate, approve and provide improved cassava variety cuttings for distribution to farmers nationwide.

That directive has not been fully implemented to date.

Although improved cassava varieties from IITA have for years now been tested by government - approved experimental stations in Ibadan and Umudike, no variety has been officially multiplied and released.

Var ieties such as TMS 30555 and TMS 30572, etc. that abound in the field (especially in Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Lagos and Bendel states) have been distr ibuted or released either directly from IITA or through company farms such as Texagri.

Although there are many known household and industrial uses tor cassava, there is no concerted effort by government at present to encourage and promote cassava to substitute for some products such as flour and bread.

However, there have been recent discussions particularly by industrialists on the pctential of cassava composite flours.

7

1.4

Objectives of the Study

This study is one of the outcomes of the IITA-UNICEF collaboration that was initiated with a visit to IITA by the UNICEF ~xecutive Director-General, James Grant, in November 1985.

Several months after that visit, a consultation on the Promotion of Household Food Product10n and Nutr i t ion was held from March 2-8, 1986 to outline further the scope of the joint agency program.

One of the major background documents for that March consul tation was MThe Place of Cassava in Niger ia 's Food Security, Rural Nutrition and Farm Income Generation: A Situation Analysis for Oyo State."

(Ekpere et al., 1986).

It is that document that forms the basis of this present study.

The general objective of this study is to provide a rapid assessment or situational analysis of cassava cultivation, processing, use and acceptance wi thin the Oyo Local Government Area (LGA) with a view to determining its potential for household food security, income generation for rural households, and improved nutrition.

The study generates some baseline information.

The specific objectives of the study are to: i.

i 1.

provide an up-to-date review on the state of knowledge on cassava in Niger ia through a comprehensive literature review of relevant research and other publications; determine the level and reasons of adoption improved varieties within the Oyo LGA;

of

i11.

ascerta1n gender and children's roles in cassava production, processing and marketing in the LGA;

1V.

provide nutritional, dietary and health assessments of cassava-dependent consumers in the LGA;

v.

vi.

determine costs, returns profitability in cassava processing in the LGA;

and general production and

assess the social mobilization impl icat ions and needs for increased cassava production and utilization in the LGA, and

8

vii.

use the Oyo LGA experience and findings as a basis for developing a nationwide program for cassava development.

1.5.

Methodology of the Survey

1.5.1.

Geographic Area of the Survey

The study was conducted in the Oyo Local Government Area (LGA) of Oyo State, the fifth largest of the 24 LGAs in the state in terms of physical area.

The geographic entity of Oyo LGA comprises 120 villages and towns which have a total estimated population of about 600,000 for 1986.

0

Oyo LGfj lies between longitudes 3 0 45' t; and 4 IS' Ii; and 0 latitudes 7 30' 111 and 8 30' N. 'l'hus, in terms of latitudinal spread, it is the "widesc" LGA in Oyo State, with vegetat10nal zones tnat cover the woody savannah in its southern boundaries to grassland savannah in its northern limics.

The LGA is primarily agr1cultural.

Its produce includes yams, cassava, cocoa, citrus and leafy vegetables in the southern portions, and maize, groundnuts, tomatoes, millet, melon, okra, poultry, cattle, sheep and goats in the northern portions.

Over 90 percent of all agricultural production in the LGA is concentrated in the villages, each of which may contain about 10 to 60 households.

Over 60 percent of the food produced by these villages is "exported" to the urban towns and cities in the LGA and as far as Ibadan (about SO kID), Lagos (about 230 kID), and Ilorin (150 kID).

The LGA is well-served by a network of rough but drivable rural roads that permit sufficient movement of agricultural produce from village farms to the town markets.

Other infrastructure such as on-farm storage facilities, electricity and piped water are severely lacking.

Consequently, the level and variety of processing is limited at the village level to tradi tional methods and products except for cassava whose processing methods have incorporated some improved techniques.

9

1.5.2.

Method of Data Collection and Sampling Frame

The data which form the basis of this analysis and write-up were collected during an intensive two-week survey conducted between April 3 and April 18, 1986 by three social scientists, an extension specialist and an agronomist from the University of Ibadan and the Farming Systems Program of the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, with the assistance of a field supervisor and a team of 15 university-student enumerators.

Data collection began after official clearance had been given and support had been obtained from His Highness, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, the Alaf in of Oyo (the tradi t.ional ruler), and the Sole Administrator (the political head) of the Oyo LGA. Selecting the respondents required a two-stage sampling frame.

F'irst, using a detailed map of the Oyo LGA, 15 villages were selected to reflect sufficient representativeness in terms of geographical distribution among the ecosystems of the LGA. At this stage of the sampling process, there was no randomization in the selection of the sampled villages since the aim was to have a representative rather than a random (block or stratified) sample which provide unbiased data.

Care was taken to include semi-urban towns in the sample in order to obtain information on the rural-urban interphase of cassava production, processing and consumption.

On that basis, therefore, the following villages and towns were selected: Iware, Oniwasu, Olode, Ajagbe, Temidire, Ogunwemimo, Oluwatedo, Ilora, Olorunda, Iporin, Ijawaya, Busari, Imini, Aboke, and Odo-Owo (see Fig. 1).

The second stage of the survey involved a randomized selection of 10 farmers and or processors from each village or town, based on a cardinal-point distribution model.

ThUS, the overall sample size was 150 farmers.

The routine procedure at this second stage was to send an advance team of two enumerators to the ~Bale' or Chief of a selected village a day before the other enumerators arrived, to inform him of the planned visit.

Then on arriving at the village on the scheduled day, a briefing was given to the Bale and his council of advisers (who were invar iably with him in each village) about IITA and UNICEt', the purpose of the survey and the potential benef its to the households in the village.

Thereafter, depending on the layout of the village, 10 households located along some imag1nary cardinal rays were selected and the respondents interviewed.

In those cases where the occupants of the first selected house were not in, the next closest one was chosen as a "replacement". Particular effort was made to include both men and women in the sample.

10

.Ode-Owe

.Ijowoyo

.Olorunda

.lloro Ogunwemjm~

Fig _ 1_

Villages Su.'"VeyeG. b

Cled •

• Temidire

Ojc

lG.".,

•

K~geria

11

Before the survey started on Saturday, AprilS, 1986, the questionnaire was pre-tested on April 3, 1986 in two of the villages, Iware and Olorunda.

Based on the exper ience of that day, the questionnaire was appropriately modified to facilitate implementation.

The enumerators were then given an intensive afternoon course on how to interview respondents and properly fill in the questionnaires.

The data collection thereafter involved the personal aam1nistrat1on of a detailed, structured and comprehensive (70-ques tion) questlonnalre to each selected household. '!'wo complementary questionnaires on Rural Health Needs and Nutritional/Dietary Assessment were separately developed and administered by a health specialist and a nutritionist respectively.

1.5.3

Method of Analysis

Out of the 150 questionnaires completed during the survey, only 131 were selected as properly and sufficiently filled in and usable.

Using a code book developed specifically for this survey, information from the 131 questionnaires was pooled, collated, and computerized.

There were 601 variables which were summarized into several frequency distributions.

Relevant indices were then extracted and used for cross tabulations, required for the various sections of this report.

Thus, overall, only simple tabular and ratio analyses are used throughout the presentation.

1.6

Plan of Report

The rest of this Report is di v lded into seven sections.

Section 11 presents an up-to-date survey of the knowledge on cassava production, processing, marketlng and consumption in Nlgeria through a comprehensive literature review.

Section III conce ntrates on cassava production in Oyo LGA, emphasizing the cultural practlces, the household decision making process, gender roles and cassava's yield performance in that LGA. Section IV discusses cassava processing and marketing in Oyo LGA. Section V analyzes and presents the role of cassava in household food security, nutrition and health.

Section VI considers the economic aspects (resource requirements, time allocation implications, and income generation potential) of cassava development in the Oyo LGA. Section VII focuses on social

12

mobIlIzation and education that will be needed increase cassava production and uti! ization in the LGA and Oyo State.

The rna jor findings on which a proposed project will be based are summarized in SectIon VIII.

13

II 2.1.

LITERATURE REVIEW ON CASSAVA IN NIGERIA The Role of Cassava in Nigeria's Household Food Security

Before discussing the role of cassava in Nigeria's household food security, it is necessary that the concept of food security be briefly explained.

'I'he concept of food security and methods for achieving it have been wiaely d~scussed.

Reutlinger et al., (1986) consider fooa secur i ty to be "the abil i ty to meet target consumption levels in the face of fluctuating production, prices and incomes" together w~th ensuring absolute availability at any price.

Hussain (1986) defines food security as the ultimate objective WhiCh ensures that "all people at all times have both physical and economic access to the basic foods they need."

This concept encompasses three major components: - adequacy in food supplies; - stability in the flow of food supplies, and - access to available supplies on the part of those who need them (Hussain, 1986).

In a recent publ ica tion Reutl inger et al., (1986) suggest that "food security has to do with access by all people at all times to have enough food for an active and healthy life."

It is more conventional to discuss food security with emphasis on the nation.

However, famine and food insecurity tend to be more often associated with rural households and the urban poor (bottom 30 percent of the population). 'I'h is is because this group is more vulnerable to a combination of high food prices and limited access to food resulting from low incomes (less purchasing power) and low household food production.

It is in this context that programs of food security have to aim at providing the poor, disadvantaged and high risk groups with greater access to food. for the purpose of this report, "food secur i ty" refers to the availability of food throughout the year to sustain household energy, health and nutrition requirements.

Its essential elements are the availability of food and the ability to acquire it.

Its corollary, food insecur i ty, is the lack of access to enough food.

Food insecurity can be:

14

Chronic, that l.S, continuous inadequate diet and nutrition caused by inability to acquire food.

It atfll.cts households that persistently lack the abl.li ty to either buy enough food or produce their own; or Transitory - when there is a temporary decline in household access to food due mainly to instability in food prices, production, household income or a combination of these factors.

Inadequate diets and nutrition predispose individuals to disease.

They reduce vigor, vi tali ty and strength for tasks requiring physical effort.

They curtail the benefits from free school ing and training programs.

"These consequences of poor diets and nutrition (namely: susceptibility to diseases and parasites, and reduction in vigor, vitality and strength) reduce the productivity of people in the short and long run, sacrifice output and incomes, and make it more difficult for households and nations to escape the cycle of poverty." (Reutlinger et al., 1986) .

Toe pr l.mary objecti ve of household food secur i ty should be to provide all people Wl.th the opportunity to have access to enough food.

In this context national policy becomes important for enhanced household food security.

The real solution to food insecur 1 ty lies in forming and implementing national pol icies that can tackle the problem at its source.

At the national level, the concern for adequate food secur i ty for the highly vulnerable group derives from the fact that: long-term prospects of food production satisfying needs of this population in great need are gr im.

Even in places that are relatively self-sufficient, access to what food is available has been variable; unstable weather conditions in most of these countr ies determine food availabi 1 i ty from year to year.

Even where the rains are good, there is evidence that food production and availability could be influenced by annual cyclical supply and demand patterns and fluctuations; pressure to expand production into marginal areas; domestic agricultural policies; widening fluctuations of yields, and national decisions on stockpiling and storage, and

the

15

- food self-sufficiency, though a necessary policy, may not be adequate in some cases to ensure food security.

Access to food depends on horne production and available foreign exchange to pay for additional imports when there is a shortfall.

So unless a country can produce all its food needs and/or has finances to meet th e cost of its food import bill, food self-sufficiency may not ensure food security.

At the household level, access to food depends on what it can produce or obtain using other resources at its disposal.

Secur 1 ty and steadiness of income are important determinants of access to food in the household. In most rural households, these may be very tenuous and fluctuatlons of income may become severely harmful.

Even in places where food is available, cultural and family tood distribution practices can endanger the food security of ltS members (Hussain, 1986).

In addition, unsatlsfactory methods of food preparation and unhygienic storage and preservation can reduce the nutr i tional value of ava ilable foods.

Ignorance and superstition are also important factors.

There is also evidence that when periods of food scarcity coincide with periods of high demand for productive energy for farm wor k, the nutr i tion and total food in take of women and children may be compromised.

The causes of food insecurity suggest that it can be tackled in the long-term by raising the real purchasing power of households so that they can afford to acquire enough food.

This can be achieved either by: i. ii.

giving the people who face food insecurity opportunity to earn an adequate income or ensuring an adequate supply of food increased domestic production or imports.

The extent to which either policy achieves objec t ive de pends to a great extent on whether: 1.

ii. iii.

the

through the

desired

the food is internationally traded, the food is domestically traded, the food buyers or

deficient

group

are

primarily

food

16

iv.

the food sellers.

deficient

group

are

primarily

food

Therefore the policy 1nstruments that a country chooses and the program intervention that it wants to implement must be caretully considered and should balance both of the above options. The literature is replete with alternative suggestions, but Reutlinger et al., (1986) reconunends three intervention options to improve food security: i.

influencing the food supply through changes in domestic production, imports or exports.

Such a change, he suggests, may not affect domestic food prices, and if it does, it will benefit all consumers and producers of food:

i i.

reducing the pr ices of speci f ic foods sold to some or all consumers without altering the prices paid to producers, and

iii.

augmenting incomes by means other than changing food prices, such as subsidizing the unemployed, subsidizing non-food conunodities or providing transfers of income in cash or kind.

In essence, interventions that increase incomes or reduce consumer pr 1ces without reducing producer pr ices will clearly improve food security.

Such interventions should be targeted to the specific disadvantaged group.

Such an action could increase the real income and food consumpt10n of the target group without shiftlng the cost of doing so on the rest of th e population who do not have tnis speclIlc problem.

The attalnment o f food securlty by any nation would require that natlon's willingness and ability to produce in sufficient quantitles those conunodities that it is best able to produce.

F'or Nigeria and most of Africa the solution may lie in increasing production of roots and tubers, especially cassava.

Roots and tubers, particularly cassava, have a higher calorie yield per hectare than the main cereal crops, and can potentially supply calories at a considerably lower resource cost.

For instance, it is reported by FAO (1986) that on the basis of current average yields in the region, cassava produces 2.2 times as many calories per hectare as maize, 2.7 times as much as yam and 1.5 times as much as sweet potatoes.

17

The importance of roots substantial.

They are approximately half of the cereals, roots and plantains constitute more than three weight in 15 countr ies, and For sub-Saharan Afr ica as approximately a third of the

and tubers in Nigeria and Africa is the major staples produced in countries. "when the output of is aggregrated, roots and plantains quarters of the total by product over 60 percent in a further nine. a whole, cassava accounts for total .â&#x20AC;˘.. " (FAO, 1986).

In Niger ia, cassava is a tradi t.ional subs istence crop of predominantly low income families in rural and urban areas.

It is not yet an internationally traded crop. Cassava, unlike other root crops, lS a long duration crop.

It can be stored in the ground for up to 36 months.

Therefore, while it does not allow for the rapid turnover of some short duration crops in the rotation, it. enables the farmer to achieve maximum returns for each unlt of land and tlme, uSlng minImum inputs (Hahn,1984).

In most parts of Nigeria, cassava is tne last crop in the rotation a practice which underlines ltS importance and role in household tood securIt.y.

Apart from its characteristics for ecological adaptability, farmers who grow cassava do so for several reasons, Including: 1.

il. iii. iv.

2.2.

better protectIon against soil erosion, insurance against crop failure, more efficient use of labor, and continuous crop harvesting, which ensures variety and continuity in consumption and additional income with little cost for storage.

Cassava Varieties in the Nigerian Farming System

A wide range o f cassava cultivars are observed in farmers I fields but one or two cultivars may occur more frequently in a given zone.

Thus the most commonly observed local cultivars in southwestern Nigeria are (a) Odongbo, recognized by its reddish petiole, creamish stem, moderate branching and clear white flesh; (b) Oyarugba dudu, with its indeterminate growth habit, dark stem and cream colored petiole and (c) Ege dUdu, which is very similar to 'fMÂŁ 30572 and whose origin is uncertain but is suspected to have been der i ved from II'I'A stock dispersed by some extens ion staff in the early 1970s and (d) lsunikankiyan, a sweet, top branching, erect cassava wIth reddish petiole, stem and periderm.

18

1 t is early matur ing and often used to demarcate one farmer's field from the other. A field may contain different combinations of all four varieties in one place including some other minor cultivars.

By far the most commonly grown local variety in south western Niger ia is Odongbo (which may bear different names in ditferent areas e.g. Jejeti in Warri, Bendel State).

There are many cuI ti vars used in southeastern Niger ia but again, a few cultivars are dom1nant.

Among the most common is Akpu ocha (also called Nwugo, Igburu ocha, Iwa ocha, Nwaefere, Nwany i ocha, depending on where it is grown).

Akpu ocha or "white cassava" is late maturing. Another popular cultivar, also named because of petiole color, is Akpu oji (black cassava, also called Nwanyi oji, lwa oji, 19buru oji and lwa lodu).

Akpu oji is also a late maturing type.

The reddish, top branching, early maturing cassava called Iwa uh ie (Iwa panya, Congo or red cassava), is often mixed with the late maturity types in various proportions.

Another common high yielding local variety is called Otu pam or Ohu pam, figuratively implying that the cassava is so high yielding that one could derive two to four naira from one stand.

Newly introduced cultivars are often distinguished by giving it a source name e.g. cassava from Warri and Onitsha are called Dan Warr i, Dan Oni tsha and Congo by the people of Zaki 8iam in Benue State.

Cassava cultivars grown in Nigeria are oftentimes named according to their colors (stem or fresh leaves), their source <locality from which they have been introduced) or yield potential.

Unoer the subsistence farming system in which cassava is grown in Nigeria, the time it takes to mature plays an important role in choice of variety and amount that is planted. v.here processing facil1ties and mark e t outlets are developed, e.g. in the Ilaro-f'ashola area of Oyo LGA, bulk harvesting is possible and early maturity types such as Odongbo are dominant.

Generally tarmers in southeastern Nigeria prefer late to early maturing cassava (~able 2.1).

Tne local var ieties are susceptible to di seases and pests, resulting 1n fluctuations in Y1elds from year to year.

Among improved varieties which are spreading widely allover Nigeria are TMS 30572, TMS 30555 and TMS 30211 selected by IITA. Tables 2.2 and 2.3 show that TMS 30572 is th e highest Yielding across many ecologies in Nigeria and produces 30 percent more than the lowest yielding improved var iety (Table 2.2).

It almost more than doubles the root yield of the best local variety (Table 2.3) in humid ecologies.

19

Table 2.1:

Preference pattern of cassava in four states of Nigeria for early and late cassava (percent)*.

Imo Early cassava Late cassava Source:

*

Anambra

Rivers

Cross River

67

58

60

57

100

86

80

72

N. O. fl. Ezeh. 1982.

'fotal adds up to more than 100 because a farmer can have preference for both early and late cassava.

Table 2.2:

20

Yields (t/ha) ot cassava cultiv a rs and maize as influenced by intercropping with egusl (melon) on farmers' fields (Uolludike, 1985 - liumid ecology ).

Cas;:;ava

3.30

i"'lalze

23.3

16.4

Cassava

3.01

2.93

15.4

18.7

14.90

Cassava

2.56

2.49

3 .03

2 .77

~laize

70

82

100

80

30572

(%)

Ratio, other varieties

Maize

13.9

4.33

3 .44

13. U

Means

Cassava 2.09 14.1

26.7

2.87

Uzuakoli

14.4

1. 74

2.26

14.6

2.71

Olokoro/ Oboro

1'1',::> 30211 ltJ.6

9 .9

3.32

15.5

Bende

3U572

1. 76

11. 8

3.06

i~alze

1·.·•., 15.5 1. 50

20.25

Variety

'I,'.::> 3U555 12.7

3.30

Cas~ava

U 41u44 (NrtCRl)

12.4

NS

1.77

3. 0

NS

15.3

2.4 t / ha

NS

Means LSD (PO.05) Cassava

0.37 t/ha

25.97%

L::iO (PO.05) Maiz e

=

=

CV Cassava CV Maize

NRCR1, 1986

31.58~

Source:

21

Table 2.3:

Mean cassava root yields (t/ha) at Nigerian Tobacco Company (NTC) trials at Ekwosa and Auchi (Subhumid ecologies).

Location Variety

,

Ekwosa

Auchi

Mean

TMS 30572

36.1

37.9

37.1

100

TMS 30555

28.0

29.3

28.7

77

26.0

28.3

27.3

74

TMS 30211

25.0

26.4

25.7

69

Local Best

19.0

21. 4

20.3

55

Mean

26.8

28.7

U

40144 (NRCRI)

LSD 0.05

Source: 2.3.

30572

2.6 for location means 1.8 for variety means CV , = 7.5 S. O. Odurukwe, 1982.

The Place of Cassava in the cropping Pattern

Multiple cropping (intercropping and sequential cropping) is the most common cropping pattern in cassava growing areas of Nigeria and cassava is known to be highly suitable to this system (Okigbo, 1978; Normanha, 1970; Ezumah and Okigbo, 1980).

Intercropping is the growing of two or more crops in the same space simultaneously.

A feature of intercropping is that the crops compete for resources and the degree of competition is determined by how limiting the resources such as light, water and nutrients are.

Competition can be moderated by manipulating crop growth and choice of crop species so that the timing of resource demand by intercrop components do not synchronize.

Cassava is a late maturity crop often intercropped with early maturity annuals

22

e.g. upright types, maize (Zea mays) and pigeon pea (Cajanus cajan) or spreading crops such as egusi/melon (Colocynthis vulgaris) or cm'peas (Vigna unguiculata) and twiners e.g. yam (Dioscorea spp.).

During its early growth stages, particularly the first six weeks, cassava develops slowly and derives much of its nutrient needs from cuttings used as planting materials, without competing with the early maturing, nutrient-demanding intercrops. By the time cassava begins to exert nutrient demands from the soil, the early crops 路 approach maturity leaving the cassava without competition and allowing it to also utilize their decomposed residue [(e.g. melons and cowpeas (Ikeorgu, 1984禄).

Tne compatibility of cassava for intercropping with maize, melon, cowpeas, yams, sorghum etc. is based on this principle.

Land equ~valent ratios (ratio of land required by monocropping to proauce the same yield as intercrops) of 1.6 to 2.0 have been reported (Leihner, 1983; Ikeorgu et al., 1984; IITA, 1983-84).

Cassava is usually the last crop in the rotation (sequential) system because it can extract nutrients from impoverished soil.

After clearing the land, nutrient demanding crops such as cereals and yam are cultivated for two to three seasons followed by two to three crops of cassava before the land reverts to fallow.

Cassava may follow such crops as maize, beans, peas, sweet potatoes, bananas, yams or sugarcane (Okigbo 1978) or cotton, rice, sorghum, soybean and peanuts (Norman, 1970). Since cassava extracts much of N, P and K, particularly K (100 kg K2 0 for 25 t!ha root), the soil may be exhausted of this nutri~t i f an adequate rotation program is not followed.

The number of crops usually planted in combination with cassava decreases with distance from homestead because household refuse cannot be conveniently returned to distant fields. (Nwosu, 1973; Ezumah and Okigbo, 1980) .

2.4

cassava Production Trends

It. ~s generally difficult to estimate production levels of cassava for a country or for an area within a country. Earlier studies show that cassava is a subsistence crop and most of what is produced does not enter the commercial market.

The other problem is related to the crop's production cycle and the traditional way it ~s harvested.

Because the cassava plant requires from 12 to 24 months to mature depending on the variety, and because farmers do not usually harvest all of the cassava crop at one time, a single season's crop can easily straddle two or more calendar years.

However, since production levels are usually reported for a calendar year, this feature of cassava production makes estimates for anyone given year very difficult.

23

There are five alternative sources of data for Nigeria: the NIgerian Federal Office of Statlstics (POS), the Federal Department of Agr icul ture (FDA), the Central Bank of Niger ia (CBN), the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAD), and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA).

Tne FOS data are based on actual field surveys but they consistently underestimate production levels because they do not incl ude the dynamic commercial component.

The FDA' s data are obtained from field agents and they also underestimate production levels for various reasons.

The CBN uses the FOS and FDA data after correcting them with the use of some rather arbi trar ily selected adj ustment factor.

Both the FAO and USDA data are not actual production figures but estimates based on supply and demand considerations.

Despite that, they are closer to actual production figures even though the USDA data overestimate slightly.

Their major weakness is that they do not reflect yearly variations in production levels.

However, they can be useful for studying long-term trends and for making compar isons between countries.

Table 2.4 provides a visual comparative picture of the discrepancies and weaknesses of these data sources highlighted above. 'fhls study chose to use the FAO data for several reasons. f Hst they are as good as the USDA da ta (and even better for roots and tubers).

Secondly tney are readily available and wIdely used.

Finally, they are uniformly available for a longer perIod (world Bank, 1985).

According to FAO (1985), Nlgeria ranks second after Zaire in cassava production during the 1975-84 decade with an annual average production of 10.85 milllon metric tonnes (MT) grown on 1.15 mlillon hectares (Table 2.5).

This comprises 23 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA) and 16 percent of the total area under the crop. Production increased at an annual average rate of 1.69 percent from an average base of 9.15 million MT per year between 1965-74 and 1975-84.

All of the gains in production were due to area expansion which also helped to offset the decline in average yield over the same period.

Cassava is a major crop in all the southern Nigerian states.

The major cassava producing states in order of importance are Bendel, Rivers, Oyo, Cross River, Benue, Imo and Anambra.

Other important states are Ondo, Ogun and Lagos.

In recent years, cassava production has been slowly moving farther north of the traditional cassava production zone.

24

Table 2.4:

Comparative cassava production figures for Nigeria, 1970-1982 ('000 tonnes)

year1

FOS2

CBN 3

FA04

USDA 5

1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982

9040 10206 4516 2573 2912 3582 2324 1786 1696 1621 1492 872 943

5180 4719 3156 2729 3206 3352 3237 1935 2009 1976 1988 2159 2308

10206 9172 9570 9600 10000 10000 10800 10600 10500 10500 11000 11000 11700

11871 12396 12700 13000 13300 13600 13900 14150 14150 14600 13100 11800 11700

Source:

FOS: federal Office of Stat1stics, Lagos, Nigeria.

FAO: U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, Production Year Book and Computer Printouts USDA: United States Department of Agriculture.

P.S

The figures for CBN and USDA in columns 3 and 5 are as per Table 2 of Idachaba, F.S. (1985): 路Priorities for Nigerian Agriculture in the Fifth National Development Plan, 1986-1990", FACU Occasional Paper 1, Ibadan, Nigeria.

25

Table 2.5

Years

Cassava production and quantity available for food in Niger ia, 1965-84

Area (ha l

Production (metric tonnesl

Yield (kg/hal

1965

829000

8182000

9869

409100

6463800

66

910000

8382000

9211

419100

6621800

1967

958000

8581000

8957

429050

6779000

68

902000

8801000

9757

440050

6952800

69

906000

9040000

9978

452000

7141600

70

857000

10206000

11909

510300

8062700

71

920000

9172000

9969

458600

7245900

72

960000

95700000

9969

478500

7560300

73

970000

9600000

9897

480000

7584000

74

1000000

10000000

10000

500000

7900000

75

1050000

10600000

10095

530000

8374000

76

1080000

10800000

10000

540000

8532000

77

1100000

10600000

9636

530000

8374000

78

1100000

10500000

9545

525000

8295000

79

1150000

10500000

9130

525000

8295000

80

1200000

11000000

9167

550000

8690000

81

1200000

11000000

9167

550000

8690000

82

1250000

11700000

9360

585000

9243000

83

1150000

9950000

8652

497500

7860500

84

1250000

590000

9322000

Source: FAO, 1985

11800000

9440

Available as food

Processed into food (mt l

26

2.5

Cassava Consumption Trends

There are three major ways in which cassava is utilized - (1) as food for humans, (2) as animal feed, and (3) as a raw material in the manufacture of industrial products, primarily starch.

The use of cassava as feed and as a primary product in industrial production in Nigeria is not yet signif icant.

Therefore, almost all the cassava currently produced is used for human consumption.

Annual quantities available for consumption increased from 7.7 million M'f during 1965-74 to 9.1 million MT during 1975-84 (Table 2.5).

This is equivalent to an annual rate of increase of 1.19 percent. However, because of rapid increases in population between the two decades, the quantity ava~lable for individual consumption declined at an annual rate of 1.69 percent, from 136kg per person a year to 115 kg (FAO, 1985).

Even though cassava is mostly a subsistence crop, a substantial proportion of it is traded by farms that are close to big cities.

In Nigeria, piles of gari (a fermented cassava flour) for sale are a common sight along roadsides when driving within the country.

2.6

Foods Derived and Derivable from Cassava

As food for humans, cassava is eaten fresh, boiled, roasted, or as a paste, meal or flour.

In some parts of Afr ica, sweet cassava <varieties with very low HeN content) is consumed raw as a snack when the plant is still young.

However, cassava usually needs some sort of processing to make it palatable and to eliminate the prussic acid.

Traditional processing of cassava tubers in Africa includes such procedures as peeling, grating, fermentation, boiling, pounding, frying and sun drying.

Different sequencing and/or omission of some of these procedures result in different products being made (Figure 2).

The products ca n be roughly classified into five broad categories which are by no means all inci us i ve: (a) Vegetables

This group includes swe et cassava consumed fresh or boiled and bitter cassava which is sliced, cooked in plenty of water (to insure hydrolys is of the pruss ic ac id) , and eaten as a snack or with other foods.

(b) Paste

Almost all processed cassava products are finally consumed in paste form.

However, this category is used for those products

n ~

•• ~ ~

28

that are derived directly by pounding the fresh or boiled tuber.

A good example is Ghanaian fufu.

2.7

(c) Flour/meal

This category includes those products which end up in flour or meal form as the result of extensive and elaborate processing procedures.

They mayor may not be fermented, pounded, or roasted.

Example, gari in Nigeria.*

(d) Flakes/chips

Products in this group are boiled or soaked, grated or sliced and then sun dried. The dried product is pounded alone or together wi th another cereal such as millet to produce flour which is prepared in a var iety of ways.

Some examples are abacha in eastern Nigeria and ugali in East Africa.

(e) Shavings

The general procedure for products in this group begins with boiling of the whole tuber which is then peeled and shaved to produce thin long, slices. The slices are then soaked in water for 24 hours and spread in the sun to dry to a crisp.

Position and Nutritional Importance of Cassava

Cassava is considered a low quality food of the rural masses and urban poor.

Nothing is, however, further from the truth.

The fact is, Nigerians of all income classes generally like cassava and all their meals are likely to have some sort of cassava preparation (April et al, 1974).

In Nigeria, cassava is the mos t common food item.

Its importance in the diet var ies from area to area but in general 69-80 percent of the average daily bulk diet of a Nigerian is made up of starchy foods.

Cassava alone makes up between 40-55 percent of the bulk (Dema, 1966) and provides an average of 347 calories daily for each individual (FAO, 1985). * Var ious exper iments have shown that c"assava flour can substitute for up to 10 percent of the wheat flour in breadmaking without affecting the quality of the final product.

If a swelling or binding agent is added during the preparation of the dough to bind the starch granules, the percentage can be increased even more and bread quality can still be maintained (lITA, 1984 J.

29

The tuber is not balanced nutritionally.

It has less protein and fat than most of the major cereals and other root and tuber crops (Table 2.6).

It is also relatively poor in vi tamin content and in protein quality.

Moreover, most of the protE'in and vitamin C are lost when cassava is processE'd for consumption.

However, these nutr i ti ve deficiences need not be a cause for concern because eVE'n the poorest families, both in rural and urban areas, do not eat cassava products alone.

It is usually eaten with side d.ishes or mixed with other food items that provide an adequate amount of the nutrients lacking in the cassava products.

Such food items are bushmeat, snails, fish, OKra, cowpeas, maize, groundnut and various kinds of vegetables.

In countr ~es where cassava leaves are consumed they also are a r1ch source of protein and vitamin A. There is always the danger of relying on a heavy diet of cassava with very little or no othE'r supplemental food.

But such cases are more often results of poverty rather than from choice.

Cassava's virtue as a human food lies in its cheap and abundant source of energy.

This is how it is viewed by most Nigerians, especially by those in the rural areas and it is from this viewpoint that it must be evaluated by others.

Calorie yield can be as high as 138 megajoules per hectare per day (Table 2.6) and calorie yield for each unit of labor is also high (Chandra et. al, 19 76) .

Cassava also provides more calor ies for the money than any other competing or complementing item (Oema, 1966).

Cassava, as a rich source of energy, must be considered as an important food item from a health and nutritional viewpoint.

Numerous studies have established the fact that energy is the limiting factor in protein utilization.

If energy requirements are not fully met, proteins are not utilized for body building even 1ÂŁ adequate amounts are provided in the diet.

These facts clearly show that cassava plays an important role in the diets of the people for whom it is a staple.

30

~ie1d

Table 2.6:

Crops

and nutrient content of selected crops

Tons </lia/ yr)

Vegetative period (days?)

Megajou1e* (Ha/day)

Cassava

6.8

330

138

Maize

1.0

135

Sweet Potato

6.4

Upland rice

Carbohydrate (g/100g)

Protein (g/1009 ¡ ~lL p .)**

31.94

37

0.7

110

90.38

71

10.0

135

329

28.08

26

1.5

1.4

150

141

93.93

77

8.0

Sorghum

1.0

130

114

88.4

71

10.4

wheat

1.1

130

114

87

70

11.5

Cocoyam

3.7

270

65

26.52

26

2.0

Irish potato

1l.0

125

276

20.0

17

2.0

9.8

280

152

26.17

24

2.0

Yam Source:

â&#x20AC;˘1 to

('I)

1-

o.

2.

B.S. Platt, 1962

3.

V.F. Amann, et all 1972

4.

V.A . Oyenuga, 1968

Megajou1e

=

Horton et a1; 1983

238.66 calories

E.P. - edible portion

Dry matter

31

2.'

CAssava's Potential aa a Base for Weaning Poods

The age at which children are weaned varies with culture and socio-economic conditions. For the purposes of this study, it is assumed that children are weaned at the age of between one and two years.

Not much information exists about the potential use of cassava as a base for weaning food.

Some work along this line has been done by Jonsson and his colleagues (1986) in East Afrlca.

According to their report, it appears that the major cause of malnutrition in infants and children is calorie deficiency primarily due to low feeding frequency and the low energy-buIlt ratio of their food.

Jonsson reports that a thin cassava gruel treated wi th â&#x20AC;˘ Kimea"* will have twice the energy density than the untreated gruel and can be used as a highly dlgestible and rich source of energy.

In Nigeria and in other parts of Africa, feeding fresh cassava and cassava products to children one year and under is very common.

The cassava product is given to them without any special preparation.

This observation was confirmed by the experience of the study's participants, from discussions wi th people of var ious Afr ican countries, and from observations made when conducting the survey for this report.

The study group's participants are convinced that cassava has a good potential as food for infants and children because of its low cost and high energy content, provided the necessary precautions are taken to ensure that only cassava products with insignificant levels of HeN are used and that iodine intake is within the required limit.

2.9

Cassava Toxicity, Hydrocyanic Acid, and Endemic Goiter

Cassava tubers contain the gl ucos ides linamar in and lotaustralin and the cells contain the enzyme linamarase.

When these cells are ruptured the linamarase is released and when this comes into contact with linamarin and lotaustralin, the glucosides are converted to hydrocyanic or prussic acid (HCN) (Almazan, 1985: Cock, 1985). when HCN enters the bloodstream it is converted to thiocyanate (SeN), a sulphur compound, by the *Kimea is a germinated cereal used for brewing in Tanzania.

It contains the amylolytic enzymes that break down the starch structure (Jonsson, 1986).

32

enzyme rhodanase, and is excreted through the ur ine (Delange et. aI, 1982; Cock, 1985). This process has two physiological effects.

First, the conversion of HCN to SCN depletes the body of sulphur containing amino acids, and second, SCN inhibits lodlne (I) uptaKe by the thyroid gland (Delange et al., 1982; Ermans, et al., 1982; Cock, 1985).

The ratio between iodine and SeN in the hurnan serum is a critical factor in the etiology of endemic goiter and cretinism.

Under normal conditions, the ratio is greater than seven.

Endemic goiter develops when the ratio drops to three and a further decline to two results in hyperendemic goiter, usually accompanied by endemic creti~ism.

There are four factors that determine the liSCN ratio: the level of iodine intake in the diet; the HCN content of fresh cassava roots (and leaves); the efficiency of the detoxification process used, and the frequency and quantity of consumption of these foods (Delange et al., 1982).

The incidence of goiter and cretinism is rare even in areas of Africa where cassava is a major food staple because most normal traditional processing techniques are efficient in reducing the HCN content to safe levels (Fig.3) and also because severe iodine deficiencies are rare.

Acute toxicity, as occurred in Mozambique a few years ago, occurs only under extreme conditions.

Some chronic cases as in some parts of Zaire occur because of very low levels of iodine intake coupled with a high level of HCN ingestion either from consumption of large quanti ties (lkg or more daily) of fresh, bi t ter cassava or from the consumption of inefficiently processed product (e.g. sun dried only) over an extended period.

It should be pointed out that in goitrogenic areas it has been observed that newborn babies, and to a lesser extent, pregnant women, are more senSitive to the toxic effects of combined iodine cleficiency and seN overload.

2.10

Gender Roles in Cassava Production and Processing

Nigeria is generally experiencing a phenomenon of urban household heads returning to the villages - to farm, to produce food suf f ic ien t for the extended fami ly and as a las t resort, since unemployment is increasing.

This shift is more obvious among male farmers.

For the most part, the women farmers have never moved.

They may have some intI uence on the cropping pattern, but they play a major role in the processing and lIarketing of the farm products.

For cassava, deciding when to harvest and whether the cassava will be eaten or sold is especially crucial. Although it is difficult to assess who makes

M M

U

w

IV

Tolal HeN

30555

30572

50395

HeN (mg/IOOg fresh weight)

25

20 15

10

5

I

o L:5i

Process

IX

Unpeeled Peeled GroleCl Dehydrated Fermented lor I day Fermented for 2 doys Sieved Fried

~

j

o m IV v VI VII VIII

X Sieved ( Gari)

IX Oven-dried

VIII

-I~

XI COOked (Eba)

VII

X

XII

l'i~~}. . E ffeet of troditionat processing of four varieties of cassava tuberous roots in the preporolion of gari,on total and free cYlIlide content at each respective slage of processing . Source : Hahn S. K .,1983 .

34

the flnal decision as to when the cassava is harvested, the responses indicate that women play an important role in determining this.

This is obvious for several reasons - women Know the market prices and are more aware of home requirements.

Earlier IITA studies (Hahn, 1985) indicate that the crops grown on farms managed by women are similar to the crops grown by male farmers.

The women's farms tend always to be smaller, but the crop selection and mixture of crops are fairly similar between men and women I s farms.

Our ing the 19 70s, there appeared to be a split with women growing primarily subsistence crops and men handl ing cash crops.

That is no longer the case in most instances.

Both respond similarly to household needs and cash sales. Several of the IITA-UNICEF studies indicate a 40-60 split between home consumption and marketing of cassava. There is very little decisional difference between men and women farmers as to what is for home use and what is sold.

Recent studies indicate that women are involved in all stages of production, processing and marketing.

Their role is minimal in clearing the land.

In most cases, women tend to hire more labor than men both because of time and physical constraints.

Assessments from five Nigerian states (Udele, 1981; Burfisher and Horenstein, 1984), indicate that women on the average complete 34 percent of the field preparation (including destumping and hand harrowing), 77 percent of the planting of cassava, 86 percent of the weeding and 77 percent of the harvesting (hkpere et al., 1986).

All the processing, storage and marJ<:ecing is normally completed by women.

-rhese studies indlcace chat men are never involved in any of these last three stages. tiowever, recent fleld observations indicate that men are becomlng not only more interested but also more directly involved in cassava processlng, particularly in the purchase and management of grinders and in using hired labor for the processing.

There are few crops in the African continent that require more processing time than cassava.

From the field to the consumption stage, regardless of preparation style, cassava requires more time and energy than most of the staple food crops in Africa. orne stages for cassava processng in Nigeria have been described by a number of authors (Sefah-Oedeh, 1984; Kwatia, 1986).

The arduous task of processng is not limited to Nigerian dishes.

Other African countries prepare similar dishes from cassava incl udng Ghana (Dovlo, 1985) and Sierra Leone (Sanneh, 1982; Green, 1985).

An array of other cassava-based dishes are known in the SOUTH PACIFIC, PARTICULARLY IN FIJI, WESTERN SAMOA and Tonga (Parkinson, 1984).

35

The two most popular forms of processed cassava in southwestern Nigeria are gari and lafun.

Prepa~ing them is laborious and takes time.

For instance, gari requl.res, at the minimum, a five-day cycle with eight stages, namely: peel ing; washing; grating; sacking; fermenting; pressing; sieving, and dry-roasting or frying.

Within the Oyo Local Government Area, the most common form of cassava use is lafun.

Forty one percent of the respondents stated that lafun was processed most in the year (see Table 5.1).

The quality of the product was assessed according to taste, texture and color.

In 44 percent of the cases, the Odongbo variety was preferred.

Few economl.C assessments have been undertaken on the actual return from cassava processng and marketing.

A 1986 study undertaKen by the lITA Socio-Economic Unit focused on cassava processl.ng techniques and processes in the Ibadan area (Oyewole et al., 1986). 'rhe sample consisted of 55 processors all of them women - 29 gari processors and 26 lafun processors. 'l'hese two processl.ng methods are the most common in western ril.geria.

The survey showed that the return for the time spent in processing is very low because many process on a small scale using traditional methods.

For gari, it is 60 kobo per hour and for lafun, it is 53 kobo per hour i f hired labor is not used (100 kobo = one Nigeria naria; 1 naira = $1. 00).

Total household income from processing cassava is about N6 a day for 10 hours of work, processng gari and lafun regfires long drying periods with temperatures easily reaching 50 c. The fumes are inhaled by both the women and the large number of small children usually in the market-place.

In many instances, women are breast-feeding during all stages of cassava processing.

The major constraint cited by the womE"n in the IITA survey was the drudgE"ry involved.

When quizzed about other major constraints, the order of importance was transportation problems; lack of potable water; and lack of capital for expansion.

The shortage of water particularly affects lafun processors because largE" quantities are needed to prepare it.

The unhygienic situation is exarcerbated with runoff from the cassava presses and the lack of drainage in all the markets.

In a recent survey (Kwatla, 1986), it was found that the greatest problem in lafun processing was the lack of hygiene during fermentation and drying.

The fermented cassava is left in standing water reservoirs (formed by irregularities in the ground surface) for a few days and the same water is reused for many cycles.

36

Frying is done over stoves using firewood, with heat dissipating into the atmosphere. 'Ihe smoke and fumes containing prussic acid (HCA) makes the job of women fryers extremely difficult and, also affects the young children in the area (Kwatia, 1986).

Adequate frying and drying greatly prolongs shelf life.

For example, drying lafun tor a day is sufficient, but i f it is to be stored longer, the latun needs to dry for three or four days.

The instruments used for most of these processes are traditional and crude.

Simple improved technologies include the mechanlcal grater, hyaraulic press (motor jacks), some frying methods and the fiber glass fermentation technique developed by the Federal Institute of Industrial Research (FIIR).

Nevertheless, the traditional mode of processing still prevails.

An IITA study found that "some innovations, like the powered graters and the hydraulic press are widely adopted by gari processors, While most lafun processors still depend largely on the traidtional processing techniques because they claim that the quality of lafun is very sensitive to the me thod used.

Most innovati ve work in cassava process ing has concentrated on gar i processing and very little of none on lafun processing" â&#x20AC;˘ .. Power graters which became widely used about a decade ago have tremendously reduced the labor time required for gari processing.

For example, the us e of a power grater (instead of a hand rasper) has reduced the time it takes to grate 140 kg of tubers from about six hours to only 20 minutes" (Oyewole et al., 1986). ~et when machines replace manual operations, it is usually men who operate and own the machines, so the benefits to women are restricted.

Another problem expressed by the women is the time spent in peelJ.ng. when the tubers are large they can be peeled wi th ilttle waste (10 to 15 percent of the total tuber weight).

Peellng becomes cumbersome when tubers are smaller (less than 130 mm long ana 75 rnrn in diameter). Wastage from peeling then can be as hlgh as 30 percent (Kwatia, 1986). However, tuber size is not the only cr 1 ter lon.

One drawoack of the larger II'I'A tubers reported by many women is its higher water content and thus the longer drying and frying time that is required.

37

III 3.1

CASSAVA PRODUCTION IN OYO LGA Trends in cassava Production

Cassava production in Oyo State declined dur ing the per iod 1972-1982 compared with the period 1966-1972 (Table 3.1>.

It is likely that the same trend was obtained in Oyo LGA during the same period since the main reason for the decline, as adduced by Ekpere et al. (1986), is related to the general neglect of root crops and preference for imported foods during the "oil years" in Nigeria.

With diminishing resources, increasing population and increasing emphasis on agriculture by policy makers, the potential of root crops, particularly cassava which between 1970 and 1975 accounted for 65 percent of the total area under root crops in Nigeria (Nweke, 1970), is gradually being recognized not only for its importance in food security but also because it is amenable to processing and fortification with soybeans, etc.

Results of the survey of farmers in Oyo LGA on which this Repor~ is based indicate increased acreage and production and ~end to confirm the slight increase for Oyo S~ate which started in 1982 (Tables 3.2 and 3.3).

According to 'I'ables 3.2 and 3.3, there is sufficient evidence to show that cassava production in the Oyo LGA is on the lncrease.

Table 3.2 shows that within the period 1980-1985, the average annual household cassava production increased from 1.75 tonnes in 1980 to 5.89 tonnes in 1985, giving a six-year annual average household production of 3.57 tonnes.

The Table also suggests that starting from 1982, the observed increase in household production may be due to increased demand for cas sava outside the rural communities.

It indicates, for instance, that about 60 percent of all cassava produced in the LGA is usually sold while only 40 percent is consumed at home.

Table 3.3 shows that 92 percent of all farmers interviewed indicate that they have been increasing their production over the period 1980-1985.

In fact, the increase in hectarage cultivated within those years as shown in Table 3.2 confirms the farmers' cla im.

38

Table 3.1:

Year

Cassava production in Nigeria and Oyo State as indicator of production in Oyo LGA (1966-1984).

Nigeria

Oyo State

x 1000 tonnes 1966 19 67 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 198 3 1984 Source:

8182 8382 8581 8801 9040 10206 4516 2573 2912 3582 2324 1786 1692 1621 1492 872 943 1121 1483 J::kpe re et a1, 1986

769 667 1940 2336 2570 1947 2284 202 738 NA NA

185 404 161 391 96 101 124 153

3.2:

39

Average annUal houseno 1 a cassava ~rodUCC1 0 [1 ana con~um~tlOn L,end~ in Oya LGA 19 80 -b 5

0.4-1.2

19 80

1.72

0.4-1.0

1981

1.2 2(3 7)

3 . 27

0.4-1.4

1982

1.51(39 )

3. 86

0.5- 2.3

1983

1. 66(34)

4 .94

0.4 - 3 . 0

1984

1.83(31)

5.89

0.4-3.4

1985

2 . 09 ( 59 )

1.48(44)

3.57

0.4-2.1

Six-year average

~aDle

Area cultivated (ha ) (Av. range) 1. 75

1.45(84)

4.06(69)

Years

Quantity produ ced (tonnes) 1.23(70)*

3.28(66)

lC E-HI

Quantity cousu,ned (Lonnes)

2 .35 (61 )

_-

2 .05(63)

-- - -_ ..

0.27(16) 191:16

0.52(30) ~ urv ey ,

parenLheseb () al'e ..,e lcentages

~leld

I.! uall t 1 ty sold (tonnes)

1n

U~iC~r/li~A/Ul

r 'lyuce"

.source :

*

40

Table 3.3

Number of farmers who have increased or decreased their cassava production over the years, 1980-1985

Production trend Vlllage

Total Increased

1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Total Source: Note:

8 5 6 7 10 4 7 6 7 5 2 4 4 3 2 80 (92 )

Decreased

No change 8

2

2

1

1 1

6 (7 )

1 (lJ

7 6 7 10 7 7 6 7 5 3 4 5 3 2 87

UNICEF/l ITA/ UI Field Survey, 1986 (1) Only 66% of all the respondents answered this question satisfactorily. This Table is based on their answers; (2 ) Figures in parentheses are percentages.

41

3.2.

Cultural Practices in Cassava Production

Long standing practl.ces, developed over time and tested by traditional farmers, dominate cassava production. This does not lmply that farmers do not respond to improved, modern, input oriented practices.

In the Oyo North LGA, the agronomic practices employed in cassava production are determined by season, crop association and resources at the farme r's disposal.

Yield potential for cassava has been estimated at 70 tonnes a hectare but farme rs realize yields far below this (Cock, 1974).

Cassava requires good soil preparation and the extent to which the land is prepared is related to topography, drainage and fallow vegetation.

Where planting is done on recently cleared forest, no further ploughing is required .

Generally soils with good drainage are preferred (Julio and Atlee, 1980) and most of the alfisols in which cassava is produced in Oyo North are well drained, with deep top soil for root development.

A minimum stake size of 30 cm is required as the planting material.

Disease and pest-free cuttings from thick, mature sterns bear ing five to six nodes are preferable. Green stems are sometimes used but they are readily attacked by pathogens.

They also die easily if flooded or during dry spells (Gebremeskel et al., 1986).

Tlme of planting should be related to steady rainfall, otherlo1ise cuttings will dry out. 'rhe earlier planting is done, the better. Delayed planting may result in yield losses ( ~zumah and Okigbo, 1985).

In Oyo LGA, planting is undertaken during the two seasons in the bimodal rainfall regime: April through June during the first season and late August to early October during th e second season.

The second season crop is usually lower yielding becaus e it is exposed to dry season pests early in the growth cycle.

Cassava can be planted by sticking the older end of the cutting to the ground.

Usually 1/3 to 2/3 of the stake l e ngth is buried. The stake may be buried horizontally or plan t ed upright.

In Oyo LGA, slanted planting is the rul e .

Depth of planting varies with soil type - stakes should be planted deepes t in sandy soil and shallowly in soils with high clay content.

Weeds limit field expansion, reduce yields and weeding is time consuming and thus expensive. Though chemical weed control technology is available, this is currently beyond the reach of an average Oyo LGA farmer. Hoeing remains the method of weed

42

control.

The intercropping practice, especially with maize and spreading, low growing melons and groundnuts are effectively used to reduce the need to weed by one weeding (Akobundu, 1980).

Integrated weed control measures in which hoeing, intercropping and the use of chemicals are combined is being promoted in Nigeria and hopefully will alleviate a farmer's weeding problems.

Most farmers in Dyo LGA use mineral fertilizer but complain of irregular supplies.

Cassava requires and extracts large amounts of potassium (K) and its deficiency reduces yield.

The improved cultivars show a positive response to nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) but excessive N may result in a negative response.

The early maturing cassava is ready for harvesting at seven months.

Bulking continues up to 11 to 12 months.

The late type requlres at least 12 to 14 months to grow but thlS can be extended up to 18 months with increased yield and no deterloration in root quality. Ddongbo, the dominant variety in Oyo LGA, lS normally harvested at 12 months but no later than 14 months.

1MS 30572 also matures at 12 months but cases where it was left in the ground for up to 36 months have been observed.

The major crops in Oyo LGA are yams, maize, vegetables, sorghum and groundnuts.

Information collected for this study revealed the following common crop combinations: cassava + maize; egusi (melon) + okra; melon + maize; yam + maize, and cassava + maize + egusi (melon).

After clearing the forest, planting follows a typical three-year rotation cycle, with maize + melon followed by sorghum + yam, followed by cassava + maize, followed by a fallow period of four years.

Another three-year cycle runs with yarn + maize followed by cassava + maize then, cassava + melon, followed by the fallow period.

Cereals, vegetables and yams are usually the first crops after fallow while cassava is harvested from fallowing fields of various durations.

3.3 Cassava Varieties in Dyo LGA: Levels

Characteristics and Adoption

Cassava cultivars commonly grown in Dyo LGA can be divided lnto two main groups based on sources and two subgroups based on time ot mat~rity.

The place ot these cassava cultivars in the fafIning system and the frequency of occurrence in a given tarmer's field is determined by the time of maturity.

43

Two sources of cuI ti vars are recognized, (a) local and (b) lITA. The late maturing varieties characteristically contain higher levels of hydrocyanic acid (HeN) than early maturing ones and can be left in the ground for more than 16 months and often up to 18-24 months.

3.3.1

Local Varieties:

The most popular local variety is Odongbo.

It is a sweet, moderately branching, early maturing cultirvar whose petioles bear reddish bands.

The peel is greyish while the tuber is white. Stem color is dark brown. Odongbo is highly susceptible to mealybug, green spider mite, cassava mosaic disease and blight.

Grown in mixture in fields dominated by Odongbo are usually local var ieties such as Isunikakiyan (sweet, ear ly); Ege dudu (of suspected IITA or ig in wi th dark brown petiole, br ight green leaves which are purplish green i f unexpanded); Oyarugba dudu (late maturing, dark brown stem, cream ish leaves, dark brown peel color) and Oyarugba funfun (late maturing, whitish stem, with light green petiole and leaf colors).

Other minor var ieties of unknown identity but bearing a range of local names were also observed.

3.3.2

IITA Varieties

The most commonly observed IITA variety on farmers' fields is TMS 30572. Where it does occur, it is the dominant cultivar with Odongbo and other locals planted in minor proportions.

Other IITA cultivars include TMS 30211 and TMS 30555.

TMS 30572 is morphologically very similar to Ege dudu.

MQst farmers interviewed stated that it gives higher yields than the locals, especially under high disease pressure and in fertile soi:t~.

A feW farmers said they recovered ress gari from 30572 than from Odongbo. This was a minority view.

Survey observations sugge st two varieties were preferred by farmers in Oyo LGA - Odongbo and 'rMS 30572.

Many farmers are familiar with Odongbo.

TMS 30572 is a relatively new introduction which is rapidly replacing Odongbo in some farms in spite of natural res istance to new introductions common with farmers. It is roughly estimated that , 25 percent of the cassava observed in Oyo LGA is TMS 30572.

44

3.4

Comparative Yield Performance of Identified Cassava Varieties

In an effort to determine yield levels of TMS 30572 and Odongbo, paired samples were taken from villages located in the LGA's var ious zones.

The objective was to obtain an idea of trends as a basis for a detailed study since this particular eval uation, though cons idered important, was never incl uded in the budgets.

This constraint limited sampling frequency, size and methodology. This affects the reliability of the statistics obtained and therefore, caution is needed to interpret the resul ts .

One pair of field sample, at least 4m x 5m, was obtained from each of five villages.

As far aswas possible, fields of identical practice were identified based on farmers' information and the study team's estimation of farmers' practices. Table 3.4 shows that -rMS 30572 Yl.elded higher than Odongbo in all of the samples.

Average performance across all locations suggested 27 percent higher yield for TMS 30572 over Odongbo. The difference was reduced to 16 percent when yields were adjusted for population differences.

3.5

Constraints to Cassava Production and Development

The major constraints to cassava production and development include biophysical and socio-economic factors.

The main biophysical factors are diseases, particularly the endemic Cassava Mosaic Disease (CMD), Cassava Bacterial Blight (CBB) and Cassava Anthracnose (CA).

Yield reductions from these diseases can be anywhere from 70 to 100 percen t (Hahn et al., 1979).

Among the major pests are the white fly (Bemusia tabaci) which transmits the CMD, and grasshopper (Zonocerus variegatus LJ. Much more ser ious are the cassava mealybug (Phenococcus manihoti Mat-Fer) and the green spider mi te (GSM) Mononychellus tanajoa Bondar). These pests were recently introduced from Latin America, the original home of cassava, and cause damage and losses of both leaves and roots of up to 100 percent (Herren et al., 1984).

Delayed weeding and non-weeding also result in enormous yield losses.

Among the important production factors which are understood are the yield losses assoc iated wi th the vaneties, length of dry season and associated soil and long-term effects of slow canopy development resources.

not yet well mixture of temperature on soil

'faOl e

3.4.

LocaClon

1. OLUJ UORO 2. 'I'El'llDIRt: 3. AJAGBA

4 . BUSARI 5. ABOKC;

Age (.>1011 t: ns

45

Tl1S

30572 ana Odongbo reom field samples in Gyo i...GA, 19116.

Y 1 ""LU;';

100

111

124

(onnes/ha)

16.2 13 .1

105

107

(Kg/plallt)

2.4 2.4

12 .3 11.1

84

178

(h/ OOO / ha)

6.7 5.4

1.2 1.2

29 .0 27.0

162

146

Pop.

Co,npaeative Ylela performance ot

Vaelety

16 12 10.0 9 .5

3.0 3.6

1 5 .5 8.7

129

127

Tonnes/ll a unadj us L~

12 12 9.5 7.5

2 .0 1.3

29 .6 20. 3

116

AClj â&#x20AC;˘ for pop .

12 12

7.6 7.0

2.9 2. 3

2 0.3 16.0

approl\.. )

12 12

10.2 9 .0

2.3 2.2

30572

12 12

7.7

8.8

3U572

ODONGBO

30572

ODONGBO

30572

OD01'<GBO

30572

OD0l~GBO

OUOlllGBO

12

13

.l9tJb.

30572

FIeld Survey ,

ODO,~G80

U~lCC;F/ll~A/Ul

6. AV';;RAGE

;';ouece:

46

An important setback in promoting improved cassava cultivars is theslow rate of multiplication which limits the supply of planting materials.

While seed from one hectare of maize (assuming yield of two tonnes per hectare) can be used to plant about 100 hectares at 20 kg a hectare, cassava stakes from one hectare can plant only six to 10 hectares.

Survey farmers in Oyo LGA indicated the shortage of good quality planting materials as one of the important constraints in cassava production.

3.6

Demograpbic Characteristics of Cassava Producers

The demographic characteristics that are relevant for evolving an effective program of action for the Oyo LGA are discussed below.

3.6.1

Gender

In 116 of the 131 questionnaires, both the husbands and wives were jointly interviewed.

The remaining 15 questionnaires were used on females who were household heads.

3.6.2

Age

Most of the respondents (60 percent) were between 31 and 60 years of age (Table 3.5). Only B. 4 percent were 30 years old and below.

The indication is that most of those old enough to respond as farmers had migrated to bigger towns into occupations other than farming.

About 30 percent of the respondents were 60 years or older.

More speci f ically, 14.5 percent of them were over 70 years old.

One respondent gave his age as 80 years.

Only 5.3 percent of those interviewed were below 18 years of age.

In general, the respondents were old or appeared old.

The average age was 49.39 years.

47

Table 3.5:

Age of respondents

Category

No

%

30 yrs and below

11

8.4

8.4

31-49 yrs

45

34.4

42.8

50-59 yrs

34

26.0

68.8

60 yrs and above

41

31. 2

100.0

131

100.0

Total Source:

3.6.3

Cumulative %

UNICEF/IITA/UI Field Survey, 1986.

Household Size and Age

The size of households in the survey area ranged from one to seven.

From the figures of those responding, it was calculated that 55 percent of the male children were between 11 and 20 years old while 71 percent of the female children were between 21 and 30 years of age.

Tne survey team observed a large number of toddlers in all the villages surveyed.

A summary of the data on household size by age and gender is shown in Table 3.6.

able 3.6

Age

Male

Household size by age

household with

Hous eh olds with people

48

and gender

Househ oloz> wit.h people and ove r

Hou ~chold

wlth

l 't!Uld 1 ~

.-

-.~--

-- --_ . .

wi

Ltl

---

- - - - ----

t

peopl ... d!ltJ over

H u u!:i~ilOld

- - -- - - _.

Household wi t h people

5

33

28

81

69

73

II

10

8

9

53

38

48

58

57

16

U

15

18

18

2

4

'"

,7

--_._ ..

Nll.

16

6

22

93

9

t

51

21

4

6

78

11

No.

9 65 23

1

II

37

6

no person No. l

75 7 72

5

2

11

20

â&#x20AC;˘

0- 5 60 7 17

8

94

1J

3

No_

6 - 10 55

13 26

10

111

10

t

11-20

113 U

30

9

14

No.

21-30 103

12

29

121

Category no person t

31-40 101 12

4

No.

41-50 102

14

14

5l-60 H

IOU

_.. _--_ ..._--.'_......

7

- ~.-- - --

117

- -- - -- ---

lUU

61-70

325

4

100

15 847

LU

100

4

18

13

100

14

317 Field Survey, 19 66

lOU

118 844

Over 70 Total

source:- 'UtHCI:;F/llTA/Ul

49

3.6.4.

Level of Formal Education

Formal education is sometimes an important factor in technology adoption because it broadens the individual's outlook and helps with a more objective assessment of issuE's and one's immediate environment.

Table 3.7 shows that 66 percent of respondents have no formal education. Only 17 percent of them have formal educat ion beyond the pr imary school level.

In cerms of functionality, it can be inferred that only seven percent of the sample have functional education.

The study team, however, observed that the respondents were reasonably Knowledgeable, had a desire to learn and would potentially respond pes i ci vely to educational programs tailored to their needs.

Table 3.7:

Years of schooling - respondents

Category

No.

None

87

66.4

66.4

1-6 years (Nursery)

87

17.5

83.9

7-12 years (primary)

12

9.2

93.1

9

6.9

100.0

195

100.0

Over 12 years (secondary) Total Source:

Cumulative %

100.0

UNICEF/rITA/UI 'ield Survey, 1986.

50

3.6.5

Number of Children in School

The desire of parents to have their children educated under the free primary education system has greatly increased the number of school-age children in schools in the state.

In the survey area, only 33 respondents reported not having children in any school ('l'able 3.8).

Sixty-three percent had one to three eh Hdren in pr imary school; 44.3 percent had the same number in secondary schools and only 12.4 percent had sent one to three children to the university.

Table 3.8:

Number of children in school Primary

Secondary

University

Category No.

%

Cum. %

No.

Cum. %

No.

Cum. %

None

33

25.2

25.2

65

49.6

49.6

108

83.7

83.7

1-3

83

63.4

88.6

58

44.3

93.9

16

12.4

96.1

4-6

14

10.7

99 .3

7

5.3

99 .2

5

3.9

100.0

0.7 100.0

1

0.7

99 .9

100.0 131

100.0

100.0

129

100.0

100.0

More than 6

1

Total

131

100.0

Source: UNICEF/IITA/ur field survey, 1986.

3.6.6

Years in Cassava Production

Cassava is a traditional crop in the Oyo Local Government Area, but it was assumed that not all farmers traditionally grew the crop.

The survey data suggest that cassava cultivation is a relatively recent activity in the area.

Seventy-four percent of the respondents have been cultivating cassava for 30 years or less.

Only 3.8 percent have been growing the crop for over 50 years (Table 3.9).

51

Table 3.9:

Number of years in cassava production

No of years

No.

1-10 yrs

35

29.0

29.0

11-20 yrs

35

26.7

55.7

21-30 yrs

24

18.3

74.0

31-40 yrs

11

8.4

82.4

41-50 yrs

18

13.8

96.2

5

3.8

100.0

128

100.0

100.0

Over 50 yrs Total Source:

Cum. %

UNICEF / lI'I'A/Ul Field Survey, 1986.

The survey team was told that farmers would grow more cassava if improved, higher yi e lding varieties were available.

3.7

Household Decision Making and Cassava Production

The decision making roles of household members, particularly husbands and wives,in t he cassa va enterprise are not very well understood.

However, it is speculated that the roles are highly diff e rentiated and specific in production, processing and marke ting of cassava and its products.

Of special relevanc e in this survey is the important role of women in decidIng what to grow, wher e and when to grow cassava, the level of input, their access to production informa t ion and their share and us e of income derIved f rom cassava production.

Answers to some of these ques t Ions are important for setting program guideline s, to prealct the possible points of impact and sharing of potential income WIthin the household.

52

The dat.a from t.he survey area (Table 3.10) indicat.e that 46 percent of cassava plots are owned by the husband alone.

Only 12 percent. are owned by wives but is is very likely that there are more in t.he "no response" category.

Joint ownership by husband and wlfe accounted for four percent of the respondents.

Where t.he husband and wife owned separate cassava plots, the tasks associated wit.h bush clearlng, land preparation and planting were primarily done by the men, while weedlng, harvesting, processing and market.ing were undertaken by women or younger male or female adult.s ('rable 6.1>.

Thus, wives work on their husband's plot.s even if they did not share ownership.

Table 3.10:

Category

No.

Cum. %

No Response

50

38.2

38.2

Husband Alone

61

46.6

84.8

"ife Alone

15

1l.5

96.3

5

3.7

100.0

131

100.0

100.0

Bot.h husband and wife Tot.al Source:

3.7.1

Ownership of cassava farm plots

UNICBF/Il'fA/Ul Field Survey, 1986

Decision on What. to Grow

The decision on what to grow was made 44 percent of the time the husband, even though 41 percent of the respondent.s indicat.ed that such decisions were joint.ly taken by the husband and wife (Table 3.1ll.

The decision t.aken by the wife alone on what to grow was mentioned by 8.4 percent of the sample.

The decision to grow cassava seemed to be legitimized most of the time by t.he male head of household.

This is perhaps due to the fact that the female's right to use the land is always through by

53

Most women do not own land under the male head of household.

Yoruba customary tenure.

Hence they have less control over deciding what to grow on it.

Table 3.11:

No,

Category No response

Cum. %

9

6.9

6.9

Wife

11

8.4

15.3

llusband

57

43.5

58.8

Both husband and wlfe

54

41. 2

100.0

131

100.0

100.0

Total Source: 3.7.2

Decision on what to grow

UNICEF/III'A/UI Field Survey, 1986.

Decision on Input Ose

On deciding what inputs to use, 42 percent of the respondents indicated that such decisions were jointly taken, while 38 percent of the husbands indicated that they made such decisions alone (Table 3.12).

Only 8.4 percent of the respondents said that such decisions were made by women only. 'rhe information on how to use inputs e.g. fertilizer and planting material, originates most of the time from the extension system and in this Local Government Area, most likely from a male extension worker.

Invariably the information is given first to the male head of household who presides over the discussion and decides whether to use these inputs on the farm, 'there is evidence that where men or women have access to the same information on a given input, there is greater parity in dlScussion and therefore more decisions are made jointly.

54

Table 3.12:

No.

Category

%

Cum %

No response

15

11.5

11.5

Wife

11

8.4

19.9

Husband

50

38.1

58.0

Both

55

42.0

100.0

131

100.0

100.0

Total Source:

3.7.3

Decision to use inputs (Fertilizer)

UNICEF!II'l'A/UI Field Survey, 1986.

Decision on Use of Income from Cassava

Even though most farming and cassava production decisions are taken either jointly or legitimized by men, 36.6 percent of the respondents lndicated that decisions on how to spend income accru1ng from cassava were made primarily by the wives (Table 3.13). 'l 'his is in contrast to nine percent of the respondents who sald such decislons were taken by the husbands only.

However, joint decision-making is also common as shown by the 34 percent of tne respondents who identifled with such a practice.

The control of women over income derived from cassava is cons1stent because of tne amount of time they put into the crop after it 1S planted.

Most husbands inferred that cassava was a "female" crop whlle the yams belonged to the men.

Throughout the survey, tnere was evidence that even though joint ownerShip of plots and jOlnt decisions were common, processing and marketing de1sions were made mostly by women.

There were isolated cases in which women owned the business and hired men to work for them .

When some types of dec is ions became necessary, however, such women as individuals or as a group sought advice and assistance from the men.

55

Table 3.13:

Category

Decision on cassava income spending

No.

Cum. %

No response

26

19.8

19 .8

Wife only

48

36.6

56.4

Husband only

12

9.2

65.6

Both husband and wife

45

34.4

100.0

131

100.0

100.0

Total Source:

UNICEf~IITA/UI

Field Survey, 1986.

r'lnally, empirical eVidence and observation in the survey area suggest that decisions within the household were more often made jOlntly, and not separately.

56

IV

CASSAVA PROCESSING AND MARKETING IN OYO LGA

4.1.

Methods of Cassava processing and Their Levels of Management

The major food products into which the cassava tuber is processed in the Oyo LGA are gari, lafun, and fufu (akpu). There 1.S 11. ttle or no starch production in the LGA. By far more gar i 1.S processed than any of the other products but since most of it 1.S sold to urban consumers, more lafun is consumed in rural areas (Table 4.ll.

Table 4.1

Consumer preference in cassava utilization in rural households

Food product

No. of household

%

Lafun

88

40.74

Gari

80

37.04

Fufu

33

Other

15

Total

216

Source:

15.28 6.94 100.00

UNICEP/IITA/UI Field Survey, 1986

Cassava processing is strictly a woman's domain.

It is done either at the household level or at a central location such as a village or town marketplace.

In the Oyo LGA, 60 percent of the cassava produced is processed and sold while the remaining 40 percent is processed and eaten at home.

The scale of operation is small with a combined annual output of gari, lafun, and fufu averag ing about 3.84 tonnes a year per household.

The woman sometimes buys tubers from her husband or from other farmers and processes it using her own and her children's labor (Table 6.2).

The proportion of processed cassava sold depends on the type of

57

product.

Most of the lafun is consumed by the almost all of th e gari 1S sold.

ho usehold, whil e

Cassava processins in t he marketplace 1S a commercial o ?e ration.

Each unit is ow:;ed and o?erated by a wo man who hires other wo men to perform the various activities involved l~' processing.

She buys the tubers from farmers who br ing 1:herr. to the

marke~,

an~

s:-'e

processes

them

into var

l OUS

prod 路l.1c~s

before

offering the m for sale.

Mo st ef th e se busl~esswomen a lso p rovid e processing serV1ces for a fee.

A typical cOuuTlercial pr ocessor can produce about 200 tonn e s of cassava products in a year .

Cap~tal investment is l ow in traditional cassava precessins.

The major equipment are the po .... er gra~er and t.ne hydraul1c press. rhe grater is used mainly for gari processing.

Ccmmercial processo~s maKe extenSive use of both pieces of egu ipme:1t and tne power g:a1:er has penetra1:ed even to the small villages, except in a fel< rJo;Jseholds wnere hand - held graters are still oeing usea .

Grating serVlces are available in mest of tne tOWD marK e ts i f not in the vlllag e s th e mselves.

Wlth a few exceptions, t~e cOlTuT,e rcial graters and nydraulic presses are owned by men.

Seme Individuals travel from VIllage to Village off er ing this servIce. Tne use of the hydraulic press is not as Widespread among hous e no l a processors as it is among comme r cial processors .

Home processors still rely very much on hea vy stones as we ights for pressing.

4. 2

Children's Input in Cassava Processing and Marketing

The UNICEF report, 路W ithin Human Reach a Future for Africa's Children", sums up the situation well when it states that" the dark future faced by vulnerable groups, particularly women and children, is still too often ignored."

(UNICEF, 1935).

Children perform a major ro le in cassava processing.

The study estimates that at least 45 percent of the labor requ ireme nts particularly the peeling and sifting, are und er tak en by children.

Very young children of 4-5 years hand ~e knives wi th dexterity and ease.

The question was always asked, "Doesn 't the child ever get cut?"

Mothers kept replying, "N o .

Tne work is learned at an early age."

Children of all ages help their mothers both boys and girls sit by their mother'S side and play with the tubers as a toy.

Peeling is done quickly and the o~her siblings help with the transporting, from tne field to the processIng center and then to the market. ~oung gIrls help more otten than young boys.

Thelr work malnly involves peeling, washing and sieving the

58

cassava.

During holidays and after school, the children perform even more tasks.

In the villages ....here interviews took place, many of the children ....ere on a shife system, atee-nding schoo l only part of the day.

Thus, more time could be spent on processlng.

In some villages, not all of the children wer e aetending school.

It is estimated t h at abo ut 27 percent of the children 1n this LGA are in primary schoDl. Marketing is done primar11y by wome n.

In some cases, chlleren ha .... k cassava products, particularly garl.

It ....as obvious to the study team that thDse children ....ho jDined their mothers at the market were well acqualnted with prevailing prices.

Loads or fresh tubers or the processed garl are carried on the heads of both ....omen and young girls.

Their benef its are derived, not from direct payments, but in the form of school fees and money for food and clothing for the family.

4.3

Stages and Time Requirement in Gari Processing

basic steps: Gar i process ing invol ves the following eight (4) sacking; (5) peeling; (2) washing; (3) grating; fermenting; (6) de .... atering; (7 ) sieving, and (8) roasting.* (1)

Processing begins .... ith peeling the tubers with a knife and grating the peeled tuber.

This can be done using a hand rasper consis t ing of a s e rra e ed piece of fla t metal, or a power grat e r.

Rasping is labor intensive, requiring six t o s e ven hours to grate 140 kgs Df tubers and is now rarely done.

Al mDst all processors now us e power graters that ,can do the same job in 20 minutes.

Ar ter the tuber is properly grated, the mass is put in plastic sacks and t h is is le i t 1 n the ope n air to ferment for one to four days.

'I'he numoe r of days lt is allow e d to ferment a f fects tne color, taste and tex t ure of the gar1.

Ge nerally. the l onger ehe gari lS f e rmen t ed, the f lner, Whiter, more s o ur and le ss searcny wi l l be toe producL Press1ng the water from the mass w11 1 stop f e rmentation.

Dewater1ng takes from 20 minutes to four da y s depe ndlng o n whe eher a hydraul1c press or stones ar e used to squeeze out the waeer.

This is then followed by sieving to remove fibers, ungraeed ends ana stumps. * Readers interested in knowing the details of these various stages in gari and lafun production should see Oyewole, 'r' . et al., (1986), "Cassava Processing in Ibadan Area - Techniques and Processing", 21p.

59

The final phase involves roasting to gelatinize and dry the product. 'rhe labor requirement to process 140 kgs of tubers, uSIng a power grater, varies from six to nine hours, with a l mos t f1ve hours used for peeling and nearly three hours for roasting.

4.4

Stages and Time Requirement in Latun Processing

Lafun processing involves: (1) peeling; (2) soaking; (3) pulverizing; (4) dewatering, and (5) drying.

The functions are not necessarily carried out in the order they are listed.

Some processors soak the tubers before peE'l ing and others substi tute grating for soaking and pulverizing.

These variations affect the nature of the final product.

The peeled days to sof ten softened tubers hand, and then removal of the st.ones ' on the dehydrat.ed mass

or unpeeled tubE'rs arE' soakE'd for thrE'e t.O four up thE' tissue and to permit fermentation.

The are then taken out. of the water, pulverized by stuffed into plastic bags to facilitate the water, which is squeezed out by piling large bags for 24 hours.

Finally the partially 1S spread on a rocky surface or mats to sun dry.

The tIme required to process 140 kgs of tuber into lafun is between five to six hours with most of the time used for peeling, spread1ng the product out to dry and collecting it later.

4.5

Stages and 1'ime Requirement in Fufu Processing

Fufu processing is very similar to lafun processing except for a few minor differences.

The similarities end after maShing or pulverizing which is followed, in thE' case of fufu preparation, by siE'ving and finally, packing in plastic bags to drain.

Again the labor required for this process is between five to six ho u rs for 140 kgs of tube rs wi th most of the labo~ (f i ve hours ) used for peeling.

This process is spread over five to six days.

In general, it takes slightly more time to process gari than lafun, and mo re time to process lafun than fufu.

The processors use both improvE'c and local varieties, but the local varietiE's are used more often.

It is difficu l t to determIne whether this is because the local varieties possess certain desirable cnaracteristics, because of traditional values or whether the supply of the local varieties, particularly Odongbo , 1S mo re abunda n t.

Criter1a used for selec t ion are:

60

color, dry matter content, taste, etc.

When processors were aSKed to compare the improved varieties (mostly IITA's TMS 30572) with local varieties (mostly Odongbo) using the above criteria, the responses were mixed but slightly more people favored Odongbo (lable 4.2).

4.6.

Marketinq of Cassava and Its Products

'rnere are many markets in Oyo LGA, and each of the villages visIted has easy access to at least one.

Even though most of the villages are readily accessible by reasonably good laterite roads, it appears that transportation services are not adequate.

As a con seq uence, it is common to see women WI th headloads of marketaDle commodities walking to or from marKets.

As in most parts of southern Nigeria, about 40 percent of the cassava produced in Oyo LGA is for home consumption and the rest (60 percent) is for sale (Table 3.2).

The proportion marketed depends on several factors such as proximity to urban centers, access to roads and transport, relative prices of other foods and the degree of commercialization.

Farming households sell both fresh and processed cassava and can use many alternative distribution systems. A farmer can sell his cassava to his wife who will then process and sell the product.

Al ternati vely, the farmer may harves t the cas sava, transport it to town for processing and then sell it to retailers or wholesalers.

It is also common for farmers to sell their cassava stands to traders or processors who assume the responsibility of harvesting and transportation.

The team's cursory survey of the Oyo cassava market revealed that th e re are many middlemen involved in the marketing of cassava and cassava products.

This, coupled with the effort to acqUIre suffIcient quantities from many small farmers, greatly Increases tne marKetIng cOSt. On the other hand, the presence of so many participants In tne marKeting process effectively reduces the IndiVIdual's share of the marketing margin.

TuLl e' 01.2 ;

t1iU" V (:'::il l

I"

hOIV~aL* .l

ng

Ptt" 'IIt..~ lS

ot IJr at ll HJ

ut pt' el ing

0'

C !i l~' [l a

iJ ,.; t -

r~ d "' l:'

t.l Cd:'"

tfyillCj i I,Y

... .,. I V I 11'1

( ,I"

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t-~ct ;t·

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t;d :h'

t:." ,se

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:.~ll ~."' -~I;- 01 'j' \l t... ..." t- y I t.o J (I

( o uu oo:'f'd i

tJ"rlle~ t

7

Ca~:iaV d

61

\) f

illll ' CliVt:d .l

No.

I'c e t ":-!" t' I Uy:

0<.10 0 'JUO

15 21

4

9

5

it1ll1h:~rs

vdriet.it:'s Glnd d ... cl vt>J pr o duct.s

OJ her

5

6

• 1 4

bt'(: dU ~t:' o f on(' or mo rt' or. ,,"cu"! y n1alucity.

tlt ~

follo .... " Hj

r t:'cI."'iIJ I, ;

:

this y C...H1l'

•1

1

)

6

)

)

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61

1"0

59

26 I.

"7 Fl~ld

"0

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19d 6

1"

s urv~YI

T l'T'A

catill';l 0 1:

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donl'

tu ttl~ imp Lt' ::>!:>ion ot the!iUIVt2'y b,"dm IlIO:;. t Vd[ lo't i ... s in 11 '1'1\ vlIril.;'lleS jllt. roduced throuyh ut h tH lli tit i l u LioHS.

UNIC~~ / 11 ' I ' A / Ul

(,;L.)unu :ilLurnlJl lJ.ty

'1' uC .;ll

(dl

F;dl:l y

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l54.

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62

4.6.1.

Patterns of Demand for Cassava Products

Even though Nigerians like cassava, their favorite food, particularly in the south, is yam.

Maize and cocoyam are also an important part of their diet.

This is a l so true for Oyo LGA. Tnerefore, the supp ly of these crops would affect the demand for cassava.

But contrary to what is generally believed, these crops are complements rather than substitutes for cassava because no matter how abundant tneir supplies are, Nigerians will always have some Jond of cassava preparation in at least one of their daily meals.

This was confirmed by the study team's survey, wnlch Showed that an average household in Oyo LGA ate cassava products at least once a day throughout the year.

Nevertheless, the consumption of cassava shows seasonal variation.

Consumption generally increases from March to May, the "hungry season", reacnes its peak towards the latter part of May and then begins to decline when green maize, water yam, and yellow yam become increasingly available.

From then on, cassava consumptlon begins to decline till the end of February because of the availabIlity of maize in July, of white yam in October and cocoyam again in November.

Consumption patterns vary with income.

Generally, as . income increases people eat more and add var iety to their diet.

There is also a tendency to eat more expensive foods.

But the basic diet rema ins more or less the same.

It was di f f icul t to ver i fy empirically the consumption partterns of various income groups in Oyo LGA from survey data because the farmers tended to purposely und er-report their actual income, ma king it difficult to derive any meaningful analysis for this purpose.

But previous studies as well as the team's observations indicate that the demand for cassava is fairly inelastic over a broad range of income.

If there is a dlfference in cassava consump tion patterns and demand between low and high income groups, it 1S that high income groups eat more gari and lower income groups more lafun and fufu .

Ind1vidual consumption of gari tends to be higher in urban areas and larger towns but consumpt1on of cassava products as a wnole (gari, iufu, larunJ is lower than in rural areas because of the 1ncreased availabIl1ty of bread and other cereals, often at favorable prices.

63

4.6.2.

Price Trends in Cassava Tubers and Cassava Products

~ne~e

feaeral cassava

are

level and

no

official

agencies

at

the

lo~al,

respo nsible for :;ollE-ctl.ng priCE cassava produces for Oyo LGA.

sta~et

or

inÂŁoriTla~ion

fer sucn

Under CircumStances the best a:ternatlves a~e Tables 4.3 and 4.4. 'l 'aDle 4.3 snows prices co11e::::.e6 by t.ne Socio-EconoiTlic Ur.it of II'rA at. a local market in an adjac ent LGA about.

20 kilometers from Oyo t.own.

The inforrr,at.ion in Table 4.3 was obtained from farmers in the study s urvey.

F'rom 'I'able 4.3 it appears that. cassava and cassava products exhibit very little seasonal variation.

This can be attributed to the more or less steady supply 0: cassava through out the year because of the farmer's practice of storing cassava in the ground and harvesting only what 15 needed for immed iate use or sale.

Whatever seasonal variation there appears to be is very much relat ed to th e agric ultural cycle.

Cassava tuber and product prices are generally low during the second rainy season and remain at that low level from October through early March because of increased availability of other food crops s '. lc h as ma1ze, yams and cocoyams.

This is then followed by a ste ep ris e in la te Mar ch as a resul t. of increased diff1cult.y in harvest.ing cas sava due to the very hard soil during t.he dry seas on.

Pr ices rema in nigh throughout September because prior 1ty is given to the cultivation of other field crops.

Table 4.4 provides six years of information on cassava tuber and product. pr1ces given by farmers.

It appears that. there 1S no st.rong relationship between tuber price and lafun price.

'Ine pr1ce ot gari however, shows some positive relationship With tuber price.

It. is necessary to collect more dat.a before any meaningful long-t.erm trend can be discerned.

In t.he absence of such informatio r. , however, one can get a good idea of prices by ~alking to the public in gene.al and in part.lcular to people directly involved 1n cassa v a ent.erprises.

T~e data in Table 4.4 confirm th e general opinior. that the nomi nal price of tubers in ~igeria has been increaSin g gradually over the years even though tnere were a number of sev e re u?ward and downward sWl n gs in some years related to polit.ical and econoITlic vicissitudes in the count.:-}' _ One wou:'d expect t he same pa~~?=n in Oye LGA.

'fable

4.3:

Month

!:ie ast.)n mai zE'

Lat e

GarL Laf un

64 Av e ra<j'" lIIunthly pric,,:;, Ijaiye Market, NJ<jeria, 198 5- 86 (kobu/ kg).

Early St;"i;:lSOrl

malze

Oyo Slate in

White Water yam yam

Cocoyam

CiJW p l..' d

September

August

July

J Ulle

May

43

38

25

29

35

66 80

80

62

70

100

100

100

lOU

103

63

63

73

8/:l

118

88

88

88

42

46

31

32

34

42

52

85

103

27

29

47

51

57

29

33

34

51

42

37

214

184

HI

163

151

20t!

267

287

276

271:l

---- 31 -- - -. - -242-路 --

October

51

60

63

41

-----80-- ----100--- - 88------52- - 29-

November

53

60

63

2JJ

-54-

December

4';1

60

26

19/:l')

JanUi'try 1986

72

29

Apri.l

February

50

unpub1i",hed Data.

63

[1 '1'1\, 1986.

60

fSP,

72

Socio-cconom lc Unit,

Maretl

Source:

65

Table 4.4:

Average annual prices per tonne of cassava and cassava products in Oyo LGA, 1980-1986 Average

Years

Tubers

Price (naira/tonne)

Gar i

Lafun

1980

430

1700

185

1981

520

865

275

1982

660

1165

260

1983

660

1500

230

1984

750

1750

170

1985

380

1650

130

Early 1986

240

875

Seven year average

520

1357

60 187

Source: UNICEF/IITA/UI Field Survey, 1986.

Tne future outlook of cassava prices in Oyo LGA is open for specula t lon.

However, a close look at what future supply and demand would be llke can lead one to some reasonable conclusions.

At present, the demand for cassava appears to be weak because bread and other imported cereals are readily available at favor able government subsidl zed pr ices.

Thi s cannot cont inue because most governments can no longer afford the foreign exchange that is required to support such a policy.

As a consequence, one might expect the demand for cassava products to increase as bread and other imported cereals become scarce and expensive.

An incrase in demand for cassava, with other things being equal, will cause an increase in price, and this will in turn induce an increase in supply.

The final equilibrium price level will depend on actual supply and demand.

In sub-Saharan Africa, the supply for most agricultural commodities

66

(particularly for rooes ar,d tubers) is not very res pons i ve to pr lce c:-.anges.

Therefore, the consequences of an increase in de~and with very Iltele change in supply will be a higher price.

4.9.

Cassava Processing, Storage, and Marketing Constraints

Ca.ssava processlng, storage, and marketing constrain-:s a.:-e nc d:fferent in Oyo LGA than in other cassava producing areas.

Cassava producers in Oyo LGA are many, their farms are small, and they operate independently.

As a resul t of this cassava farmers may have weak bargaining positions against traders and may take whatever price is offered.

Buying from so many small farms also makes it more expensive for traders who mus~ cravel into the ninterland.

There is not even a rUdimentary on - farrr: storaqe facility for narveseed cassava 1n any 0: t.he villages in 01'0 LGA. As a result, spoilage ar,d damage by goats and chiCKens is estimated to be acout fIve percent..

Including post-harvest losses, ",astage may go up to 15 percent.

Lack of an a lternative for grcune storage renders cassava land unusable for oeher productive purposes.

Cassava proceSSing is done exclusively by women wlth tne help of their ch1ldren ('l'able 6.2). women and ch1ldren also do a subst.antial amount of worK on the farm in addltion t.o their regular domestiC workload.

Therefore, because cassava processing is highly labor intensive, it put.s a considerable amount of pre5sure and strain on \Nomen during the season wh en most of the other crops have cO be plant.ed and cultivated.

Under such circumstances, women try to reduce their processing activity during this season but for the most part, it is not something they can afford to do without drastically affecting their economic situation.

Mos t of the vi llages in the LGA seem to be 1 inked by a fairly good !"letwork 0: laterite roads thac are connecced to t:he main road.

However, t:he efficiency of transport: services over the years has declined.

67

V

5.1

CASSAVA IN HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITY, NUTRITION AND HEALTH IN OYO LGA Cassava Utilization for Household Food Security

In Nigeria and th~ Oyo LGA, th~r~ is no doubt that cassava is being planted for food securlty.

What requires ~laborat.ion is how its utilization could improve food security.

Food utilization refers t.o the way a food item is included in the dlet.

In the Oyo Local Government Area, the most widespread uses oi cassava are ln the forms of garl, lafun and fufu.

Farmers in th~ LGA consider cassava a food security crop and produce it primarily for this purpose, although it has recently developed into an important cash crop. The problem with cassava is that. it. det.~riorates two to three days after harvesting.

Therefore, it usually is left in the ground and farmers only harvest what they need from time to time.

Such a practice has the disadvantage of tying up the land, particularly in areas wher~ land is a constraint.

The solution to this problem may be to find ways to proc~ss the tub~r into products that can be stored for a long~r period and to find n~w uses for such products.

How~ver, the fact that cassava is used as a ~gap filler" during the "hungry season" when other food staples are scarc~ and/or expensive is a definite advantage in favor of cassava.

It is this aspect of its utilization that makes it particularly us~ful in contributing to rural and urban household food security.

Gari, one such "gap filler," is commonly eaten by being mixed in boiling water and stirring to produce a paste of desired consistency. but it is also an important snack food.

It can be eaten dry or reconstituted wlth cold water and sugar.

It is very popular in urban areas because it stores we l l and requires very Ilttle aeditlonal time to prepare.

Lafun and fufu are popular foods in rural areas because they are relatively cheap and also because they can be processed more qUickly than gari.

Thelr ease of preparation is particularly important during the planting season when ot.her farm acti vi ties compet.e for women's labor.

These cassava products contribute to food security in Oyo LGA simply by being available throughout the year, at a reasonably low pr ice, particularly when other food crops are in short supply.

However, cassava has the pot.ential to play an even greater role in contributing to food securit.y because it is a

68

h1ghly d1ÂŁferent1able crop (that is, it can be made 1nto many different products ) .

Its diffe~entiability offers opportunities for researcn in many areas needs including longer shelf life for gari, lafun a:od tufu; new products, e t c.

ThlS cal l s for renewed emphasis on food tecnnology research and research into small-scale household processng equipment ana equipment for new cassava products.

5.2 The Nutritional and Oietary Assessment of Cassava-Oependent Consumers Tabl es 5.1. 5.2, and the survey area and t~e people of the area.

The of food ltemS avallable tney are consumed.

5.3 list food items commonly consumed in extent of tneir popularity among the Taoles provide some idea of the var iety to tne people and the extent t.o which

A.ccordlng to -raole 5.1, amala lafun is the most popular food 1n the area.

It is closely followed by stewed beans.

A.mala lafun lS a tnlcK paste made from cassava flour.

Ot.her popular iooas are eKe t.utu (maize paste ) , akara (ground and ir led cowpea), moinmoin (steamed ground cowpea), pounded and boiled yam and garl.

Rlce ana maize are the least popular field crops for all t.hree groups of consumers (men, women and children).

Table 5.2 shows that the people of t.he survey area generally like vegetables. with the exception of okra and mushrooms, most of the vegetables are the green leafy types.

The people of Oyo LGA have a wide variety of protein sources (Table 5.3), the most popular being meat, smoked fish and snails.

Fresh seafood, dried meat and eggs are not very popular since they are not readily available.

Table 5.4 shows that fruits such as mangoes, pineapples, oranges, pawpaw, tangerines and a variety of others are regularly consumed when ln season.

One positive aspect of fruit consumption is that one or more fruits are usually available throughout the year.

Thus, the people of the LGA are never completelY without fruits at any time of the year.

69

Table 5.1:

Foods commonly consumed in Oyo LGA in order of preference, 1986

Males (23 ). to'ood items

No. of sub.

,

Females ( 25 )

,

Children (11 )

,

Resp.

No. of sub.

Resp.

No. of sub.

Resp.

Amala laf un

22

96

24

96

11

100

St.ewed beans

22

96

20

80

9

82

EKO tutu

18

78

22

88

9

82

Akara

17

74

15

60

8

73

Moinmoin

12

52

12

48

8

73

Pounded yam

17

74

15

60

8

73

Boiled yam

10

43

11

44

5

45

Gari

10

43

6

24

8

73

Pap

7

30

13

52

6

55

Maize

8

35

2

8

1

9

Rice

3

13

5

20

3

27

*

Figures in parent.heses are for number of subject.s

Source:

U~ICEF!lITA!UI

F1e1d Survey, 1986

70

Table 5.2:

Vegetables commonly consumed in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males ( 23 ) * Food i terr.5

No. of Sub.

resp. %

Females (25 ) No. of Sub.

resp. %

Children (11 ) No. of Sub.

resp. %

... ater Lea f (Gbure)

20

87

22

88

10

91

'r ete / lgbagba / SOKO

20

87

22

88

11

10 0

I::wedu

20

87

22

88

10

91

OKra ( i 1a )

16

70

18

72

6

55

Mushroom

18

78

16

64

7

64

AlTlunututu"

16

70

16

64

7

67

Bitter leaf (ewuro)

11

48

10

40

5

45

Splnach II

*

Figures in parentheses are for number of subjects.

Source: UNICEF / IITA/U I Field Survey, 1986

71

Table 5.3:

Meat items normally used for preparing stew/s oup in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males (23) Fooo

Females

(25) Resp.

Ch ildren

(11)

1 tern

No. of SUb.

%

of sub.

fresh meat

17

74

15

60

9

82

SmoKed flsn

17

74

17

68

8

73

Bush meat*

15

65

18

72

9

82

Snalls

15

65

17

68

8

73

Cowskin ("Penmo" )

14

61

14

56

9

82

Dry meat

7

30

11

44

2

18

Fresh fish

6

26

4

16

1

9

Frozen fish

3

13

10

40

5

45

Eggs

4

17

5

20

3

27

Shrimp

2

9

4

16

1

9

*

Resp.

No.

%

No.

of

sub.

Resp. %

"Bush meat" 1ncludes meat from rabbits, giant rats, squirrels, porcuplnes, grasscutters, antelopes and meats from other anlmals co~monly found 1n the area.

Source:

UNIC~~ / llTA / UI

Field Survey, 1986.

72

Table 5.4:

~ruits

normally consumea in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males (23)

Females

( 25 )

Children (11 )

r'rult.s No. of sub.

Resp. %

toIo. of sub.

Pawpaw

20

87

22

88

9

82

Oranges

18

78

22

88

11

100

Mango

16

70

17

68

7

64

'Osan Agbalumo

12

52

15

60

9

82

Banana

10

43

12

48

9

82

Pineapple

8

35

5

20

8

73

Plantain

8

35

6

24

5

45

Tangerine

3

13

2

18

Source:

Ur;lCJ;;~j llTA!Ul

Resp. %

No. of sub.

Resp. %

Field Survey, 1986.

Tne survey found tnat respondent households all had three square meals daily.

Four dlfferent types of breakfast are popular in tne area: ama l a lafun, with ewedu soup and meat stew; pap wltn moin-moln; eko tutu with moin-moin, and rice with beans and f ish stew (Table 5.5).

Most. of the adults eat amala lafun with ewedu soup and meat stew While children eat rice with stew most of the time.

Only a few people eat pap and moin-moin for breakfast; eko tutu and moin-moin are not widely consumed either.

Accordi ng to Table 5.6, the three favored lunch meals are boiled yam with ata sauce, amala lafun with ewedu soup and meat stew, and eko tut.u with moin-moin.

The table shows tha t a greater percentage of both women and schoolchildren eat amala lafun with ewedu and meat stew while most of the men eat boiled yam with ata sauce.

73

Table 5.5:

Popular breakfast foods in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males ( 23 )

Females (25)

Children (11 )

Food item No. of sub.

Resp. %

No. of sub.

Resp.

Amala lafun, ewedu and meat stew

10

43

13

52

3

27

Pap+moinmoin

9

39

4

16

1

9

5

22

6

24

2

18

7

64

%

No. of sub.

Resp. %

EXo tutu +

moinmoin Rice, Beans+ stew Source:

UNICEF/IITA/Ur Field Survey, 1986.

74

Table 5.6:

Common lunch diets in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males ( 23 )

Females ( 25 )

Children ( III

j,'ooa item

,

Resp.

11

48

5

20

Amala lafun + ewedu + meat stew

9

39

8

32

7

64

Eko tutu + ewedu + moinmoin

4

17

7

28

1

9

Boiled yam and ata sauce

%

No. of sub.

,

No. of sub.

Resp.

No. of sub.

1

Resp.

9

Source: UNICEF /IITA/UI Field Survey, 1986.

Table 5.7 shows that meals commonly consumed for supper are amala lafun with ewedu and fish stew; pounded yam and vegetable soup wIth fish; eko tutu with stew and akara or moin-moin and bOiled yam witn palm oil.

A few males eat boiled yam with palm 011 WhIle most males and females eat amala lafun W1 th ewedu and 11Sh stew.

A majority of the SChoolchildren eat pounded yam with vegetaole, melon and fiSh stew or eko tutu with stew and akara or moin-moin but not much boiled yam.

Generally, It can be deduced from the sample data that the people of Oyo LGA have a rich and wide variety of food based on cassava, yam, ma1ze, vegetables, meat and fruits.

It is evident that cassava is a popular food item and is a dominant feature of the1r diet.

It is consumed by adults as well as children and may be eaten for breakfast, lunch or supper.

An examination of Table 5.8 shows that the vegetables and other food items popular in the locality provide the important nutrients that are missing or are deficient in cassava products.

75

Table 5.7:

Common supper diets in Oyo LGA, 1986

Males (23 )

Females (25 )

Children

(11 )

Food item No. of sub.

Resp.

,

No. of sub.

,

Resp.

No. of sub.

,

Resp.

Amala lafun, ewedu+fish

9

39

10

40

2

18

Pounded yam/ veg./melon and fish

8

35

7

28

4

36

Elto tutu/stew altara/ moinmoin

4

17

8

32

4

36

Boiled yam + palm 011

2

9

Source:

UNICEF! 11 TA/ UI field Survey, 1986.

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77

Thererore, it is clear from the survey that the people of Oyo LGA eat nutritionally balanced meals.

However, it is not possible from the survey to determine whether those households WIth pregnant women and children receIved an adequate amount of the nutr ients necessary for a heal thy and productive 1 i fe.

For this information, a food consumption survey (which will require more time and resources than were made available for this study) is needed.

The average number of children born alive to each woman during the five-year period from 1980-1985 ranged from 1.5 in Imini to 1. 7 in lware.

This figure is expected in rural areas where lactation is usually prolonged and sex with a nursing mother is never practised.

Consequently, the children are usually well spaced with about three years between any two children.

The study also shows that about a quarter of the children in the study villages were born during the five-year period from 1980-1985.

Although the study has limitations primarily because of a laCK of tIme, which did not allow for a thorough and systematic health assessment, it was evident that the sanitary and health conditions of most of the people in the villages surveyed' could be improved much more with provisions of potable water and proper latrines. The study did not reveal any serious apparent symptoms of malnutrItion or undernutrition or goiter that could be related to the villagers' cassava-based dIets or to the lack of sanItatIon. 5.3

Health Assessment of Cassava-Dependent Consumers

The farmers (male and female) were assessed to be in reasonably good health. Tney are well-built and show no signs of malnutrition Dr any serious disease.

Of great interest are the children seen in the households that were visited.

They look healthy and well-nourished.

It is not surprising that the children looked healthy since mothers in rural areas breast-feed their children for as long as 18 months and the local diet also is introduced very early.

Household heads and mothers in the Oyo LGA indicated that their families were mostly in good health except for the occasional fever, diarrhea and cough.

Patterns of illness In children reported by mothers in the 15 villages studied indicate that 42 percent of the LGA's children frequently suffer from malarIa fever, 39 percent from coughs and 19 percent from

7B

diarrhea.

The frequencies of occurrence of these illness were put by the mothers at twice a year for malaria fever, twice a year for di arrhea (espec ially dur ing the mango and gua va seasons), and thrice a year for coughs.

Clinical observations show that most of the family members are well-fed and healthy.

There was no incidence of an endemic disease in the area related to cassava or any of the other cornmon food staples.

The study team came across only one incidence of a duodenal ulcer and another of onchocerciasis, both in Iporin.

79

VI

ECONOMIC CONSIDERA1'IONS Hi CASSAVA DEVELOPMENT IN OYO LGA

6.1

Resource Requirements and Costs in Cassava Production

Ll ke any other crop cuI t i va ted and processed in the area, cassava requires land, labor and capital (in the form of transportation facilities, equipment and casn).

Table 6.1 summarizes the financial (not economic) cost of t.hese various resources needed in 1985 to produce one tonne of cassava in Oyo LGA. The table shows that labor is the single most important and costly resource requirement in cassava development, accounting for a total of 37.33 percent (or N125.38) of the overall N335 .87 cost t.o produce one tonne of tubers.

Processing (excluding mechanical grating) accounts for 50.25 percent (or N63.00) of the labor cost, while cassava . pr,qduction activities absorb 33.17 percent (or N41.59) â&#x20AC;˘ .. The; ....s.hii.te¡... for land preparation is 16.58 percent (or N20.79).

The varioils"l'rl"llividual demands of labor for the different stages in the continu~~' are indicated in the table.

Table 6.1 also shows that lab,;ir is closely followed by transportation as the next most costly activity (35.73 percent), and then grating (9.53 percent) and miscellaneous expenses (5.95 percent).

Rented land costs the least, accounting for only 2.53 percent of the total cost of prodUCing one tonne of cassava .

6.2

Family Time Allocation in Cassava Poduction, Processing and Marketing

As indicated in Section 6.1, labor plays a crucial role in general cassava developm<'nt within tnis LGA. However, due to competing demands for labor between cassava and other farm enterprises within a farming household, and also because of the fact that certain aspects of cassava development require "specialized handling" , the labor needs of cassava are supplied from both within and outside the famlly.

Within t.he family, gender roles in cassava farming are very important.

Table 6.2 which summarizes the time allocation by gender and between family and hired labor among the var lOus stages of cassava development, shows that:(i) land preparation for cassava requires a total of 426 unconverted work hours.

Hired labor (usually only men ) accounted for 34 percent of tne total 426 workhours; family males coner ibuted 52 percent while family females accounted for 14 percent. ¡r ne data indicate that the services o f hired wo men and / or children are generally not needed at this stage;

80

Table 6.1: Financia l cost of resourc e s for pr o d ucing one tonne of cassava. Oy o LGA. 198 5

Resource 1.

Naira valu e

Iiired Labor: Farm c1earlng Tre e felllng Farming. burning and packing

12.45 3.25 5.09

3.71 1. 00 1. 52

Land preparat.ion

20.79

6.23

Planting weeding Harvesting

20.37 11.88 9.34

6.06 3.50 2.78

Production

41. 59

12.34

Peel ing Bagging and dewatering Frying and Sieving

40.00 8.00 15.00

11. 91 2.38 4. 47

Processing

63.00

1 8 .76

125.38

37.33

8.49 32.00 30.00 120.00 20.00

2.53 9.53 8.93 35.73 5.95

335.87

100.00

Sub-tota l Labor 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Rented land ( ~ ! 0.20ha Gra t ing Cutt.ings Tra n sportation Misc e llaneo u s

Tot.al resource cos t Source:

Ur-<ICEF'/ lI'l'A/ UI

)

FIeld Survey. 1986

81

(li) a tot.al of 851 unconverted wo:rkho urs was s?ent 0:1 the average by var i01;s categor ies of labor t.o produce 5.89 t.onnes per househola i n 1985 wlt. nin the LGA. Relative to the nLlmDer of worKhours neeaed at. ot..~er st.ages of cassava developmen t, proouct.lon required 38 percent ot tne 2253 wo rkh ours ne e dea from land preparation t.o marketing. 'ilt.nin tne prOd 'J ctlon stage, however, 74 percent. of tne labor neeOs were supplleo Dy the family, while hl 'red labor accounted :Oor or.ly 26 percent.

Famlly males put. in 12 percent of the prod uct ion t.ime, while hired males contributed 19 percent .

Women from the famlly and those hired contributed 42 percent 0: the prod uct ion wo rknours, while the Children cont.r ibuted 27 percent; (iii) a tot.al of 738 unc o nverted workhours [or 33 percent of the overall labo y input) was needed to complete the ei::jht -stag e processi n g operati on .

Family labor accounted for 65 percent. of tne total n um ber of hours, while h i red labor cont.ribu::ed 35 perce"t.

At this stage of cassava developmen t the men were not involved, thus leaving the women and cr, ildren to undert.ake th e processing.

Children of the fam i ly accounted for 44 ;:>ercent of the processing labor, which lS a remarkable cont:ribution to cassava development, because it: show s tnat compared to their mot.hers, chilciren of the farr:ily contributed twice the amount of time t:han their mo thers to processing cassava; (lV) famlly labor alohe was used in cassava marketing.

Of t:he tot.a l amount ot 238 workhours 'or 10 percent of total labor input. ) , the men of the family put. in only t.hree percent for selllng the cassava in stands on the farm, while the family female spent 94 percent: of tne total marketing time selling t:he 'processeo proou('ts.

Cnilaren o f t.he family helped t.helr mothers ln selling the product:s and contributed t:hree percent ot tne tot.al sellIng tlme .

Ov erall, ther efo re, 'I'able 6.2 shows that. 72 percent of all the tlme needed to produce t he out:put of an average household in 1985 was cont:r ibuted by t.he family, while hired labor accounted for 28 percent..

The family male contributed 15 percent, hired mal es 14 percent, family females 32 percent, hired females 14 percent, and children 25 percent.

In other words, the men as a group contributed 29 percent of the workhours while the women accounted for 46 percent of the time, leaving the balance of 25 percent to the ch i Idren, most l y da ughters.

Th us, cassava development is largely dependent on female labor and / or supervlsion.

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83

Furthermore, Table 6.2 shows that ot the average total 1052 workhous puc In by women into cassava development, 60 percent is s?ent. on post harvest activitIes (processIng: 39 percent; and marketlng: 21 percent), while 40 percent is spent on land preparatlon and product.lon.

Looked at anot.her way, 43 percent. ot all worknours is spent. on post-harvest act.lvitles, while 38 percent is spent on production and 19 percent on land preparation.

6.3 Income GeneratIon Potential of Cassava for Rural Families Rural fam1lies that. grow cassava generate income from four princlpal sources, namely: the harvesting and sale of their cassava tubers; sale of processed cassava products (gar i and lafun); the rent from their ownership of cassava processing equipment, and working in cassava-related jobs for other families.

The level of net earnings from these four sources relative to net earnings from non-cassava related jobs determines whether they move out of or stay in cassava farming.

Table 6.3 summarizes the average income generated in 1985 by a farm family growing and processing cassava in the Oyo LGA. The table is based on the calculated 1985 average output (5.89 tonnes) of a family in the LGA. With a net profit of N4136.83 per household, the average household received an average of ~702.35 for a tonne of cassava. For a largely rural LGA, such net farm Income from one out of a number of farm enterprises is not bad considering t.he generally low level of net farm incomes in the state and country.

6.4

~conomic

Implications of Gender Roles in Cassava ProQuction, Processing and Marketing

Tnroughout this study, it was oeserved that cassava Oevelopment requlres, to varying oegrees, the input ot all memoers or the household at the various stages of 1ts product1on, processIng and marketing.

Table 6.2 h1ghlighted the fact that out or a total of 2253 unconverted workhours spent on the average by a household 1n the LGA to produce, process and market 5.89 tonnes of cassava in 1985, family men put in 15 percent, women 32 percent, and children 25 percent of the time.

Thus, cassava 1S clearly a "family crop" whose continued development depends largely on women and children.

84

Table 6.3:

Estimated average income genera~ed by a cassava growing ho~se~old in Oyo LGA, 1985 (N)

Gross Income:

Sale '): cassava t:.~bers (4.06 tonnes @ N380)

. . N1543

Sale of processed gari (40 x 20kg bags / tonne @ N1650) Re~t earnings from cassava processlng equip:nent:

Mlscel~ a neous

l~come

cassava-r e late~ Val~e

of

~

162

from

Jobs

home-cons~med

(1.83 connes

5359

73'" cassava

N380)

695

Toea1 gross income

N8498

Less Cos c of Goods Sold (COGS) : Cassava cuttIngs Losses due to deterioration of tubers and gari (15%)

177 1035

'l'oeal COGS

12 12

Gross margin

N7286

Less operating expenses : Labor for land preparation (N60.25 x 5.89 tonnes)

1'<354.87

for prOduction (~60 . 98 x 5.89 tonnes)

359 . 17

for processing (Nl84.59 x 5.89 connes) for marketing (NS . DO x 39.67 dysl Total labor

1087 . 2 4 198.35 N1999 . 63

85

La nd

50.02 129.92 706.8 0 117 . 80 --------

Machine grating T=af:sport.a :. icn ..

M 1 5c~11a neo ~s

expe~5es

CC- 4.1 -t\3 ---- 7 ~~t

Less

rlX~d

o peraLing margIn

4 281.B3

expenses:

uepreclatlon on produc~lon tools ana ?rOCesslr.g equlp~ent Ne~

profit from

ca3saVa !'no~5e~o16

So"r ce ; LitiICE i / llr;../ OI fi eld Survey , 1986

~4 :36.83

86

An awareness of tne economic lmpllcatlons of tnis <llvislon at labor by gender ln cassava development are crucial for malntalnlng the crop's momentum.

Tney lnclude the following: (1) increased cassava production will demand more and more of women's tlme.

Household responsibilities such a~ chlld care and personal leisure; economic activities such as petty trading and/or production of other crops, especially yams and grains, and social functions such as group or village meetings and extended family commitments will gradually receive less and less of the women's time.

Considering also the growing rate of social emancipation of even rural women and their very rational economic behavior, it may soon become rather difficult to keep them ln cassava production unless there is sufficient visible and financial reward to be gained from their involvement in cassava cultivation.

Their continued interest in cassava will, therefore, depend on the net income or incremental net benef i t to be received from cultivating cassava as opposed to growing other crops.

Tnis may be achieved through the establishment of satellite cassava development centers (SCDCs) where improved cassava production, processlng and utilization technologies can be extended especlally to rural women and children; (ii) rural parents are increasingly becoming aware of the lmportance and value of education.

Tnus, more and more chlldren are belng sent to school. \'olth Chll<1ren of working and school age provldlng 25 percent of all the workhours needed ln the cassava process, a tlme wlll come when, due to tne government POllCy of uni ver sa l pr lmary e<1ucat ion and tne consequen t eÂŁ fect of increased mandatory migration to schools far away from home, tne chlldren' s labor contribution wi l l be reduced to very low levels. bther of two things may happen then, namel y: (a) the mothers of these children will have to take on more of the burden in cassava development, thereby compounding the observations in (i) above; or (b) some children may be required by parents to stay at home to help in the activities.

The net effect will be the usual vlcious circle of poverty-ignorance-underdevelopmentpoverty; and (iii) assuming that efforts will be streamlined for ensuring that women are adequately compensated for their critical role in cassava development, either indirectly through increased social status and empowerment or directly through fiscal reward, a lot of technological and educational investment will be needed in the rural cassava-growing areas to promote improved production, processing marketlng and utllization.

Such investments may be channeled through women's groups with proven interest in cassava development.

87

In

sections 3 .7 and other

agr o~om lc

pr00 :J ct ion, c u :. t.:..:;gs of

and '.8, technical

t~e

following

cons~raints

were

lis~ed

af~ ~ct ing

as cassava

prccessirH;J1 s:. o ra ge an::1 rr! a~KE-tl:1g: not.

4?nc·u:;h Im;>rO\YE':l \'cr1-e~ies , ~ :!ceve :"o ped i::frast.r uctur? i t.ne

of ca SS 3va p~StS and dls e3 ses; jeplet.ion and low fertility oi soils; low 6e ffi3~d ~or cassava and cassava pr odu cts; low lev e ls at ~e chnology at tne ~a ~l CUS 3~ag€5 of cassava develo?~~nL; inetr ec :'l\"? pelley er.\·irorim ent ; nor; -a vc:il a~ill:'Y ot s:.o:age fa:-illtlE?S Ic.r cassava erIC: lt5 p!"o6u::ts; ana general absence of ca::;sava prOGDCerS I o!"9"anlzatior:s t.o s tre amlIne prOOiJctlor" p: ocessl~g a~c marKeLl~g.

1nis list. of ::onSl.ralf1t-s em;;naSlZ2S trJ€ a rr!-:) '.:nt. of wO!""K -rna: st.i:' l n-eecs to be Qc~e 1£

~eGa=e

CaSS3.V3

It.:t. i,jre .

O€:1 €! It.S

1£

t.o

be

es taolis.'iE'c

A we2.1 - tnoLignt

0:

2SSS5va

as Itt~e" crop of tr:e neeo.co 11 the potentIal are t o be enjoyed .

anc:

d. eve ~op:?d

out. program

d~v~~opnent

IS

The economic con5 eq~en ces of these constrai nts may be viewej frolL the follo wing perspec::ives:-

1) i i )

prices of cassava and cassava products; the quantl::y of cassava and cassava procucts I or derived products relative to those of its substitu~es; and

iii) the :evel of impo rtation of food crops to supplement or replace ~he contribution of cassava to the r,ation' s food basket.

Given the current economic condition of the country and its future outloOK, the pr ices of cassava tubers and products are likely to increase. The rate of increase of these price, however, WIll depend on the rate or increase 1n cassava supply.

For ar. economy tnat is 1nterested in discouraging 1nflationary nlkes in pr1ces, especially of food items, it will benefit the nation as a whole if efforts are dIrected at providing information and oppo rtunit1es to try improved cassava cu l tivars and pesticides, as well as lnformation on the processing and use cf cassava in housencld nutrition ana industrial manufacture.

Currently available evidence shows that cassava is generally accepted and eaten in both rural and urban areas.

It is also clear that cassava can be used in many different ways.

The present level of consumption and u se can be greatly increased if deliberate efforts are made to encourage and promote the

88

consumptIon ot cassava In alternatIve forms ana its use for Inaustry and anImal feed.

This will require an extensive nUtrItIOnal eoucatlon program.

This will be an expensive but necessary program it tne goals of household tood security and increased Income are not to be temporary ana tranSIent objectIves.

89

VII 7.1.

SOCIAL MOBILIZATION AND EDUCATION The Experience of the E~anded Procgam cn Immunizaticn in ~igeri~ and Its Relevance for Cassava Production and Utilization

-'EPI~

The bas ic objectl Viii' of a cassava-baslii'd food s ec u!" i ty pro;jrarr in the Oya Local Gaverr.ment Area is to increase access to a year-round source of healthy a nd energy food by the disadvantaged groups, to. improve househ c ld incomes and t.he overall welfare of women and children a nd expand cassava ut.i l izatia n .

Social mabilizat10n t.o generate awareness and ensure f "u Sca1ned participa:1on lD relevant prog::ams has been clearly demo nstrated 1:1 t.he Expanded Program on lITL-1HJnlzat1an (S PI) in Nlge~la.

Tne lessons learned are H!lpa rt.ant in designing a simllar t.echnlque f ar cassava product1on and utilizat1on_ It ~as only 1n Oct.ober 1985 t.hat. a rev1sed ~xpand ed Program on Immun1zat.1an was launChed in Nigeria by the Bead of State.

As repor:ed in tne 1986 evaluation, "the feasibility of this strat.egy was put. to test in a pilot project in Owo ~ocal Governmen t Area (L GA) 1n Ondo State _ The resul ts were impressive.

In only ane year, vacc1nation coverage increased from 9 percent to 83 percent.

Intensive ef f orts to g ene rat.e palitical suppart and enlight.en the public were important contrl b utors to this suc cess ." ÂŤ(Jl\ICEF-Nigeria, 1986).

A number of less a ns can be distilled from the experience of the Nigerian BPI including: "Executive-level political support generatpd as early as possible.

should

be

An effort should be made to involve as many potentially interested parties as possible in the planning process.

Clear lines of responsibility, a regular flow of informatio n and strong supervisory capabilities are import.ant in facilitating managemen t.

Community mobilization Should be kept. in step.

and

technical

progress

Mat.erials ana procedures should be standardized.

Operations Should be consol idated in an before expanding to other localit.ies."

Clt., 1986).

area (op.

90

'Ihe Nigeria .t:.Pl program has clearly laid a solid fO 'Jnd a tio n for fut.uro success.

Tne conclusions from th is expe r ier,ce a~ e val uable as a ne'" program 1S plannec for Oyo Local Gov<?rnment.

Area on cassava.

Tne t. .... o most import.ant lessons are that "pil ot p ro]E'ct.s neec to (a) be successful in t.heir own rig!;t anc. re pll'::able , particularly IHtn regard t. a t hei r d emands fo r resources and (b) the po11cy must be for pnased implementa:ion".

(Op. Cl::., 198 6) . 'rhe~e fore tne folle .... -up p roject based on t.his repcn: ..,ill focus only on Oyo Local Government Area keeping ln m1nd the ~PI experience on "phaseo implementat10n" .... ith t he fcl lo ~ing adva~tages: ensurlng credibility, co~solidating t:ecnnical operations, limiting t.he initial demand for financial and ccher resou~ces a!'\d allo..,ing time t o prepare b'Jdgets and train ma npo we r." (UNICEF-Nigeria, 1986).

In for mation on the production and utilization of cassava lS ab'Jndant.ly availaole at: the lnt.ernational Instit u t.e of Tropical Agr:culture <lITA), Ibadan, Nigeria.

The I,atlonal Root Crop Research Institute (NRCRI) at Umudike; the Institute cf Agr icultural Research and Training <IARf,'I' ) and the National Seed Service at Ioadan; t.he :acu lt ies of agricult u re of the -"arious universities, and the Rural Agro-Indust.:- ial Development Scheme (RA IDS) et.c .â&#x20AC;˘ all have useful a nd direc::ly appl ic able technolog y and information on cassava productio~, ?rocpssing and utilizat10n.

T:-'e constraints are recognized in reaching target aud1ences wlth ava11able 1ntormation and knowledge.

Creating and spreading t.ne needed awareness t.hrough educat.ion will require advocacy t.echniques for organizational mot.1vat.10n ana communicat1on channels in the corrununity for social mobilizatiorâ&#x20AC;˘.

The purpose of social mObilization in this circumstance ..,ill be t.o: raise general awareness of cassava production and utilizat.ion, and its ro le in income generation, nutrition and health; influence policy level government officials cassava as a household food security crop;

on

provide information continuously on cassava production, processing, utilization, marketing and its potenial for income generation and labor saving equipment and processes for women etc.

91

The overall purpose will be to inform and transfer relevant ideas on cassava, and to educate, and influence the continuing and alternative uses of cassava.

Successful social mobilization presupposes willing and participation by the target group.

It thrives on early involvement and consultation with those to be sensitized in the planning phases of the program.

It should ensure a free flow of adequate and relevant information to the target group as a basis for their decisions.

Finally, it must maintain open and effective, mutually reassuring communication channels between the groups. volun~ary

Oyo Local Government Area has a minimum level of infrastructure but indigenous capabilities with adequate eXLension staff and very impress1ve women and developmen~ committees for the catalytic effects of social mobilization.

7.2

Assessment of Bxis~in9 Infrastructure and Capabilities for Social Mobilization in Oyo LGA

A key concept in social mobiliza~ion is communication.

For interaction between individuals or a group to be effective in the proposed social mobiliza~ion, there needs to be radio, television and print media facilities in the LGA. The Oyo Local Government Area is served by two national radio stations (BCOS and FRCN) and the signals of two television stations (BCOS-TV and NTA) can be picked up throughout the area.

In addi tion, Kwara radio and television can be received in the northern sections of the area.

Even though the survey did not assess the number of radios and televisions owned, it appears to be very low.

There is a relatively high Yoruba (local language) literacy rate among the villages and some of them subscribe to the Yoruba paper "Gbohungbohun n â&#x20AC;˘ Existing below.

infrastructure

in

the LGA

is

shown

1n

the

table

Oyo State has a total of about 1,186 agricultural and rural development workers in the Nigerian Federal Ministry of Agricul~ure, wa~er Resources and Rural Development who have an agricultural extension function.

However, with the exception of three local government areas (Oyo LGA is not one) covered by the world Bank-assisted agricultural development project ONADEP, extension coverage at the village level is limited.

Following a field service reorganization in 1979/80, most village level eXLenS10n workers were redeployed to secondary schools as farm

92

'rani e 7.2.1: RoadS

~xisting

infrastructure in Oyo LGA

'1'0-:,,1 all roads Fecier"l

1536 .60 91 76 . S 1366.7

Sta t.e

Local government rlospi-:al Ma-:ernicy centers Dlspensaries Vlliages W lt~ ~ater supply Vil lages with rural e l ectricity Primary schools Secondary schools Total enrolment Teachers' colleges Adu lt literary facilities Cooperative societies Rural Dev. related training insticutions Agro-service centers

!(!T\

JGl\

_i{,TI !(!T\

20 333 16

24 6

227 37 13,710 1

13 l6~

3 1

Source: FACu, Ibadan, Rural Infrascructure Survey Reports, 1982, upcia~e 198~ .

managers.

Consequently, there are very few extenslon workers direct contact wlth farmers today.

in

The specific numoer of extension workers in Oyo LGA was not obtained in thlS survey.

However, there are 37 secondary schools in the LGA and therefore 37 school farm supervisors.

The distribution of extension function is sh own in Ta ble 7.2.2.

staff

by

responsibilicy

or

93

Table 7.2.2.

Distribution of extenslon staff in Oyo State by function.

Function Administration Management Supervisory Village level extension Total Source:

Number

Record ( %)

34 128 730 294

2.9 10.8 61. 6 24.7

1186

100 . 0

FACU, Ibadan, Rural Infrastructure Survey Report, 1982, update 1985.

Stat.ewide, only 25 percent. of the extension staff are operating as farmer contact personnel . 'iet, a preponderance of supervlsory extenslon staff (62 percent) can be an asset for soclal mobllization.

This category of staff has long years of exper lence and competence wh ich can be harnes sed for the eeucation and organization of farm families , government officials and non-governmental organizations .

Tne local government also has a cooperative t.raining college (located in Oyo town), a school of surveying <located in ayo to",-n) and a farm mechanization and training center !located in Fashola ) .

These coul d become very importan t publ ic centers for social mobilization and skill training.

The Local Government Area has many dailY markets, most of which are located In ayo and llora_ Smaller markets are scattered allover the area .

These do not meet daily.

The Local Government Administration has ample capability to participate in a social mobilization program.

The Alafin of ayo, who is the traditional monarch of the Area, has given his support to this program .

His welcome and endorsement were personally given to tne ll 'r A-UNI CE.F' Consultatlon during a visit to his palace in March 1986.

The arrangements for this introductory VI Sl t. were made by the \'Iomen aDd Development Commi t tee and the ext.ension st.art of the Mlnistry ot Agrlcul ture, Water Resources and Kural i.levelopment.

'I'he survey worK in Oyo markets was undertaKen WI t.h aovance prepar-ations by the Aciministrator of t.he 01'0 Local Government Area and hIS staff.

Tnese Initlal VIS1ts

94

were followed by other communications and agreement by the LG1I st.aff and Ministry officials including the agricultural and horne economICS s:.aff, t.o rU ~ lY c o l l abo rate in irrplerr!enting the prog::am.

ConsideraDle advance wori<. and volunteer time has been glve>n by t.he ";omen a:-.d Deve>lo?men t Committee of Oyo LGA. The (lye

State

"'orner.

an ~

Deve:"opme rl t

Commit.tee

IS

the

la r gest

ar;d

r?po rt.ed to 0'= th e .:J2St. org a ni zed in t.he coun:ry.

Hundreds of rural women are members and tneIr capabilit.les in tappIng VOlunteer women l'?aders as wel l as organizing large numbers of rural women wl1i. be a major attribut.e for the follow- u p program.

7.3

Strategy for Social Mobilization

11 social mobllizacion program could be assisted with the of support of the ene f 'ecieral Government of Nlgerla.

Therefore, launching an Oye State Cassava Production and UtilizatIon Program wou . o prov lde an appropriate take-off point for the programs, Tnis strategy of cooperation between national, state and local governments should be similar to those used for the Nigerian EPI as discussed previously.

During 1987, other selected states should mount public campaigns to create enthusiasm and support for cassava production and utilization.

Specific activities at th i s level co u ld inc l ude workshops, symposia, roundtable consultative groups etc. to organize concrete programs of action.

Agricultural shows and farmers' festlval's were once popula: occasions for focusing on speciol crops.

A cassava agricultural show could become an attractive and beneficial way to promote the crop for food security . 'l 'ne LGA traditionall~' has a New Yam Festlval, 11 s~milar cassava festival could be organized at the LGA to generate popular partl.cipation in cassava production and new forms of utilization.

7.3.1

Collaborative Partners in Oyo LGA

'I'nere can be no real development at the Local Government levels unless it has the politIcal approval of the state government.

In order to provIde appropriate orientation and knowledge to state pol icy makers, it is impor tan t to involve and lnform them of issues. probl ems and prospects of cassava as a food security crop and its importance in generating income for the rural households and women in particular. To achieve this, cassa\-a speCIa l ists can provIde policy makers and nutritionists with current information on the place of cassava in rural and urban Nigeria.

95

A number of part.ners will be involved in the design and implement.ation of the follow-up project.. Appropriate government of f lC ial s, vol unteer groups such as the Women and Development Committee and representatives of farm cooperatlves and selected nign schoo l s will be members of the Project Management and Implementation Team (PMIT ) .

7.3.2.

The Role of the Media

The media and its practitioners have a key role in social mobilIzation in Nigeria.

Objective and purposeful reporting could make the difference between success and failure.

The media must be involved to deliver objective information on the status of cassava as a food sec u rity crop.

A major part of the follow-up program wlll include public information campaigns with lowcost pamphlets in Yo ruoa and English on bot h production and utIlizatIon of cassava.

Speci al television features will include the potential o f cassava composite flours and new methods of food preparation and products.

A portable video unit will be part of eac h proposed Satell i te Cassava Development Center (SCDC).

The attentlon not only WIll be on public information through eStaollsn e d radIO, 1"" a nd newspaper sources, but it will also include innovative methods for Deve lopment support communlcations.

7.4.

Development Support Communications and Capability for Soclal Mobilization

Most of the respondents in the survey area are not literate in English and cannot unDerstanD printed materials. Most material developed for radio and television has an urban bias and therefore is not directly relevant to the rural population.

Conventional media serve to give information and advertise.

Th ey fail to adequately educate and radio or television, productions lack social or tecnnical education content.

In additio n, selective perception, retention and behavior processes substantially mod ify wha te ve r is communicated through the traditior.ai me di a.

What is needed for a well-articula,-ed soc~al mObilization process is a communication system that emphasizes and suppor ts deve lopment oaCKSt opped by expert production of materials.

Th 1 S de YJe lopme n t COmm'..lfll.ca:'lon support s y stem should De equl pped to impro ve tne effectiveness ot the cassava ;>rod UC :10 r. and ut~ ll zation program Dy nelping t.o c h ange the knowledge, attituae and behavlor of Its staff was well as the intended

96

beneficiaries.

Through the development, packaging and use of appropriate messages and communication methods, this system can help social mobilization by improving the skills of program operators and helping them perform better in their assignments to effectively educate and motivate intended beneficiaries in the LGA. In addition, the system should produce and provide t:echnical reference materials, provide trainers with teaching materials, fieldstaff with materials to use in face-to-face interaction with cassava farmers, ana provide materials for use by mass media on cassava production, processing and utilization. 'l'he media support sys tem must be able to: -

aetermine the Kinds of 1nformation needed staff and cassava producers, processors

by program and other

users;

identify, compile, process and package information into messages and forms appropriate for field staff, farmers and other users; deliver the me ssages channels, and

using

appropriate

methods

evaluate message, methods, channels and techniques for impac t and effectiveness.

and

processing

This capability is currently nonexistent in the Oyo LGA, but is available to some extent within the various Agricultural Development Projects. The Federal Agricultural Coordinating Unit (FACU) at Ibadan has a development communication section which could handle some of the activities described above.

7.5 Manpower Development and Trainlng for Sustalned Social Mobilization Tne technlcal information on cassava production lS certainly Known.

But: the emphasls needs to be on maKing tne information known to a much wiaer audlence.

Lack of Knowledge of cassa va's potential 1n accompl1sning natlonal food security can resul t 1n: a)

m1sconceptions, counter-productive belief, structures and practices Which can worsen an already serious food deficit situation and nutritional status;

b)

aaherence t.o old pract.ices believing that. no alt.ernative exists;

bet.ter

c)

pursuance of food policies wit.h lltt.le impact. on the problems and constraints at the production levels;

d)

backlaSh on funding to motivate researchers and extension specialists whose responsibility it is to seek new and higher yielding varieties for t.ransmission t.o cassava farmers, and

e)

disincentive to prospective investors in the cassava industry.

Advocacy in the form of education and persuasion is needed at levels far beyond the LGA. For example: 1)

Specialists from throughout Nigeria need to be brought together to form a sol id research base for the proj ect.

2)

Analyses related to nutrition; income generat.ion; savlng of labor; food security, and import substitution, and clear, effective advocacy and eaucat.lonal tools for cassava promotion are requir ed for various audlences whose cooperatlon is needed both to increase proauction and diversify demand and use.

The contact groups for the Dyo LGA lnclude: 1) Agricult.ural and home economics extension workers; 2) Health workers; 3) Communlty development workers (from the LGA and the state); 4) Women and development conunittees; 5) Agricu lt ural Input Services Unit staff; 6) Agricult.ural credit institutions; 7) Agricultural projects staff of universities, and 8) Agricultural teachers in primary and hig h schools.

Community communication also would ne e d t o be ext.ensive and

dissemination should utilize traditional channels; schools;

98

agricultural

organizations;

the

health system;

mass media,

and

women's groups.

Finally,

any

project of

this

type

should

follow

a

dynamic

approach exhibiting the following characteristics:

1) Phased implementation based on essential research, 2) Very strong initial monitoring with periodic reVlews and a premise that new strategic directions ana alternatives will likely be needed, and 3) A formal plan and schedule for disseminadng the project design and lessons learned within Oyo State, wlth1n N1geria, and with other collaborating Africa countries 1n the IITA-UNIC~F program.

For the present, it is suggested that education and training should focus on: 1) 'l'echnical training on

cassava breeding, production, processing and utilization. This training should be a imed at developing a competent core of cassava research scientists, nutritionists, medical professionals etc. who would provide advice for improving the cassava industry. Included in this group should be agronomists, breeders, food and nutrition specialists food technologists, engineers, designers, marketing experts as well as and public relation and communication specialists.

2) Extension specialists who interact with cassava farm households.

3) InteresteD industrialists to whom knowledge ot cassava as an industrial crop could be useful e.g. baby foods industry, breweries, petro-chemicals etc.

4) Small-holder cassava producers and large farms (e.g 'l'exagri) where cassava production is a major farming actlvity.

Ihis category needs up-to-date knowledge in order to achieve projected levels of production consistent with the status of knowledge available

99

through research in Nigeria.

I f what not SKillfully applled at the production near slwilar results, researchers can adequate proof ot the potential accept.ance.

is known is points wlth never have degree of

5)

Consumer eaucation targeted at women, both as producers and consumers of cassava.

In terms of improved nutritional status of t.oe nat.ion, this is perhaps where most of the work has to be done.

Woman's role as an important decision maker in what. her family eats must be recogn i zed and strategies implement.ed to influence her food preparation and family diet.

6)

Det.ermination of t.raining needs, and the appropriate d es ign and de l lvery of training programs. Training component.s in cassava production and processing, t.hough import.ant to knowledge transfer in Niger ia, seem not to have been undertaken in a systematic manner.

There is need for a more concerted effort in t.his area.

100

VIII. 8.1.

CONCLUSION Summary of Major Findings

~his study has been conducted primarily to provide a comprehensive synthesis of all available, relevant research knowl e dge on cassava in N~geria, and with this as a leverage pOInt, the state of cassava development in the Oyo Local Government Area (LGA) is rapidly assessed.

With the aid of detailed and structured quest~onnaires, 150 farmers were ~nterv~ewed and the data collected and analyzed gave the following major findIngs:

i) Cassava is grown practically everywhere in Oyo LGA. It is thus an accepted crop in th i s LGA' s farm~ng system.

The average hectarage under cassava planted by each household in the LGA in 1985 was 1.9 ha, while the average output in the same year was 5.89 tonnes per household.

The cultivated hectarage and output data show that there have been consistent increases in both indices between 1982 and 1985. This has been due primarily to the fact that urban demand for cassava in the form of gari has been increasing since Nigeria started experiencing foreign exchange problems in 1981 and strict fiscal measures had to be instituted to control food importation. ii)

Two main cassava varieties (Odongbo and In'A's TMS 30572) dominate in the area.

Fifty-one percent of cassava farmers in the area grow Odongbo and claim that it is the Jest variety While 25 percent grow IITA's TMS 30572 and rate it higher than Odongbo.

Thus, conSidering the relatively short time-span between 1978 (when TMS 30572 was first introduced into the Oyo State extensIon system) and 1985, its observed 25 percent adoption rate may justifiably be considered suffiCiently high.

iii)

Reasons advanced for TMS 30572 not being adopted beyond this level include the facts that:- (a) the leading local variety (Odongbo) is excellent in many respects and competes favorably wi th the IITA var iety both in terms of yield and product characteristics; (b) the farmers in the area have

101

developed a cuI tural and tradi t ional attachment to Odongbo, (c) the present level of awareness 路 created tor TMS 30572 is low because the extent ot its mUltiplication and distribution throughout Oyo State and the country by the National Root Crop Multiplication Centre, Umudike, and the National Seed Servi c e, is small.

Thus, the claimed potential and s u periority of TMS 30572 are yet t o be fully realized in the field. iv)

The yield performance tes t carried out in some respond e nts I farms shows that the average yield of TMS 30572 is 20.3 tonnes per hectare while that of Odongbo is 16.0 tonnes per hectare.

The yield differences between the two varieties are negllgible ln some locations while they are slgnificant in others.

Generally, however, TMS 30 572 i s 27 percent better in yield than Odongbo.

v)

Alth o ugh availabl e evidence shows that all membe rs of farming households in the area are engaged at one stage or the other in cassava developme nt, d e ta i led a n alys is shows tha t there are olstinct gender roles associated with the prod uctlon, processlng and marketing of the crop.

For lnstance , tne data from the Oyo LGA show that ot a total o t 2253 unconvert.ed workhours needed tor all stages of cassava development, men contribut.e only 29 percent, while women cont.rl.bute 46 percent and children 25 percent.

Tnese contributions, however, differ appreciably from st.age to stage.

For example, in land preparation for cassava: men contribute 86 percent of the time requirements and women 14 percent; in cassava production: men contribute 31 percent, women 42 percent and children 27 percent; in cassava processing: men put in no workhours, women contribute 56 percent and children 44 percent. of the t.ime, and in cassava market.ing: men contribut.e only three percent (in selling the tubers), women 94 percent, and children three percent.

vi)

Of all the time needed to produce and process the average output of a household in the LGA, family labor contributed 72 percent.

This cassava development is largely dependent on family

102

(especially women's and children's) labor supervision.

and/or

vi i)

With the introduction, acceptance and use of new cassava processing technology in the area, considerable time is saved for the women. On the average, it is found that one processing hour on a mach ine saves the women 21 work hours, and given the average amount of cassava processed by a household in a year in the area, 441 workhours were saved on the average for each family.

v~li)

women indicated that such time savings from cassava processing and/or production will be put lnto petty trading (53 percent), the learning of some professional career such as tailoring (24 percent ) and the attendance of family and other social meetings (15 percent). Surprisingly, only eight percent of the women indicated that any time so saved will be spent with the children or family.

The general deduction from this finding is that the women are more concerned with earning extra money wi th which to â&#x20AC;˘ take care¡ of the family in terms of contributing to the payment of children's school fees or providing clothing for them.

ix)

Generally, almost all of the food needs of each rural family are produced by the household.

It is usually the wife'S responsibility to use her income for the children's and her other needs.

This is one major reason rural ¡women are allowed to own their cassava plots and keep any income generated from cassava sales and/or processing.

x)

Of all cassava produced by each household in the LGA, 60 percent is sold for processing (mostly into gari for urban dwellers), while the remaining 40 percent is retained for home consumption.

'I'he cassava to be eaten at home is usually processed into lafun.

This trend of selllng a major proportion of the cassava to outs lders started in 1982 and has been growing annually.

Even more of the crop is sold as one moves away from the rural areas toward the urban centers.

All this is an indication of the increased interest in generating income from cassava, which has since 1982 turned from being a

103

crop consumed at home into a cash crop.

It is thlS l.ncome-generating potential of cassava that has caused men to become interested in its development. xi)

Porty-one percent of all cassava consumption in the LGA is in the form of lafun, While 37 percent is in the form of gari; tufu takes 15 percent, while other modes of consumption use up the remaining seven percent.

All members of the family including children from two years of age eat cassava in any form served by the family.

Some mothers, in fact, start feeding cassava products of light consistencies to their children even before they are two years old. Thus cassava is being used in this LGA as a weaning food since the children there are usually weaned at two years.

Various mixtures of cassava-based diets are eaten generally three times a day by the average household.

Mothers continue to breast feed the children being weaned for one extra year while feeding them the cassava products.

Cassava products are usually consumed in meals with other food items such as green vegetables (okra, spinach, waterleaf, "ewedu", "soko". pumpkin leaf, etc.); field crops (cowpea, locust beans, malze, rice, yarn, African yam beans, etc.); meats (bushmeat snails, fresh and dried fish, beef, chicken, shrimps), and fruits (mangoes, guava, oranges tangerines, pawpaw, bananas, plantains, pineapples).

All these items supplement to varying levels the important minerals, vitamins and protein that are deficient in cassava products.

xii

Because of the availability of the various side dishes prepared from the items mentioned, people of all ages from two to 82 years and income earners of all levels in the LGA (includng farmers and senior civil servants) consume cassava in one form or another. Thus, within the LGA, cassava consumption is almost universal.

xiii)

The children and women of the LGA are generally healthy. No endemic diseases related to cassava are identified in the area.

However three illnesses (malaria fever, diarrhea and coughs)

104

are found to be common among the Generally, 42 percent of the children suffer from malaria fever about twice percent suf fer from coughs (thr ice a 19 percent suffer from diarrhea (twice

children. in the LGA a year, 39 year), and a year).

xiv)

Cassava production and processing are profitable enterprises in this LGA. On the average, each cassava producing household generated a gross revenue of N8498 from cassava including the value of home consumed cassava.

With all production, processing and marketing costs deducted, this worked out to a net cassava income of N4136.83 or N702.35 per tonne per household.

xv)

Adequate awareness has not yet been created in the LGA for the introduction and acceptance of improved cassava var1eties.

Overall, social mobilization as a strategy for social action has not been pract1sed in a cons1stent manner in the LGA. This may be attributed partly to insufficient mobilization of both the farmers and government agents in the area, and partly to inadequate mobilization infrastructure in the LGA. Existing facilities in the LGA relevant for social mobilization include 227 primary schools, 37 secondary schools (wi th a total enrolment of 13,710 children), 13 adult literacy facilities, 53 cooperative societies, three rural development-related training institutions, one agro-service center and about 50 extension staff.

These facilities are few relative to the size of the LGA. Two positive developments in the LGA that will facilitate mobilization are that (a) there is ready endorsement of the envisaged cassava development program by His Highness, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi II I, the Alaf in of Oyo and the Sole Administrator of the LGA; and (b) the existence of a well-organized Women and Development Committee with extensive membership in the LGA.

xvi)

짜inally, cassava development constraints that were identified 1n the LGA include agronomic, phys1cal, techn1cal and socio-economic problems.

These are: insufficient cuttings ot improved varieties; inadequate infrastructure; the menace of cassava pests and diseases; low fertility and

105

deplet.ion of the soils; distribution bottleneck; low level of technology at the various stages of cassava developmen t; non-availabil i ty of storage tacilities tor cassava and its products, and the general absence of cassava producers' organizatIons for stream lining production, processing and marketing.

With respect to the study itself, the main time constraint was that the work plan could not be followed because of a computer breakdown. The health and nutrition components deserved a more in-depth assessment which the study's time frame did not allow.

106

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