"International Journal of Science" Third Issue by Science Journal

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENCE (ISSN Online 2225-7063) (ISSN Print 2304-473X)

THIRD ISSUE 2013

VOLUME 3

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International Journal of Science

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EDITORIAL BOARD Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburic University of Novi Sad, Serbia Prof.univ.Dr. Iulian Boldea Universitatea “ Petru Maior”, Târgu-Mureş, România Prof. Alessandra de Falco Universidade Federal de São João del-Rei, Brazil Asoc. Prof. Constantine Andoniou The American University in the Emirates, United Arab Emirates Dr. Giovanni Ercolani Nottingham Trent University, England Dr. Edmond Çali Università Degli Studi Di Napoli “L’Orientale”, Italy PhD Ines Rolo Amado De Montfort University, United Kingdom PhD Kais Al-Momani University of Technology, Sydney, Australia PhD Cand. Ivana Kojadinovic University of Belgrade, Serbia Third Issue Coordinator Ms. Martha Zimbber IJOSC is published by “Mankind Tracks” ctr. International Office: Auckland, NZ International Journal of Science | No.3

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENCE ISSN Online 2225-7063 | ISSN Print 2304-473X VOLUME III. - 2013 BALKANS’ FLAVOUR

© 2013 IJOSC is published by “Mankind Tracks” CTR. International Office: Auckland, NZ. © 2013 The copyright to the essays in this volume belong to the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronically or mechanically, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Martha ZIMBBER, Introductory note

Deanna L. MORGAN, Marianne PERIE, “Setting Standards in Education: Choosing the Best Method for Your Assessment and Population”.

Zorica KUBURIĆ, “Religion and Tolerance Journal, 2002 – 2012”.

Ilir BERHANI, Tonin GJURAJ, “The Impact of the Electoral Systems on the Voting Process in Albania”

Viorela POLENA, “The Role of Political Stability in the Democratization Process in Albania”.

Antoanela PETKOVSKA, Marija DIMITROVSKA, “Some Tendencies of Contemporary Cultural Politics in the Republic of Macedonia”.

Elona (BIBA) ÇEÇE, “The Stylistic Value of Negation in Albanian and Macedonian Proverbs”.

Nejla KALAJDŽISALIHOVIĆ, “Vučjak - German shepherd, shepherd dog, or wolf-dog?”

Blendi DIBRA, “Local Participation in the Decision Making-Process”.

Kire SHARLAMANOV, “Privatization in Western Balkan Countries”.

113

Adea PIRDENI, “Constitutional Jurisdiction and Protection of Fundamental Rights: A Retrospective Analysis on the Right of Individuals to Seize the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Albania”.

123

Mirela LAZIMI, Majlinda MUKA, “Factors that Led to the Creation of League of Prizren”.

133

Erik DE VREEDE, “Intercultural Education and European Citizenship”.

143

Erjon AGOLLI, “Time Conjunctions and the Semantic Classification of Temporal Clauses”.

156

Alba KREKA, “The Rise and Fall of the Friendship between Albania and China”.

167

Giuseppe GAGLIANO, “Cultural Subversion and Disinformation in the Thought of Frans Van der Hoff and the Slow Food Movement”.

177

Natasha POROÇANI (SHUTERIQI), “Balkan Features of Aromanian Language”.

184

Erinda PAPA, Benita STAVRE, “Doris Lessing's Socio-Psychological Novel Unfolded in the Albanian Social and Literary Context”.

194

Dijana ĆURKOVIĆ, “The Similarities between Croatia's Four Largest Urban Dialects: Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek”.

201

Ilda ERKOÇI, “Albania, a New Frontier for Literary Walks”.

214

Majlinda MUKA, Indrit KELLICI, “Estimating Socio-Economic and Environmental Conditions on Public Health. Case study in Durres, Albania”. 227 D.GADIPALLY , N.KISHAN, G.MURALI, “Effects of Hall Current and Viscous Dissipation on Unsteady MHD Flow and Heat Transfer along a Porous Flat Plate with Mass Transfer”.

237

Ilir SALLATA, “Foreign Visitor's Impressions of Albania in the Years 1970-1972“.

248

Anduana (KERTALLI) SHAHINI, “King Zog's Foreign Policy in the Balkans (1930-1935); Relations with Neighbours”.

255

Marisa KËRBIZI, Intertextuality in the Novel Black Mërkuna, by Agron Tufa.

263

Notes on Contributors

274

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International Journal of Science | No.3

Martha Zimbber

Introductory note International Journal of Science is a scholarly open access, peerreviewed, interdisciplinary journal focusing on Human, Social and Natural Sciences. It is an academic journal that adheres to the highest standards of peer review and engages established and emerging scholars from anywhere in the world. International in scope and authorship, the International Journal of Science bridges academic communities together. Its scope is to bring close disciplines and continents with a view to sharing information and debate with the widest possible audience. IJOSC has a particular interest in policy-relevant questions and interdisciplinary approaches. It serves as a forum for review, reflection and discussion informed by the results of recent and ongoing research. It is published in one language edition: English. IJOSC Third Issue will be sent to our contributors and subscribers worldwide. Site visitors are encouraged to read it online. Special thanks go to ISSUU for publicizing and marketing this issue. The forthcoming issue of International Journal of Science will have a miscellaneous nature. Senior scholars, researchers and PhD students are invited to submit their recent studies and scientific findings.

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Deanna L. Morgan | Marianne Perie

Setting Standards in Education: Choosing the Best Method for Your Assessment and Population Abstract In the current era of standards based assessment for accountability purposes, standard setting has become increasingly more visible. The 2001 reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), known as the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), required states to set at least two cut scores, resulting in three levels of performance. This requirement has led to an increased focus in K-12 education on how to set standards and which method provides the â&#x20AC;&#x153;bestâ&#x20AC;? results. Additionally in higher education, greater focus has been placed on establishing cut scores for the placement of students into appropriate courses. Methods that have been developed over the past decade are undergoing increased scrutiny and are being used by many K-12 and higher education programs. While the older, more familiar, methods, i.e. Modified Angoff, are still popular and serve well in many settings, many of the more recent methods are promising in their ability to fit the needs of a variety of assessment types. In addition, new techniques in standard setting allow us to provide richer data for making decisions regarding both general and special student populations, i.e. students with disabilities and early childhood. This paper will describe some of the advances that have been made in standard setting, focusing on the best use of the different methods. First, however, it provides an overview of considerations for states and institutions as they approach the task of setting performance standards for their assessments. Key words: standard based assessment, Elementary and Secondary Education, standard setting, etc. As the education field has consistently moved towards standards-based testing, the need to quantify when a student has shown sufficient knowledge

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and skills on a set of standards has evolved. While this movement has been in place for a number of years, the 2001 ESEA legislation, also know as the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) played an important role in accelerating the movement and focusing attention on standards-based assessment. NCLB legislation required that all states have a standards-based test in grades 3 through 8 in reading and mathematics and that all students are tested. The standards-based test must, at the least, identify students as basic, proficient, and advanced according to the individual stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s content standards. Additionally, states must assess all students, including those with significant cognitive disabilities. The NCLB Act redefined the role of the U.S. federal government in K12 education. Along with mandating annual student testing in grades 3 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 8, it stipulated that assessments provide adaptations and accommodations for students with disabilities as defined in the Individuals with Disabilities Acts of 1991 and 1997. It also mandated the reporting of assessment results and state progress by student groups based on socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, disability status, and limited English proficiency. The ultimate goal was for all students to reach proficiency by the year 2014. As we approach this deadline, it has become clear that this ultimate goal will not be met and states have submitted proposals for new accountability systems, allowing them to waive certain requirements of NCLB if they adopt rigorous standards and continue to work to raise achievement and lower the achievement gap. At the same time, many states have joined to form consortia to develop and administer common assessments measuring the Common Core State Standards (CCSS). The CCSS place an emphasis on defining more rigorous content standards indicative of college and career readiness. The consortia are working with higher education to ensure the new assessments include performance standards that signal the level of knowledge and skills necessary to succeed in postsecondary education. Higher education, especially at the community college level, has also become more standards based in their approach to college course placement of students. Enrollment numbers at community colleges are increasing as a result of open door admission policies and in response to the weakened economy spurring greater numbers of individuals to seek higher education and job training programs. Rises in remediation rates combined with greater numbers of students attending community colleges has resulted in greater stakes associated with appropriately placing entering students. Therefore, the traditionally numbers-based approach to student placement based on validity studies and predictions of student success is losing ground to standards based approaches grounded in what students know and are able to do. (Morgan, 2012)

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Before going forward, it is important to distinguish between the two types of standards, which have already been referenced in this paper, content standards and performance standards. Content standards refer to the knowledge and skills that students must know and be able to do. What skills and knowledge should students be able to demonstrate? Performance standards quantify the content standards, by defining how much of the content standards must students know and be able to do to achieve a particular level of competency. For example, how much of the content standards much a student know and be able to do to be considered proficient? Once the need to set a performance standard has been established, the following question arises: What is the best method to use to set performance standards? No one standard-setting method is agreed upon as the best. In truth, the best method is the one which best fits the characteristics of both the assessment on which standards are being set and the population to whom the standards will be applied. Because it is possible that different standard-setting methods may result in different recommended cut scores, it is essential that careful thought go into the decision of which standard setting method to use. Part of this thought process should include consideration of the arguments defending the validity of the use of a standard setting method for the assessment for which it will be used. Additional thought should be given to the type of evidence or documentation which should be collected and maintained during the standard setting process. Assessments may be comprised of a variety of item types; however, for our purposes, we will classify all item types into two broad categories: those scored dichotomously, i.e. multiple-choice, true-false, and other items with clear right or wrong responses, and those scored polytomously, i.e. essays, performance tasks, open-ended or some short response items where it is possible to receive partial credit for a correct but incomplete response or a partially correct response. (see Figure 1) A variety of standard setting methods have been developed. However, many of the methods work best with a particular item type, and thus matching the test format to an appropriate method should help determine which standard setting method will be used, or, at the very least, which methods will not be used. For example, the Modified Angoff method has a long history of use in standard setting. However, it is typically used to set standards for tests with primarily multiplechoice or dichotomous items and only a few open-ended items. Whereas, the Body of Work is designed for assessments with more open-ended tasks and fewer dichotomous items.

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Deanna L. Morgan

Figure 1.

matching

Marianne Perie

Continuum of Assessment Options1

Dichotomous Scoring

Polytomous Scoring

Selected Response Items

Performance Items

true false

multiple choice

fill - in the - blank

constructed response, extended response

individual / group projects, logs, journals

demonstrations, essays, art products, portfolios, task completion

Tests can contain items that cover subsets of item content. Would it be acceptable for students to be considered proficient when they have correctly answered all items for a particular content area without showing mastery on the other content area(s)? In such instances it may be advantageous and, in fact, necessary for the complete test or the total student performance to be considered as a whole rather than one item or content area at a time. Due to the differences in how scores are assigned and in the multiple situations in which one may need to set standards, standard-setting methods have developed which are considered item centered and student centered or holistic. An important fact to remember is that the choice of standard-setting method has both psychometric and policy implications. Additional factors for consideration in the choice of standard-setting methods may include the need to be consistent with the methods used previously on the same or comparable assessments. For instance, a state with an assessment system that covers multiple content areas and extends from elementary through high school will have many different test forms, which are all part of the larger assessment system. The state may find it desirable to be consistent across test forms and use the same standard setting method across all grades and all content areas. When new assessments are created targeting a new content area or grade level or when it becomes necessary to revisit performance standards set previously due to changes to the test blueprint or student population, there may be a preference to continue with the standard setting method used elsewhere or previously in the assessment system. In other cases, circumstances logically lead to the use of different standard setting methods for different assessments. 1. Modified from the original figure printed in Hansche (1998), p.24.

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In many circumstances the amount of prior use, research and precedent for defense in court when challenged may be the most influential factors in choosing a method for standard setting.

Common Steps to Standard Setting While each standard-setting method has its own set of unique steps or features, in general ten steps exist in the typical standard setting process. (see Hambleton, Pitoniak, and Copella, 2012; Pitoniak and Morgan, 2012; Zieky, Perie, and Livingston, 2008) for other representations of the steps in the standardsetting process. The twelve general steps are listed below and then more fully discussed in the proceeding text. 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

12.

Meet with the client (State Department of Education, Higher Education Board, etc.) to gain knowledge about the assessment and the goals of the standard setting process. Choose one of the standard setting methods. Choose a panel. Write performance level descriptors (PLD). Train the panelists on the content standards and test items. Train the panelists to use the method (including practice in providing ratings). Collect item ratings or holistic judgments from the panelists that can be used to calculate cut score(s). Conduct panel discussions regarding the judgments and resulting cut score(s) in large and/or small groups. Present consequences or impact data to the panel. Conduct a panelist evaluation of the process and their level of confidence in the resulting standards. Compile technical documentation to support the validity of the standard setting process. Make recommendations to the client. Have the client adopt the final cut scores. The client has the final say and sets the cut scores based on the recommendation from the standard setting panel and other information they feel it is important to consider.

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Marianne Perie

Documenting the process for validity (Kane, 1994; Pitoniak and Morgan, 2012, Hambleton, Pitoniak, and Copella, 2012) purposes starts with the very first step. Not only is it important to keep a record of the content standards, performance level descriptions, rosters of committee members, and data recording sheets, it is necessary to document all decisions as well. These decisions include determining the number of performance levels, selecting a method, choosing the panels, writing the PLDs, training the panelists, determining the feedback given, and calculating the cut scores. These steps should be documented first in a plan of action, and then, again, in a final technical report. Meet with the client to determine needs All standard setting studies begin with a meeting between the standard setting staff and the client, typically a State Department of Education or Higher Education Board. The standard setting staff need to understand how many standards will be set and how the resulting cut scores will be used. The staff should be clear on the test design and the stakes attached to the test before selecting a method to set standards. Also, the standard setting staff need to learn any historical information about previous standard settings or political concerns about the standards themselves. Choosing a standard setting method The number of standard setting methods or modifications to methods increases each year. To completely document and review each method ever used would be an enormous task and outside the scope of this paper. As previously covered in this document, many considerations go into the decision of which standard setting method is the best for an assessment and population. Properties of different standard setting methods are discussed in later sections of this document. Choosing a standard setting panel When choosing a standard setting panel, the number of panelists is very important. It is ideal to have between 20 and 30 panelists who represent the population to which the standards will be applied. Panelist representation should be considered in terms of gender, ethnicity, geographic location, knowledge of and time spent in relation to the subject area and target population, and area of specialization. Geographic location should include location within the geographic area as a whole (North, South, East, West, Central), in terms of the degree to which rural and urban areas are represented, or other geographic factors relevant to the population for which the cut scores will be applied. In higher education, the

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need to include representation for satellite campuses as well as the main campus should be considered. Content area experts (primarily educators who are familiar with the target student population) should comprise the majority of the panel and represent those with many years of service as well as those new to the field. Area of specialization reflects the need to have representatives who are familiar with and can represent students with disabilities, gifted and talented students, and/or non-native speakers of the primary language. An additional consideration and recommendation is that the panel may include parent representatives and members of the community who can facilitate endorsement and credibility of the recommended cut scores to others in the community. Writing performance level descriptors An initial step to setting standards is the creation of performance level descriptors (PLDs) or working definitions of each of the performance levels. The PLDs define the rigor associated with the performance levels. That is, they describe the meaning behind words like “basic,” “proficient,” and “advanced.” Panelists bring with them their personal experiences and their own points of view. These differences are the value that representative panels bring to the standard setting process. These same differences can also be sources of variation in the results of the process. For instance, we know that the definition of “proficient” differs from one state to another (Beck, 2003; Perie, 2008), and the word can be interpreted differently by different individuals, even within one state. Many panelists have reported that when they are thinking of what it means to be proficient or advanced, that they will often picture a student from their class whom they feel would be classified into that performance category. This can be extremely useful in helping the panelists fully conceptualize the standard setting task. However, it would not be realistic to expect that all panelists come into the standard setting session with the same student in mind for meeting the requirements to be proficient. Therefore, it is necessary to calibrate the panelists through discussions of the content standards and the degree to which the standards must be demonstrated for a student to be classified into each performance level. The creation or refinement of PLDs facilitates the calibration of panelists by providing each panelist with the same working definition for each performance level. The PLDs may be created from scratch during the standard setting process using the content standards and panelists’ discussion to create the final PLDs. The creation of PLDs can be a very time-consuming enterprise and add up to a full day to the standard setting process. To reduce requirements for panelist time, an

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alternative is to convene a panel of experts expressly for the purpose of creating the PLDs prior to the standard setting session. Then, during the standard setting process, panelists are given the prepared PLDs and provided an opportunity to discuss, edit, and refine the PLDs to the point that the panel feels comfortable that the PLDs reflect what students at each performance level should know and be able to do. It is essential for all standard setting methods that the individual members of the panel have the same understanding of the performance levels, and that they are specifically focusing on the definitions at the borderline level. That is, they know what it means to be just barely proficient or just barely advanced. Regardless of the process used to produce the final working definition, the PLDs should: • • • • •

•

Describe what students at each level should reasonably know and be able to do. Relate directly to the content standards. Distinguish clearly from one level (proficient) to the next (advanced). Be written in positive terms. Be written in clear and concise language without using nonmeasurable qualifiers such as often, seldom, thorough, frequently, etc. Focus on achievement.

Training panelists on the method Training panelists is an important component to any standard setting process. Training should include instruction on the method and an overview of the standard setting process, as well as a review of the purpose of the standard setting, the content standards and the assessment on which standards are being set. It is important for panelists to fully understand the process in which they are participating and the consequences that may result from any cut score recommendation produced by the panel. Well-trained panelists should be confident in both the process they used during the standard setting session and the resultant cut score recommendations. A key component of training includes an opportunity for the panelists to practice using the method, to ask questions, and to provide feedback on their understanding of the purpose of the session and the method being used prior to working on the operational cut score placements. This practice step is essential to establish the validity of the process.

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Training the panelists on the content. Taking the test prior to providing cut score recommendations provides the panelists with the opportunity to become familiar with the test content and structure. During the actual standard setting process panelists are provided with answer keys and typically a mapping of each item to the content standard it is intended to measure. With the standards and answer keys in hand, an assessment can appear much easier than when panelists are faced with only the items and must provide the correct answers themselves. In addition, after taking the test, panelists must be given an opportunity to discuss the items, understanding the scoring rubrics, and map the items to the content standards in a way that is meaningful to them. Compiling ratings from panelists A common feature of all standard setting sessions, regardless of method, is the need to collect data from each panelist, regarding their recommendation for the placement of the cut score. The judgments provided by the panelists may appear in different formats, such as a percentage for each item on Modified Angoff (Angoff, 1971), or one number per cut score for Bookmark (Lewis, Mitzel, and Green, 1996), but all judgments ultimately lead to a performance standard defined by a certain score on the test. Panelist judgments are typically collected three times during the standard setting process with panelist discussions occurring between each of the three rounds of judgments. Following each data collection, the results are analyzed to find the current cut score recommendations, in addition to the minimum and maximum recommendation for each round of standard setting. The cut score recommendation after each round of standard setting may be calculated in a variety of ways depending upon the method used. The cut score is determine though some measure of central tendency of the panelist judgments. Because extreme scores may unduly influence a mean (average), the median is commonly used instead. An additional way to control the influence of extreme scores is to routinely eliminate the highest and lowest recommendation before calculating a mean. The decision about how to handle extreme scores should be made prior to the standard setting session and not in reaction to the panelist judgments. Other methods of analyzing panelistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; data include fitting a line through the data, using item response theory, or finding the midpoint of a logistic regression curve to calculate the optimal cut score placement. Conducting panel discussions Panelist discussion may occur in small or large groups. Certain methods recommend the type of discussion as part of the standardized process. Largegroup discussion is valuable in that it allows all panelists to hear all discussion,

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bringing all viewpoints into play and ensuring that all panelists are hearing the same information. However, large-group discussion may sometimes result in more reticent panelists being hesitant to share their opinions. Large-group discussions are also subject to being controlled by overly aggressive or opinionated panelists, which may add to the hesitancy of other panelists to speak up. The standard setting facilitator should make every effort to create an atmosphere that is friendly and respectful of differing opinions. Small-group discussions can encourage all panelists to express their opinions in a smaller forum and can help limit the influence of controlling panel members to the small group in which they are working. A drawback to the use of small discussion groups is that the small groups are not privy to the discussion of other panelist groups and will be making recommendations based on information that may differ. For this reason, it is important that at some point, typically after round two, that the small groups come back together as a large group and share the discussions that have been taking place in their groups. When working in a small groups setting, it is useful for the facilitator to provide feedback to the individual groups, rather than for the room as a whole, until it is time for the large-group discussion. Then, small-group cut scores as well as large-group cut scores can be shared. Coming back into the large group before the last round of recommendations permits the small groups to compare their judgments and reasoning to that of the other small groups. Panelist discussion is typically limited to the discussion of standards and the PLDs prior to the first round of cut score recommendations. Every attempt is made prior to round one to discourage the discussion of where the cut scores should be placed in terms of the items on the assessment. This enables panelists to provide initial recommendations that are as independent as possible. Discussion following round one should focus on the Round 1 cut score recommendation and panelistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; explanations and reasoning for their judgments. It is important that panelists feel free to offer their opinions and that any explanations are accepted as an integral part of the process. Panelistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; discussions allow a variety of opinions and thoughts to be voiced and help the group focus on the content standards and students across the state or target area, rather than focusing specifically on the needs of the students in their specific school or area. It is important that panelists realize the standards will generalize to all students and not just those with which they have personal knowledge. All cut score judgments should be made independently but with consideration of the preceding discussion. Following round two, typically panelists have the opportunity for further discussion based on the Round 2 cut score recommendations and any additional information that

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may be provided. After this second discussion, which usually involves the large group, panelists will make cut score recommendations a third time, often the last opportunity for adjustments to their cut score recommendations. It should be noted that while three rounds of judgments is common, in some situations only two rounds of judgments may be made or, less frequently, more than three rounds of judgments are used. Considering the consequences or impact It is typical to provide panelists with impact data or some indication of the consequences that would result from the current cut score recommendation. Impact data usually consists of overall information on the percentage of students who would be expected to perform within each performance level given the current cut score recommendations. Providing this data may occur at different points in the process, but typically occurs following Round two. Opinions are varied as to what type of impact or consequence data should be provided to panelists, if any. This is a policy decision and should be made with input from and the agreement of the authoritative body who will have the final responsibility of setting the cut scores after review of the cut score recommendations from the standard setting panel. Sometimes it is desirable to provide more detailed information and give not only the percentage in each performance level for the total population, but also the percentages in each performance level for specific subgroups of interest, e.g. by ethnicity, gender, disability status, etc. Thus, panelists would be told not only what percentage of students in the state would meet proficient, for example, but also what percentage of black students, Hispanic students, economically disadvantaged students, limited-English proficient students, or students with disabilities. Along with the policy decision of whether to show impact data and how much to show, the authoritative body may indicate a desire for the level of consideration they want panelists to give to the impact data. That is, the facilitator may be instructed to encourage panelists to give the impact numbers minimal weight or to give them strong consideration in their next round of judgments. Typically the impact data is considered to be just another piece of information, which just strengthens the belief of the panelists that they have made wise recommendations to that point. The content standards and what students should know and be able to do should have the most influential effect on the resultant cut score recommendations. Evaluating the process and standards The evaluation of the standard setting process and resultant performance standards should be designed into the standard setting session. Evaluation should

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occur frequently at different stages of the process and ask panelists to give an indication of their level of understanding and confidence in the process and to provide feedback on the type of information they found useful in their decisionmaking. Evaluations serve two purposes: (1) to provide feedback on the clarity of the training and the level of the panelists’ understanding and (2) to determine the panelists’ level of satisfaction with the process and final cut score, which is an important piece of evidence for establishing the validity of performance standards (Hambleton, 2001; Pitoniak and Morgan, 2012). Initial feedback should be given following the training session and reviewed prior to the next stage in the process so that any misunderstanding or confusion can be addressed prior to the panelists making any operational cut score recommendations. The frequency with which the evaluation occurs can vary. At a minimum, evaluation should occur following training and at the end of the standard setting session. It is recommended that evaluation also occur after the first round of cut score recommendations, and sometimes it may be desirable to evaluate panelists’ understanding following each round of cut score recommendations, especially in high stakes situations. Then, a final evaluation should be given at the end of the process to document panelists’ comfort level with the outcome. Documenting the process Throughout the standard setting process, consideration should be given to the type of documentation that should be maintained. In the event that the cut score recommendations are ever challenged, the standard setting documentation is the evidence of what occurred and of what the panelists recommended. Documentation includes the standard setting plan, any scripts used, the materials given to panelists, any slide show presentation given, panelists’ ratings, panelists’ evaluations of the process and the resultant cut scores, the impact data which was presented to the panelists, and data used to create any other materials used in the standards setting, such as score distributions and the item difficulty estimates used for item ordering. It is also standard procedure to create a technical report following the standard setting session which describes the procedures and summarizes panelists’ ratings and evaluations, as well as a summary of panelists’ comments provided on the evaluation forms (Pitoniak & Morgan, 2012). The technical report should summarize the impact data, provide the standard errors of judgment (SEJs) for each cut score and the standard error of measurement (SEMs) for the test. It is customary to provide the final cut score recommendations along with some variance measures, such as values representing the range encompassing +/- 2 SEJs and/or +/- 2 SEMs. Lewis (1997)

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provides an overview of the standard errors associated with standard setting. Along with the resultant cuts, it is helpful to provide estimates of the percentages of students in each performance category based on the cut scores +/- 2 SEJs and +/- 2 SEMs for the total population and possibly for any subgroups of interest. Cizek (1996) discusses points for consideration when making final cut scores decisions and possible adjustments to the cut score recommendation from the standard setting panel.

An Overview of Standard Setting Methods This section summarizes a variety of traditional and more recent standard setting methods. The plethora of standard setting methods in existence prevents comprehensive coverage in this document. Six methods are summarized in this paper: Body of Work, Modified Angoff, Bookmark, Item-Descriptor Matching, Contrasting Groups, and the Performance Profile Method. Table 1 summarizes the approximate frequency of use in K-12 education for these six standard setting methods. Table 2 summarizes the six standard setting methods considered in this paper. Table 1.

Frequency of K-12 Use2

Standard Setting Method

Approximate Number of States

Body of Work

Modified Angoff

Bookmark

Item-Descriptor (ID) Matching

Contrasting Groups

Performance Profile Method (PPM)

Body of Work (Kahl, Crockett, DePascale, & Rindfleisch, 1994,1995; Kingston, Kahl, Sweeney, & Bay, 2001; Kingston & Tiemann, 2012) In the Body of Work method, panelists examine complete sets of student work, including responses to both dichotomously and polytomously scored items. Panelists review each 2. Source: Survey of NAEP State Coordinators at the NAEP Winter Conference on Assessment Literacy. San Francisco, CA. January 2004

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Deanna L. Morgan

Marianne Perie

student booklet and sort it into a performance category based upon its match to the PLDs. A small sample of student booklets across the range of possible scores is used as a rangefinding activity to narrow down the approximate locations for where the cut scores should be placed. Discussion follows the rangefinding round and panelists have the opportunity to revisit their rangefinding decisions. It is important that panelists agree on the range under consideration for the placement of the cut score before the next phase, pinpointing, begins. Using the defined range, sample student booklets are chosen to represent every score point between the lowest possible score in the range and the highest possible score in the range. Although several approaches may be used to select the next round of papers, most states are using the approach that encompasses the whole range of panelist judgments and produces an equal number of papers to judge at each score point. Approximately 4 samples are chosen for each score point in the middle of the range with the number of samples chosen decreasing at the ends of the range to 2 samples per score point. Panelists are then asked to work on one cut score at a time and sort booklets into one of the two performance categories surrounding the cut score. The midpoint of a logistic regression curve typically is used to identify the final cut score placements. An advantage of the Body of Work method is the relatively simple task of assigning student booklets to performance groups and the fact that panelists are working with real student responses. A criticism is the amount of preparation time and the need for large quantities of student work available from which to pull the pinpointing round examples at every score point under consideration. However, this is a solid method for tests that are primarily performance-based. Modified Angoff (Angoff, 1971; Plake & Cizek, 2012) In Modified Angoff, panelists are asked to picture a hypothetical borderline examinee (e.g., an examinee on the borderline between proficient and advanced) and indicate the probability (between 0.00 and 1.00) that s/he will correctly answer each test item. Another way to consider this task is to picture 100 borderline students and determine how many of them would answer the item correctly. These probabilities are summed for each panelist to determine each individual panelistâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cut score. Then, the individual cut scores are averaged across all panelists to obtain the recommended cut score. The panelist must make one judgment for each item and each cut score. Thus, if a test has 100 items and performance is divided into three levels (Basic, Proficient, and Advanced), the panelist must make 200 judgments. This method works well for tests with dichotomously scored items, and has been used in the past for the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) as well as other assessments that are primarily multiple-choice but also include

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some open-ended items, such as the Advanced Placement exams. There are several methods for dealing with polytomous items. The most common method is the Mean Estimation method, which has been used in NAEP since 1994. It asks panelists to determine the mean score that 100 borderline students would receive on an open-ended item. So, for a 4-point item, a panelist might decide that an average score for a borderline proficient student would be 2.5, while a borderline advanced student might receive a 3.25. Another method is to ask panelists to determine the percentage of borderline students who would receive 1 point, 2 points, 3 points, and then 4 points. Like all methods, Modified Angoff includes multiple rounds of panelist ratings accompanied by panelist discussion between rounds. This method has been well researched and has exceptional precedence. Another advantage is that it does not require student data (other than impact data) be present, which makes it less vulnerable to time constrictions in a testing year. A criticism is that it may be difficult for judges to accurately assign probabilities across the range from 0.00 to 1.00. This may result in only a few probability values being used and depending on discrepancies between panelists a lack of internal consistency. Another potential drawback is that panelists may lose sight of the studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; overall performance on the assessment due to the focus on individual items. Bookmark (Lewis, Mitzel, & Green, 1996; Mitzel, Lewis, Patz, & Green, 2001; Lewis, Mitzel, Mercado, & Schulz, 2012) In the Bookmark method test items are ordered from easiest to most difficult based on Item-Response Theory (IRT) bvalues, difficulty parameters, or other index of item location. Panelists are asked to consider items in the order of difficulty and identify the place in the ordered item booklet where the borderline student at each performance category would have a specific probability, traditionally 2/3 (RP67), of getting the item correct. Panelists are instructed to place a bookmark into the ordered item booklet at the identified spot to mark their recommended placement for the cut score. After three rounds of bookmark placement with discussion between each round, final round panelists bookmark placements are compiled and the median selected for the cut score recommendation. This cut score recommendation is then located on the IRT ability metric to find the place where students have a 2/3 (or other probability being used) chance of answering the identified item correctly and this becomes the final cut score recommendation. Thus the RP adjustment is used both in the instructions given to panelists and in scaling the items. Recent modifications to the Bookmark method include using small discussion groups between the rounds to diminish the influence of one strong panelist and asking panelists to work as a group to determine what each item measures and

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Deanna L. Morgan

Marianne Perie

what makes it difficult prior to setting the first bookmark. An advantage of the Bookmark method is the ability to set multiple cut scores simultaneously. The method is also very efficient in terms of time needed and seems to be easily understood by panelists. This method works well with both dichotomously and polytomously scored items. A criticism is the use of the RP67 value which can be confusing to panelists and authoritative bodies who think the panelistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; bookmark placement (i.e., number of items preceding the bookmark) is directly translated as the recommended cut score (i.e., as a number-correct cut score). The Bookmark method is one of the most widely used standard setting methods in recent years for K-12 assessments. Item-Descriptor Matching (Ferrara, Perie, & Johnson, 2002; Ferrara & Lewis, 2012) In the Item-Descriptor Matching method, or ID Matching, panelists are asked to determine what a student must know and be able to do to answer an item correctly. The panelists then match these item-response requirements to a PLD. As in Bookmark, items are arranged in order of difficulty. As panelists match items to the descriptors, sequences of items emerge in which some items match more closely the next highest performance level description but others match more closely the lower performance level description. The threshold region is defined by this alternating pattern of matches. A cut score is placed, usually at the midpoint of the threshold region. In subsequent rounds of matching item response requirements and performance level descriptions, panelists adjust the cut score by determining blocks of items (i.e., as opposed to individual items) that most closely match performance level descriptions. This method works well with both dichotomously scored and polytomously scored items. The cognitive task of the panelists seems very manageable and similar to tasks required of educators in the field. Contrasting Groups (Nedelsky, 1954; Bingham, 1937; Livingston & Zeiky, 1982; Zieky, 2012) In this method teachers who are familiar with the students taking the test study the PLDs and then categorize each of their students into one of the performance levels. Tests administered to the groups are scored and score distributions produced. The score distributions for each group (e.g., those students classified as Proficient and those classified as Advanced) are plotted and the cut score is identified as the point at which the two distribution curves intersect. An alternative is to take the midpoint of the means of the two groups as the cut score recommendation. Web and Miller (1995) used a variation of the contrasting groups method where panelists reviewed papers written in response to constructed response items and sorted the existing papers, rather than students, into categories.

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An advantage to this method is the ability to accommodate both dichotomously scored and polytomously scored items. An additional advantage is the ability to collect the data prior to the administration of the exam. Contrasting groups is considered a good method to use when revisiting cut score decisions to provide confirmatory evidence that the decisions are still valid (or evidence of the need to run a new standard setting workshop). A disadvantage to this method is that it can be subject to how well panelists know students being classified and any personal feelings they have towards those students. For this reason, it may be more useful in validating cut scores than for setting initial cut score values. Performance Profile Method (Morgan, 2004; Perie & Thurlow, 2012) The Performance Profile method, or PPM, is very similar in task to the Bookmark method. However, the information which panelists use in their placement of the bookmark is quite different than the ordered item booklet used in the traditional Bookmark method. Panelists use student score profiles, which have been placed in order from the lowest represented raw score to the highest represented raw score. The student score profiles contain the tasks which students are asked to perform and the score rubric with any specific score point qualifiers ( e.g. needs 2 of 3 correct to receive 3 points). The score profile uses a pictorial bar graph to display the studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s performance on each task of the assessment. This enables the panelists to view the studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s performance holistically rather than one item at a time. The ordered profile packet is created by providing 2 to 5 score profiles at each raw score point. Score profiles are selected by choosing those most often achieved according to a frequency distribution of the performance score patterns on the assessment and numbered in order of raw score and placement in the profile packet. Panelists place a bookmark at the point in the ordered profile packet that represents the level of overall performance on the assessment that they feel is indicative of the borderline student at each performance level. Three rounds of bookmark placement with discussion between rounds are recommended. Following the third round, the numbers of every profile bookmarked at each performance level are compiled and the median is the recommended cut score for each performance level. The PPM works best for polytomously-scored items and, in particular, for performance task assessments, where it can be difficult to provide samples of student performance for review by the panelists (i.e. situations where student responses are scored by an observer â&#x20AC;&#x201C; providing videotape of the performance for each panelists would be expensive, time-consuming, and very cumbersome logistically). This method can be modified to include dichotomous items. It is an

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Deanna L. Morgan

Marianne Perie

advantage of the PPM that panelists have the overall view of student performance rather than considering each item in isolation. PPM works especially well with special populations such as students with disabilities and preprimary students, because it offers a way to handle data that is often observational in nature within these populations. PPM allows multiple performance level cut scores to be set simultaneously. One criticism of the PPM procedure is the need for student data to create and order score profiles. Additionally, the level of preparation needed to create the profiles can be quite time consuming. Table 2. Method

Summary of Standard Setting Methods Commonly Used in Assessments

Task

Best Situations

Advantages

Considerations

Contrasting Groups

Teachers familiar with the students and with the PLDs categorize the students into one of the performance levels.

Smaller testing situations where teachers have strong knowledge of the test-takers abilities or as confirmatory evidence.

Data can be collected prior to administering the test. Technique uses external validation information in addition to test scores.

In the original form relies on human judgments without examining actual test performance. May be more appropriate for validating cut scores than for setting initial cut score values.

Modified Angoff

What percentage of borderline [level] students would answer this question correctly?

An assessment that is only multiple-choice or primarily multiple-choice, with only a few short constructedresponse items

Strong research base. Does not require student-data (except for impact data) so it can be done prior to administration.

Research suggests that the Angoff task is a difficult one for judges and that it may result in internal inconsistency.

Bookmark

Find the place in the ordered item booklet that divides items that should be mastered from those that are too difficult for a minimally qualified student at a given level.

A test with all MC or including a combination of multiplechoice and short constructedresponse items.

Well-known method used in the majority of states. Combines psychometric information on item difficulty with expert judgments.

The original Bookmark method requires an RP67 adjustment, which is confusing for panelists. Needs more research.

ItemDescriptor (ID) Matching

Match the knowledge and skills required to answer this item correctly to the knowledge and skills listed in one of the PLDs.

A test including all MC or a combination of multiplechoice and short constructedresponse items

Cognitive task is well suited to content expertsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; strengths.

This is a new method that has only been used in a couple of states and needs more research.

Body of Work

Assigneachsampleofstudent work to a performance level by matching the knowledge and skills evidenced in the work to a PLD.

A test that is primarily composed of open-ended items with only a few, if any, multiple-choice items.

Cognitive task well suited to panelists. Panelistsconsideractual student responses.

This method requires a lot of materials preparation with pulling samples of student work.

Performance Profile Method (PPM)

Locate the position between profiles where you feel that the minimally [level] student will have a profile this good or better.

A test with few items that are primarily open-ended, e.g., performance tasks for Kindergartners or students with disabilities.

Works well in an assessment with a few performance tasks, such as an alternate assessment for students with disabilities.

This method only works in a limited setting, so it has not been used often.

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Conclusions Due to the large number of standard setting methods available, the choice of which standard setting method to choose can be quite daunting. No one method is right for every occasion and the choice of the appropriate method must be made with the characteristics of the assessment, student population, and the potential consequences of the cut score decisions in mind. This paper provides an introductory summary, and additional details of some of the methods listed in this paper and details of alternative methods can be found in Cizek (2001; 2012), Hansche (1998), Zieky, Perie, and Livingston, (2008), Cizek and Bunch (2007) and Wallace (2000) among others. A final point to remember is that it is important to validate the results of the standard setting by collecting data on the performance of students being placed into categories. It is also advisable to perform a validity check on the cut scores and/or reset cut scores every 5 to 7 years or whenever there is a significant change in the content of the assessment of to the population to which the cut scores are being applied.

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Angoff, W.H. (1971). Scales, norms, and equivalent scores. In R.L. Thorndike (Ed.) Educational Measurement (2nd ed., pp. 508-600). Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Beck, M.D. (2003). What are panelists really thinking when they set performance standards? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the National Council for Measurement in Education. Chicago, IL. April 2003. Bingham, W.V.D. (1937). Aptitudes and aptitude testing. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers. Burstein, L. (1980). The role of levels of analysis in the specification of educational effects. In R. Dreeben and J.A. Thomas (Eds.) The analysis of educational productivity. vol.1: Issues in microanalysis. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger. Cizek, G.J. (1996). Standard setting guidelines. Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice,15(1), 13-21. Cizek, G.J. (2001). Setting performance standards: Concepts, methods, and perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Cizek, G.J. (2012). Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Cizek, G.J., & Bunch, M.B. (2007). Standard setting: A guide to establishing and evaluating performance standards on tests. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cronbach, L.J., Linn, R.L., Brennan, R.L., & Haertel, E.H. (1997). Generalizability analysis for performance assessments of student achievement or school effectiveness. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 57(3), 373399. Ferrara, S. & Lewis, D.M. (2012). The item-descriptor (ID) matching method. (2012). In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Ferrara, S., Perie, M., and Johnson, E. (2002). Matching the judgmental task with standard setting panelist expertise: The item-descriptor (ID) matching procedure. Presented to the National Research Council’s Board of Testing and Assessment (BOTA), Washington, DC. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Guion, R.M. (1995). Commentary on values and standards in performance assessments. Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice, 14(4), 25-27. Hambleton, R.K., (2001). Setting performance standards on educational assessments and criteria for evaluating the process. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Concepts, methods, and perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hambleton, R.K., Pitoniak, M.J., & Copella,J.M. ( 2012). Essential steps in setting performance standards on educational tests and strategies for assessing the reliability of results. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Hambleton, R.K. & Plake, B.S. (1996). An anchor-based procedure for setting standards on performance assessments. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Chicago, IL. Hansche, L.N. (1998). Handbook for the development of performance standards: Meeting the requirements of Title I. Bethesda, MD: Frost Associates, Ltd. Kahl, S.R., Crockett, T.J., DePascale, C.A., & Rindfleisch, S.L. (1994, June). Using actual student work to determine cut scores for proficiency levels: New methods for new tests. Paper presented at the National Conference on Large-Scale Assessment, Albuquerque, NM. Kahl, S.R., Crockett, T.J., DePascale, C.A., & Rindfleisch, S.L. (1995, June). Setting standards for performance levels using the student-based constructed-response method. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, CA. Kane, M. (1994). Validating the performance standards associated with passing scores. Review of Educational Research, 64, 425-461. Kingston, N.M., Kahl, S.R., Sweeney, K.P., & Bay, L. (2001). Setting performance standards using the body of work method. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Concepts, methods, and perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

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Kingston, N.M., & Tiemann,G.C. (2012). Setting performance standards on complex assessments: The body of work method. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Lewis, D.M. (1997) Overview of standard errors associated with standard setting. Unpublished manuscript. Lewis, D.M., Mitzel, H.C., & Green, D.R. (1996, June). Standard setting: A bookmark approach. In D.R. Green (Chair), IRT-based standard-setting procedures utilizing behavioral anchoring. Symposium conducted at the Council of Chief State School Officers National Conference on Large-Scale Assessment, Phoenix, AZ. Lewis, D.M., Mitzel, H.C., Mercado, R.L., & Schulz, E.M. (2012). The bookmark standard setting procedure. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Livingston, S.A. & Zeiky, M.J. (1982). Passing scores: A manual for setting standards of performance on educational and occupational tests. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service. Mitzel, H.C., Lewis, D.M., Patz, R.J., & Green, D.R. (2001). The bookmark procedure: Psychological perspectives. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Concepts, methods, and perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Morgan, D.L. (2004, June). The performance profile method: A unique method as applied to a unique population. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Council of Chief State School Officers in Boston, MA. Morgan, D.L. (2012). College placement testing of entering students. In C. Secolsky (Ed.), Measurement, Assessment, and Evaluation in Higher Education. New York, NY: Routledge. Nedelsky, L. (1954). Absolute grading for objective tests. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 14, 3-19.

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Perie, M. (2008). A guide to understanding and developing performancelevel descriptors. Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice, 27(4), 15-29. Perie, M., & Thurlow, M. (2012). Setting achievement standards on assessments for students with disabilities. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Pitoniak, M.J., & Morgan, D.L. (2012) Setting and validating cut scores for tests. In C. Secolsky (Ed.), Measurement, Assessment, and Evaluation in Higher Education. New York, NY: Routledge. Plake, B.S. & Cizek, G.J.(2012). Variations on a theme: The modified angoff, extended angoff, and yes/no standard setting methods. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Wallace, M.R. (2000, April). Matching standard setting methods to tests: One size does not fit all. Poster presented at the annual meeting of the National Council for Measurement in Education, New Orleans, Louisiana. Webb, M.W. & Miller, E.R. (1995). A comparison of the paper selection method and the contrasting groups method for setting standards on constructed-response items. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, CA. Zieky, M.J. (2012). So much has changed: An historical overview of setting cut scores. In G.J. Cizek (Ed.) Setting performance standards: Foundations, methods, and innovations (2nd Ed.). New York, NY:Routledge. Zieky, M.J., Perie, M., & Livingston, S. (2008). Cutscores: A manual for setting standards of performance on educational and occupational tests. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service.

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Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

Religion and Tolerance Journal, 2002 – 2012 Abstract This paper1 presents the journal of Religion and Tolerance over its ten years of publishing. Since its first appearance in 2002 until the end of 2012, the interest in religion has been significantly increased, as well as the number of those who study and write about religion, thus the size of the journal has been growing year after year. The sociology of religion has become a distinguished discipline of social science, which attracts those who are not engaged with religion, experts who research it, as well as those who are plainly religious. Therefore, in spite of financial difficulties, and of the Ministries which impose increasingly stricter conditions for obtaining financial means each year, the journal of Religion and Tolerance has survived over ten full years. The total number of pages in these ten years is 3,580, and the number of authors exceeds 200. The number of published articles per issue is ten in average, which means that there have been 20 articles and 4 book reviews published a year. Other columns that have appeared in the journal are: Interviews, Translations, Lectures, and Letters to the Editor. This paper presents the most read articles, according to the SCI index, and articles that have drawn the greatest attention of students; the research was done in the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad in 2012. Sociology of religion, as it is presented in the journal, has formed its academic identity marked by the sign of tolerance. In relation to methodology, it holds the position of “methodological agnosticism”. Namely, if sociology of religion and its relation with religion are “neither for, nor against, but about it”, the journal of Religion and Tolerance is the right place for an objective discourse about religion, as befits any academic discipline. 1. This paper is written as a part of the project “Changes in social structure and mobility as factors of European integrations of the Republic of Serbia, with special reference to the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina”, No. 179053 (2011-2014), which is financed by the Ministry of Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

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Keywords: religion, tolerance, sociology of religion, journals.

Introduction The journal of “Religion and Tolerance” was started with enthusiasm by professors and students of sociology and philosophy at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad. During the turbulent period of social turmoil and transformation from atheistic into a theistic society, an idea evolved about the necessity of academic studies of the phenomenon of religiosity. Sociology of religion is not a marginal discipline anymore that is threatened to die out along with its subject. The goal of launching the journal of “Religion and Tolerance” reflected in a desire to allow wider and more creative participation of academic community, students, citizens, and different religious communities in thinking the phenomenon of religion. Due to the process of revitalization of religion and its increasing importance in the society, it is necessary, from a perspective of sociology, to thoroughly study problems and tendencies, which are brought by the processes of secularization and desecularization. We expected that this journal would enhance the dialogue on phenomena of religion and religious tolerance, with regards to the importance these phenomena have for the multiconfessional communities in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The journal is published by the Center for Empirical Researches of Religion (CEIR)2, which has its seat in Novi Sad. It emerged from a multuconfessional and traditionally tolerant environment. A specific heterogeneousness of the population, which is reflected in national and religious structure of students in Novi Sad, was a fertile ground for both empirical researches and for the wealth of religious pluralism. Thus the CEIR has become a gathering place for experts from the territory of the former Yugoslavia who deal with religion. But it is not only for scientists, who write about religion, nor is it only for students who investigate topics on religion while preparing their school papers and thesis, it is a center for all believers who keep up on what is written about their religion from the perspective of sociology. The editorial staff is comprised of recognized experts from the field of sociology of religion who have many years of experience in working on these issues, and who live in Novi Sad, Niš, Belgrade, Sarajevo, Maribor, Zagreb, and 2. http://www.ceir.co.rs

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Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

Skopje. Borders that suddenly divided this Balkan land did not exist in electronic communication, so it was possible to engage with studying religion in a spirit of tolerance even in the hardest conditions. Since the members of the editorial staff of the journal are renowned names in sociology and philosophy, it was possible to offer adequate contents and reliable information. Since 2012, the editorial staff has been expanded to include new members from Bulgaria, England and the USA. The editorial board and current staff members are: Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić (University of Novi Sad); Prof. Dr. Dragoljub B. Đorđević (University of Niš); Prof. Dr. Milan Vukomanović (University of Beograde); Prof. Dr. Zoran Matevski (University of Skopje); Prof. Dr. Ivan Cvitković (University of Sarajevo); Prof. Dr. Sergej Flere (University of Maribor); Prof. Dr. Ankica Marinović (University of Zagreb); Prof. Dr. Nonka Bogomilova (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofija); Prof. Dr. George Wilkes (University of Edinburgh); Prof. Dr. Miroslav Volf (Yale University). More than 200 authors have published their papers in the journal of Religion and Tolerance. The total number of pages during these ten years of publishing is 3,580 printed in B5 format. In average, the number of published articles per issue is ten, which means that there have been 20 articles and 4 book reviews published per year. Other columns that have appeared in the journal are: Interviews, ten interviews have been published, and Translation, 7 of which have been published. In 2008, a new column was introduced – Lectures; 3 lectures have been published until now. Finally, there are Letters to the editor, and 12 of those have been published, mostly referring to religious experiences and attitudes to current events.

1. Overview of published articles by year In this paper I am going to present several articles, chosen by the criterion of how many times they have been cited, which is measured by the SCI3 index available on the Internet; this criterion indicates their quality. I am also going to present several articles whose titles have drawn the greatest attention of students at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, as concluded from the research done by fourth year students of sociology in their course of Sociology of religion on 9 October 2012. Each responding student was able to choose an issue of the journal and an article which interested him/her most. 3. http://scindeks.ceon.rs/isue.aspx?issue=9556

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The Serbian Citation Index4 contains data about the journal, ranging from bibliometric characteristics (the first analyzed year was 2005) to all articles. According to the classification of the Ministry of Science, the journal falls into a group Other humanities. The journal has been published biannually since 2004, and it was launched in 2002. The beginning of publishing was marked by keywords such as: religion, religious education, and tolerance. The first published paper was written by an academician Vladeta Jerotić: “Role of Christian and Orthodox Christianity in modern crisis”. The author speaks from the perspectives of Orthodox Christianity, but by the style of his writing we can see that he promotes a culture of dialogue and religious tolerance. In his conclusion, Vladeta Jerotić writes that we do not need to approach phenomena that bespeak “new age” only from their dark side, and he refers to a renowned Croatian sociologist of religion, Jakov Jukić: “Despite the mentioned difficulties, such pluralism contributes to creation of positive contents in a sense of strengthening personal faith, because now a completely conscious choice is asked to be made by the Christians, as well as free acceptance of only one offered religion. A man is, therefore, not born a Christian anymore, but he has yet to become one painstakingly.” Vladeta Jerotić then confirms: “I have almost nothing else to add to these words of Jakov Jukić.”5 For several years, religious education, as a demand for its introduction into education system and resistance to going back to outdated forms of education, was a topic of academic conferences and papers of authors who analyzed and described it. In this issue, we published different stands on religious education as well as results of field researches. The issue contains articles presented on academic conferences which show attitude of the majority church toward implementation of religious education, but also towards problems faced by minority churches and religious communities. This is also the topic of the paper chosen by students, which discusses religious education conducted in schools located in religiously mixed areas6. The most frequently read paper from the issue published in 2004 has the title: The Young and Religious Tolerance, and the authors are Snežana Joksimović and Zorica Kuburić7. The paper analyzes results of researches on religious 4. http://scindeks.ceon.rs/journaldetails.aspx?issn=1451-8759 http://scindeks-bic.ceon.rs/journal/details.aspx?issn=1451-8759 5. Vladeta Jerotić, Uloga hrišćana i pravoslavnog hrišćanstva u uslovima savremene krize, Religion and Tolerance, 1 (2002) 0, 13-18. 6. Ljiljana Vranić, Uloga i položaj obrazovnog sistema u multikonfesionalnom dijalogu, Religion and Tolerance,1 (2002) 0, 71-76 7. Snežana JOKSIMOVIĆ, Zorica KUBURIĆ, Mladi i verska tolerancija, Religion and Tolerance, 3 (2004) 1, 17-30.

International Journal of Science | No.3

Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

distance and religious tolerance among secondary school students in Serbia. The research was conducted by the Center for Empirical Researches of Religion from Novi Sad in 2004, on a sample of 610 respondents from seven different cities. The obtained data showed that the majority of interviewed secondary school students in Serbia were open and tolerant, but also that there were those who exhibited mistrust toward adherents of other confessions, and who strived for religious homogeneity. The secondary school students from Vojvodina showed greater tolerance than their counterparts in Central Serbia. Fear from religiously heterogeneous environment was less manifested by the young who came from religiously and ethnically mixed families and by those who had friends of other religion. Greater social distance and religious intolerance were expressed by young religious people. On Ecumenical Charter, Here and Now was written by Tomislav Žigmanov8. That was quite an undertaking, as the author stresses, to present the content of possibly the most significant document over the last several centuries of the European Christianity pertaining to ecumenical activities within Christianity – with the title Charta oecumenica. This document was signed by the president of the Conference of European Churches, Metropolitan Jéremie and the president of the Council of the Bishops’ Conferences of Europe, Cardinal Misloslav Vlk. At the same time, this was the first time the Ecumenical Charter was published in Serbia. This paper was chosen by students. The subject of ecumenism splits the Orthodox believers and creates divisions between the believers and clergy. The most frequently cited paper from the journal of Religion and Tolerance, and not only from that issue, is Self-Image between Secular and Sacral Identity9. The initial questions of this article were: What aspects of a self-image are especially influenced by religion? What are the differences between those oriented to secular and those oriented to spiritual values, and are these differences important? Answers were given in theoretical and empirical sections of the study. The results were a part of a research conducted by the Center for Empirical Researches of Religion (CEIR) within the project “Religion and the Young”. Statistical data processing was used to analyze differences between gymnasiums students and seminary students – those oriented to secular occupations and those who had chosen a spiritual profession. The results showed differences between secular and spiritual identity, which were based on a self-image that the young have, especially in relation to their own behavior. Morality, sexuality, and guilt are 8. Tomislav ŽIGMANOV, O Ekumenskoj povelji ovde i sada, Religion and Tolerance, 3 (2004) 1, 3146. 9. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Ana KUBURIĆ, Slika o sebi između svetovnog i duhovnog identiteta, Religion and Tolerance, 3 (2004) 2, 17-36

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divergence points when religiosity is not only declarative. Since there are only few empirical researches done on Orthodox believers, this paper drew attention of the academic community. The most interesting paper for students in this issue was written by Radmilo Bodiroga10, Religious Fear and Psychological Consequences. The author raises the question of religiosity which is based primarily on feelings of fear and guilt. He mentions supporters of the religious fear and their opponents, advocating distinction between awe and fear. The paper also discusses religious fear in Paganism and Orthodox Christianity among Serbs, as well as in Catholicism and Protestantism. The paper shows connection between the religiosity based on fear and depression and anxiety, so instead of bringing peace, a religious life becomes internal unrest. Zlatiborka Popov11 writes about religion and tolerance. In a theoretical section of the paper, emphasis is placed on the problem of tolerance in so called religions of the Book (Christianity, Judaism, and Islam) seen through the prism of modern globalization processes, formation of national states, and a position of minority religious groups (primarily the Islamic community) in conditions of modern secular western democracy. In an empirical section, an attempt is made to verify if certain groups of the population (religious and non-religious) perceive this connection between religious affiliation, religious teachings, and tolerance. The research has shown that both these groups recognize the importance of this connection, but the religious group (the majority is Orthodox in this sample) absolutizes this connection, ignores a social structure in which a religious is practiced, and believes that Islam and small religious communities, i.e. sects, are intolerant, as well as that they contribute and have contributed more to conflicts. The group of nonreligious respondents regards this connection in a relative sense, and believes that all religious communities have equally contributed to conflicts. It is characteristic that nonreligious respondents express bigotry against small religious communities, as well. Zlatiborka Popov12 wrote another interesting article, titled: Orthodox Christianity and Challenges of Democratization, Multiculturalism and Tolerance. This paper is an attempt to problematize attitudes of Orthodox Christianity toward tendencies and challenges of the modern world, chiefly toward challenges of democratization, multiculturalism, and tolerance. Because of its liturgical 10. Radmilo BODIROGA, Religijski strah i psihološke posledice, Religion and Tolerance, 3 (2004) 2, 5582. 11. Zlatiborka POPOV-MOMČINOVIĆ, Religija i tolerancija, Religion and Tolerance, 4 (2005) 3, 79-98. 12. Zlatiborka POPOV-MOMČINOVIĆ, Pravoslavlje i izazovi demokratizacije, multikulturalizma i tolerancije, Religion and Tolerance, 4 (2005) 4, 95-109.

International Journal of Science | No.3

Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

isolationism and ignorance of a so called horizontal dimension, i.e. a rational relation to the society and the world, Orthodox Christianity is exposed to threats either of subjecting to authoritarian governance (a period of Caesaropapism in the Byzantine Empire, Russia, and the Nemanjićs’ Serbia), or of withdrawing from the world if found in a hostile environment (long and difficult periods of foreign and atheistic rule). This makes it even more distant from the modern world, which is based on rationality, activism, and responsibility. Furthermore, because of its ethnophyletism, i.e. nationalism, that results from the fact that each Orthodox nation has its own autonomous church, but also from the fact that during a foreign rule, Orthodox Christianity had a role in nation- and state-building, there is a danger that principles of multiculturalism and tolerance, although declaratively accepted, are hardly shown in practice. Historical and structural circumstances, as well as the fact that most of the so called Orthodox countries have faced economic, political and spiritual crisis after the fall of Communism, cause the ambivalence between Orthodox Messianism and national particularism, on one hand, and preaching love, tolerance, repentance, and forgiveness, on the other13. The paper which interested students the most in this issue was written by Segej Flere14, Principle of Separation Church from the Government and Religious Tolerance: On Institutional Framework of Exercising Religious Tolerance in Modern European Framework. The author takes into consideration the significance of the principle of separation between the Church and State in relation to the affirmation of religious tolerance, confirming that this principle and its consistent implementation are a necessary institutional condition for exercising the principle of tolerance. The author offers institutional solutions concerning relations between church/religious communities and the state, which are in use in Slovenia, as well as complications and possible future challenges that depend on political situation. Religious distance is an important research topic, especially in the territory of the Balkans, where the society is divided by religious differences. The paper Religious Communities in Serbia and Religious Distance15 presents the empirical reality. After the fall of Communism, religiosity was generally marginalized: all believers were equally in a minority position. After the 1990s, however, religiosity, as well as belonging to the majority religion, has become more desirable. This paper presents census data in order to determine which group constitutes 13. Zlatiborka POPOV-MOMČINOVIĆ, Pravoslavlje i izazovi demokratizacije, multikulturalizma i tolerancije, Religion and Tolerance, 4 (2005) 4, 95-109. 14. Sergej FLERE, Principi odvojenosti crkve od države i verska tolerancija, Religion and Tolerance, 4 (2005) 4, 7-12. 15. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Verske zajednice u Srbiji i verska distanca, Religion and Tolerance, 5 (2006) 5, 53-70

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majority and which minority. Sociological researches are also presented, which indicate the difference between stated religiosity and religious self-identification as an indicator for empirical researches, on one hand, and level of religiosity among citizens of Serbia, on the other. The research on social distance used in this paper was done at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad in 2003 and repeated in 2005. Furthermore, the paper mentions incidents that illustrate the position of religious minorities. Đuro Šušnjić16 claims in his paper Disturbances on the Path of Understanding, Trust and Reconciliation that there are certain “constants of out mentality” which show as disturbances for understanding, trust, and making peace between nations, beliefs, and cultures. Those firm patterns of thought, belief, and behavior (national, political, cultural), which are discussed in the paper, are: traditionalism, authoritarian mentality, political non/culture, anti-intellectualism, prejudice, lack of critical public, and linguistic forms. A renowned French historian, Fernan Braudel would say that these are long lasting terms. The most read paper published in the seventh issue, in 2007, was written by Srđan Barišić: Contribution to the Familiarizing with the Protestant Religious Congregations. Familiarizing with religious congregations and religious systems is a crucial condition for any dialogue and tolerance, and the best illustration for that are small religious communities, often called sects, which are victims of stereotypes and prejudice. Familiarization is a condition for a dialogue, understanding, and tolerance. The paper offers examples of the Reformed Christian Church, Christian Adventist Church, and Baptist Church. The paper chosen by students was: Jehovah’s Witnesses – An International Religious Community. The author Isidora Milanović17 begins with a short history of Jehovah’s Witnesses in the modern era, and she explains the origin of Jehovah’s Witnesses by their history. Then, she describes their organization, and especially their international preaching activities, by which they are mainly recognized. At the end, she mentions their beliefs. Since the Jehovah’s Witnesses appear to be the least desirable on the social distance scale, this article serves as a contribution to better understanding this community. Historian Nikola Samardžić18 wrote Political Islam as a Global Challenge. In the opposition to the “New World Order”, the global reality emerging from the unilateralism in international relations, Islam threatens Western dominance in policy and culture. The author believes that Islamist rejection of the West 16. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Prepreke na putu razumevanja i pomirenja, Religion and Tolerance, 5 (2006) 5, 7-14. 17. Isidora MILANOVIĆ, Jehovini svedoci – međunarodna verska zajednica, Religion and Tolerance, 6 (2007) 7, 135-144. 18. Nikola SAMARDŽIĆ, Globalni izazov političkog Islama, Religion and Tolerance, 6 (2007) 8, 75-92.

International Journal of Science | No.3

Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

contributes to a global balkanization. Fundamentalism is generally viewed as a re-emergent traditional religion expressing itself in the wider society through rigid politics. Inherently violent and repressive, political Islamic fundamentalism is a modern totalitarian movement that makes selective use of popular religious devotion. Contemporary Islamic projects are becoming increasingly disconnected from a particular territory, partly as a consequence of the failure of all attempts to build an Islamic state. Basic Islamic paradox is in moving toward individualist concept within the context of de-territorialized global space, becoming disconnected from a specific culture, as a consequence of immigration, in which future generations, born in Western culture, are partly assimilated. De-territorialization and Westernization of political Islam also brought Western Balkan as important traditional Muslim territory in focus of important analysis, concern, and even political manipulation in connecting the Balkan Islamic communities with Islamism. There is an interesting article in which author Ira Prodanov-Kraišnik19 discusses the process of desecularization in Serbian art and music. Desecularization as a social phenomenon in Serbia has caused serious changes in the field of art. Religion which was forbidden after the World War II became a significant field of interest of artists in the late ‘80s. Generally speaking, there are two models of creating religious art: one, in which authors try to point out national values through religious themes, and second in which authors try to affirm religious universal religious values. Composers of the second half of the XX century try to create music by using sounds elements of different religious sounds from around the world or they try to create original works of art that bear association with certain musical traditions. Due to desecularization which also has elements of secularization, they write religious music for concert halls, and not for church services. Image of God in Attitudes of General Population in the Balkan20 is an interesting paper which is based on a research done in the territory of the Balkans (Gallup Europe, 2007). The research is conducted on the sample of 9,464 respondents. Of numerous attributes ascribed to God, the focus was placed on those that describe God as good, full of love, and forgiving by contrast to the image of God who punishes and who is strict. The positive image implies that God is a complete being who is absolutely trusted, not because of his powers, strictness, and possibility to punish, but because of love and possible protection and salvation. Since the image of God enables the process of identification, the role of religion is perceived in everyday life. Special attention is given to differences among Orthodox, Catholic, Protestant and Islamic adherents. 19. Ira PRODANOV-KRAJIŠNIK, Desekularizacija u srpskoj umetnosti i muzici, Religion and Tolerance, 7 (2008) 9, 50-71 20. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Slika o Bogu u stavovima opšte populacije na Balkanu, Religion and Tolerance, 8 (2009) 11, 25-44

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Srđan Sremac21 wrote an article: Voices from a Junky Limbo and the Heaven afterwards: Proposal for a Narrative Investigation of Addicts Conversion Testimonies. In this article, the author proposes a narrative approach to the investigation of conversion testimonies of former drug addicts. The author argues that narrative method provides an adequate approach to analysis of testimonies and that it helps researches to understand psychological and spiritual transformation of former addicts, as well as to understand the meaning of religion in their stories. The author sees the conversion as an adaptive mechanism that helps drug addicts to resolve psychological conflicts and create a new self-narrative. Also, the author believes that when drug addicts tell their testimonies, an opportunity is given to them to re-interpret and re-construct their past and to plan their future in the framework of the newly acquired religious language. Consequently, drug addicts construct their life story as a typical conversion story. Spanish jurist Alejandro Torres Gutiérrez22 wrote Neutrality of Public Authorities and Religion. The idea of neutrality is a keyword in the history of freedom of religion and conscience. Without State neutrality, the full recognition of these liberties is not possible. The main task in this paper is to define a concept of neutrality, from historical experience and a comparative law perspective. The jurisprudence of European Court of Human Rights shows a possible way of understanding the principle of neutrality. It is certainly not the only possible way. For centuries, the most adequate frameworks has been sought which enables harmonious coexistence between different religions, beliefs, and ways of thinking. The idea of tolerance and neutrality of public authorities is a necessary first step, but it does not mean that attempts of creating peace end there. A young man, David Wesley Hammerman,23 from a prestigious university in Washington, contemplates possibilities of bridging conflicts – an analysis of how religion can be used to heal societal wounds along racial and political lines. Topic of this paper is how religion can be used to achieve political and racial reconciliation. While religion has a tendency to cause conflict, there is also the potential to achieve reconciliation along both racial and political lines, which are intrinsically connected. The main question is how religion contributes to societal divisions, how it introduce conflict based on religious differences, and it explains that religion is not the cause of conflict, but it is used to escalate it, if it is already there. There is also a description of how we can build bridges using faith-based 21. Srđan SREMAC, Voices from a Junky Limbo and the Heaven Afterwards: Proposal for a Nrrative Investigation of Addicts Conversion Testimonies, Religion and Tolerance, 8 (2009) 11, 73-90. 22. Alejandro TORRES GUTIÉRREZ, Neutralnost državnih autoriteta i religija, Religion and Tolerance, 8 (2009) 12, 201-216. 23. David Wesley HAMMERMAN, Building Bridges, Religion and Tolerance, 8 (2009) 12, 249-260.

International Journal of Science | No.3

Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić

initiatives to heal wounds of conflicts. The author focuses on post-Apartheid South Africa, Northern Ireland, and examines limitations of religion and relations between region and Israeli society. Variety of Religious Faith in the Balkans is written by Zorica Kuburić. Empirical researches in the territory of the Balkans point toward the increasing importance of pluralism of religious beliefs and religious organizations. In this paper, a special attention is given to the analysis of answers of respondent to questions on beliefs, which indicate differences and similarities between members of different religious communities in the Balkans. The questions raised in the paper are belief in God, angels, Heaven, Hell, Purgatory, Salvation, and Resurrection. The research (Gallup Balkan Monitor) on a sample of 9,464 respondents from the Balkans shows that religious faith is present in the Balkans. According to the results, observing only extreme position of agreement on a 0-4 assessment scale, 60% of respondents believe in God without doubt, 17% believe in angels, and 13% in demons. Heaven is a reality for 38%, Hell for 34% and 20% believe in Purgatory. Belief in Resurrection, which is examined on a sample of 1,504 respondents in Serbia, is observed in almost a half of respondents (49%). Difference between male and female respondents is not significant, but there is a statistically significant difference between adherents of different religions, so belief in resurrection is most frequently seen in Protestant communities, somewhat less frequently among Catholics, then Orthodox Christians, and it is the least frequently observed among adherents of Judaism and Islam in Serbia. Milan Vukomanović24 discusses a paradigm of secularization in his article Religion and the Challenge of Manifold Modernity; this paradigm is to be seen as one of premises of Western modernization, but also as legacy that has not taken root in the majority of Asian, African, and especially Muslim societies. Contemporary trend of desecularization is presented in different forms, patterns and manifestations: it is seen as a return to classical religiosity in Central and Eastern Europe, as (neo-)fundamentalist and communal-nationalist movements in Northern Africa, Southern Asia, Near and Middle East; as evangelical and quasi-religious “rebirth” in the USA, Latin America, and South Korea, and finally, as a ultraconservative local revivalism with an eschatological-apocalyptic note in Israel and Iran, but also as a religious-ideological fundamentalism with global, missionary pretensions in Saudi Arabia.

24. Milan VUKOMANOVIĆ, Religija pred izazovima mnogostruke modernosti, Religion and Tolerance, 11 (2012) 17.

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Conclusion The journal of Religion and Tolerance and its content published over the previous ten years slowly but surely contribute to changes in attitudes toward religion and religious issues in Serbia. Attitudes to religion have entirely changed in the sense that public display of religiosity moved from “socially undesirable” behavior to socially acceptable and desirable behavior. The journal of Religion and Tolerance offers its contribution to objective perception of both religious communities and changes that occurred in a wider social community by publishing articles which deal with empirical and comparative studies. The number of authors who published their articles in the journal exceeds 200. A characteristic of the journal is that it has been publishing not only sociologist of religion, but also psychologists, philosophers, jurists, historians, theologians, musicologists, experts in the field of journalism, etc. Also, religious and national affiliations of the authors are many. Finally, yet another advantage of the journal is that our reviewer evaluate submitted articles not only by their academic quality, but also by messages that advocate tolerance. With that in mind, an article by Đuro Šušnjić published at the beginning is valuable because it discusses limits of tolerance. Đuro Šušnjić writes that tolerance is a condition for personal development, and that a person is tolerant only when he accepts something from another person with whom he does not agree. Šušnjić emphasizes that a “spiritual man, aware of different approaches to the world, is genial to his conversationalist, not because of his weakness, yet because of his strength and will to become acquainted with different attitudes of others. Tolerance does not claim that man gives up from his ideals, yet to widen, deepen and overcome them. Only the strong can be tolerant. In any case, it is better to be too tolerant that too intolerant. Tolerance is an attitude if it refers to the thinking of another person, and act if it refers to the behavior of others: tolerance has no borders considering the thinking, but has borders when we take into account behavior. A true thinking and living through dialogue and tolerance would mean that, by consequence, there would be no dogmatists among thinkers, no fanatics among believers and no tyrants among politicians.” 25

25. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Granice tolerancije, Religion and Tolerance, 3 (2004) 1, 7-16.

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Alejandro TORRES GUTIÉRREZ, Neutrality of public authorities and religion, Religion and tolerance, 7 (2009) 12, 201-216. David Wesley HAMMERMAN, Building Bridges, Religion and tolerance, 7 (2009) 12, 249-260. Ivan CVITKOVIĆ, Vjeronauka u obrazovnom sistemu BiH, Religija i tolerancija, 0 (2002) 0, 35-40; Ivan CVITKOVIĆ, Religijski pluralizam u Europi, Religion and tolerance, 6 (2008) 10, 21-28. Ira PRODANOV-KRAJIŠNIK, Desekularizacija u srpskoj umetnosti i muzici, Religion and tolerance, 6 (2008) 9, 50-71 Isidora MILANOVIĆ, Jehovini svedoci – međunarodna verska zajednica, Religion and tolerance, 5 (2007) 7, 135-144. Ljiljana VRANIĆ, Uloga i položaj obrazovnog sistema u multikonfesionalnom dijalogu, Religion and tolerance, 0 (2002) 0, 71-76 Milan VUKOMANOVIĆ, Religija pred izazovima mnogostruke modernosti, Religija i tolerancija, 10 (2012) 17. Nikola SAMARDŽIĆ, Globalni izazov političkog Islama, Religion and tolerance, 5 (2007) 8, 75-92. Radmilo BODIROGA, Religijski strah i psihološke posledice, Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 2, 55-82. Sergej FLERE, Principi odvojenosti crkve od države i verska tolerancija, Religion and tolerance, 3 (2005) 4, 7-12. Srđan BARIŠIĆ, Prilog upoznavanju protestantskih verskih zajednica, Religion and tolerance, 5 (2007) 7, 121-134. Srđan SREMAC, Voices from a Junky Limbo and the Heaven Afterwards: Proposal for a Nrrative Investigation of Addicts Conversion Testimonies, Religion and tolerance, 7 (2009) 11, 73-90. Snežana JOKSIMOVIĆ, Zorica KUBURIĆ, Mladi i verska tolerancija, Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 1, 17-30. Tomislav ŽIGMANOV, O Ekumenskoj povelji ovde i sada, Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 1, 31-46

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Vladeta JEROTIĆ, Uloga hrišćana i pravoslavnog hrišćanstva u uslovima savremene krize, Religion and tolerance, 0 (2002) 0, 13-18. Vladeta JEROTIĆ, Može li se voleti bez žrtvovanja“ Religion and tolerance, 6 (2008) 10, 7-10. Vladeta JEROTIĆ, Prelaženje dozvoljene granice. Religion and tolerance, 8 (2010) 13, 195-196. Vladeta JEROTIĆ, Vreme večne nade – vaskrsenje, Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 15, 7-11. Vladeta JEROTIĆ, Kako čovek postaje ateista, agnostik i teista, Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 16, 443-449. Zlatiborka POPOV-MOMČINOVIĆ, Religija i tolerancija, Religion and tolerance, 3 (2005) 3, 79-98. Zlatiborka POPOV-MOMČINOVIĆ, Pravoslavlje i izazovi demokratizacije, multikulturalizma i tolerancije, Religion and tolerance, 3 (2005) 4, 95-109. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Verske zajednice u Srbiji i verska distanca, Religion and tolerance, 4 (2006) 5, 53-70. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Razgovori s Vladetom Jerotićem – duhovno roditeljstvo, Religion and tolerance, 5 (2007) 8, 123-130. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Slika o Bogu u stavovima opšte populacije na Balkanu, Religion and tolerance, 7 (2009) 11, 25-44 Zorica KUBURIĆ, Odnosi između hrišćana i muslimana, Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 16, 419-423. Zorica KUBURIĆ, Varijeteti religijske vere na Balkanu, Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 15, 17-30 Zorica KUBURIĆ, Da li hrišćani i muslimani poštuju istog boga? Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 16, 415-419. Zorica Kuburić, Ana Kuburić, Slika o sebi između svetovnog i duhovnog identiteta, Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 2, 17-36 Srđan SIMIĆ, Kuranski šestodnev, Religion and tolerance, 5 (2007) 8, 6774.

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Srđan SIMIĆ, Uticaj ranog hrišćanstva na islam, Religion and tolerance, 6 (2008) 10, 85-94. Srđan SIMIĆ, Šizme u islamu, Religion and tolerance, 7 (2009) 11, 107136. Srđan SIMIĆ, Islamska mistika, Religion and tolerance, 8 (2010) 13, 89109. Srđan SIMIĆ, Stvaranje i vaskrsenje u Kuranu, Religion and tolerance, 9 (2011) 15, 53-69. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Granice tolerancije. Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 1, 716. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Religija i nauka. Religion and tolerance, 2 (2004) 2, 7-16. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Prepreke na putu razumevanja i pomirenja. Religion and tolerance, 4 (2006) 5, 7-14. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Promocija knjige Metodika verske nastave. Religion and tolerance, 4 (2006) 5, 121-126. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Od jednolikosti prema raznolikosti ili od sličnosti prema razlikama, Religija i tolerancija, 6 (2008) 9, 7-21. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Prenošenje religijskih vrednosti, Religion and tolerance, 6 (2008) 9, 139-143. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Moć i uticaj kulture, Religion and tolerance, 8 (2010) 13, 192-194. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Most koji povezuje epohe, Religion and tolerance, 8 (2010) 13, 189-191. Đuro ŠUŠNJIĆ, Hram kao Božji stan, Religion and tolerance, 10 (2012) 17, 5-22.

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Dr. Ilir Berhani | Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

The Impact of the Electoral Systems on the Voting Process in Albania Abstract In this paper is analyzed the impact of different electoral systems in the expression of the voters vote. The first issue: the types of votes: sincere vote, strategic vote, retrospective vote, perspective vote. The sincere voting when the voter is voting preferred candidate or party. The strategic voting when a voter votes not the candidate not the party favorite, but the candidate / party less harmful. Retrospective voting, the voter evaluates the credibility of one who makes the offer. Perspective voting when the voter evaluates the ability of those who offer promises to translate into public policy. The second issue: characteristics of electoral systems. Proportional electoral system. Is the system that leaves less place for strategic voting because voters generally holds only one vote. It depends on factors such as the threshold of representation, the size of electoral district, meeting or not the remaining votes; appreciation of the majority, existence or not of voting for the candidate preferable, “coordination game” party. The system will be analyzed for Germany, Italy, Albania. Majority electoral system. The strategic vote in this system is not totally absent, but seems less probable. It is probable that voters abandon underdog candidates to vote among candidates less disagreeable to the group of those potentially winning. Strategic voting is realized through: mechanical movement, the withdrawal of candidates in some electoral areas; and through the psychological factor, convincing voters that their preferred candidate can not win. The more “competitive” elections, the more possible by the voter to use vote strategically: UK, Franca and Albania. The third issue: the influence of electoral systems practiced in Albania from 1991 until 2011 in the voting process. Majority system in 1991. The system combined with two rounds

International Journal of Science | No.3

Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

in 1992, 1996 and 1997. Combined system (proportional majority) with two rounds defined by the Constitution in 1998 and practiced in the 2001 elections. Combined system (proportional majority) with a round of 2005. Distortions of the vote/”Megadushku”. Particulars of regional proportional electoral system that was practiced in the 2009 parliamentary elections. The present paper will place special local elections of 2011. Types of voting that voters used in these election

Ways of Voting: vote of sincerity and strategic votes Modalities of voting in democratic regimes are of course obvious influence on the functioning of the political system. They exert direct influence over the parties and on party systems. Voting modalities produce consequences not only in the formation of parliaments, but also in forming governments. Overall how voters vote, the expression of the voters vote, influenced by two factors: a-party system, b-the electoral system.

I. Offer of parties and voters vote. The vote of each voter does not consist in never a simple decision that the voter gets referred to a few elements. Under the simplified version, more pervasive, however, the vote is simply an exclusive reference on political parties’ programs. In fact there are a number of elements that determine the vote: a political-offerings; b-identification with a party; c-personality of the candidate The vote is largely a response to an offer of political constituencies that make the candidates, parties and coalitions. But the nature of the offer is more complex, it is a package of public policies. Therefore the nature of the response of voters is not a simple choice for a specific set of public policies, according to the preferences of voters. There are several factors that together influence the voter’s vote. The vote of the voters is complex and is determined by: a-retrospective vote: voter evaluates the reliability of one who makes the offer, based on previous experiences, mainly by governments; b- perspective vote: voter evaluates the ability and possibility to translate real bid on public policy without much distortion, which are usually imposed by the needs of a coalition government to reach compromises. c-mode of voting is determined by the electoral system, the mechanism to return ballots in parliamentary seats.

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Candidates and party leaders take into consideration estimate in detail the electoral mechanism. Electoral mechanisms used to encourage voters to vote for their candidates and their parties and to discourage voters to vote for candidates and parties opposing competitors. Coordination mode of supply of candidates and parties by persuading voters mode varies and is based on several factors: a constituency-by operating systems, b-party system, c-out possible coalitions.

II. Sincere Votes & strategic votes. Votes is always true that a voter votes for the preferred candidate or party favorite. On the contrary, when a voter decides to vote for the candidate not the preferred / non-preferred party, then we vote strategically. There are factors that influence how the voter will vote: vote sincerely or strategically vote. The voter is leaning toward a vote of sincere and is not inclined to vote strategically. Besides the offer political candidates and parties are, who actively intervene, and the pattern of voting options and directing voters to use vote strategically or vote sincerely. The influence of parties and candidates is different, because it depends on the electoral system. Of course, some electoral systems create more opportunities to use the types of voting. For consistency, there are electoral systems that provide more space, strategic voting in relation to other systems. But in all electoral systems strategic votes remains / is possible, more practicable in a more / less frequent and more / less efficient.

III. Votes sincere and strategic votes in the proportional electoral system. Proportional electoral system is the system that opens the door for using less strategic voting by voters. In the proportional system available voter has one vote and this influences the voters to express a sincere vote of approval and support. This system presents no real deviations of preferences of voters based. This will be translated into the slogan â&#x20AC;&#x153;one man one vote, one party (or each party its / his list and his group).â&#x20AC;? However, even in the proportional system vote only sincere and totally absence of strategic voting would be impossible. So, will show as a result virtually impossible, and however technically impossible to

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

achieve. Generally, the proportional system, it seems that is the least possible use of strategic voting and voters primarily use honest vote. However, there are in the proportional system a number of factors / other mechanisms that facilitate or make difficult the use of strategic voting. Strategic voting in proportional systems is different and much depends on the clauses “conditions” contained in each of the proportional electoral system. The main provisions that influence strategic voting are: a-clauses of parliamentary representation; b-width of the electoral district; c-filling or of residues of election; d-appreciation potential of the majority; the existence of vote-preferably or absence of vote preferable; f-”coordination game” that party leaders tend to apply in practice or conduct. To test the influence of these provisions shall address: proportional electoral systems of Germany, Italy and Albania.

German proportional electoral system. Germany offers two concrete examples of operation of two clauses that allow to emerge and to analyze the use of strategic voting and party coordination. In the German case, the strategic vote is made easier by the availability real / real possibility of two German voter’s vote, which however must be expressed in the same file / ballot. The data pertaining to 1994 and 1998 elections, in both elections the Christian Democratic allies, liberals, secured more votes than their regional lists of candidates in single-member areas. Demo-Christians predicted an adverse performance, strategic voting in multi-name lists. That taught their constituents to vote in multi-name lists for the Liberal Party, their allies in the coalition right. As allies of the Social Democrats, the Greens get more votes in their regional lists rather than candidates in singlemember (these votes, judging by the performance of strategic votes from the Social Democrats and Social Democrats voters). Voters were encouraged in this sense or “coordinated” by the leaders of the PSD guidelines. 1 In general, works best when strategic votes based specifically on the parliamentary representation of the interests of preferences in the perspective of government. For the Greens and Liberals to vote strategically is crucial to avoid absence of entry into parliament. For this purpose, both parties have learned not to pay much higher price, but the binding of a prior statement to the governing alliance. For the attentive constituents informed that “sincerely” inclined to vote for Christian democrats or Social Democrats, the vote represents a response approving strategic alliance formed by the political leaders of their parties. Party leaders consider liberals Christian Democrats important and decisive government allies. They justify their invitation to the voters of Christian Democrats to vote for liberal lists. 1. K Bawm “Strategic Voting in Old and New Democracy. An analysis of the 1998 German Electoins.

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This invitation is based on clear pact and predetermined to govern with the liberal party leaders. Also liberals respect the pact. Social Democratic party alliance with the Greens, was not only acceptable but necessary. This is because the increased number of voters for the Green party and the Greens made a legitimate guide to a new policy. As demonstrated the results of 1998, this alliance made them winners. Binding of this alliance was useful, and was based on the intention to ensure local government. The formula was to exceed the proportional votes of Greens, so that social democratic party, not to remain in opposition. Voters voted using strategic vote. Percentage of total vote strategically has never been obvious, but it has followed a dual purpose: to save the Liberals and the Greens and to strengthen the German government coalitions. This synthesis of the use of strategic voting in Germany, explains directly across the road, the option of voting citizens, taking into account the place of parties, “coordination” of the vote, party leaders tend to realize, by their predetermined preferences and projects their coalitions, the consequences of parliamentary representation in the functioning of the coalition government that, in some way have undergone screening assessment to pinpoint the electorate and are considered “legitimate” for getting a mandate. Of course, this too, but not entirely, is favored facilitated by the existence in the German electoral system to a double vote.

Italian proportional electoral system. It is possible to speak of strategic vote in a proportional electoral system type diverse from that of the German, as Italian proportional system until elections of 1994. Without taking into account the availability to change the vote, that the availability to choose a diverse party from election to another, who never lacks to Italian nationals, in Italy has not been strategic votes in favor of proportional representation type used and there were few political opportunities to manifest. Italian proportional system, in force until 1993, had set as the threshold for participation in parliament two conditions, and that must be overcome both: athe party should have secured at least 300 thousand votes at the national level; bhave elected an deputy in a constituency, the only possible once has an electoral result that includes about 65 thousand voters.2 These two conditions were not quite easy and did not influence voter behavior. The distribution of seats in constituencies become quite large proportions, there were such in which elected more than fifteen members. Characteristic is prediction of the redistribution of seats remaining on the national level that the ballots not 2. Gianfranco Pasquino “Politici comparati system” Bologna 2004 p. 56-57

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

used for election of deputies in single-member zones. Voter can give up to three, four preferences. This depended on the size of the zone, for candidates in the party district of the selected list. In Italy offers party was always sufficiently abundant to encourage voters not to vote strategically. On the other hand, party leaders did not need to encourage this type of voting, because that was definitely interested to increase their number of votes. However, in at least three occasions, it manifested a strategic behavior by voters. There is no doubt that in 1948 the risk versus the People’s Front (the common list of communists and socialists with the symbol Garibaldi), a significant proportion of voters had made a strategic turn from minor parties to the list of Christian Democracy, which was considered fully capable to beat the National Front and to establish an insuperable obstacle to socio-communists to return. Performance of Demochristian vote shows the most important part of this story to vote, that should have been a conscious component of “strategic”. It is even more interesting is regarded as a phenomenon of strategic voting that produced the 1976 election, that was recognized as elections that allowed the Christian Democracy party to cross the Communist Party. Demochristian Party remained in power and crossed the Communist Party despite its rapid growth, which went from 27% to 34%. Above all, the attitude of Christian Democracy was made possible thanks to strategic behavior on the lists of voters who voted for small parties.3

Proportional electoral system in Albania in 2009 elections. In 2008 elections the previous system was substituted by regional proportional electoral system. It is not a national system of pure proportional representation. This means that Albania was not a single electoral zone. Proportional electoral system divides the country into a multi-name sites,4 that comply with the administrative division of one level of organization administrative – territorial,5 that under the Electoral Code “is the county electoral areas”.6 It was passed in the proportional election system with the intention that the outcome of elections for political parties to be in proportion to the total number of votes received in elections in every electoral zone and the number of seats approximate with the number of votes won. In the proportional electoral system available voter has one vote only, uses only one vote. The voter must vote in a sincere way, the party he prefers, and has very little access to strategic voting because the voter has only one option. So proportional electoral system in force in our country decreases the use of strategic 3. 4. 5. 6.

Gianfranco Pasquino “Politici comparati system” Bologna 2004 p. 59 Albania’s Constitution Article 64 / 1 as amended by Law 9904 dated. 21.04.2008 Albania’s Constitution Article 64 / 2 as amended by Law 9904 dated. 21.04.2008 Law 10019 dt. 29.12.2008 Article 74 / 1

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voting. Parties and voters forced to vote sincerely. Each party is interested to provide more seats and each voter is interested to vote for the party favorite. Analysis of the results of the elections of 2009, clearly express that voters cast a sincere vote and that the parties directed their voters to vote sincerely. So, the Democratic Party at national level provided 40.18% of the vote, from 7.6% that was provided in the 2005 elections. While the Republican Partyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main coalition ally, secured 2.11% from 19.96% who had secured the election of 2005. The same situation is in the left coalition. Socialist Party secured 40.85% of the vote by 8.89% which was provided in the 2005 elections. While the main ally of the Socialist Party, the party Social Democratic secured 1.76% from 12.74% in 2005.7 Regional proportional system in our country, as is generally characteristic of the proportional system, reduced the opportunity for many voters and parties to use strategic voting. This is because the voters own a single vote. Voters are required to choose a single option, the party favorite. But the electoral system does not completely eliminate the use of strategic voting. Strategic voting can be used inside coalitions. Parties in coalition may direct their voters for a strategic vote in favor of a favorite ally.

IV. Strategic votes in majoritarian electoral systems. Simple majority system in Great Britain. Although it is difficult and rarely strategic behavior of voters is not entirely missing in the UK, and for different reasons seem much less probable and less common in the U.S. context. The strategic behavior of voters respond to the British party system structure. Even in the majority is probable, that voters abandon losers of course candidates, oriented to choose to non-preferred candidates, those candidates that are less harmful to the group of those potentially winning. Factors influencing the use of strategic voting in a simple majority in Britain are two: a-mechanic factor: removal of candidates in some electoral areas thus creating the possibility of their potential voters to vote a candidate of the party in the coalition; b-psychological factor: that presses the electors, who are convinced that their preferred candidate does not win, vote for the candidate preferred less and less liked by them, with the intention not to bring harm to vote and with the intention not to allow the winning candidate disliked by those affected by it. 7. (Electronic Bulletin of the CEC Election) Right coalition, the Alliance of Change, provided in 46.92% of the vote the elections innational level, Right coalition, the Alliance of Change, provided in 46.92% of the vote the elections innational level, Democratic Party as the largest party secured 40.18% of the vote in national, while greatest ally the Republican Party, fell to 2.11%. While in the left coalition the Union for Change, which secured 45.24% of votes made â&#x20AC;&#x2039;â&#x20AC;&#x2039;in the National level, the socialist party, as the largest of the coalition provided 40.85% and Social Democratic Party fell to 1.76%. (Electronic Bulletin of the CEC Election)

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

First suggested by Duverger (1961)8 psychological factor that affects “voters understand quickly that the votes would give the third party will lose, this comes natural tendency to turn to less bad opponent, with a view to avoid the success of the worst candidate. This phenomenon of “polarization”, comes to the disadvantage of new parties until they are weaker, but in favor of the old parties less-favored, until a new party emerges as a phenomenon “not representative.” It forces voters to vote strategically. The more “competitive” is the election, As more candidates are “near” to the limits of electoral consensus, the more it is possible that some voters the preferred candidate whose is not in terms of victory, to use vote strategically, being directed to vote for a candidate less harmful of two potentially winning candidates. Strategic voting is used above all, to lose more harmful candidate and nominate “appointment” the candidate less harmful. In conclusion, the strategic vote is possible in the electoral system of simple majority.

Absolute majority system in France. Formula of the runoff. The best situation for the use of strategic voting by the voters, by party leaders and coordination, create an absolute majority of electoral systems or majoritarian systems with double shift, as is the case of France and as was the case of Albania, in the election of 1991 and 1992. In electoral systems with the “double shift” strategic votes are numerous and clear. The most popular form of double shift is that the runoff. The pass exclusively in the second round two candidates receiving the most votes. Double shift in the form of runoff, allowing more efficient and so often evident / clear expression of strategic voting. French double shift allows: use strategic voting; real coordination of the party leaders directly to the formation of governing coalitions. In the first round voters usually vote of sincerity, casting a sincere vote preferred candidates or party favorite. In the second round, when the votes decide then the voter has the opportunity to cast a strategic vote. The voter in round run-off vote strategically. The goal is to win the group most preferred electoral race. Voter votes for a candidate precisely less harmful, against candidate and less preferred party,or more harmful.9 8. M. DUVERGER “I partiti politici” Milano, 1961 9. An extraordinary example of strategic voting give the French presidential elections of 21 April and 05 May 2002. In the first round of the various components of the French Left presented a large number of candidates (three Trotskyites, two Socialists, one Communist, two Greens). Safe for socialist Prime Jospen certainly possible to overcome the runoff, voters from the polls that brought the strongest candidates of the Left, the left voters were presented with a sincere vote by voting each of its preferred candidate. Consequences, disastrous results, For less than 200 thousand votes, Jospen was solved by the far-right candidate Le Pen and could not go to a runoff with outgoing President Chirack. In the runoff in this case appeared a classic example of strategic voting. In fact to block less desirable candidate xenophobic and racist Le Pen, leaders of left parties have applied late, their action necessary to “coordination”, inviting their electorate turn to Chirack. Having accepted the invitation and “coordination” of the ballot, voters responded in two ways, both strategically. A number of them non-trivial (7.1%) abandoned from abstention to go to the elections. Le Pen, however, has taken a very small although the vote to ex-abstenuesve, providing the second round 50 thousand votes more than in the first round. A very significant part of the electorate to the left followed the advice and invitations to their heads and voted (by closing the nose) for Shirack. So the president has finally seen be multiplied almost five times the votes of his, arriving in 82.21%, half of which is expressed by the voters who have practiced vote “strategically”, not much in favor of Shirack than stacked against Le Pen. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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V. The influence of electoral systems practiced in Albania. (1991 - 2011). a- System of absolute majority in the 1991 elections. Looking elections, election systems and electoral formulas in Albania from 1991 until the adoption of the Constitution in 1998, note that our country has gone from pure majoritarian electoral system in the combined electoral systems, proportional to the elements mazhoritarit or correct majority with elements proportional. Changing the electoral system is determined by the interests of political parties and has influenced the elections held in Albania in the transition period. Stance of the parties to the election system varies based on the interest of the moment. In 1991, Democratic Party advocates proportional electoral system, while in the 1992 elections, Democratic Party, approved a combined electoral system, majorityproportional. Socialist Party in 1991 advocated the election of majoritarian system, while in the 1992 elections, called for proportional electoral system. Absolute majority electoral system, in the elections of 1991 allow strategic voting, through the double shift and runoff. A good portion of voters used strategically vote in the first round, by vote of the new opposition candidates. 43.83% of voters who participated in the vote cast a strategic vote. The goal was not to win the ruling party candidates. But this part of the voters did not fully supported the new opposition party, whose program did not know better, and representatives of the opposition candidates did not know enough.10 Especially in the second round, was voted strategically. “The first elections were held on a majoritarian system ... Although in principle such a system is fully democratic, in concrete conditions ... it was clear that he favored the Labor Party, which kept her hands still on the levers of power, locks the economy and the direction of the main tools of information, while opposition parties created a few months ago, were still being organized. “11

b- System combined with two rounds of the 1992, 1996 and 1997. In the elections of 1992 changed the election system and the formula of division of seats. The new system is proportional to the combined with significant elements 10. Eelez Biberaj “Albania in transition” f. 162. Labour Party of Albania, provided a greater number of countries that the number of votes received in national level. With 56.17% of votes that ensured the ruling party won 67.6% of MPs, or 169 seats in parliament. The main opposition Democratic Party with 38.71% of votes provided 30% of Representatives, 75 seats in parliament. With “... one proportional electoral system the Labour Party would win 141 seats in parliament, the Democratic Party 97”. 11. Luan Omari Magazine Parliamentary Law and Legal policy No. 6 / 2005 p.6

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

of the majority, aimed at the possible equality of votes. “The law was intended to unite justice and equality of vote, related to the proportional system, with the need to create a stable majority, provided by the majority system.12 Distribution of additional assembly seats (40 deputies) served to correct the result obtained in the majority. Voters to overturn the political system used to measure a strategic vote, voted against the party in power. The balance of votes were overturned in favor of the opposition. The ruling party lost more than half the votes he received a year ago. From 56.17% in 1991 which provided, in this election provided only 25.7% of the vote. While the opposition party doubled its number of votes from 38.7% in the elections of 1991 provided 62% in the 1992 elections. The 1992 elections proved the electoral system and the formula used for allocation of seats brought as a result the outcome was in proportion to the number of votes won by each party. Democratic Party with 62% of the vote nationally provided 65.7% of seats in parliament. Socialist party arwith 25.7% of votes secured 27.1% of the seats in parliament. Social democratic party with 4.3% of the vote provided 5% of seats in parliament.13 The same electoral system and the seats allocation formula was also used in the 1996 elections. But these elections were destroyed. Consequently, it can not be judged on how voters voted, because the electoral process was irregular. The ruling party won 122 seats in Parliament with 140 deputies, that is 87% of seats. While the main opposition party secured only ten seats, and down from 27.1% in 1992 to 7.1%. System and the formula was implemented in the 1997 election, but the new election law increased the number to 155 members and lowered the threshold of votes to 2% “… lowering the threshold to two percent “favor small parties, compensate for the damage they may suffer from enforcement of the majority element”.14 Even in this election impact of electoral system in the behavior of voters is difficult to assess because the elections were held in the abnormal situation.

c - Mixed electoral system of absolute majority, defined by the Constitution in 1998. Electoral system that determined the Constitution of 1998 is a system of absolute majority corrected. Hundred deputies are elected directly in single member zones, while forty deputies are elected from multi-name lists.15 However, paragraph two of Article 64 of the Constitution stipulates that the mandates of deputies should be approximate of the same number of votes won nationwide.16 Electoral 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

Luan Omari nr.2/2004 Legal Studies p.14 Official Gazette 1992 No. 2 f.99 Luan Omari nr.2/2004 Legal Studies p.15 Albania’s Constitution Article 64 / 1 Albania’s Constitution Article 64 / 2

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system as defined in the Constitution was a majority of the revised system, but not proportional system, because most of the mandates set by single member zones. In its decision, stating the issue, the Constitutional Court “…considers it necessary to reiterate ... the Constitution ... Article 64 its.. admitted that the election system is not pure proportional, but a combination of elements a majority system with the system proportional.17 “The election system has accepted the constitution, can not provide a precisely equal ratio, between the number of deputies for each party and the valid votes obtained by it”.18 This electoral system provided runoff in the second round of elections. and provide opportunities voters and parties to strategic voting. Major parties directed voters to vote for small parties allied to gain bonuses in the elections, that resulted in securing a greater number of seats in parliament, compared with the number of votes won nationwide. Socialist Party blocked the vote in the first round of the constituency’s nr.60, and enabled smaller parties allied to get the votes of socialist voters to overcome the electoral threshold of 2.5%.19 The ruling coalition, with this “fraud” election, directing voters to vote strategically, in a small area of election No. 60, electoral area of the village Dushk in Lushnja district, secured three deputies, by the distribution of additional seats.20 Electoral formula of separation of additional seats penalize the major parties in the distribution of seats. Socialist Party, which proportional got 41.439% of valid votes, received no member of the division of seats additional, the fact that in the majority secured 73 seats, making up 52% of seats in Assembly. Democratic Party got 36.886% of the valid votes and secured 25 deputies. But benefited from the allocation of extra seats 21 seats, and took a total of 46 seats, meaning 32% of seats by approximating the number of seats to the number of votes.21 Opposition accused of violating the constitution and electoral law in the case of repeat elections in area no. 60, while the Constitutional Court to interpret the constitution considered legitimate elections to 60-zone, associated with voting across the country, and development necessarily the first round of elections, to determine accurately the number of Members of Parliament, from which it can not be excluded any electoral area. The country’s territory is divided into hundred 17. 18. 19. 20.

Constitutional Court decisions. Decision no. 49 dated 2.6.2001 Decisions of the Constitutional Court “2001 electoral process” f 179-180. Decision No. 117/01 A. Luarasi Institute of Contemporary Balkan Studies F. 110 In the village Dushk in Lushnje first round of elections was held late. Socialist Party in the first round had won many seats in single-member areas, which do not secure majority in parliament. That the left coalition of provide also three terms by distribution the additional seats, socialist party ordered its voters to vote in second round for coalition parties. The aim was this Coalition of the left to provide 84 seats to vote the President himself. This was one pure distortion of election results in this electoral zone, The international community recognized the results with condition, election of one consensual president in 2002. 21. Bulletin of the general elections for the Parliament 2001 f.704

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

election districts for the purpose of the majority system, implying that there is a single electoral district in the country to determine the proportional list. Any kind of division, separation or exclusion from elections, that may become the territory of the Republic or its separate parts, constitutes a violation of constitutional concepts, that determine the type of electoral system, and also a violation of the fundamental right of citizens to vote”.22 Meanwhile, smaller parties demanded that the allocation of additional seats, be applied directly to paragraph two of Article 64 of the constitution. But the Constitutional Court dismissed the application for the direct implementation of Article 64 of the Constitution for allocating additional seats of assembly. The court determined that the Constitution is actually accepted direct application of its provisions, unless the constitution provides otherwise. Constitution, Article 68, has predicted that the election rules for nomination of candidates for deputies shall be regulated by the Electoral Code, which can not not applied. While the Election Code, the Article 66 thereof, provides a way of the allocation of additional seats, which necessarily requires a legal formula, and, as long as this provision is not considered unconstitutional, then the direct application of Article 64 of the Constitution, can not bring a different division of seats additional.23

d- Combined system of simple majority in the 2005 elections. In 2003 two cases were adjusted. First: changes were made to the electoral system; an absolute majority in single member zones was substituted by simple majority: candidates in single-member elected by simple majority.24 “Eliminating the second round sanctioned by a decision of the Constitutional Court, that interpret Article 64 of the Constitution, exactly, which affirming that the second round ... understood only as an opportunity and not an obligation ... setting a single round ... follow a practice that exists in many other countries, like Germany and Italy ..., which have a mixed system ... in this way was maintained the present system of mixed, with the numerical ratio existing between the members of the single-member lists and in multi-name, but with the a significant simplification of the election process.25 22. Decisions of the Constitutional Court “2001 electoral process” f 156. Decision No. 107/01. Constitutional Court rejecting the applicants’ claim of irregularities in the electoral process developed in the No. 60 for multi-name list, concludes: “.. If not done vote in electoral zone no. 60 for multi-name list of political subjects, then violated the Constitution of Albania, electorate are violated in freely practice the right to vote and the first round of elections would not be considered complete. 23. Decisions of the Constitutional Court “2001 electoral process,” p. 180. Decision No. 117/01 24. Law 9087 dated 19.06.2003 Article 66 / 1 “... Is considered elected MP in the single-member candidate who wins the highest number of votes of voters who participated in the voting in that area. 25. Luan Omari Legal Studies nr.2/2004 p.16.

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Second: was changed electoral formula of distribution of additional seats Changing the formula created greater opportunities for parties of the address the strategic voting, same time for voters to use strategic voting. Based on the new formula, just small parties provide seats in Parliament from the distribution of additional seats, while the major parties do not provide additional seats. Formula reimburses small parties, which can not provide mandates in the single member zones. Electoral formula changed party electoral strategies. Parties large and small addressed voters to use their strategic voting: Parties large and small addressed voters to use their strategic voting: addressing proportional votes of small parties the allied to, while the smaller parties addressed their electorate to use strategic voting in the single member zones, by voting for the candidate of the party’s biggest the allied. The use of strategic voting become in the the first round of elections, Even the electoral code, determined that valid votes calculated the number of votes nationwide, for the effect of of the proportional vote are only those votes, that the parties or coalitions provide on election day. Proportional votes in the areas where elections held late are not counted in the the total number of votes that party or coalition wins on national scale. In the case of late considered voting ballots only for candidates in the singlemember and proportional votes are not counted.26 However, the voter had in the use two ballot papers, one ballot for a candidate in the single-member and one for the party. The use of two voting ballots were allowed parties to use strategic voting. The distribution formula for additional mandates, makes two major parties uninterested for the party vote on national level. Two major parties, as it exceeded the number forty in the majority of deputies, not acquire any member of the distribution of additional seats. Therefore the two major parties orientate voters to vote for parties which were in the coalition .. This strategic voting was misappropriate being similar to that of 2001, but very large in size, and was called “Great Dushk.”27 In the conclusion, the number of seats of the two major parties was not proportional to the approximate the number of votes won nationwide. The results were significant disproportionate and distorted. The number of votes secured by the small parties in the the coalition of left and right coalition, was disproportionate to the number of members provided the two parties in parliament, that was deformed and unrealistic. In the the right coalition, the 26. In the electoral zone no. 2 in the district of Shkodra, in the 2005 election, of irregularities was repeated elections. CEC took into account only the votes of the candidates to single-member zone nd proportional votes not counted in the total amount of votes for multi-name lists making these invalid votes, as determine the election code. 27. www.cec.org.al Election 2005 electronic bulletin. Results of the elections for political parties and coalitions at the national level, in 2005. Republican Party 19.96%, SDP 12.74%. Socialist Party 8.89% and 7.67% Democratic Party.

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Dr. Ilir Berhani

Prof. Asoc. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj

Democratic Party, that won 56 parliamentary seats, secured 7.67% of the vote on national scale, while the Republican Party, members of the coalition of the right that does not won any deputy single member zones, won 19.96% of the vote at national level. In the left coalition, the Socialist Party,Â that won 42 seats in singlemember areas, provided only 8.89% of the vote at national level. while the Social Democratic Party, that did not win any seat in the single member zones, provided 12.74% of the vote at national level.28 From the data it seems clear that this report in the the 2005 election was completely, even in the extreme, distorted and not in the accordance with the the constitutional obligation. Formula specified in the electoral code for distribution of additional seats not fulfilled the task set by the constitution and therefore it had to be corrected. Constitution in the the second paragraph of Article 64, stipulates that the election system and the distribution of seats formulas should provide a distribution of seats in parliament as near the report of votes at national level.29 It was necessary to become adjustments in the elections and the formula of distribution of seats, for the a real representation in parliament. In fact for an effective correction of the result in the majority and to perfect the manner of allocation of additional seats, was sufficient that the elector / voter to use only one ballot, in which the voter has only one option, just one vote, which counted for the candidate in the single-member and proportional party. This was the best solution within the simple majority system and to the formula for allocating seats, and the voter not possible to use two types of voting, sincere voting and strategic voting. Using only one ballot result is real closer and it was possible be realized to electoral system that was in force, with a simple majority system, and with formula for calculating the additional seats. In fact changed the electoral system. It was substituted by regional proportional system, which is implemented in the 2009 elections.

e- As was voted in local Elections of 2011 The electoral system for local elections set to the electoral code is a mixed system: simple majority for election of the mayor or municipal, while is proporcial for selection of advisor to municipalities and communes. The voter votes with two 28. www.cec.org.al Election 2005 electronic bulletin. Election Results. In 2005 elections the Democratic Party won 56 deputies directly, the Socialist Party won 42 deputies directly. Socialist Movement for Integration won an MP, and 1 was an independent MP. From the distribution of additional seats Republican Party won 11 deputies, Social Democratic Party won 7 members. While the other seats were distributed: Socialste Movement for Integration 4, the Reformed Democratic Party 4, Environmentalist Agrarian Party 4, Democratic Alliance 3, Union Party of Human Rights 2, Christians Democrats 2, Social Democracy Party 2 and Union Liberaldemokrat 1. 29. Albanian Constitution article 64 paragraph 2. â&#x20AC;&#x153;The total number of deputies of a party ... as defined in close relation to the valid votes obtained by them at the national level ...â&#x20AC;?

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ballots. The voter votes with two ballot papers, uses two votes, is possible to vote of sincere and strategic voting. The voter has the opportunity to vote in majority for a candidate who is not the preferred candidate, but that is the candidate of the party with which his party is in coalition. At the same time the voter has the opportunity to give an sincere vote for his preferred party. According to the electoral formula allocation of seats of representation in municipal councils and municipal councils is in proportion to the number of votes secured by parties. The parties direct their voters to vote sincerely in favor of their preferred party. The parties direct their voters to vote sincerely in proportional in favor of their preferred party. Using two separate ballots allows two types of votes. It appears from the difference in the number and percentage of votes that candidates receive, and the percentage and number of votes that each party provides. Ever candidate receives the greatest number of votes and percentage of votes greater than the number and percentage of votes each party receives. Votes for candidate is a strategic vote, which aims to win the candidate who is less bad, less harmful and lose candidate more disliked and more harmful. In the local elections of 2011, this difference is evident if we look at the main municipal records. From the data of the elections in Shkodra Municipality candidate right coalition, Alliance for Citizen, secured 65% of valid votes, but the main party of the coalition that made â&#x20AC;&#x2039;him the candidate secured half of the votes of the candidate, 33.69%. Even the left coalition worked use of both types of votes, sincere vote of the preferred party and vote strategically for the candidate of the coalition. The left coalition candidate secured 35% of the vote, while the socialist party that the appointed candidate, provided half of his votes, 17.02%. Details of all major cities are similar, indicating that election system of mayors or heads of commune that is being mixed system allows and facilitates the use of both types of voting: vote strategically and vote sincerely.30 30. www.cec.org.al 2011 local election results. In the municipality of Shkodra candidate right coalition, Alliance for Citizen secured 65% of valid votes, but the Democratic Party, the main coalition party that nominated candidate provided half of the candidate votes, 33.69%. In Durres Municipality, candidate of the the left coalition, Alliance for the Future secured 52.83%, while the Socialist Party ,the main party of the left coalition that nominated the candidate secured 38.07% of the vote. Alliance for Citizen secured 47.14% and 29.03% Democratic Party. In Fier Municipality, candidate of the the left coalition, Alliance for the Future provided 57.45% while the Socialist Party ,the main party of the left coalition that nominated the candidate secured 42.75 %. Alliance for Citizen secured 42.55%, and 17.81 %, Democratic Party. In Korca Municipality Alliance for the Future, candidate of the the left coalition, provided 53.58% of votes and Socialist Party 39.02%, Alliance for Citizen secured 46.42% and 28.57 %, Democratic Party. In Vlora Municipality Alliance for the Future, candidate of the the left coalition, provided 55.33 %, of votes and Socialist Party 39.98 %, Alliance for Citizen secured 44.67%, and 18.23 % Democratic Party. In Berat Municipality Alliance for the Future, candidate of the the left coalition, provided 52.49% of votes and Socialist Party 33.45 %, Alliance for Citizen secured 47.51% and 19.19 %, Democratic Party. In Elbasan Municipality Alliance for the Future, candidate of the the left coalition, provided 59.26% of votes and Socialist Party 35.37 %, Alliance for Citizen secured 40.74%, and 20.24 % Democratic Party.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • •

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Anastasi, Aurelia (2003) “Constitutional Right”. Tirana. Biberaj, Elez “Albania in transition. The rocky road to democracy”, Nations of the Modern World Europe. Westview Press A member of Perseus Books, L.L.C. Bawm, K. “Strategic Voting in Old and New Democracy”. An analysis of the 1998 German Elections. M. Duverger “I partiti politici”, Milan 1961. Omari, Luan (2000) “Parliamentary System”, Tirana. Pasquino, G. (2004), “Politici comparati system”, Bologna. Zaganjori, Xhezair (2002) “Democracy and the Rule of Law”, Tirana. Law 9904 dated 21.04.2008 Law 10019 dt. 12/29/2008 (Electoral Code) Magazine “Parliamentary Law and Legal policies”. No. 6 / 2005 Bulletin of the General Elections for the Parliament 2001, pg.704 Legal Studies nr.2/2004 Legal Studies, No. 1 / 2005 Election Code 2000 Election Code 2003 Election Code 2005 Decisions of the Constitutional Court “2001 electoral process” Official Gazette 1992 No. 2 Official Gazette Summary 1990 -2005 Constitution of the Republic of Albania 1998

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Viorela Polena

The Role of Political Stability in the Democratization Process in Albania Abstract This paper studies post-communist Albania in the lenses of the democratization process that the country has gone through since the change of the political regime from communism to democracy. By focusing on the role that political stability has had during 20 years of post-communist experience, the paper looks at the relationship between this important element and the progress that has been made in this period of democratization. Which has been the role of political stability in the continuation of democratization processes in Albania? The paper aims at offering a view of the main democratic transitions in Albania parallel to an analysis of the political stability in the country, by taking in consideration elements of the political system which have been subject to transitory processes. I provide evidence that the level of political stability has been an important determinant in the progress of democratization processes, and they are closely related to one another. When the country has experienced times of political instability, it has also faced difficulties in the smooth progress of the democratization reforms and vice versa.

Key words: democracy, political (in)stability, post-communism, theories of democracy.

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Viorela Polena

Introduction Political stability is one of the main elements of the development and progress of a political entity in its three dimensions: political, economic, and social. This applies especially for those countries which have been characterized by determining moments of regime change in the end of the 20th century, such as the eastern bloc, and more specifically Albania. Since the beginning of the 90’s, along with the fall of the communist regime, Albania entered a democratization process which was reflected in the undertaking of multidimensional reforms for building and consolidating democracy. However, today Albania still is not considered as a consolidated democratic country. Evaluations of international organizations and agencies include it in the group of countries with a partial or vulnerable democracy. In his analysis of the democratization process of the east, Shin sees Albania as a country which hasn’t fulfilled yet the necessary criteria for being considered a democratic regime (Shin, 1994). Democratization ‘entails a combination of background factors and subprocesses affecting and, more often than not, cumulatively determining its evolution’ (Diamandouros, Larrabee, 1999, p.6). Logically, it is understandable the idea that the progress of democratization reforms is connected to the conditions of the entity where the process takes place. With this regard, a factor to be taken in consideration is the stability of the political entity where democratization in going on. The main assumption in this case would be that democratization and the political stability are two correlated variables which influence one another mutually. Thus, it is important for us to know, how is political stability related to democratization process in Albania? By making use of qualitative and quantitative data the paper aims to provide an analysis of this relationship in Albania by providing a simple model of two important democratization factors within the process and an analysis of the political stability variable towards the model. The paper follows by offering an overview of the literature focused on the concepts of political stability and democracy. Furthermore, it continues with elaborating on two factors which are basic to the democratization process, and by also providing an analysis of the role that political stability has had during this period of time on the process. Finally, it ends with some conclusions and considerations on the topic.

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Political stability and democratization Political stability is one of those concepts that is considered vital to the well-functioning of the political entity. It is part of the internal characteristics of the state that goes parallel with its multidimensional development, and its importance is further enhanced when transition processes are at stake. The academic literature provides us with a wide variety of definitions on political stability which, despite the different composing elements taken into consideration, converge in the common idea that stability helps in the effective governance of the state and smooth progress of the policies it initiates. Hurwitz correlates state stability with two elements: lack of violence and lack of structural change (1973). Bunce, further develops the concept of state structure by defining political stability in terms of elements such as: the constant rules of the political game accepted by all, and which inform about the behavior of all (1999). However, society as well plays a central role in the existence of stability i.e., formality remains only one aspect of the complexity of this concept. But, it is also dynamic in the sense that the society provides a continuous change of roles and structures. That is why, ‘political stability is better understood as a structure of political behavior focused on the relationship between the institutional representation of roles and structures and their social construction in continuous change, i.e. political stability is the level in which the formal and informal coincide with one-another’ (Margolis, 2010, p.342). There is another group of authors who emphasize the role of institutions in the accommodation of the societal dynamism, i.e. their role in intermediating and representing the needs of the different groups and actors of the society. According to Keman, an explanation of relative stability of the political order is the so-called ‘structure induced equilibrium’, which refers to the “existence of an institutionalized political order of the society, capable of producing a balance between conflict and consensus, where the latter is continuous and produces minimal losses towards the individual or society groups within a society’. (Keman, 2010, p.253.) On the other hand, when we are to evaluate democratization as a process, two approaches have to be taken into consideration. According to Diamandouros

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and Larrabee, we can refer to culture as a long term process, or to politics as an approach which comprises choice (1999). However, the democratization process is not linear in its kind. It evolves through four main stages, such as: decay of authoritarian rule, transition, consolidation, and the maturing of democratic political order (Huntington, 1993), even though in the academic literature the second and the third stages are the most frequently discussed ones. ‘The transition stage features the drafting of methods or rules for resolving political conflicts peacefully, and it is considered to have ended when a new democracy has promulgated a new constitution and held new elections for political leaders with little barrier to mass participation’ (Shin, 1994, p.144). Thus, transition, becomes crucial to the rise of the new democratic regime, but since it involves new rules and methods for the political entity, it also provides with a coefficient of uncertainty and a potential of instability. A consolidated democracy, on the other hand is the one where there is no veto power by specific political actors on the actions of freely elected decision-makers (Linz, 1990). In this stage of the democratization process, Linz considers of high importance the role of the leaders. However, a consolidated democracy doesn’t mean a stable democracy. The concepts are different even though ‘the latter is an attribute of the former (Shin, 1994, p.144). Taking into consideration the above-mentioned approaches on the study of democratization, the paper focuses mainly on two factors that derive from them: the socioeconomic development of Albania and the development of the civil society, i.e. its organization and interaction with the state. Even, though considerable research focuses most of importance on the external factor pushing towards internal reforms, the paper focuses on the inside political landscape of Albania since political stability is an internal characteristic of the state.

Socioeconomic development and civil society in Albania Democratic theory together with modernization theory, both focus on the social class maneuvering and the level of economic development, as the key tools in explaining the democratic processes. Furthermore, it is assumed that rich democracies and democracies which have survived for a long period of time are less likely to fail (Alvarez, Cheibub, Limongi, Przeworski, 2000). According to

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Huntington, modernization expressed through the dimension of democratization, can be identified as a social mobilization and economic development (2006). Consequently, there is a need to evaluate the role and meaning of social mobilization in the area of multidimensional transformations of modernization in Albania. Deutch defines social mobilization as ‘a process by which major clusters of old social, economic and psychological commitments are eroded or broken and people become available for new patterns of socialization and behavior’. (Deutch, 1961, p. 494). On the other hand, economic development is also subject to an increase due to modernization processes. This can also be evidenced in the growth of economic activity and productivity in a specific society. (Huntington, 2006, p.33). Thus, we can see that the economic system along with the social system, are determining factors of democratization. The Albanian state offers the example of a state-formation process with a short experience compared to other European countries. Almost half of this state experience is made up by the existence of a nondemocratic regime, which among other factors has had an influence on social, political, and cultural values of the Albanian society. ‘The period of repression, lack of information and confidence in oneself made Albanians ‘ignorant’ in the sense of not being prepared to enter in a more detailed free market’(Hoffman, 2005, p.17). Thus, the social mobilization would become a very important element in the smooth and evolutionary process of democratization at that moment. Social, economic and psychological commitments of the society clusters had to readapt in this whole process because after 1991 the country had been reduced to desperate poverty and the citizens were unfamiliar with practices of market institutions (Jarvis, 2000). The State Party during the previous regime had colonised the public and private sphere. The new idea of the civil society as an environment of free debate, where everyone could freely express their own opinions and ideas about different issues was at the same time closely related to the West and the initiating of relationships with it. What is more, it was the actors of the civil society like students and workers who challenged the system in its first years of transition. However, the albanian citizens are mainly apathetic and not involved in the civil society. The main organisms which made up most of the albanian civil society are the NGOs which have been active during this period of time, with the support and financial aid from the external factor.

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On the other hand, as Lipset mentions â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (1960, p.48). This thesis is closely related to the idea that has also been presented by modernization theorists who claim a reciprocal relationship between development and democratization. Looking at the economic growth in Albania, based on indicators of individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; wealth such as the GDP per capita, during the democratization process, even though Albania has had a positive economic performance, poverty remains still high. This is also identified in the World Bank Poverty Assessment Program, which concludes that around 12 % of the population lives below the poverty line. Based on the data provided by INSTAT and Ministry of Finance, there is a positive growing trend of the GDP per capita following the idea that economic development goes parallel with democratization. During the last five years economic growth has remained still by not producing significant increases. During this last period, from a maximum of 7.7 in 2008, the GDP growth decreased to 3.3 in 2009, and arrived to 3.5 in 2010.

Some considerations on the stability-democratization relationship We can say that Albania in the years after transition tended to go toward a mass responsive democratization, which is a very sustainable type of democratization (Welzel, 2008). As Welzel mentions, people must have the right resources and social conditions for this type of democratization to become possible. However, democratization has been quite difficult in the case of Albania. The process has been accompanied by phenomena such as widespread corruption and violence which have put at risk the existence of the democratic state and its stability, which means that even after 20 years since the country switched to democracy, the Albanian democracy is still considered vulnerable. This is reflected in different measurement indicators provided by international organizations and agencies. An important indicator measuring the level of democratization is the Vanhanen indicator which in a scale of a maximum of 100, evaluates the case of Albania with a 25 in 2001 i.e. a decade after the fall of the communist regime (Vanhanen, 2003, p.141). On the other hand, Bertelsman Foundation elaborating on the status of democracy in a scale from 0 to 10 (fully developed democracy) give to Albania a total evaluation of 7,5 (Bertelsman Foundation, 2008). In line with these assessments is the World Bank Institute evaluation on the political stability of the country provided in the graph

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Percentile Rank

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100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1996

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below. It shows the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s percentile rank on the political stability indicator. Percentile ranks indicate the percentage of countries worldwide that rate below the selected country. Fig1.

Political Stability and Absence of Violence, World Bank Institute, 2012. ALBANIA 1996-2011

Aggregate Indicator: Political Stabillity and Absence or Violence

1998

2000

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

Thus, higher values indicate better governance ratings (World Bank Institute, 2012). In the case of Albania, show a slight increase but still not significant. Lower levels of this indicator can be evidenced in 1997 after the collapse of the pyramidal schemes which was also followed by the Kosovo crisis. Furthermore, low levels of the aggregate indicator were also present during the 2005 electoral year when the result was the victory of the opposition Democratic Party, which has been in office for the 2009-2013 political term as well. The last elections as almost every parliamentary election held during the democratization period have been opposed by the opposition party (Democratic or Socialist Party). In the last specific case the functioning of the parliament has been put at risk because of a six months boycott of the opposition. The weakening of the institutions has also produced a lack of confidence on the central government by the citizens. The Gallup Balkan monitor surveys have shown a low confidence of citizens on the central government. The results showed that for 2010 only 9% of the citizens had a lot of confidence in the central government and 31% of the respondents answered that they had some confidence.

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Viorela Polena

Conclusion In conclusion, we can say that the democratization period in Albania has been a difficult process. Besides the fundamental changes in the social, political and economic sphere accepted and supported by the society, this country still doesn’t have a consolidated democracy. Two important elements which can evidence such a conclusion are the socioeconomic development and the role of civil society. Even though the country has gone through essential changes in the organization of the economic activity, it is one of the poorest countries in Europe. The levels of GDP growth show a general trend of increase, with a considerable decrease in the last years. On the other hand, the citizen’s civic participation is in low levels because of a general apathy among the population. Democratization has been followed by fluctuating levels of political stability, which coincide with crucial moments during the transition and consolidation period. The lowest levels of political stability have coincided with ‘deadlocks’ of democratization, and such difficulties in the well-functioning of the political system have produced protests, revolts and even armed conflict in 1997.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

•

• •

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Agh, A. (1999). Processes of democratization in the East Central European and Balkan states: sovereignty-related conflicts in the context of Europeanization. Communist and Post- Communist Studies, 32 (3), pp. 263–279. Przeworski, A. Alvarez, M. E., Cheibub, J. A., Limongi, F. (2000) Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-being in the World 1950-1990, Cambridge University Press. Bunce, V. (1999). The Political Economy of Post-socialism, Slavic Review, 58(4), Special Issue: Ten Years after 1989: What Have We Learned?, pp. 756-793. Democratization in Southeastern Europe: Theoretical considerations and evolving trends, available at: http://www.march.es/ceacs/publicaciones/ working/archivos/1999_129.pdf. Deutch, K. W. (1961). Social Mobilization and Political Development, American Political Science review, 55. Diamandouros, N. P., Larrabee, S. F., (1999). Democratization in Southeastern Europe: Theoretical Considerations and Evolving Trends, Working Paper, Available at: http://www.march.es/ceacs/publicaciones/working/archivos/ 1999_129.pdf. Hoffman, J. (2005). Integrating Albania: The Role of the European Union in the Democratization Process. Albanian Journal of Politics, 1(1), pp. 55-74. Huntington, S. P. (2006). Political Order in Changing Societies, Yale University Press. Huntington, S. P. (1993). The Third Wave: Democratisation in the Late Twentieth Century. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press. Hurwitz, L. (1973). Contemporary approaches to political stability. Comparative Politics, 5 (3), pp. 449-463. Ishiyama, J. (1995). Communist parties in transition: Structures, leaders and processes of democratization in Eastern Europe. Comparative Politics, 27 (2). Jarvis, Ch. (2000). The Rise and Fall of Albania’s Pyramid Schemes, Finance and Development, 37 (1): 46-49. Kaltsounis, Th. (2010). The democratization of Albania: Democracy from within. Palgrave Macmillan.

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• • •

• • • •

• • •

Keman, H. (1999). Political Stability in divided Societies: A rational institutional explanation, Australian Journal of Political Science, 34(2), pp 249-268. Lewis, P. G. (1997). Theories of democratization and patterns of regime change in Eastern Europe. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 13 (1), pp. 4-26. Linz, J. (1990). Transitions to Democracy, Washington Monthly 13. Margolis, E. (2010). Understanding political Stability and Instability, Civil Wars, Vol 12 (3), September, pp. 326-345. Peshkopia, R. (2005). The limits of conditionality. Southeast European Journal, 6 (1), pp. 44-55. Schneider, Q. C., Schmitter, C. P., (2004). Liberalization, transition and consolidation: measuring the components of democratization. Democratization, 11(1), pp. 59-90. Sorensen, G. (2010). Democracy and Democratization. Handbook of Politics: State and Society in Global Perspective, pp. 441- 458. Shepsle, A. K, Weingast, R. B., (1981). ‘Structure induced equilibrium and legislative choice’, Public Choice, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Netherlands. Shin, CH.D. (1994). On the Third Wave of Democratization: A Synthesis and Evaluation of Recent Theory and Research. World Politics, 47 (1), pp. 135170. Vanhanen, T. (2003). Democratization: A Comparative Analysis of 170 Countries, Routledge Research in Comparative Politics. Welzel Ch., 2008. Theories of Democratization. Available at: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs/articles/folder_published/ publication_579/files/O UP_Ch06.pdf [Accessed 23 December, 2012]. Worldwide Governance Indicators, Country Data Report for ALBANIA, 19962011, World Bank Institute. Avaiable at: http://info.worldbank.org/governance/ wgi/pdf/c6.pdf, [ Accessed 23 November 2012]. http://www.bti-project.de/fileadmin/Inhalte/reports/2012/pdf/ BTI%202012%20Albania.pdf http://open.data.al/ http://web.worldbank.org

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Antoanela Petkovska, PhD | Marija Dimitrovska

Some Tendencies of Contemporary Cultural Politics in the Republic of Macedonia Abstract

In the last twenty years of independence and sovereignty, the Republic of

Macedonia have caused a series of controversies about a consistent strategy to The new concepts of public space of the city core of the state capital â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Skopje Republic of Macedonia.

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Antoanela Petkovska, PhD

Marija Dimitrovska

Keywords: Cultural politics, Republic of Macedonia, cultural trauma, ideological features, European integration, etc.

The universal, cosmic, and not only global “fatum” of today’s “brave new world”, without any connotations of pathetics and paranoia, can be defined as a simulacrum of a necrophiliac, (auto)destructive and impotent civilisation. It seeming omnipresent “self-criticism” is in essence a blasé construct, engulfed in hypocrisy, devoid of creativity and open self-reflectiveness. In this context, tendency is evident of vanity, self-sufficiency, corruptness by the false sense of power, which is mainly based on the numerous possibilities of the technological ethos of the contemporary civilisation structure, linked with the aggressiveness of the historically formed “human nature”. The pillar of change of recent social order indubitably is politics, which is the source of true power. It is manipulative, full of hypocrisy and inconsistencies. When designing the “new” civil society and its values (such as: scientism, technophilia, globalisation, consumerism, quasi-democraticity), politics persistently implements the model of totalitarian social engineering. The contemporary model of cultural politics emanates in essence from the politics of the cultural imperialism, already well known to history. The need for social articulation of the “new” cultural identities generated by contemporary existential circumstances confronts us again with the temptation and gives rise to the need for us to resist the aggressive management of the global cultural order. The reaction of this political and cultural aggressiveness resulting from the behaviour of the developed countries in the world is most often manifested in ethnocentrism, xenophobia, and a number of other particularistic concepts, put at alert for a fight for its own cultural identity. (Petkovska, 2009) The intention of the leading nations for the entire world to fit into the “new world order” is realised through the newly imposed values of popular culture, mass media, education. The striving of the post-modern culture to “resolve” the popular and the high culture, the movements for human rights protection, the theories for resolution of conflicts (ethnic, social, racial, gender), building of the culture of peace, multiculturalism or inter-culturalism, civic education, civil democracy and liberal economy, are as much a result of changed circumstances and cataclysmic visions for the future of our civilisation, as of a constructed ideological concept whose end goal is a precisely designed political domination.(Petkovska, 2009:17) Todays’ time challenges social sciences to persistently occupy themselves with the complex discourse of cultural identity, not only as with an abstract

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concept, but also as with a vital, real and complex anthropological and social phenomenon. Thus, the basic symbolic and communication realities and constructions of mankind are articulated (namely, the rift between the new and the inherited, driven to extremes, controversies). It is precisely in the culture that Samuel Huntigton recognises the future of conflicts, and not in the sphere of politics or economy (Huntington: 1998). The tension that results from the fact that the indicated and the indicator in the culture have one and the same source, correspond with its basic function of “repressive tolerance” (as would Herbert Marcuse state), but only within those frameworks in which the separate existential systems fit into the general established system. Culture sublimes and designs all elements of social action. It orders them, guides them, but also limits them through organising and concentrating them towards the focus of a marked social unit. The fundamental reference model of such units is nevertheless managed by economic and political interests. These interests need not be necessarily nationally postulated, nor guided by the creative practices of the diverse models of life which are inherent to culture/cultures. The re-actualisation of the concept of cultural identity today imposes questions on: obsoleteness of the form nation-state; development of a supranational model of politics; opening towards the processes of globalisation; favouring multiculturalism in its legal-political and theoretical conceptualisation; and in the subsequent phase, facilitating inter-culturalism as an original and more advanced form of respecting and accepting cultural differences (Cuche, 1996). In an era of highly intensive communication between cultures, there can be no talk of genuine discontinuity between them, even when they emphasise their cultural differences (identities) in order to affirm themselves better on the international scene. The defining of cultural identity as “self-awareness of the members a group which emerges historically and develops depending on the criteria which the said group establishes in the relations with other social groups” (Stojković et al, 1999: 22), indicates that it is not a case of a need of new concept adequate to the situation today. It is a case of indubitable fact of history of culture and of an element of cultural dynamics, whose significance is being re-actualised as a consequence of controversial contemporary social situations. For example, similar to other authors, Irving Goffman maintains that in the contact between social groups, the cultural identity enables them to: self-determine themselves; define other groups; and establish the relations to them (Goffman, 1970). Cultural politics, which in essence assesses and represents the cultural identities, is the outcome of an ideological matrix, whose holders are the political structures belonging to the governing elites. It represents the sublime

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Antoanela Petkovska, PhD

Marija Dimitrovska

and complete strategy for the preservation and development of identities and therefore we believe that the manipulative function of cultural politics is inherent to its social function. This position does not entail justification of its role in misinterpretation of separate cultural identities, nor the an opportunity for restraining the dynamics of identity in accordance with the rigid interests of national, regional and globalistic cultural policies. Socio-cultural entities which have throughout history been constantly exposed to “cultural trauma” are also susceptible to more frequent changes of the fundamental principles in building cultural politics. They simultaneously demonstrate the tendency for an almost manifest manipulation in regard to the rethinking/re-valuating its own identity. We consider it important to elaborate the concept of cultural trauma, according to the elements of the creator of this syntagm, Pjotr Sztompka. Sztompka provides a list of social changes, which with differing intensities could initiate a situation of cultural trauma: • • • • • • • • • •

revolution (whether victorious or failed), coup d’état, racial riots; collapse of the market, crash on the stock exchange; radical economic reform (e.g. nationalisation or privatisation); forced migration or deportation, ethnic cleansing; genocide, extermination, mass murder; acts of terrorism or violence; assassination of the political leader, resignation of a high-ranking official; opening secret archives and revealing the truth about the past; revisionist interpretation of national heroic tradition; collapse of an empire, lost war.(Sztompka, 2000: 452)

It is necessary to emphasise that not every social change triggers cultural trauma, with a distinctive intensity, duration and significance; the situation in question is not stable, but it is more a dynamic situation, a kind of a development process of a traumatic experience (Sztompka, 2000). Stomka relates cultural trauma to cultural disorientation, which is in essence a reminiscence of the clash of old and new value systems accompanied by drastic realisation of, similarly, new normative regulations. Such developments are frequent in countries transitioning

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from socialism to capitalism (For example, the countries of South-eastern Europe, including former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia countries). Revolutionary re-examination of transition societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own identity (whose authenticity is being sought through different periods in history and which is linked to the fight for emancipation from colonial cultures, near or far), is fully reflected in cultural politics, which more or less consistently affirms new values. Developed industrial countries face similar as well as completely different challenges. Their cultural politics is, for example, orientated towards democratisation of high culture or overcoming the gap between the high and the popular culture, and creation (or protection) of civil society value. This confronts all countries in the work with several fundamental reflection and action points: how is the alarming alienation resulting from modernisation to be overcome; how is relevant cultural tradition to be brought to life and protected; how are communication and collaboration between different cultures to be facilitated; how is life in the community to be reanimated; how are human rights to be protected, etc. The ideology of support and development of democratic cultural politics, in this sense, starts from establishing of two basic goals: to support the means for cultural production and their expansion; to support the means for cultural participation. (Petkovska, 2009: 32) In the last twenty years since gaining independence and sovereignty, the Republic of Macedonia has manifested all characteristics of â&#x20AC;&#x153;cultural traumaâ&#x20AC;?. On one hand, a process of ideological, class and national restructuring of politics of building and affirmation of identities has been occurring, and on the other, a not always critical acceptance of conceptual features and formations related to Eurointegration and globalisation processes. This dynamics of the cultural politics and cultural practice in the Republic of Macedonia is causing a series of controversies around the true strategy for protection of its identity, as well as for its presentation and authentic involvement in global civilisation flows. In the course of the 20th century only, Macedonia was exposed to change of a number of social systems, which generated conflicts in the field of cultural values. Thus, a clash of mainly three systems of values can be recognised in contemporary Macedonian society: the traditional, soc-realistic and contemporary, current value model, which can be detected also in the cultural politics of the Republic of Macedonia. The historically formed, mainly patriarchally designed mentality, the mythologized forms of collective memory, not always of equal meaning, the domination of a ritualistic type of believers, the impact of the ethno-religious factor as relevant agent of the traditionally coloured cultural models are the general features of the traditional value system. The soc-realistic cultural syndrome, i.e. its ideological matrix has retained only a few initial aspects of influence on the

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Antoanela Petkovska, PhD

Marija Dimitrovska

formation of attitudes of a certain number of Macedonian citizens. The issue at hand is, above all, the necessity for preserving the concept of social justice, high expectations from the institutions of government (étatistic tendencies) and the need for authoritarianism, as well as preservation of the spirit of collectivism. The current of the recent syndrome of cultural values (which is expected to be dominant) is in fact interwoven with “atavisms” from the near and far past, but mainly oriented towards non-critical interiorisation of the values of western civilisation. The eclecticism of the value matrix of contemporary Macedonian society, characteristic for the “traumatised” and „disoriented” societies (Stomka) has repercussions on several levels also in the conceptual postulates of the cultural politics of the Republic of Macedonia in the post-socialistic period (Petkovska, 2009). Cultural politics, “as conscious regulation of the interests in the field of culture and decision-making on all issues related to cultural development of a global society” (Sesik, Stojkovik, 2003:33), undoubtedly points us to its role of reproduction of the centres of social power. According to Jordan and Weedon, all aspects of social and cultural life are linked to power, and it is an integral part also of the cultural politics which balances between the significance of different cultural values, but categorises them mostly through the view of domination and subordination. These authors are resolute in the their viewing of the role of cultural politics in making the choice between cultural facts that are representative of a nation and those which are not, those cultural values that are officially acceptable and those that need to be concealed (Jordan and Weedon 1995). The practice to create and impose values contained in cultural identities from a position of power still persists, and imposes following the traditional scheme of social inequality in resolving issues of cultural politics, relegating cultural diversity to the backwater. Simon Mundy also emphasizes the significant role of cultural politics in defining and affirming national identity, as one of those social activities which is in the focus of interest of the global tendencies in the development of international relations (Mundy, 2000). This vies is central in building national strategies in culture (on which cultural politics is founded) in countries which are historically and currently facing multi-ethnicity, multi-confessionality, multi-culture. Structural changes, adoption of a different ideological-political matrix accompanied by visible changes in the lifestyle and everyday practices, “reformulation” of the forms of action in the public sphere present additional reasons for renewed (in the practice often confusing) approaches to conceptualisation of cultural politics in the Republic of Macedonia. Insecurity, existential horror, absence of the sense of safety and integration additionally generate discontinuity in the fundamental

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postulates of cultural politics (in contrast to the countries with longer history of developing democratic, civil socio-cultural discourses). The final product, it seems, emanates a “neo-folk” ethos of cultural politics, which is manifested through the paradox of different tendencies, such as: uncritical, artificial adoption of models characteristic for liberal democracy and demagogic flirting with the newly composed values of national identity. Certain solutions incorporated and conceptualised through public cultural policies (cultural programmes) indicate efforts for recognition of the creative potential of the original culture (in all its diversity). In the twenty year transition period, such activities differ in intensity and quality because the stem from conceptual nuclei and interests of the elites that were in power. One of the consequences of this situation is the misbalance in the treatment of cultural heritage, on one hand, and affirmation of recent creation, on the other, although it is precisely the balance between these two spheres that is key in building consistent cultural politics (which, among other things, may be a remnant of the previous system). The priorities embedded in the cultural politics of the transition period, have thus shifted from the scale of re-valuation of institutional and ideological templates of socialism, through pronounced intention for acquisition of the organisational-value structure of the basic cultural paradigms of the post-modern era (commercialisation, creative industries, instrumentalisation, democratisation as opposed to a new type of elitism), to a simplified “desacralisation”, or new mystification of what is recognised as fundamental, national, cultural matrix and self-reflection. A testament to the contradictions of the recent cultural politics of the Republic of Macedonia is the reconceptualization of the area of the central city core of Skopje. Skopje, the capital of the Republic of Macedonia, has in the last years been the focus of a radical architectonic turning point with the project entitled “Skopje 2014”. The project plan foresees transformation of the city centre into a pompous space overfilled with architectonic public buildings, sculptures in free space and monuments, as emanation of new readings of the cultural and national history1. The tendency for instrumentalisation and articulation of pronounced (quasi)patriotism can be recognised in this pathetic design of public space, which should be understood as the only possible reminiscence of collective memory. Paradoxically, in the context 1. The “Skopje 2014” Project has been conceptualized by the current Macedonian Government and plans for the construction of: triumphal arch, fountains, monuments, new Orthodox Church, theatrereplica of an old building destructed during the 1963 earthquake, national archive, building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, building of the Constitutional Court, and building of the Agency for Electronic Communications, etc. In the narrow and the broader city centres, the erection of sculptures and elements of “architectural accessories” (benches, candelabra, etc.) is planned. It needs to be mentioned that part of the planned activities has already been completed, where the rest are in a stage of completion.

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Antoanela Petkovska, PhD

Marija Dimitrovska

of the need to leave a mark of its own rule, the governing elite reaches with total hypocrisy after traditions of others, seeking to demonstrate connection to some general cultural heritage, mainly European (neo-baroque, neoclassicism) or evoking the stylistic bricolage of post-modernism. It is not that the Macedonian culture has not been marked with the “aesthetics and ethics” of the European civilisation in parallel to the influences form the Ottoman empire and Byzantium, but some of the architectonic forms that are today displayed as historical were never present on Macedonian soil, and represent an anachronism also for the source they originate from. The artistic and designer interventions on the city streets and squares, obviously envisaged as an attempt to give the city a witty, charming and chic character, fail to justify the tasteless, frivolous and inadvertent realisation of these intentions. The practice turns grotesque and tragic is we know that Skopje and the Republic of Macedonia have established fine relations equally with the modern and with the post-modern architecture as evident in some structures realised in public and private institutions originating from the near past and being constructed in parallel to the pretentious undertakings of the “Skopje 2104” project. This product of some of the new tendencies in Macedonian cultural politics has spurred reaction among the general public, but is at the same time addition indication for a society divided along ethnic, religious, party and generational line. Portion of the general public recognised in this non-democratic, one-sided and even a brutal (re)defining of the identity of the nation. On the other hand, a sizeable portion of the citizens experienced it as a triumph of the century-old tendency for self-confirmation of the Macedonian nation and the integrity of the Macedonian state. Some representatives of civil society and part of the expert community reacted fiercely to what they called “usurping and rape “of public space, considering that it needs to remain open for people of different viewpoints, lifestyles and practices in Macedonian society. The essential ethos of architecture, its role in general and also in particular in relation to Skopje, has an “enlightenment” substance; it teaches us how to live but also shows us how mature we are to shape our reality, how to experience and to value our socio-cultural “universe”. In order for it to succeed in its mission, architecture cannot be allowed to uncritically and trivially to represent our idea how we want and believe we can live. Neither can the potential of architecture for overcoming pragmatic impulses of specific cultural politics be ignored. Similarly, its subversiveness cannot be denied if it yields, in the process of creation of ambience and functionality of public space, to the manipulative nature of politics and economy. The elaborated “architectonics” of contemporary Macedonian cultural politics put into play this dual nature of architecture and through it harshly introduces and affirms the presupposed cultural identity of the nation. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • •

• • • •

Cuche, Debys. (1996). La notion de la culture dans les sciences sociales. Paris: La Découverte Goffman, Erwing. (1970). Stigma: Notes of the Management of Spoiled Identity. London: Penguin Huntington, P. Samuel. (1998). The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of Word Order. New York: Touchtone Jordan, Glen and Weedon, Chris. (1995). Cultural Politics –Class, Gender, Race and the Postmodern World. Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Mundy, Simon. Cultural Policy: A Short Guide, Skopje: FOSIM, Information office of the Council of Europe in Macedonia (2000), translated into Macedonian by Vera Bolto. Petkovska, Antoanela. (2009). Essays from the Sociology of Culture. Skopje: AZBUKI Stojkovic at al. (1999). Cultural Rights. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights Sztompka, Piotr. “Cultural Trauma: the Other Face of Social Change” in: European Journal of Social Theory 3(4):449-466. (2000). SAGE Sesik- Dragicevik. Milena and Stojkovik, Branimir. (2003). Culture – Animation, management, marketing. Skopje: Templum

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Dr. Elona (Biba) Ă&#x2021;eĂ§e

The Stylistic Value of Negation in Albanian and Macedonian Proverbs Abstracts The objectives of this article, from the syntactic-stylistic point of view, are the proverbs of Albanians and Macedonians of negative modality. They belong to the artistic prose. Based on the comparison we notice parallelisms related to the negative structures of construction. From the analysis we view: Proverbs that have negative modality include: negative particles as not, do not, no; coordinative conjunctions neither, nor and the preposition without. In many proverbs linguistic, negative means are used at the beginning of the sentence. Proverbs are in the form of compound sentences with equal relations but also subordinate ones, where the first clause is a negative sentence that is followed by a subordinate clause of complement or determiner value. There are structures where two negatives form a positive sentence. As a conclusion, the social, economic and cultural environment are extralinguistic factors that affect the similarity in construction of these proverbs of two Balkan peoples: Albanians, Macedonians. Key words: negative modality, negative structures, stylistic value, potential factors of interaction.

The object of study of this article is analyzing the proverbs of Albanian and Macedonian countries from a syntactic-stylistic point of view. These creations show not only cultural values but even linguistic values. They belong to artistic prose and appear in the form of simple or compound sentences.

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When it is spoken about simple sentences, as communicative structures, it is known that there exist three criteria of their classification that are: structure, the purpose of saying and modality. According to the criteria of modality, the sentence might be affirmative or negative. This definition about the modality of the sentences functions even for the proverbs that are presented in the form of simple or compound sentences and that have a negative modality. From the comparison we have seen parallels as far as the construction of negative sentences are concerned. The negative modality is executed by means of no, not, do not. Analyzing a considerable amount of proverbs we see:

I. In many proverbs the negative particles are used in the beginning of a sentence. This breaking of the order causes a stylistic emphatic effect. Не сум од вчера. [ Nuk jam nga dje (nuk njihemi prej dje) – know somebody from his bottle up.];Не треба да се мешаат баби и жаби. ( Nuk duhet të ngatërrohen punët – things should not be messed up). Also we can say that we have to do with a complete negation because the negative particle is mainly put before the verb. Не се плаши мечкаод тојага. (Nuk ka frikë ariu nga vastarka.); Не е ова алај бегова слама. (Nuk është kjo kashtë e beut.) Nuk lidhen dy atllare ne nje kunj – can’t take them down a peg; nuk mbahet shpia me nje shtylle - can’t earn a living without making efforts. In these structures we see that the sentences from the purpose of saying are affirmative (positive) but there are other constructions that show the use of will towards the speaker, so they are classified as imperative sentences for example: a) As affirmative sentences: Не се влегува од оваа кожа во друга. Nuk futesh dot nga një lëkurë në tjetra. (Nuk futesh dot nën lëkurën e tjetrit – can’t get under someone’s skin.) Не му е јака ѕвездата. (Nuk e ka yllin e fortë.); Не сум овца за стрижење. (Nuk jam dele për t’u qethur – I’m not a sheep to be shorn.) b) As imperative sentences: Не треба да се соблекуваш пред спиење. (Nuk duhet të zhvishesh para fjetjes.); Не му давај на детето меч. (Mos i jep shpatën fëmijës – Don’t give the sword to the child.) Не се прави глуб. (Mos u bëj budalla – Don’t be silly).

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Dr. Elona (Biba) Çeçe

Mos e kthe fjalen si thiu bishtin; Mos i ban dredhe fjales – Don’t break the word; Mos qit bishta; Mos e bej det e kiamet – don’t make a storm in the teacup; Mos e ban fjalen kala; Mos e ben mizen buall – don’t make a mountain out of a mole hill; Mos u bej mesalle me dy faqe – carry two faces under one wood.

II. a Proverbs that have negative modality in the form of compound constructions in which for a negation there are used the particles not, do not, no for example:

Не му сакај смрт на непријателот, туку на себе долг живот.( Mos i uro vdekje armikut, por jetëgjatësi vetes – don’t wish the death to the enemy but longevity yourself.); Не кани го везден- не е кум. (Mos e fto përditë, nuk është kumbarë.) Не можена атот, мава на самарот. (S’ka ç’ti bëjë gomarit i bie samarit – talk the hind legs off a donkey.) Mos ki frike nga hasmi, po nga miku i rreme – don’t fear the enemy but the false friend; S’fluturonte zogu, te mos kishte krahe – the bird couldn’t fly without its wings. Nuk kam djathin, ndaj te thera cjapin.

b. Constructions where coordinative conjunction neither…. nor …… is used to join homogenous terms but even parts of sentences. Here we see three cases: 1. Proverbs in the form of incomplete sentences, because it has happened the non-usage of the verb “to be” preceded by the negative particle not. The homogenous terms show the feature of the subject for example: In Macedonian: Ни змија, ни магаре (As gjarper, as gomar – Neither snake nor donkey.); Ни в заб, ни в грло. (As ne dhemb, as ne gryke – Neither in tooth nor in throat.); Ни в џеб, ни од џеб. (As ne xhep, as nga xhepi – Neither in the pocket nor out of the pocket.); Ни вода , ни киселина. (As vaj, as uthull – Neither oil nor vinegar.) In Albanian: As per te mire, as per te keq – Neither for good nor for bad; As vaj, as uthull – Neither oil nor vinegar.

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2. Proverbs in the form of compound sentences where each of the parts is introduced as an incomplete sentence whose subject is missing for example: Ни мало му плаче, ни старо му јачи. (As qan i vogli, as bertet i rrituri – Neither cries the smallest nor shouts the adult.) As te ftoh, as te ngroh – Neither cold nor hot; Nderi as shitet, as blihet me pare – Honour neither is sold nor is bought with money. 3. The negative particle neither… nor serves as an emphatic particle in the negation. Ниту стариот коњ не е подобар од младиот. (As kali i vjeter nuk eshte me i mire se i riu – the older horse is not better than the young.) As armiku mos kjofte i marre. Kur s’kam faj, as perendise s’i trembem – when I’m not guilty I fear no one.

III. Proverbs in form of compound sentences with equality or subordinate rapports In the selected proverbs we come across constructions in the form of compound sentences with equality rapports as well as subordinate ones. In the stylistic aspect, for us it is not important only the typology, the variation of the different types of sentences but even the liking of a proper way of the organization of syntactic units in these constructions. a. Compound sentences with equality rapports where the first part is a negative sentence which is followed by a positive (affirmative) sentence. Немај работа, нешај вратата. (Nuk ka pune, tund deren – neither fish nor flesh). Generally, it serves to join the conjunction but which has a contradictory meaning: Не му е на човекот жал за малку, туку за неправдата. (Nuk i vjen keq njeriut per pak, por per padrejtesine – People don’t feel sorry for little things, but for the injustice.) Не го гледа валмото, го гледа влакното. (Nuk e shikon punen, por shikon gunen – actions speak louder than words) Не го зема в гроб со нево,ама граби. (Nuk do ta marre ne varr me vete, por rremben). Nuk eshte me i shendoshe ai qe ha shume, po ai qe bluan mire – no sweet without sweat; Nuk ndin veshi, por ndin mendja – actions International Journal of Science | No.3

Dr. Elona (Biba) Çeçe

speak louder than words. S’gjykon mosha, por gjykon mendja; Muri s’kthen, pa njeriu kthen; Muri s’lun, po burri lun; Nderron hera, s’nderron burri; Ate qe s’e zgjidh syri e zgjidh puna – where there is a will, there is a way. b. Compound sentences with subordinate rapports where the first part is a negative sentence that is followed by a subordinate clause of circumstantial value and rarely of determinative one.

1. Purpose: Не сум сонце да угреам насекаде. (Nuk jam diell, pa t’i ngroh te gjithe); Не е ова крава молзница, кој встај, тој молзи. (Nuk eshte lope per te mjelur, pa te mjele kuj t’i vije per se mbari)

2. Causative: Не се ми мисли мнгу оти мозокот мој да испарит (Mos u mendo shume se mos te te avulloje truri –don’t think too much because you’ll blow up your mind.) Mos e humb besen, se te humbet varri; mos ha kos me kalamajte, se te sterkisin nga syte.

3. Conditional: Не сум во рај , да ако сум на крај. (Nuk jam ne parajse, nese nuk jam ne fund) S’ka shkuarje, ku asnjeri nuk ia mban kalin tjetrit: Mos punofsh per atdhe, s’permendesh mi dhe.

4. Time: Не му поделиле нему ум кога се делело. (Nuk i kane dhene atij mendje, kur eshte ndare – They did not influence him when he got divorced.) Kur turpi fle, i zoti nuk fle – When shame sleeps, the owner does not sleep; Kur te shkon ftyra, jeta s;ka shka te vyen.

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5. Determinative: Не е се мило што е мало. (Nuk eshte e dashur gjithcka qe eshte e vogel – It is not loved everything that is small); Не се чесно што е дозволено. (Nuk eshte e ndershme gjithcka qe eshte e lejuar – It is not honorable everything that is allowed.) Mos e gjette femine cka mendon prindja; Mos nis me ate qe e ka ngrene turpin me buke. c. Proverbs in form of compound sentences where each part contains a negation From the material being examined we see that such cases are used more. Here we should emphasize that not in every case two negations form an affirmation. 1. For example in the following cases we have simply two negations in the same sentence: Не број ги ѕвездите да не паднеш в кладенец. (Mos i numero yjet te mos biesh ne grope – Don’t count the stars in order not to fall in the hole.); Не е ожалентој што народот не го ожалил. (Nuk do vajtuar, ai per te cilin populli nuk vajton – can’t love those who aren’t loved); (Не е прва радост таа која не траје. (Nuk eshte gezimi i pare ai qe nuk zgjat – It is not the first happiness the one that doesn’t last.) Mos u gezo, o i gezuar, mos u helmo, o i helmuar; Mos merr grue e (mos) bluej ne dhe te huej 2. Whereas in these cases two negations form an affirmation: Не вели лошо, не погани си ја устата. (Mos fol keq, mos e ndy gojen – don’t speak badly); Не гибај го пиштолот да не пукне. (Mos e prek revolverin te mos pelcase – don’t have too many irons in the fire.) Mos u kruaj, kur s’te ha, mos u qaj ku s’te mba) d. In this framework there are included constructions where this word has the value of a preposition. Here we notice two cases: 1. Constructions that are equal with compound causative subordinate clauses and the word without has the value of a preposition: Без труд не се ора со плуг. (Pa mund nuk mund te lerosh me plug – Without effort you can’t plough.); Без мака нема наука. (Pa mundime nuk ka shkence – Without efforts there’s no science.); Без леб можам, без тутун не можам. (Pa buke mundem, pa duhan nuk mundem – Without bread you can, without smoke you can’t); Без

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Dr. Elona (Biba) Çeçe

здравје немаат пари. (Pa shendet nuk ka para – Without health no money.) Pa shendet s’ka bereqet – Without health there’s no harvest; Pa hallat, s’ka zanat – Without tools, there’s no skill; Pa pleh, nuk ka korrje te mire – Without fertilizer, there’s no good crops; Pa liri, s’ka lumturi – Without freedom, there’s no happiness. It should be emphasized that these structures are complete negative sentences because the verb is negated. 2. Constructions where the negative particle without is used to negate one of the terms of the negative construction (object) but it is not put in the beginning of the sentence. So we have to do with a right word order. Нема леб без мотика. (Nuk ka buke pa kazme – There’s no gain without pain.) S’ka imam, pa vatan – There’s no imam without homeland; Nuk dilet ne rruge pa shkop e pa gune – You can not go out without a stick and without a stone.

IV. The negation is emphasized. In order to emphasize the negation there are usually used indefinite pronouns. Ништо не е така лошо, а да нема нешто корисно. (Asgje nuk eshte kaq e keqe, qe te mos kete dicka te dobishme – Nothing is so bad so that there might be nothing useful.); Нема ништо ново под небото. (Nuk ka asgje te re nen kete qiell – There is nothing new in this sky.); (Nuk eshte i zoti per asgje – He has a bad hand at something); Ништо побргу не се суши од солзата. (Asgje nuk thahet me shpejt se loti – Nothing is dried faster than tears); Pa zor s’fitohet kurrgja – Without pain nothing is gained. Fol te drejten gjithmone e mos druej kurrkend – Always say the truth and do not fear anyone. Kurkuj s’ia dhane pergjithmone; Kerkush s’e ka marre me tapi kite dyje – None has taken by deed this world. Conclusions: The negative constructions in these cases serve not only to show the centennial experience but even to create the stylistic-emotional effect. The negation in the examined cases can’t be treated simply as a linguistic phenomenon. In these artistic creations it has served even as a stylistic means. This way we conclude to an internal rhythm up to the rhythmical harmony. So, because of the fact that Syntax-stylistics looks upon words not only as abstract structures which function according to linguistic rules, but also as

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structures that bring individual elements. Such individual elements include subjective attitudes and general cultural background. We can say that these linguistic features are turned into expression of the development of the communicative needs of groups that use these languages. So it canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t be negated even the social effect when it is known that except the geographical contact it exists even the bilingual situation inside the Macedonian territory as well as the existence of Macedonian minorities in Albania in the Prespa area. The development of communicative needs has to do with the economic-social and intellectual development of the social communion. In the sociolinguistics of today, authors as Uriel Weinreich, Ferguson have given a wide theoretical framework about the phenomena of the languages in contact. Also, the new things that we tried to bring through this article are that when it is about the languages in contact the potential factors of interaction are identified through comparison even in the grammatical system (studying only a part of the inventory of structures). We think that the social, economic but even cultural environments are extra linguistic factors that have affected in the similarity of the construction of these proverbs of the Balkan countries.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • •

Akademia e Shkencave e RPSSH, 1983. Fjalë të urta të popullit shqiptar. Tiranë. Shtypshkronja e re. Devoto G. 1962. Nuovi studi di stilistica. F. Le Monnier. Gumprez, J. 1966. On the Etnologji of Linguistic Chenge. ‘Bright’. Hymes D. 1973.Verso un etnografia della communicazione: analisi degli eventi communicativi, ‘Linguaggio e societa’. Bologna. Jovanovski, A. 2009. 5000 македонски мудрости, поговорки и изреки. Скопје. Панили, Lloshi, Xh. 2005. Stilistika e gjuhës shqipe dhe pragmatika. Tiranë. Albas. Cressot M. 1996. Le Style Et Ses Techniques Précis D’analyse Stylistique. 14ème Édition. Presses Universitaires De France. PUF 1/ 11. Shkurtaj, Gj. 1999. Sociolingistika. Tiranë. SHBLU.

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Nejla Kalajdžisalihović

Vučjak - German shepherd, shepherd dog, or wolf-dog? Abstract When translating from Bosnian, Croatian, or Serbian into English, one has to take into consideration that, in the classroom setting, Ss might not share the same connotations, especially if signs refer to distant historical personae or non-shared backgrounds. However, if connotations were taken to be individual interpretations, then the whole communicative process would be blocked (Ladmiral 1994). Therefore, I have tried to question whether semantic connotations are supraindividual and related to the sociolinguistic context. It is equally important to reconsider the importance of semiotic connotations, as a new signs may open gateways for new semantic connotations absent from the original text. In doing so, it is necessary to explore whether/if semantic connotations are shared, based on common experiences, and whether they reflect the author’s connotations in new semantic and semiotic constellations. Given that “perhaps the most distinctive characteristic of good literary translators is their sense of dedication” (Landers 2001), I will try to explore ways of distinguishing semantic and semiotic connotations based on two literary texts when the translation process occurs in the classroom and when connotations are triggered by shared cultural backgrounds. In order to move beyond the denotation and translate a sign into the new system of signs, Ss were encouraged to, before reaching any conlusion, move onto the higher levels of critical, research-based thinking. Keywords: think-aloud protocol, translation, denotation, connotation, culture, negotiation

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Nejla Kalajdžisalihović

1.0. Introduction The translation process or communicative event happening in the classroom is a specific synchronic event in which the instructor may try to access the translation process and determine whether the choices Ss make are sense or form-oriented. This shift may be a shift between both languages and cultures, but also may reveal shifts within a single culture. In this process, it is of equal importance to place emphasis on the shift itself and focus on the following: understand one’s own culture and language (to be able to mediate for another culture), understand and find differences between denotations and connotations in one’s language (in order to be able to create a new sign system for another culture with a minimal loss), and gradually move from the form-oriented to the sense-oriented approach by carefully walking the line dividing the affective and the cognitive domain. As far as the difference between professional translators and Ss-translators is concerned, professional translators rarely justify their choices or stylistic modifications (‘hidden phenomena’ and ‘sense-oriented approach’ (Kussmaul, P. & Tirkkonen-Condit, S. 1995). A question that arises is whether Ss know why they make certain choices and how they percieve the sign they are translating in terms of its denotations and connotations, both linguistically and culturally speaking. A way to gain access to the translation process in the classroom is in encouraging Ss to ‘think aloud’ (TAP, or think-aloud protocol). If the instructor does not take Ss’ understanding the signs for granted, he/she may elicit a great amount of data if he/she knows how to ask questions. As translation is not only a shift, but also negotiation (Eco 2003), all Ss should be given an equal chance to speak their minds in both the monologue and the dialogue-based protocol. In order for TAP to be dialogue-based, the group should share common values and individuals should be confident to express the infraindividual on the supraindividual level. Generally, Ss are discouarged from the so-called ‘word-for-word’ translation, but they have to start with a word at some point. This paper explores the shift between the signifier and the signified in both the source and the target langauge by means of exploring connotations subjects have in common.

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2.0. Methodology The examples of supraindividual semantic and semiotic connotations have been elicited through classroom interaction among the instructor and three groups of Ss when texts contained instances of potential shared semantic connotations. The instructor assumed that Ss did not prepare for the translation in advance, which was a very important assumption for this particular experiment. Bearing in mind that Ss use connotations as synonyms in the translation process and do not critically and carefully examine a new semiotic system that tresspasses the phrase level in both the source and the target langauge, and thus becomes established by means of an irregular and superficial usage from the paradigm in the source langauge primarily because of the subjects’ affective dimension of learning being triggered, for this study, the texts have been chosen using the following criteria: - - - - -

The texts are literary The texts could be related to current issues in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the region The texts were written in a nostalgic tone, which enhances the affective component of connotations in translation The texts were to be translated from B/C/S into English The texts share certain identical noun phrases (‘signs’) which are not treated equally in different translations to English (Hemon v. Zvizdić).

3.0. Denotations and connotations in source and target language A common structuralist approach (to translation) would be to start with dichotomies. In the translation process, these would be gathering around the concept of the signifier and the signified, denotations and connotations. In TAP, dichotomies would revolve around monologue and dialogue-based protocols. Considering the denotation/connotation dichotomy, a denotation would be the literal meaning of a word taken from a dictionary. For instance, if we look up the word ‘dog’ in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, we will find the following definition:

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dog [countable] a common animal with four legs, fur, and a tail. Dogs are kept as pets or trained to guard places, find drugs, etc. [↪ puppy]

The first question regarding translation would be whether ‘puppy’ is a synonym for ‘dog’, and if it is not, whether it is just an association, a connotation or an ‘affective synonym’, as in ‘mother’ vs. ‘mum’. The term ‘connotation’, however, comes from formal logic and represents binary opposition to denotation. In logic, denotation is the very content of the word, or its rather extended definition. For logic, connotations are regarded as references to the content and are more often referred to as contents. In linguistics, Bloomfield (1971) is criticized by Ladmiral (2004) for not making a clear distinction on whether connotations are an individual phenomenon or a sociolinguistic fact. In the examples that follow, the attempt is to present arguments that support both Bloomfield’s claim that connotations are subject to individual change, but also Ladmiral’s claim that connotations are supraindividual and difficult to position on the continuum between semantic and semiotic connotations, if such a continuum exists at all. In translation, a new semiotic system may be created in the same way the author created his/her own system. In that way, translation resembles the writing process in which the translator is the medium actively involved in mobilising the affective component further simulated for subjectivity through (in-class) dialogue and instances of multiple authorship.

3.1. Psi rata/ War dogs by Aleksandar Hemon As this story is going to be related to Gobleni, a story by Mustafa Zvizdić, it would be interesting to quote one sentence in which a particular breed of dogs is mentioned, namely, ‘nemački ovčar’: 1. U isto vreme kad je stigao Mek, moj najbolji drug Veba, koji je živeo prekoputa ulice, i sam je nabavio psa, nemačkog ovčara po imenu Don. Ss did not have any difficulty translating this noun phrase to ‘German shepherd’ and they could have consulted the published translation afterwards: 1.a. Just as Mek joined our family, my best friend Veba, who lived across the street from us, acquired a dog himself, a German shepherd named Don. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Another word, which is in Hemon’s text merely a toponym, presented a true challenge in Zvizdić’s text. Semiotically speaking - it was not capitalized: 2. Prvih nekoliko meseci rata proveli su na Vučjaku, i uglavnom se izdržavali od očevih pčela i majčine bašte. 2.a. They spent the first few months of the war on Vučjak, their chief means of sustenance my father’s bee-keeping and my mother’s vegetable garden. In another paragraph of War Dogs, there is a sentence in which the author describes the place he associated with peace and safety: 3. Uvek sam zamišljao našu vikendicu na planini: glatku površinu drvenog stola koji je otac napravio bez ijednog eksera; svežanj skipasova koji visi sa nemog sata sa kukavicom; prastari frižider i na njemu prve reči – Obod Cetinje – koje sam bez tuđe pomoći pročitao. Mir i spokojstvo pripadaju vremenu koje sam proveo u vikendici, kada mi je samotno čitanje pročistilo um i kada su mi oštar planinski vazduh i sveprisutni miris četinara olakšali bol. 3.a. I’d invariably invoke our cabin in the mountains: the smooth surface of the wooden table my father built without using a single nail; a cluster of old ski passes hanging under the mute cuckoo clock; the ancient fridge whose brand name—Obod Cetinje—were the first words I read by myself. The peace and safety belonged to the time I’d spent in the cabin, when reading in solitude cleared my mind and my hurt was healed by the crisp mountain air and ubiquitous pine smell. In the think-aloud translation, Ss, not having previously consulted the published translation struggled with the translation of the word denoting a house in the mountains (‘vikendica’) since Hemon mentions that these houses were the country houses on the Jahorina mountain to which Sarajevans would retreat during the weekend. For Ss’ supraindividual connotations, neither English translation equivalent offered matched the word ‘vikendica’ as Ss associated too many supraindividual, affective connotations to the term, the author’s feeling of nostalgia, and the mountains. The translation equivalent offered in the published translation (‘cabin’) did not match Ss’ shared connotations. In English, however, the word ‘cabin’ in this conext collocates with:

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a. ____________________ b. hunting _____________ c. mountain ____________

in the woods (cabin in the woods) 60,500,000 results in 0.12 seconds (hunting cabin) 16,500,000 results in 0.23 seconds (mountain cabin) 11,300,000 results in 0.15 seconds

However, Ss did not notice that Hemon, in the same story, refers to ‘vikendica’ as ‘planinska koliba’ (= cabin): 4. Nekoliko nedelja kasnije, krenuo sam u SAD, da se više nikad ne vratim u našu planinsku kolibu. 4.a. A couple of weeks later, I departed for the United States, never to return to our mountain cabin. From these examples, we can see that Ss’ supraindiviual sociolinguistic connotations affect the process of choosing the correct translation equivalent, whereas ‘vikendica’ and ‘planinska koliba’ are regarded as synonyms by the very author of the text.

3.1. Gobleni by Mustafa Zvizdić - One Sign, Multiple Challenges In the short story titled Gobleni (Framed Embroideries), the author describes his aunt’s room shielded from the schorching August sun by heavy curtains. There are many framed embroideries on the walls, and on one of them - there is a dog. The actual process of translating this word was recorded and then transcribed. The translation process took three phases: 1. The preparatory phase In this phase, Ss read the paragraph in question and focused on comprehension and discussion of the story. 2. The incubation phase In this phase, as far as thinking processes are concerned, fluency is maintained by subjects mentioning a large number of target language synonyms or semantically related words for a given source language word (German shepherd, Alsatian dog (I), wolf-dog (I)1. 1. The underlined phrases were used in TAP: ‘’Sa svih strana gledaju me gobleni koje je tetka sa velikom ljubavlju izvezla po uputama iz Burde. Na jednom je izvezen vučjak. On je zavisan od mog raspoloženja. Na trenutak je strašan, spreman na skok i svako zlo. Čeka načuljenih ušiju komandu nevidljivog gospodara da do kraja istrese svoju dugo treniranu ljutinu. Malo kasnije gubi oštrinu, postaje jedan sasvim bezazlen pas iz našeg nepostojećeg dvorišta koga djeca jašu i trgaju za uši. Onda se sav strovaljuje u vlastite oči, iz njih isijava toplinu na mene, na vezene stoljnjake, na druge ljude kojih nema u sobi. To je moj pas, tvoj pas, svačiji pas, u svim mogućim situacijama i dekorima. Vidim ga pruženog na lijepom tepihu u velikoj sobi visokih stropova, pored biblioteke i dugog crnog stola. Za stolom sjedi Josip Broz, naš Tito, zabavljen šahom ispred sebe. Vidim ga kako zapjenjen trči prema meni, ranjenom partizanu na Sutjesci, a rafali dobro uhranjenih njemačkih vojnika ga još više kuraže.’’ (Zvizdić 2004)

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Ss associated the word ‘vučjak’ with different affective connotations in the process during which little attention was paid to semiotic translation equivalents. Namely, Ss who owned a ‘German shepherd’ claimed that this was the only possible translation equivalent. Few Ss agreed that ‘wolf-dog’ would be an acceptable translation denoting the ambivalent nature of the dog on the embroidery. On the other hand, ‘Alsatian dog ‘ was not accepted as the translation equivalent. In the negotiation phase, Ss were debating on two equivalents: ‘German shepherd’ or ‘wolf-dog’. Those in favour of the latter were more aware that a new sign may inherently produce new connotations and reveal the true nature of the dog as it is described ( it looks like an ordinary dog, and suddenly turns into a fierce dog). Those in favour of ‘German shepherd’ claimed that breed is rather important in the target language and culture, but also that the author did not have ‘a typical German shepherd’ in mind when referring to the embroidery. The discussion moved on to explore what is on the ‘actual’ embroidery. I have tried to negotiate a solution for both groups by introducing the concept of the signifier and the signified, referring to the adjective ‘German’ modifying both the head noun ‘shepherd’ and another head noun, further in the text, ‘soldiers’. In that way, we moved from the phrase level to the discourse level and determined what supraindividual connotations Ss share in terms of their own culture and history in general (see: Josip Broz Tito’s dog). 3. Personal involvement Having been made to doubt their solutions, Ss were ready to start the quest of personal involvement with the task and spark their intellectual curiosity as I have used TAP and Socratic questioning to guide them through the process of critical thinking. 4. Results of individual research As the task moved beyond the classroom and beyond the dictionary, Ss were requested to sumbit any research results on the terms with the potential to act as translation equivalents for ‘vučjak’ in Zvizdić’s story. There were three collections of data gathered from Ss: - Evidence against the ‘wolf-dog’ equivalent (Wolfdogs, Available at: http://www.howlingwoods.org/wolf_dogs.html) - Evidence against the ‘German shepherd’ equivalent (Tito’s dog was a German shepherd named Luks, Available at: http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Fifth_Enemy_Offensive) - Evidence related to the etymology of the adjective ‘German’ in ‘German shepherd’: (The Alsatian aka German Shepherd, Available at: http://www.dogs.inhand.de/dogbreeds/alsatian.html

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Following classroom feedback, Ss did research on the icon itself and found a web-site (see: www.unitas.hr) where one may search for the references on the fictional dog(s) and the embroideries produced in former Yugoslavia, perhaps proposing that an umbrella term, other than ‘a dog’ could indeed be found (‘shepherd dog’). In each group, Ss were highly motivated to do research and share their results. In that way, classroom negotiation was moved from the supraindividual to the infraindividual level and vice versa. This process resulted in Ss sharing their infraindividual connotations and creating new shared connotations, which proves both Ladmiral and Bloomfield’s definitions are acceptable.

4.0. Conclusion The question about whether there is an access to the translation process may be an abstract one, but the process of liberating the mind for new connotations and research involves multiple shifts. The instructor who facilitates the process has to allow these shifts to happen, regardless of how time-consuming it may be. The shift from one language to another is bound to happen, but the question is - how fast? The research process that goes beyond the classroom and beyond the dictionary will be a slower one, but will teach Ss that translation goes beyond the sign in both the source and the target text. In the simulated think-aloud translation event, there has been an attempt to prove that semantic connotations are both supraindividual and infraindividual, as well as related to the sociolinguistic context. In this process, it was equally important to reconsider the importance of semiotic connotations, as a new signs may open gateways for new semantic connotations absent from the original text. There is more than one good translation, but the instructor needs to make sure that Ss can argue their case well, negotiate, and move beyond denotations and connotations to semiotics and realms of critical thinking and pro-active research.

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Eco, U. 2003. The Mouse or Rat, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. El Zawawy, A. 2008. ‘’Pinning Down Creativity in Translation: The Case of Literary Texts’’, Available at:http://www.translationdirectory.com/articles/ article1750.php [Accessed: 21 July 2012] Faerch, C., & Kasper, G. 1983. ‘’Plans and strategies in foreign language communication’’. In: C. Faerch & G. Kasper (Eds.), Strategies in interlanguage communication (pp. 20-60). Harlow, England: Longman. Hemon, A. 2012. ‘’Psi rata’’. Available at: http://pescanik.net/2012/02/psirata/ [Accessed: 10 July 2012] Hervey, S., Higgins, I. 1992. Thinking Translation. London: Routledge. James, K. 2002. ‘’Cultural Implications for Translation’’. In: Translation Journal, Vol. 6. Kristeva, J. 1989. Language: The Unknown, New York: Columbia University Press. Kussmaul, P. & Tirkkonen-Condit, S. 1995. “Think-Aloud Protocol Analysis in Translation Studies”, TTR: Traduction, Terminologie, Rédaction, Vol. 8, n° 1, p. 177-199. Ladmiral, J., R. 2007. Kako prevoditi: Teoremi za prevođenje, Zagreb: Politička kultura, p. 93. Landers, C. E. 2001. Literary Translation: A Practical Guide, New Jersey: Multilingual Matters, p. 29. Lotman, J., Uspensky, B. 1978. “On the Semiotic Mechanism of Culture,” New Literary History, pp. 211-32. Nida, E. 1964. “Principles of Correspondence.” In Venuti, L. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge. Tarone, E. 1977. “Conscious communication strategies in interlanguage: A progress report.” In H. Brown, C. Yario and R. Crymes (eds.), On TESOL ‘77. 194-203. Washington, DC: TESOL. Zvidzić, M. 2004. ‘’Gobleni’’. In: Muzika zidnih satova , Zagreb: Naklada Zoro.

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Local Participation in the Decision Making-Process. Abstract This paper presents why and how communities should engage citizens in the local decision-making process. This safeguard was put in place to ensure that citizens have an opportunity to provide input on local decisions before they go into effect. In spite of this public notice requirement, many towns and cities around the country still conduct policy-making without full disclosure to the public. In some instances, this occurs due to time constraints or lack of understanding of the publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in the decision-making process. In other cases, public officials intentionally neglect to engage the public, as the public might derail their agenda. In this presentation will be presented some of the arguments why it is important to engage citizens in local decision making process not only to guarantee the development of democratic system but as well its promote the sustainable development. First of all, local citizens know best what the local needs and issues are. Secondly, engaging the public in the decision-making process serves to educate both citizens and policy-makers about the various facts of a particular decision or issue from a variety of perspectives. Third, engaging citizens in decision-making makes the implementation of a decision or policy more likely and build trust among them. Finally, engaging the public helps to build accountability for both public officials and the citizens. So, the question remains, how can our community effectively engage citizens in local decision-making, whether these decisions focus on Master Plans, local schools, capital improvement projects, economic development, or other local issues? The paper will try answering this question by promoting a variety of tools that public officials can use to engage citizens in decision-making but as well it will be a good â&#x20AC;&#x153;apperitifâ&#x20AC;? for promoting the debate among experts in the field. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Key words: citizens, community, participation, government, governance, decisionmaking

Introduction On democracy, as a concept and political doctrine, there are many different definitions, but in all these it is easily found in common the irreplaceable role of the citizens. It’s clear that democracy and social development cannot be achieved through romantic words and political speeches. A key prerequisite for development and functioning of a democratic state is the formation of civic consciousness and responsibility that every citizen as member of his community had and should actively use to protect the democratic principles.

A century ago, U.S. President Wilson, would declare: “The history of liberty is the history of the limitation of government power, not its growth.”

The above mention statement, in a democratic political system, apply the limitation of government power by using control in several ways which includes: 1.Constitutional and legal control. 2. Parliamentary control. 3. Political party control. 4. Legal-economic control. 5. Trade Marks Unions and business control. 6. Public civil society, media and civic participation control. In democratic system an increasing role is playing the public civic participation control, synthesized as a citizen response toward the government activity by influencing for good governance. Citizens’ opinions are related, firstly, with elections and election results from which comes governing bodies. What elections do is the transformation in numbers of the citizen’s opinions regarding the government activity. In this paper will be further analyzed some of the element for citizens participation by focusing in the progress made in the case of Albania.

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1. Why do citizens play an important role for good governance? The citizens right to participate in governance has it origin in the ancient Greek right since the time of Plato’s Republic1. Such principle is further transferred to the Roman era as a special Republican right, while later is resized by the French Revolution leaders. That got a full political meaning in the 20-century, to be transformed into a fundamental feature of modern democracy. Modern forms of citizenship have been developed dynamically by an intermediate public participation in a direct and wider involvement into the governance. One of the most important policy instruments today, is the governance through participation, consultation and dialogue through exchange of ideas and best alternatives. Strengthening the relationship between government and citizens has a clear priority for today’s democracies. Citizen participation is represented in three main stages: 1) Starting with the simple one, where the citizen is in the role of a consumer which is displayed in different views, like for example through the implementation of the law, paying taxes, environmental protection, etc. 2) The second is participation through mediation among institutionalized structures 3) The third one is the model of direct citizen’s participation. In the third stage is better managed the demand of individuals. The involvement in the decision making aims to influence the quality and volume of public services at the benefit of citizens. At this stage more voluntary contribution is requested for example: direct citizen’s participation into governance through development and protection of the community or the environment. Furthermore, in accordance with the level of participation is made the distinguishment between active and passive citizens2.

1.1.Citizens as partner in governance The most important principles of local development are citizen’s participation. There are several reasons why participation is important for community development such as: 1. Platonian concept on freedom of speech, assembly, voting, and equal representation, etc. 2. Meidani, Rexhep. 2009. “Mbi qeverisjen”, Tiranë: Dudaj, page 359

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1) Citizen participation is not only a way to help citizens for improving their life quality but it serves as well the government itself, to improve its performance quality. 2) It helps government to find out which are the public’s preferences by making it more effective, democratic, tranparent and legal. 3) It plays an important role in the decision-making process, by improving decisions through collection of considerations among local knowledge. 4) The process of participation helps to protect as well equality and justice. This is why, it’s so important to share the governance with citizens, giving to them more space where their inputs can be provided. Citizens should be considered as partner in governance sharing with them responsibilities and elaborating together local plans of actions. Some of these reasons to engage citizens in local decision-making process are: a) Citizen’s inputs are best resources, who know best what the local needs and issues are. So far engaging citizens in policy-making allows governments to obtain new sources of ideas and exchange information, during decision-making process. b) It develop a process of education where citizens and policy-makers when working together during the decision making process by trying through serious efforts to do the best for their community, reflects about various issues. c) Although the process of citizen’s participation is not simple, engaging them in the decision-making it’s important because it results that citizen’s involvement makes the implementation of a decision or a policy more likely. d) The public would be not likely to assist with implementation of a decision, plan or policy unless public officials have their constituents on board with a particular decision plan. e) Citizen’s involvement in governance helps to build accountability and responsibilities for both public officials and the citizens. So far that’s why it’s important to engage effectively citizens in decision-making. For that purpose governments must invest adequate time and resources on building legislation, policy and institutional frameworks. They should develop and use appropriate tools, ranging from surveys to conferences and workshops with small

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groups of interest up to wide participation level which includes even the right for referendums1. Key factors for success in citizen engagement in politics include: 1) Exchange of information, 2) Consultation by public participation. The given information should be objective, complete, updated, easy to be found and easy to be understood. Quantity and quality of government information to the public has grown tremendously over the last 20 years. But there are still countries such as Germany, Luxembourg, Mexico, Poland, Switzerland and Turkey - which have yet to complete legal framework of the freedom of information. To assess the impact of new laws in some countries such as Canada, Finland and Japan, the government is required to consult with citizens. Indeed the process of discussion should be as soon as possible in the point of view of making laws applicable and acceptable. During the preparations of the Freedom of Information Law, passed in 2000, the United Kingdom Government conducted extensive public consultations where parliament received 2 248 comments on the bill. Today, is going to be developed rapidly so called e-government where the activity of government is provided online. Through online platforms are promoted and developed online debates, consultations, although it presents several limitations as far as not everyone have the possibility of using the Internet in due time. However, governments everywhere have been criticized for creating distance with people, for their lack of sensitivities regarding civic concerns, leaving them out from governance. There is a need for a greater government transparency and accountability, especially by promoting public media scrutiny of government actions. The public should have access to the meetings at community level and notifications are required by law to be posted prior to the meetings. Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s important to ensure the opportunity of citizens to provide their inputs on local decisions before they go into effect. In several cases such tasks public officials intentionally neglect to engage the public by not informing them regarding the decision-making process. In such situations there are several cases when decisions are taken without consultation and development of absorption of citizens thought. There are some governments tendencies to focus public debate on some specific issues where sensitivity is high, such as the environment or consumer protection, but which are not enough for a good governance. In the developed democratic systems there is a constant pressure for inclusion of citizens in the consultation and participation in all aspects of governance, from budget to foreign policy. 1. 1.Article 150 of Albanian Constitution says: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The people, through 50 thousand citizens who enjoy the right to vote, have the right to a referendum for the abrogation of a law, as well as to request the President of the Republic to hold a referendum about issues of special importance.â&#x20AC;&#x153;

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At the other side citizens should not only expect to be invited they should become visible by playing their role in ensuring that they are actively engaged. This shall be done in a regular base. They should not neglect issues which belong to them. Citizens should be aware to ask the responsibilities of whom belong which have the task to respect their right. Even a simply participation in the city town councils or other public buildings where meeting notices are posted to keep informed of local decision-making, or writing letters to public officials to make them accountable, asking key questions at town meetings, and encouraging officials to develop an effective process to engage local citizens are very strong signals which makes governance understand the power of citizens in participation. Effective public participation processes maintain the following attributes: 1) Inputs from public are collected at various stages of the process. 2) Transform decision making process as a multifunctional one by informing, educating and training not only citizens but even public official ones. 3) Particular decisions or policies give to the impacted stakeholder’s equal opportunity to participate in the process. 4) Public participation should be leaded from real needs of citizens not from guides given from political leaders simply to formalise the process. So far the process shall be a real to be considered as an important step in decision or policy, and not simply to be a formal process where the decision is already finalised in the politician’s offices.

2. Role of civil society and media to promote civic participation 2.1.The role of civil society in promoting civic participation In modern democratic societies, associations and groups who are independent from government plays an important role in the development of civil society by contributing into the development of sustainable institutions2. These associations seek to create mechanisms of rules of law which allows their independent existence and encourage their growth. But as Julie Mertus has written, “Civil society cannot 2. Article 46, paragraph 1 of Albanian Constitution says: “Everyone has the right to organize collectively for any lawful purpose.”

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flourish where there are inadequate legal assurances of their ability to operate autonomously from government”3. The power of NGOs, mostly results in the mobilization of public pressure. They influence decisions at local and national level. The increased role of civil society marks a shift from “government” to “governance” including the power of a larger group of participants and activists. The United Nation Development Program notes that: “Good governance is, among other things, participatory, transparent and accountable. It is also effective and equitable. And it promotes the rule of law. Good governance ensures that political, social and economic priorities are based on broad consensus in society and that the voices of the poorest and the most vulnerable are heard in decision-making over the allocation of development resources.”4 In our country there have been some signals that leading politicians as prime minister or even opposition leaders have shown attention to civil society to show publicly that they are taking into account their views. In some other cases very active NGO had the courage to denounce what they see as a campaign of pressure of the government against them. However it is worth emphasizing those efforts that civil society can do to influence the governance system in our country, is still very weak. Efforts to strengthen governance and promote civic participation in the governance process are still needed at both central and local, in order that civil groups to be able to fully play the role of observers and to seek support for improvements in their quality of life.

2.2. Role of Media promoting civic participation Modern politic is mainly associated with civic engagement by recognizing them through transmission on the print and visual media. Researches about democracy in contemporary conditions are associated with how does the media report and interpret political events and issues of the day, and how media influence in political processes and encourage public opinion expression. Thus, the media has taken a central role in politics and in contemporary democracies. Media may apply its power through exercising influence in society in a negative way, by darkening the motives and interests that hide political decisions, or in a positive way, enhancing the people’s political decisions. In this sense the media and the governing equation becomes important. 3. Monroe E. Price & Peter Krug. 2000 “The Enabling Environment For Free and Independent Media” Oxford University: USAID, pg 39 4. http://magnet.undp.org/

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Democracy means participatory governance, so media inform citizens about various problems of society, making government officials more accountable and responsible to citizens. Access to information is essential to the health of democracy for at least two reasons: Firstly, it ensures that citizens become responsible, informed regarding decisions in order to prevent their action out of ignorance or misinformation. Secondly, information serves to the function of “control over government activity”, ensuring the realization of the promises made by elected representatives. In today’s society, the relationship between media and government represents a vital element in the development of democracy function. While many consider the Media as a part of civil society, it follows and influences many functions of democracy and government. For example, the media gives a contribution to support the results of government activities, especially those related to decentralization, anti-corruption, citizen participation in policy processes, etc. The development of an independent media which essentially has the rule of law can give positive results in control over the judiciary system by creating a suitable legal environment for press freedom. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the year 1948 states that “Every person has the right to freedom of opinion and expression: this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek receive and give information and ideas in any media regardless of frontiers” The purpose of the development of media in general need to move from a media that is clearly directed or controlled by government or private interests, in terms of an open media with a degree of editorial independence that serves the public interest. They have to develop different views through reliable voices. Creating a trust allows greater civic participation by giving them information that is needed to take appropriate decisions. In order to exercise its functions in the control of the executive power and encourage citizens participation media should have a greater degree of economic and editorial independence including numerous and diverse voices which serve to the public interest. Public interest is defined as representative of a majority of the diversity of views which converge towards common solutions.

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3. Albanian tradition of citizen’s participation In the Albanian tradition “community” has been the basis of social regulation5. The household was the first level of community and basic institution of Albanian society. The second level of the community was “village community” which has been taken as cohabitation of households. To achieve so, step by step higher forms of organization, such as provinces, to the principalities, which were in fact as “a community of communities”, a term used by Aristotle and by today’s researchers of community6. Actually Albania is developing a number of reforms to realise the process of decentralisation which aims to make more stable democratic system, by enhancing government efficiency, to stimulate the creation of a stable basis for economic development, to make government more transparent and to ensure citizens participation in the public life at local and regional level7. In general the strategy of decentralization and undertaken reforms have created legal space for wider participation of citizens in decision-making processes which have a direct impact to increase the quality of services for the benefit of communities . However one of the main obstacles to the decentralization process remains the strengthening of direct participation of communities in local governance. According to Alexis de Tocquevill in his book “Democracy in America” the common denominator of every community organization is the willingness to be organized voluntarily and solve problems of public interest8. From this perspective we can say that Albania has had a tradition of community organization, but more limited in a local stage and not very well organised. Moreover the way that various forms of community organization were applied in Albania, especially in the communist system but even later on during the transition from did not represent the real values of community organisation. While in the period that followed the collapse of communism, any value set during the preceding order was faced with the extreme antagonism of comprehensive 5. Sokoli, Leke, 2006, “ Komunitarizmi rasti i Shqiperise “, Tirana Observer, 28 September 6. Kicmari, Sabri. 2004 “Drejtpeshimi”. Tirane: Koci 7. As defined to the law nr. 8652, date 31.07.2000, “On administrative-territorial division of local government of the Republic”, the local government in Albania is organized into two levels of government. Communes and municipalities are the basic units of local government and constitute the first level, while the county is the second level of this government. Local entities are decentralized public authorities and autonomous, responsible for issuing and distributing public goods and services. As defined to the law nr. 8652, date 31.07.2000, today in Albania counted 309 communes, 65 municipalities and 12 counties. 8. Tokevil, Aleksis. 2002. “Demokracia ne Amerike”, Tirane; Fondacioni Soros & Kristalina - KH

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transition, thus replacing extreme collectivism with extreme individualism. Albania is already in a stage of re-organizing community, where according to the current context characterized by the wide internal migration, take advantage other elements such as neighborhood, manufacturing or service units, groups of interest, associations, different focus groups of civil society, etc9. During the last years Albania did progress on establishing the necessary infrastructure which offers different opportunities for community mobilization. However, the main challenge remains to change the mentality related to individualism as a reaction to each voluntary act and readiness for joint civic engagement for the benefit of the community, by increasing the community level of sensitivity toward improvement of local government. For good local governance is necessary for a serious and wide involvement of the community in decision-making process. In the Albanian environment, this approach becomes a necessity, considering the mentality inherited from authoritary society. So, in a context where the consolidation of democratic policy-making institutions, remains a challenge and their performance is still poor, through the inclusion of the citizens in decision-making, not only would increase the transparency of local structures to the public but it will break the current stereotypes on local governance structures and rebuild trust among these institutions and citizens.

4. How can we increase citizen’s participation? Today on of the most important issues for well functioning of democracies is how to effectively engage citizens in decision-making processes, whether these decisions focus local or national issues? As mentioned above it’s important to create a good environment for citizen’s participation. This starts with elaboration of a good framework legislation which encourage and transforms in a task for governance to invite citizens and encourage their participation. An encouraging legislation shall give the maximum of space to the citizen’s participation providing as well the possibility for referendums it’s important that governance shall be near to citizens needs and for that one of the main conditions is the process of decentralisation. Doing that it’s important the development of a dialogue and a normal interaction between local and central authorities which promotes civic participation and reaction. This shall start with a fair process of election which would build trust among citizens and institutions. Building strong institutions 9. Sokoli, Leke. 2006. “Komunitarizmi, modelet e organizimit dhe Ndërlidhësit Komunitarë”. Tirane: Instituti për Demokraci dhe Ndërmjetësim.

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would happen through citizenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s participation providing their feed back and inputs in the direct fight against corruption. Their active involvement and participation of citizens in media will make governance more transparent and responsable toward citizens concerns. Through the experiences in different democratic countries concretely there are a variety of tools that public officials can use to engage citizens in decision-making. These tools include citizen advisory committees, survey questionnaires, community meetings, forums, public review and comment periods, public hearings, counter planning, etc. The following provides a brief description of a few of these public engagement tools from previous experiences: 1. Citizen commission for specific issues: intended to foster positive relations with the community by engaging citizens in the development of policies/programs and to ensure that they are enriched by diverse perspectives10. 2. Questionnaire Survey to gather Community opinnion: Community surveys help public officials gather data about local attitudes regarding precisely defined issues, problems or opportunities11. 3. Dialogue development with stakeholders and beneficiaries in workshops with targeted focus groups: This form intends to gather ideas and opinions from targeted groups of citizens. In this way each one has more space to give their opinion and ideas regarding a specific issue which affect them. In this way new idea come and the conclusions and agreements are easier to be achieved12. 4. Community Forum: A community forum is a public meeting intended to bring together a variety of community perspectives to discuss salient issues, visions, problems, or concerns that the community is facing13. 5. Public Hearing Review and Comment: Hearings are public meetings that enable residents to express their concerns about public plans, decisions, or issues. It may give a window of time to review public plans or policies and to provide comment prior to the ratification or revision of a plan or policy14. 10. The following is an example of what a citizen advisory committee does in the context of Department of Transportation projects: http://www.dot.state.ga.us/dot/preconstruction/urbandesign/johnsonferryabernathy/html/cac.shtml 11. For more information on survey questionnaires, visit the following website: http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/ section_1048.htm 12. For more information on focus groups, visit the following website: http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/section_ 1018.htm 13. For more information on community forums, visit the following website: http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/ section_1021.htm 14. For information on public hearings, visit this website: http://www.memun.org/SchoolsProject/html/ Resources/zoning/PUBHEARING.HTM

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6. Referendum, public officials should be forced if citizens request that or address the issue to the citizens choice to be decided by majority of votes through a wide participation process in decision making.

5. Conclusions and final remarks: Increasing citizen’s involvement to improve governance is one of the fundamental requirements in the development of democratic systems. In order to have more active citizens’ participation in governance are required several measures to be taken at the legislative and awareness raising level. Initially it’s a basic condition to exist a legislative basis ensuring the community’s active participation in the decision-making process. Public participation is by no means an easy thing to be accomplished. It requires much energy, time, and resources. Accordingly the process should be accompanied with a twofold awareness raising campaign. One hand the community itself should be awaken on the important role it can play in the agenda-setting process and on the other hand awareness raining work should be done also with local public institutions representatives in order for them to fully recognize that a more active citizens’ participation in the policy elaboration would eventually facilitate their efficient and sustainable implementation. To effectively respond to citizen needs, than is needed to start listening to what citizens are saying and recruit their assistance in crafting effective policies and decisions. Citizens on the other side should use all legal areas to increase their participation as far as public opinion about important issues increase transparency as necessary to guarantee the exercise of a balanced power oriented to civic concerns. It directly affects the lives of citizens. In this way promoting public debate and development of the accountability process between voters and elected officials is an element that seeks to be developed permanently. Democracy theorists have argued that the entire edifice of democracy rests in the final analysis, of the public opinion15.

15. Sartori, Giovanni. 1998 “C’eshte demokracia”, Tirane; Dituria, fq.45

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

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Çela, Erisa & Ismaili, Valmir & Hafner, Tanja. 2008. “Praktikat e mira rajonale mbi pjesmarrjen komunitare ne qeverisjen vendore”, Tirane; Instituti per Demokraci dhe Ndermjetesim Hasluck, Margaret. 1954. “The unwritten law in Albania” Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kicmari Sabri. 2004 “Drejtpershimi”, Tirane: Koci “Kushtetuta e Shqipërisë, me interpretime të Gjykatës Kushtetuese”, 2008, Tiranë: Alb Juris Kval Mellbye & Trafoy. 2006. “Politika dhe demokracia”, Tirane: Onufri. Meidani, Rexhep. 2009. “Mbi qeverisjen”, Tiranë: Dudaj Monroe E. Price & Peter Krug. 2000. “The Enabling Environment For Free and Independent Media” Oxford University: USAID Omari, Luan. 2011. “Ndarja e pushteteve dhe pavaresia e institucioneve kushtetuese”, Tiranë: Elena Gjika ORT/USAID.1998. “Albania’s Road to Democracy. A fascinating country in Transition” Washington DC: American ORT Popper, Karl. 2009. “Për filozofinë dhe shkencën”, Tiranë: Shtëpia botuese “Fan Noli” Schmidt, V. 2006. “Democracy in Europe. The EU and National Polities”, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sartori, Giovanni. 1998 “C’eshte demokracia”, Tirane; Dituria Sokoli, Lekë. 2008. “Refleksione sociologjike”, Tiranë: Instituti i Sociologjisë Sokoli, Lekë. 2006. “Komunitarizmi, rasti i Shqiperise”, Tirana Observer, 28 Shtator Tokevil, Aleksis. 2002. “Demokracia ne Amerike”, Tirane; Fondacioni Soros & Kristalina - KH Zakaria, Fareed. 2004. “E ardhmja e lirise”, Tiranë: Instituti i Dialogut dhe Komunikimit Weber, Max. 2009. ”Politika si profesion, Shkenca si profesion, Tre tipat e pastër të sundimit legjitim”, Tiranë: Shtëpia botuese “Fan Noli” Resources on internet www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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http://xroads.virginia.edu/~HYPER/DETOC/toc_indx.html http://www.dot.state.ga.us/dot/preconstruction/urbandesign/ johnsonferry-abernathy/html/cac.shtml http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/section_1048.htm http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/section_1018.htm http://ctb.ku.edu/tools/en/section_1021.htm http://www.memun.org/SchoolsProject/html/Resources/zoning/ PUBHEARING.HTM

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Asst. Prof. Dr. KIRE SHARLAMANOV

Privatization in Western Balkan Countries Abstract In the transition from socialist to capitalist economic system, all Western Balkan countries faced with the process of privatization. Many people related the development of each of these countries to the perspectives that the process of privatization opened. In this article we analyze the specifics of privatization of Western Balkan countries. Key words: Western Balkan countries, process of privatization, development, etc.

Introduction The simplest understanding of privatization reduces it to a process of change of ownership. However, in many cases privatization is not an isolated social phenomenon, but it is related to a broader social occurrence, so in social sciences it is determined as transition. The term transition in political theory implies processes of change of society that occurred in Eastern and Central Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989. After the fall of communism, these countries set their objective to build democratic societies with market economy. Thence, transition is a movement from one to another social occurrence, containing precise changes that occur in a certain time interval. Of all changes that transition includes, two are especially important: â&#x20AC;˘

economic system change, transition from planned to market economy (within these frameworks, the process of privatization is of key importance)

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political system change, transition from etatistic to democratic system (within these frameworks, the process of pluralization of political space is of key importance)

Privatization was supposed to introduce the key institution of market economy (private ownership) in the, till then, contract economics. Few goals were supposed to be achieved with the introduction of privatization: • • • •

Introduction of market mechanisms Growth of competitiveness, efficiency and productivity of enterprises Acceleration of market economy growth Reduction of presence of public or state sector in the economy, as well as reduction of monopolistic tendencies (Arakelyan 2005:69)

Before the fall of Berlin wall, there were certain cognitions from the privatization of certain nationalized industries that were most commonly made by conservative governments in market economies. Most typical was the example of privatization implemented by Margaret Thatcher from the end of 1980’s in Great Britain, followed by the remaining European countries, first of all the Liberal wing of the French conservatives led by Jacques Chirac (Balinger Pamella 2006: 8). Hence, in theory there were certain cognitions, so few manners for implementing privatization were proposed: • • • •

Restitution – returning of property to their owners from the pre-socialist period Public sale through tenders and public auctions Enterprise buyout by employees and management (managementemployee buyout) Mass (voucher) privatization (Popovic 2003: 5-6)

However, the depth of changes, differences in context and diversity in certain countries in Eastern and Central Europe did not allow reliable indication of the best manner for performing privatization. For this reason, every country individually chooses its path of implementing privatization. Here we keep to the process of privatization in Western Balkan countries. “Western Balkan” is a term initially used by institutions of the European Union (EU), for the last Balkan post-communist countries aspirants for joining the union. Thus, the term Western Balkan includes countries that emerged from former Yugoslavia, aside from Slovenia (that is already an EU member), plus Albania. Our analysis will not include the most recent countries in Western Balkan: Montenegro and Kosovo. The reason is that greater time distance is required, to provide relative comprehension of the privatization process that started last in these countries. International Journal of Science | No.3

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The case of Macedonia Privatization in Macedonia began according to the law on social capital and the law on enterprise transformation legislated in 1990 in former Yugoslavia. According to the data of the Macedonian Privatization Agency, more than 600 enterprises in Macedonia were privatized on the basis of these laws. These enterprises were transformed into joint stock companies or limited liability companies. (Macedonian Privatization Agency 2000: 1). Privatization intensity in the Republic of Macedonia increased after passing the new Law on transformation of enterprises with social capital in 1993. The new law projected a procedure for the implementation (supervision) of the previous law on transformation of enterprises with social capital, thus practically acknowledging the output of this law. The law on transformation of enterprises with social capital predicted a model of privatization case by case. The privatization excluded enterprises of special national interest, enterprises that provide public services, as well as 20-25 greatest state enterprises, that had a financial operating problem, wherefore they were designated as ‘losers’. (Winkler 2000: 9). The scheme of privatization of enterprises with social responsibility of R. Macedonia was as follows: • • •

30% of the capital in a form of ordinary shares was shared to employees (similar to vouchers) 15% of capital belonged to the Pension Fund that individually manages its shares 55% of the value of enterprises in a form of ordinary shares was free for sale to domestic, as well as foreign investors. When buying ordinary shares, employees had great discounts. They had initial 30% discount plus 1% discount for each year work experience. Employees were able to buy shares with this discount in a value not higher than 25 000 Deutsche marks, with a grace period of 2 years (Macedonian privatization Agency 2000: 5).

Privatization in Macedonia was so called decentralized privatization meaning that the management of the enterprise should deliver a privatization program to the Privatization Agency. The Privatization Program, inter alia, included the method of privatization. The deadline for program delivery was 1999. Otherwise, the decisions were made by the Privatization Agency. With a Governmental

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decision from 1995, managers were provided to pay their shares in enterprises within 5 years. In most cases this meant redemption of enterprise shares by managers with the profit that the enterprise obtains. The manner of privatization implementation in R. Macedonia left foreign investors outside of the privatization process (Winkler 2000: 12-14). The objective of privatization was to contribute for the increase of efficiency and productivity of enterprises. The assumption was that private ownership led by logics of profit maximization will incline towards maximal operative efficiency. Winkler (2000: 10) concluded that Macedoniaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s case is an examplethat private ownership automatically does not imply greater efficiency of enterprises. In the case of Macedonia it turned out that owners, and particularly employees (who were simultaneously shareholders) intended to retain their job positions, and work efficiency and profit maximization were marginalized. Therefore nothing changed from the time of socialism in the privatized enterprises, except that socialist managers became enterprise owners. Privatization didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t bring them new capital, management, knowledge, skills, technology, markets.

The case of Serbia Serbia is probably the country where there was most frequent change of legislation according to which privatization progressed. Changes of legislation occurred in 1990, 1994, 1997, 2001, 2003, 2004, 2007 and 2008 (Ergic, Stosic and Stefanovic 2010: 2). The legislation of former Yugoslavia gave its results in the first half of the 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s in Serbia, provided that this federal legislation was followed by the Republican Serbian legislation in this area. So in 1990, a law was passed according to which all types of ownership were equated, so that in 1991 the Serbian parliament brought the Law on conditions and procedures of transformation of collective ownership into other forms of ownership. According to this law, privatization did not refer to enterprises that were state-owned, andenterprises owned by the public selfgovernment. Due to the privatization type, that was basically insider privatization, enterprises bought up managing teams, so no significant changes occurred in the management of these enterprises. Privatization in Serbid has only one anomaly in this period. Due to high inflation, the price of enterprises was very low. In 1997 a Law was passed, on transformation of socially-owned enterprises that did not include most of the socially-owned enterprises, especially well positioned ones. According to this law, only smaller enterpriseswere privatized, so that until the beginning of

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2000 not more than 10% of total capital were privatized (Popovic 2003: 10-11; Begovic, Mijatovic and Zivkovic 2000:6). After change of governance that occurred in 2000, the approach to privatization was changed. Already in 2001 a new Law was passed for transformation of social capital according to which privatization became compulsory for all enterprises with social capital. In the privatization process, 70% of capital was supposed to be transformed by a tender or auction, and 30% of capital was transferred to employees or citizens (Popovic 2003: 10-11). The method of privatization was sale of enterprises through tenders and public auctions. The objective was to reach a clear ownership structure of enterprises. The bided price was the most significant, however, it was not the only criterion in selecting the most favorable bid. Simultaneously, instead of insider privatization, the entry of foreign capital in Serbian economy was encouraged. Foreign investors were expected to bring cash flow, introduction of new technologies, approach with foreign markets and managing skills. In 2002 and 2003 the most attractive parts of Serbian economy were sold and most significant financial assets were obtained (Ergic, Stosic and Stefanovic 2010: 3).

The case of Croatia Privatization in Croatia started after the acquisition of independence and formation of the Privatization Fund in 1992 (Balinger 2006: 11). According to the Law on privatization of socially owned enterprises, the enterprises were left space to choose the method of privatization themselves. The deadline for submitting the program with the privatization method by privately owned enterprises was 30.07.1992. The transformation process of social enterprises continued at the same pace by the end of September 1993. For the enterprises that didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t select a privatization method, this was done by the Privatization Fund. The basic privatization methods used in Croatia were sale, conversion of owned dept, privatization with additional capital. Sales projected a possibility for employees to buy shares in the enterprises they work in with a value up to 20.000 DM, with a 20% discount plus 1% discount for each year working experience. Employees in enterprises were able to buy mostly 50% of ownership. According to the law, part of the shares in enterprises 30% was gained by the Health Insurance Fund, the Pension Insurance Fund and the Insurance Fund for disabled people (Vojnic 1993:100-101). By the end of September 1993, 350 000 agreements were signed with investors who bought shares in the transforming enterprises. Most of investors www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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(80%) selected the option for progressive payment in a period of 5 years, provided that in the first year they paid only 5% of the total share value (Vojnic 1993:100). This process noticed an important impulse in 1995 with the end of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the achievement of the Dayton agreement. After the governance change in 2000, the new Government consolidated the Privatization Fund, accelerated the process of privatization, provided entry of foreign investments (Balinger 2006: 11). In the scientific and general public dominates the opinion that privatization in Croatia was controversial and relatively unsuccessful. The reason for the controversy Balinger (2006) finds in the self-regulating mentality that employees acquired in the period of Yugoslavia that makes the privatization an unpopular and controversial process, while Vojnic (1993) noticed that privatization in Croatia is relatively unsuccessful from financial point of view. According to him, there are two reasons for this: first, the lack of financial assets of domestic investors, and second, the relatively great risk for investing in Croatia for foreign investors.

The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina Generally, almost all countries of former Yugoslavia implemented privatization in an echo of war. Although all countries suffered some serious economic damage, Bosnia and Herzegovina has the most serious consequences. For this reason, privatization in Bosnia was considered one of the instruments that can revitalize economy through entry of foreign investors. However, recent military experiences, political instability and vacuum of functional institutions were factors indicating the careful investing in Bosnia. This was one of the basic motives to choose the voucher model of privatization in Bosnia. Certainly, there were other motives such as repayment to military invalids, military veterans (these categories gained almost half of the total fund of vouchers), the outstanding saving debts in banks etc. Donais (2002: 10-11) indicates that national division in Bosnia also came to the fore during privatization implementation. Vouchersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; distribution in the Federation, thus in Serbia as well, first projected registration of citizens and then getting vouchers that discriminated minorities, refugees and displaced persons1. Despite the serious critics suffered by voucher privatization, it gave certain results. So, in 2001, 100 1. According to the Constitution, the territorial organization of Bosnia and Hercegovina consists of two parts: a Federation where Bosnians and Croats are dominant population and Republic of Serbia where Serbs are dominant population.

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enterprises in the Federation and 850 in Serbia were available for the individual voucher shareholders and investment funds. In 2000, many international organizations (USAID, OHR, World Bank, IMF) indicated the need for changing the approach to privatization and attracting foreign investors for obtaining funds for country’s revitalization. A list of 140 strategicenterprises was made, 86 in the Federation and 52 in Serbia where foreign investors were supposed to enter (Donais 2002: 11). However, there were no particularly convincing arguments that this new approach to privatization will be successful in attracting foreign investors. Some examples of privatization with foreign investors gave signals that foreign investors need to be careful when investing in Bosnia.

The case of Albania The privatization process in Albania started after the second parliamentary elections held in March 1992. The basic lawthat regulated privatization in Albania is the Law on Privatization, an Act that was passed in 19.11.1992 (Mema and Koci 2001: 2). Due to the long pretransformational period when the country lived in a sort of vacuum there was a need of better implementation in market economy. Small and medium enterprises, for which there was no interest by foreign buyers, were sold to their workers. The selected method for privatization of more serious enterprises in Albania was the voucher model of mass privatization, that increases the influence of employees (insiders) in the enterprise’s operation. Implementation of a privatization program began in 1995 through the use of vouchers.2The Government failed to implement the program’s methodology. Normative acts that followed afterwards limited the use of vouchers. The program was abrogated in 2000 (Mema and Koci 2001: 2). Immediately after termination of voucher privatization, it seemed that the model Albania selected didn’t give the desired results. The most important reason for remarks was the unclear ownership structure and the many owners’enterprises had. Hence, the second stage of privatization was very important, that consisted of shares’ concentration in enterprises. The privatization of the sector of strategic importance began in 1998. More precisely, on 14.03.2008 a “Strategy for privatization of the especially important sector” was adopted. The program projected privatization of almost 75% of country’s national treasure including: oil and natural gas sector, electricity, 2. The law on distribution of privatization vouchers, adopted by the Albanian Assembly on 23.02.1995

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telecommunications, transport, mineral and water resources etc. which were all natural monopolies. This process was implemented with many controversies and problems. This was thought as one of the manners for collecting funds in the state budget (after the collapse of the banking system in 1997), there was suspicion that many enterprises are privatized by mediation of political favoring (Malaj and Mema 2003: 6).

Results of privatization If we compare the set objectives and achieved results of privatization, we can conclude that some of the important objectives of privatization are the achieved ones. Namely, by mediation of the privatization process, an institution â&#x20AC;&#x153;private ownershipâ&#x20AC;? is implemented as a dominant one from the countries of Western Balkan, as well as market mechanisms. But it seems that the price paid for introduction of market mechanisms is very high. From economic viewpoint in many countries privatization did not give the desired results first of all in terms of increase of enterprise productivity and efficiency. However, there are important differences between Western Balkan countries depending on the privatization model. It seems that the countries that chose direct sale as a privatization method were more successful that those who chose management buyout, where enterprises remained at old managing teams that worked in contract economics, did not possess knowledge to manage the newly occurred circumstances, didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have a market, the enterprises got them for relatively low prices and were satisfied with a status quo situation or certain share of the domestic market or voucher privatization (many owners and unclear ownership structure).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

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Arakelyan Vazgen (2005) Privatization as a Mean of Property Redistribution in Republic of Armenia and in the Russian Federation; Tampere: Acta Universitatis Tamperensis Balinger Pamella (2006) Selling Croatia or Selling out Croatia? Tourism, Privatization and Coastal Development Issues in a “New” Democracy; Washington: he Nacional Council for Euroasian and East Europian Research Begovic Boris, Mijatovic Bosko and Zivkovic Bosko (2000) The New Model of Privatization in Serbia; Belgrade: Center for Liberal Democratic Studies Donais Timothy (2002) The Politic of Privatisation in Post-Dayton Bosnia; Southeast European Politics Vol. III, No. 1, pp 3-19 Ergic Dejan, Stosic Ivan and Stefanovic Sasa (2010) Prizatization and Restructuring Process of Serbian Economy is part of project “The Integration of Serbian Economy into the EU – Planning and Finansing of Regional and Rural Development and Enterprise Development Policy; Belgrade: Ministry of Science and Technological Development of Republic of Serbia Macedonian Prtivatization Agency (2000) Privatization in Republic of Macedonia Malaj Arben and Mema Fatmir (2003) Strategic Privatisation, its Achievments and Challenges; Budapest: Bamberg Economic Research Group Mema Fatmir and Koci Nevruz (2001) Mass Privatisation prosecc and post Privatisation in Albania; South and Eastern European Development Centre: Conference “Restructuring, Stability and Development in Southeastern Europe. Nikolovska Natalija and Sundic Dragomir (2002) Globalization and Economic Downfall of Countries in Transition; Skopje: Magor Popovic Dusan (2003) Privatization in Serbia: The second Run; Belgrade: G 17 Institute

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Vojnic Dragomir (1993) Croaton Economy in Transition; This paper have been presented at the Workshop of EuropeanEconomic Interaction and Inegration, Session XV, organised by The ViennaInstitute for Comparative Economic Studies under the title “Transformation of theEast European Economies, 1989-1993: critical assessments and ways out of thecrisis”, Vienna 21 to 25 November 1993. Winkler Adalbert (2000) Private and Financial Sector Development: The Case of Macedonia; Frankfurt: University of Wurzburg.

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Adea Pirdeni, PhD Candidate

Constitutional Jurisdiction and Protection of Fundamental Rights: A Retrospective Analysis on the Right of Individuals to Seize the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Albania Abstract The first Constitutional Court of the Republic of Albania was established in 1992 in a time of major social, economic and institutional transformation. Right after its composition the Constitutional Court acted as a controlling mechanism over state institutions towards ensuring proper protection of human rights. The way in which the Constitutional Court has interpreted and weighted fundamental freedoms and rights based on claims submitted by individuals and other entities representing individual fundamental rights, has served in shaping and making them more and more directly applicable. This paper examines some core issues and concerns on the evolution of the right of the individual to seize the Constitutional Court, looking over at the past two decades of the activity of the Court, taking into consideration the case-law of the Court before and after the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania in 1998. A special focus will be also set on the significant influence of the European Court of Human Rights case-law over the decisionmaking of the Constitutional Court in human rights matters. At the last section, some conclusions will be drawn arguing on the efficiency of this mechanism of protection of fundamental rights and controversies related to the challenges that its application represents nowadays. Key words: Fundamental rights, Constitutional Court, access to court, European Court of Human Rights.

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Introduction The trends of the lasts 20 years and the dimension that human rights have acquired as cornerstones in establishing a democratic country governed by the rule of law, are oriented into including the protection of fundamental rights within the realm of the Constitutional Courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s adjudication. Scrutiny by Constitutional Court of cases resulting by the intervention of the state into fundamental rights are becoming more and more present in the activity of contemporary Constitutional Courts. In states where Constitutional Courts are granted competencies in this area, they appear as a very efficient form of protection of rights and freedoms. From the viewpoint of the individual, the Constitutional Court becomes a useful mechanism into granting their rights. On the other hand the Constitutional Court accomplishes its role of guardian of the supremacy of Constitution over other acts of lower level. Establishing of Constitutional Courts and according them the right to review complaints submitted by individuals was a fundamental solution for countries that suffered from the aftermath of totalitarian regimes. (Sadushi 2012, pp. 309). Such complaints are of crucial importance, since they constitute a tool which allows for the direct application of the Constitution. As elaborated by the doctrine, the direct appeal is a procedural act through which a natural or legal person, seizes the constitutional judge, without intermediary, for the purpose of reviewing the constitutionality of an act. (Pfersman 2001, pp. 66). This kind of access at the Constitutional Court was provided since the establishment of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Albania in 1992 and for the purpose of conducting a comparative retrospective; the following paragraphs will consider essential differences between the type of access before and after the entry into force of the Constitution in 1998. Additionally, a glance at the recent developments in the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court will be drawn as well.

1. Access of the individual before the entry into force of the Constitution The fall of the communist regime, was followed by significant changes in the state institutions and social structures. These changes have transformed the

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concept of human rights as well. In the early 1990s, the Fundamental Constitutional Provisions (FCP) entered into force. They served as a set of interim constitutional laws (1991-1993) which replaced the Constitution of 1976. These laws were adopted to regulate the basics of the organization and functioning of the state during a transitory period which was meant to lead to the adoption of a new Constitution. One of the distinguished features that the FCP had, through the amendment titled “Organization of Justice and the Constitutional Court’, was that it gave extensive powers to the Constitutional Court to protect fundamental rights although a catalog of rights wasn’t adopted yet (it was introduced by the amendment of the FCP Law 7693 dated 31.03.1993). Based on such amendments (Art. 25), every individual by means of a request could seize the Constitutional Court against unlawful acts that have violated fundamental rights. Moreover, if the Court found infringement of rights protected by constitutional provisions, it decided for the recognition of such right and if it was the case, it restores the situation and orders the compensation of the damage caused (Art. 24 paragraph 10). The Constitutional Court had the right to decide whether any state authority, any social organization or legal person shall invalidate, abrogate or change individual decision which violates the person’s constitutional rights. According to this article, it can be argued that such provision aim at shaping a model similar to recurso de amparo, the one applicable in many Hispanic countries, where the aim of the scrutiny applied by Constitutional Courts is the unconstitutionality of administrative and judicial acts, excluding acts of the legislative. Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court has accepted several times requests submitted by individuals who challenged legal provisions or other normative acts. In this way it has interpreted in extenso the right of individuals to seize the Constitutional Court [Decisions (1994) 10, (1997) 8, (1997) 53]. This brings us to the conclusion that the way in which the Court has interpreted the right of individuals or legal persons to address to the Constitutional Court was similar to the German model of Verfassungsveschwerde (Constitutional Complaint) which de lege lata it does not result from the scope of article 24 of the FCP. In the light of the foregoing, the margin of granting fundamental rights by the Constitutional Court before the entry into force of the Constitutions was significantly broad. There are several cases where the Court has made clear its standing on cases of granting equality, right of speech and due process rights [Decisions (1997) 11, (1992) 10, (1997) 45, (1998) 25]. Besides enlarging the scope of the constitutional complaint, during this period of time the Constitutional Court has made use of its right to initiate a constitutional issue ex officio in cases of abolishing provisions that violated human rights, such as fixed punishments provisions at the Criminal Code. [Decisions (1997) 13, (1997) 14]. In this way the Court increased the level of protection of fundamental rights.

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2. Access of the individual based on the Constitution of the Republic of Albania By the entry into force of the Constitution in 1998, the form of access of the individual at the Constitutional Court appears considerably shrunken vis-à-vis the former provisions of the FCP. In sketching out the new Constitutional provision and their interpretation by the Constitutional Court, it can be asserted that individuals can file a request at the Constitutional Court only in cases of impairment of the right of a due process of law (Art. 131 “f” of the Constitution). With regard to other rights provided in the constitution, individuals are not entitled to seize the Constitutional Court. In seeking to draw another parallel, the Constitutional Court has only the right to abolish acts under review and cannot grant compensation or redress of any kind. Although limiting the right of the individual to address to the Court only on the basis of infringement of due process of law rights, the Constitution has provided other forms in which an individual or legal person can challenge acts of a general nature such as laws or acts of the government. These can be considered as forms of indirect access.

a. Indirect access of the individual The Constitutional Court’s process can be initiated by several subjects who are mentioned in article 134 of the Constitution. Considering this provision as well as the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court, among the subjects can be distinguished several of them which can act on behalf of the individual in requesting before the Court the recognition of protected fundamental rights, other than due process rights. The access of such subjects is considered essential in compensating the restricted form of direct access which the Constitution has provided for individuals. Such subjects are to be considered the following: Ombudsman, organizations and the judge in a preliminary ruling according to article 145/2 of the Constitution. Taking into account the mission of the Ombudsman, he deals with cases of breach of constitutionally and legally protected rights and liberties by public administration institutions’ actions. Where on the basis of such breaches it is the application by the administration of a law or normative act deemed to be unconstitutional, the Ombudsman is entitled to seize the Constitutional Court and to request its repeal. In several cases the Ombudsman has acted as an alter ego of individuals in asking the

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review of constitutionality of acts within its jurisdiction. [Decisions (2000) 47, (2006) 20]. According to Decision (2007) 40 of the Constitutional Court has acknowledged that “The right of the Ombudsman to seize the Constitutional Court is considered as an additional warranty that was indirectly awarded to the individual in order to restore his violated rights.” Besides the Ombudsman, the Constitution according to article 134 /1 paragraph “f” has granted to “political parties and other organizations”, the right to initiate a process at the Constitutional Court. While political parties can seize the Court for different interests regarding their participation in the political life and electoral process, what the Constitution meant by “other organizations” doesn’t appear to be clear enough. Its wording can lead us assuming that the Constitution referred solely to non-governmental organization. Nevertheless, according to the interpretation that the Court has pronounced in Decision (2008) 17, what the drafters of the Constitutions meant with the term “organization” is an organization of political, ethnical, cultural, religious, linguistic, social, economic, commercial nature, unions and others, without limiting the type of such organizations. In a significant number of cases the Constitutional Court has dealt with cases brought by organizations such as NGO’s, Labor Unions and even Chambers of Notaries or Attorneys in granting equality or fundamental rights [Decisions (2003) 15, (20030 25, (2005) 30, (2007) 35, (2010) 4, (2011) 4)]. What characterizes this way which leads to the Court proceedings is that these organizations’ scope is not the interest of a single individual but that of a collective group of people or to the public in general that can in any way be affected by the unconstitutional provisions of a law or a sublegal act. This mechanism appeared to be one of the most effective and most easily accessible ways of requesting the respect of fundamental rights in front of the Constitutional Court. At last, according to a preliminary ruling procedure in article 145/2 of the Constitution, judges of every level can suspend the ongoing process and send the case to the Constitutional Court, assuming that they consider as unconstitutional the applicable law of the case they are reviewing. The parties of the process or even the judge by its own initiative can raise the question of unconstitutionality. Thus the judge is a crucial intermediary for individuals to seize the Constitutional Court. According to the Constitution the decision delivered by the Constitutional Court will be binding to other courts, therefore the impact of such decision exceeds the parties of the case and can reach other individuals that would be eventually harmed by the law under review. This way of initiating a process at the Court was used when the Constitutional Court abolished the death penalty [Decision (1999) 65] along with numerous other reaffirmations of fundamental rights. [Decision (2010) 12, (2010) 18, (2010) 27, (2012) 47].

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b. Direct access According to article 134 of the Constitution, individuals can directly seize the Constitutional Court for issues which fall within their interest. By a literal interpretation of this article, it can be asserted that individuals are entitled to initiate a process as long as they can connect their request with an interest that was harmed by an unconstitutional act. However, since articles of the Constitution cannot be interpreted isolated from each other, the Constitutional Court has stated that the access of the individual is only linked with article 131 (f) under which the Court has among its competences the duty to deliver a final adjudication of the complaints of individuals for the violation of their constitutional rights to due process of law, after all legal remedies for the protection of those rights have been exhausted. Therefore, individual claims for the protection of fundamental rights, other than those related to the due process of law cannot be raised at the Constitutional Court since the courts of the Judicial System are vested with the competence. This was the rationale used during the debate of drafting the Constitution (Zaganjori et al. 2011, pp. 83). This instrument constitutes the only mean of direct access of the individual to the Constitutional Court. Based on the formulation of this paragraph the following elements can be drawn: a. The submission of the request shall be made by an individual The individual in the meaning of article 131 â&#x20AC;&#x153;fâ&#x20AC;?, presupposes the natural person which is affected into his right of due process. Nevertheless the submission of such request is not an action intuitu personae, since it can be presented by a representative based on a power of attorney (Pirdeni 2010, pp. 121). Likewise, there is no limitation whereby this right applies only to Albanian citizens and not to foreign citizens. Furthermore it can be asserted that such right is also granted to legal persons, according to Article 16/2 of the Constitution which provides that fundamental rights apply to legal persons in the same way as to natural persons as long as they fall within the aim of these persons and the substance of those rights. While this right to seize the Court can be easily applicable to private legal persons, such as companies or organizations, there are controversies in deciding whether it extends to public legal persons as well. It is clear from the wording of article 15/2 that state institutions are bound to respect fundamental freedoms as well as to contribute to their realization. Therefore they are not meant to become beneficiaries of such rights. However, the adjudication of the Constitutional Court seem to have drawn a clear line in accepting due process of law claims coming

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from public legal persons [Decisions (2003) 39, (2006) 22], since the merits of the case are not related to substantial fundamental rights but rather to procedural rights, which shall be respected with no regard to the parties of a process. There are as well several cases where request from public officials have been accepted which makes us think that the latter can benefit from such remedy [Decisions (2002) 28, (2007) 26]. 2. Violation of the due process of law right The due process of law clause is considered as a guarantee against unfair actions of state institutions and that no fundamental freedoms or rights are affected without ensuring the application of fair procedures. The due process of law clause in the Albanian Constitution is provided in article 42, which states that “Liberty, property, and rights recognized in the Constitution and by law may not be infringed without due process. Everyone, in order to protect his constitutional and legal rights, freedoms, and interests, or in the case of charges against him, has the right to a fair and public trial, within a reasonable time, by an independent and impartial court as specified by law.” Moreover, due process encloses a wide spectrum of rights provided in other articles of the Constitution such as the right of appeal, presumption of innocence, right of defense, right to be informed about the accusation, prohibition of double jeopardy and reformation in pejus [Decisions (2006) 16, (2008) 21, (2009) 10]. The application of due process rights extends to non-judicial procedures as well. The requirement of due process encompasses a large variety of judicial, administrative and even parliamentary processes. (Vorpsi 2012, pp. 74) From 2006 on the Constitutional Court has made a significant shift in including under its sphere of protection the non-enforcement of decisions as part of the right of a due process [Decision (2006) 6]. This positive development came after the adjudication of the ECtHR on “Qufaj and Co. vs. Albania” (2004) which considered the Constitutional Court as a remedy according to article 13 of the Convention in accepting cases on the basis of non-enforcement of decisions. Since then the Constitutional Court has delivered several decisions by ensuring the respect of non-enforcement as the final phase of a proceeding [Decisions (2009) 1, (2010) 8]. 3. Exhaustion of all other possible remedies. The appeal at the Constitutional Court is admittedly subsidiary, in the meaning that it is considered as an ultima ratio remedy. The object of the request shall be a decision considered as final. In one of its decisions the Court ruled that

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“Constitutional protection has a final function, which means that it only applies to decisions to cases which procedures have been concluded.” [Decision (2005) 9] In the light of the latest developments it is worthwhile mentioning that the Court, for the first time, has acknowledged the protection of the right of a hearing within a reasonable time when accepting a case without exhausting other remedies. [Decision (2012) 12]. This may be considered as a reaction on the ECtHR jurisprudence, based on its statement that “the Government failed to produce that the Constitutional Court ruled on a complaint about the length of proceeding” [ECtHR, Gjonboçari and others vs. Albania (2008)].

Conclusions The forms of access at the individual before and after the entry of the Constitution differ considerably from each other. While the first grants protection by the Court of every right provided in the FCP, the second is only focused on the right of a due process of law. In most of the cases, where the Court repeals decisions of the court of the ordinary justice system, this kind of access appears to be very effective, since it grants the right to individuals to reinitiate e judicial procedure based on fair grounds. However, in cases of non-enforcement of decisions or length of proceeding, the Constitutional Court by a decision of declarative nature only ascertains the unconstitutionality of the situation, and its efficiency in such matters is questionable. This is a consequence of article 132/1 which states that the Constitutional Court has only the right to repeal acts under its jurisdiction and there is no other constitutional reference which provides to the Constitutional Court the right to accord compensation to parties. By referring to the indirect means of access it can be said that they are mechanisms which contribute to broadening the access of the individual. However the latter can only hope that they function properly and that each of them is convinced of the merits of the issue that should be brought at the Constitutional Court. However, relying on the restricted actual form of access, it is remarkable that the Constitutional Court has elaborated and progressively extended the right of due process of law by broadening the sphere of its protection. The case-law of the ECtHR on Albania has significantly impacted the decision making of the Constitutional Court in due process matters, by constituting a constant test of the effectiveness of such remedy.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • •

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Pfersman, O. (2001) Le recour direct entre protection juridique et constitutionnalité objective, Cahier du Conseil Constitutionel 2001/10, Dalloz Pirdeni, A, (2011) A short overview into the access of the individual at the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Albania, Proceedings of the Conference “The Constitutional System and its challenges”, Tirana January 29th 2010, University of Tirana, pp. 119-127 Sadushi, S. (2012) Constitutional Justice in Development, Toena Publishing Vorpsi, A. (2012) Due Process of Law in the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court, Maluka Publishing Zaganjori, Xh. Anasatasi, A. Met’hasani, E. (2011) Rule of Law in the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, Adelprint Constitutional Court Decisions Decision (1992) No. 10 Decision (1994) No. 10 Decision (1997) No. 8 Decision (1997) No. 11 Decision (1997) No. 13 Decision (1997) No. 14 Decision (1998) No. 25 Decision (1997) No. 45 Decision (1997) No. 53 Decision (1999) No. 65 Decision (2000) No. 47 Decision (2002) No. 28 Decision (2003) No. 39 Decision (2006) No. 6 Decision (2006) No. 16 Decision (2006) No. 20 Decision (2006) No. 22 Decision (2007) No. 26 Decision (2008) No. 17 www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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• • • • • • • • • • • •

Decision (2008) No. 21 Decision (2009) No. 1 Decision (2009) No. 10 Decision (2010) No. 8 Decision (2010) No. 12 Decision (2010) No. 18 Decision (2010) No. 27 Decision (2012) No. 12 Decision (2012) No. 47 European Court of Human Rights Decisions Qufaj Co. SHPK vs Albania, (2005) Application No. 54268/00 Gjonboçari and others vs. Albania (2008) Application No. 10508/02

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Mirela Lazimi, PhD Candidate Majlinda Muka, PhD Candidate

Factors that led to the creation of League of prizren Abstract

Albanian revolts for autonomy in the years ‘30 - ‘40 of XIX century, were part of

one side, East Crisis and Russo-Turkish War by the other side, encouraged Heads

years ’70 of the XIX century. territorial breaking of Albania, beginning of which marks the Treaty of Saint

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despite the heterogeneous composition and its vicissitudes, was the first political representative organization of the Albanian people. Key words: external factor, territorial crushing, national movement, the Albanian political currents, expansionist policy of neighboring monarchies, etc.

Introduction In the second half of the century XIX political situation of the Albanian territories kept growing more and more. That was for the interests of the European Great Powers over the Albanian territory. Also, on the begining of the Eastern Crisis of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;70 century XIX, the Albanian public opinion was concerned by series of events and political processes operating in two contradictory directions. On the one hand, the continuous strengthening of the Ottoman centralist apparatus and complete denial by the Porte of the Albanian national rights did not agree with the social and economic processes operating in Albanian society. On the other hand, the struggle for the formation of the Albanian national state is obstructed by tendencies of neighboring monarchies, which aimed to prevent the formation of the Albanian national state and to divide between them the lands of Albania. Eastern crisis found the Albanians neglected in the international arena. For the Albanian territories continued to decide, as before, others, the European Great Powers. Balkan peoples, set up their own national states, taking advantage of gradual weakness of Turkey, began to expand its borders more and more to the detriment of the Albanian nation. So Albanians were forced to wake up and in 1877 began to strive for freedom. Such efforts materialized in the history of the League of Prizren.1

Albania during the year 70 of century XIX In spring 1382 when Timur Tash Bey with Ottoman armies for the first time touched the Albanian territory, until spring 1878 when the League of Prizren was founded, the Ottoman rule, had never been calm in Albania. This silence was broken by the movement of armed and non-armed Albanian people, content and 1. Belegu, Xh. (1839a). League of Prizren and its actions 1878-1881, p. 3

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results of which were determined by economic structure, social physiognomy, cultural level, political duties or international circumstances that existed at the time were conducted. Generation that took part in the Albanian Movement during 1878 - 1881 was formed in agony conditions of feudal order and to the early birth of capitalist relations, in uprisings climate against the Tanzimat and Renaissance revolutionary ideas. As a result of changes in economic structure, changes occurred in the social structure of the country. The ruling class, landowners, who under the influence of the market economy were approaching to a new class, the reshpere bourgeoisie. Together, these two classes did not want to break away from the Porte, but under its umbrella demanded unification of Albanian lands in a single political unit, in a single Albanian vilayet, equipped with administrative and cultural autonomy.2 But to this attitude does not agree masses of people, who were become the mainstay of the Albanian National Renaissance. Their request was the liberation of the motherland from the yoke of the Ottoman centuries and the creation of an independent Albanian national state, democratic and enlightened. When inside economic and social processes pushed Albania to fight for national liberation, The Porte and The Lantern Patriarchate intensified their efforts to develop an ideological anti Albanian campaign. On the one hand, the Porte was trying to instill religious fanaticism Muslim to Albanians. This “turkmanism” phenomenon, politically was weaken the unity among various faiths of Albanians.3 On the other hand, the Lantern Patriarchate is propagated that the Orthodox Albanians were members of Greek nationality, as it regarded as an element of determining nationality the religion, not language. By the renaissance, the phenomenon of “greekmanism” was as detrimental to the national movement as well as the “turkmanism”. On the eve of the Eastern Crisis, the Ottoman Empire had lost much territory, but again its composition had variety in terms of ethnic structure. Foreign travelers who visited the Balkans before the Eastern Crisis, noted that Albanians immediately distinguished between the variety of nationalities who lived in Eastern Europe4 and defended the thesis that the Albanians were the descendants of the ancient Illyrians and secular dominions had not affected their ethnic identity. By the years 70 of XIX century, the number of Albanian population was not known correctly, as the Ottoman Empire had not done a regular record of its 2. Frasheri, K. (1997a). Albanian League of Prizren, p. 8 – 9 3. Frasheri, K. (1997b), p. 10 4. Frasheri, K. (1997c), p. 11

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residents by ethnicity. The Porte did not present the Albanians as a separate nation, but divide them by practicing faith putting the equal sign: Muslim as Turkish, the Orthodox as Greek, or Catholic as latin. During the years of Eastern Crisis turned out that in the Western Balkans lived more than 1.5 million Albanians equal about 1/6 of the non Turkish poplation that the Ottoman Empire had in Eastern Europe. Concern in this case was that the Albanians werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t recognized as a separate nationality from the Ottoman Empire. Recognition as a separate nationality in the international arena gave the albanians right to have their own national state. Albanian lands too suffered the same fate as itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own population. The Ottoman Empire, not only erased the Albania name from official acts, but these sites were included along with rural Greek, Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbian into a single administrative unit, in Rumelia Elajet. It was therefore difficult to determine the territorial space of Albanian ta the eve of East Crisis. The conflicting views circulating in political studies and literature of the XIX century regarding the geographic extent of Albanians, reflecting the contradictions that exist between scientific objectivity of the honest researchers and political goals of publicist writers or pseudoscientific, who tried to vendicate the anti-Albanian policy of the Great Powers and foreign monarchies. For Albanians came the task of determination in international arene the territorial extention to prevent its breaking between neighboring monarchies.5 During the Russo-Turkish War, the Albanian lands were divided into four vilayets, which the Ottoman Empire denied the existence of ethnic Albania as an expression and undermine the political unity of the Albanians, but also affect their national interests. The fact that in these vilayets national minorities lived on it, grow up the balkan circles ambitions for breaking out the albanian territories. Therefore, in front of Albanians admitted another task along with their recognition as a separate nation, trying to prevent territorial, political and administrative fragmentation even in the form of a vilayet only, provided that this vilayet officially recognized as Albanian Vilayet.6 Thus, at the threshold of Eastern Crisis of the XIX century, albanians were in the midle of two major concerns: on the one hand was the concern that the Ottoman Empire completely denied national rights of Albanians and on the other hand were the goals of neighbouring to breaking out the Albanian territories. In these circumstances, the formation of the Albanian national state became the main goal of the Albanian National Movement. 5. Frasheri, K. (1997d), p. 19 6. Frasheri, K. (1997e), p. 21

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Albanians and Eastern crisis Powers of the time, the Russia of the Great Prince Tsarist, Nikolai Nikolaevic, supported the Balkan Slavic states in the fight for the destruction of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungarian Union, had its plans to invade Bosnia and Herzegovina, while France and England held an indifferent statement. During this time the Eastern crisis of 1875-1878 riched the highest point of its on 27 April 1877, when Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire. As a result of the decay of the Ottoman Empire, the growing liberation movement and the intervention of the Great Powers, in the mid -1970s gave birth to the so-called Eastern Crisis. In its core constitute not only the question of national liberation of enslaved peoples from the Ottoman Empire, but also the issue of the division of possessions of the Ottoman Empire, which included the dismemberment of Albanian territories.7 The begining of East Crisis found the Albanians in strained relations with the Ottoman Empire. Albania did not enjoy any national right. Albanian residents were, according to the expression of a foreign witness, in “abject poverty.” However, police theocratic regime could not exterminate the idea of Albania’s liberation from the yoke of the Ottoman. Albanians had been convinced that the salvation of the country can only be achieved with a general uprising for liberation and the formation of a separate national state of Albanian or, as the expression of a foreign observer, an Albanian free principality. At the beginning of the Eastern Crisis, Albania had ready forces to break an ANTI-liberation uprising, but the Albanian political circles proved to be not ready to its explosion, as negative conjuncture influenced Albanian issue in the international arena. Eastern crisis of 70 years found the Albanians surrounded by disregard of the Great Powers, none of which was not publicly expressed to recognition of their national rights.8 Albanian patriotic circles were convinced that Great Powers cuold not supported the idea of political independence of Albania, aimed to conquest or disintegration of the Albanian territories. This condition is attached to the policy and diplomatic intense activity of three neighboring monarchies provided by the Great Powers to support the realization of their aspirations over the Albanian territories. East crisis created a dangerous situation for ANTI-liberation uprising in Albania. Now the possibility of disintegration of Albania was a real risk. In such 7. Buda, A. et al. (2002a). History of Albanian People, 2nd. Albanian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History, p. 133 8. Buda, A. et al. (2002b), p. 133 – 134

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circumstances, the Albanian political circles set themselves aims to continue its efforts to achieve the unification of Albanian territories in an autonomous vilayet within the Ottoman Empire. Thus, at the beginning of the Eastern Crisis, the creation of an autonomous Albanian vilayet became Albanian patriotic circles program. In the international arena, the Albanian issue would be discussed in Budapest during an agreement signed between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian government, on January 15, 1877. Budapest Treaty was drawn up on the platform adopted six months ago in Rajhshtat and was supplemented by an additional agreement signed on March 18, 1877.9 Rajshtad agreement was the first to introduced Albanian issue in the field of European diplomatic history as a political issue.10 Budapest Treaty, although accepted the idea of an autonomous Albanian state, didn’t define territorial space, which left open the possibility of serious prejudice to the territorial integrity of Albania. With the agreement of Budapest, dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire included within the framework of its expansionary policy the autonomous Albanian state. Negatively for albanian situation were the decisions taken by the Great Powers in the International Conference in London, which concluded its work with the signing of a protocol in March 1877. The conference did not take into consideration at all Albanian issue. London Protocol recognized the principle of autonomy for the nationalities of the Ottoman Empire, but Albanians were expelled from this principle, because its was never seen as a separate nation.11 Russian Empire was disappointed by the London Protocol. The danger of a Russo-Turkish war never left. For the Albanian situation the beginning of the Russo-Turkish War created a situation more complicated than it was before. The general opinion that captured the country’s public opinion at the time was that Albania must to establish as soon as the voice of its rights, otherwise, if its remained passive and more worse, if stayed behind Istanbul, will be identified with the Empire Ottoman and will be called as a Turkish possession, as a prey in the hands of the winner.12 In these circumstances Albanian patriotic circles decided to seek the salvation of the country’s territorial integrity in organizing the armed uprising liberation that would lead to the declaration of Independence. With this movement European diplomacy will be put before a accomplished fait.13 Because of the defeat of the Ottoman armies, The High Porte asked the 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Buda, A. et al. (2002c), p. 137 Frasheri, K. 1989. Albanian League of Prizren, p. 119 Buda, A. et al. (2002d), p. 138 Buda, A. et al. (2002e), p. 139 Buda, A. et al. (2002f), p. 137

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Russian Command to ceasefire. Russia signed in Edirne, on January 31, 1878, the armistice with the Ottoman Empire and a month after the armistice was signed in St. Stefan, on March 3, 1878, the Treaty of Peace between the two empires.

Albania against the Treaty of San Stefano The Treaty of San Stefano had a fatal effect for Albanian territories. The Treaty of San Stefano was not disccused for Albania at all, which for Russia empire did not exist as a subject of political rights. This Treaty was corollary pansllaviste policy, that Russia followed in the Balkans.14 According to the Treaty, nearly half of Albanian lands were given to the Balkan Slavic states. According its agreement Montenegro, Serbia and Romania were recognized as independent states. Bulgaria declared autonomous and would extend to the Ohrid Lake in the west, including thus a part of the Albanian provinces. Niksic cities, Gacka, Shpuza, Podgorica Bar will remain to Montenegro, and provinces Vermosh, Kelmend, Tuz, Tarabosh, Trepsh, Hot, Gruda and Ulcinj too.15 To Romania was recognized region of Dobrudja.16 Serbia was given Sandzak Pristina, Vranje and Leskovac. Against the Treaty of St. Stephen were all population. Albanian anger was directed against Russia and its allies in the Balkans, as well as against the Ottoman Empire, which had signed such an act, condemned to death for their homeland. To the Treaty of St. Stephen had a lot of feedback. On March 30, 1878 was signed a petition by Haji Ymer Efendi. This treaty was protested severely at the petition of 28 April 1878.17 After the signing of the Treaty, the Albanians pulled slogan: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Men come together and fight for our rescued himself, that Turkey was destroyed, and died for us.â&#x20AC;?18 Firstly, Archbishop of Shkodra, sent a telegram to the Austro-Hungarian government. He demanded removal of Montenegrins. Even population of Diber city had heard that the Treaty of St. Stephen had released their provinces to Bulgary stood up too. Danger that is threatening pushed the Albanians to agree with each other, to be joined to protected their homeland. Treaty of St.Stephen gave a powerful 14. Murzaku, Th. (1979). Treaty of San Stefano and the consequences of its implementation for Albanians. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren, Tirana, p. 102 15. Belegu, Xh. (1839b), p. 9 16. Belegu, Xh. (1839c) 17. Belegu, Xh. (1839d) 18. Belegu, Xh. (1839c), p.15

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incentive to create new covenants. Until they merged into a national organization, in front of the regional covenants remained three basic tasks: to mobilized the broad masses in the great movement of protest against unfair decisions of the Treaty of St. Stephen; to be prepared militarily to opposed crushing of Albanian territories; if the decisions of the Treaty will remained in force; to take care to help and accommodate about 150 thousand albanian muhajireen accumulate in the Vilayet of Kosovo, Shkoder, Monastery, who were left without breadshelter. Meanwhile, in April 1878, the Albanian public opinion was informed by the international press about the opposition had found Treaty of St. Stephen from England and Austria-Hungary, which was greatly disturbed by the rapid growth of Russian influence in the Balkan Peninsula through Bulgaria. For this reason, it was decided that the conditions laid down in the Treaty of Saint-Stephen to be reviewed by a special congress of the Great Powers, which, according to the decision which was taken later, would meet in Berlin June 13, 1878.19 The Treaty of St.Stephen, which put an end to the Rusia-Turkish War under Tsarist policy interests, and the Berlin Congress who claimed to review the first in favor of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;equilibriumâ&#x20AC;? of the Great Powers, were in fact both the deedsame policy of the Great Powers.20 To make known the Great Powers to Albanian demands, the Committee of Istanbul, in complete secrecy, decided to hold a national assembly three days before starting the Berlin Congress, specifically on June 10, 1878. The General Assembly was held in one of the rooms of the madrasa built in the XVII century by Mehmet Pasha; This building is located near mosque Bajrak. President of the Assembly was elected delegate Iljaz Dibra (Qoku). Delegates who attended the General Assembly were determined to oppose by any means partition of the Albanian territories, to protect the territorial integrity of Albania. They insistently demanded that the Assembly, as anticipated by them, to form an Albanian League by national character, known as the League of Prizren.

19. Buda, A. et al. (2002g), p. 149 20. Buda, A. (1979a). Albanian League of Prizren and its historical root. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren, Tirana, p. 26

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Conclusion League of Prizren is the first pan-political organization since Skanderbeg glorious time. League of Prizren marked, as an organization, a qualitative leap in terms of political, territorial expansion and war vehicles compared with the previous covenants. Link joined the masses on the basis of a new social political program of advanced democratic national movements, constitutes evidence of increasing economic and social forces, a higher degree of cultural policy that had reached our people, even though in terms of a heavy foreign rule.21 League of Prizren was the result of the interaction of three factors: the antiotoman popular movement of the Tanzimat period, the new ideology of the Renaissance and the Eastern Crisis of the ‘70 XIX century. The interaction of these three factors was the beginning of a higher stage of Albanian national movement that gave the League of Prizren, a qualitatively new physiognomy.22 With armed resistance developed for the protection of the Albanian lands, the League of Prizren showed that these lands can not be treated as chattel market to satisfy the interests of the Great Powers. Its success showed that the autonomy of Albania was a feasible goal, but its pressure showed that the final victory of autonomy went through the difficult paths and needed other enormous efforts to achieve it.

21. Buda, A. (1979a), p. 10 – 11 22. Pollo, S. (1979) Albanian League of Prizren and its struggle for national liberation and unification. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren 1878 – 1881, Tirana, p. 31

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • •

• •

Xhafer Belegu (1839) League of Prizren and its actions 1878-1881 Kristo Frasheri (1997) Albanian League of Prizren Aleks Buda, et al. (2002) History of Albanian People, 2nd. Albanian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History Kristo Frasheri (1989) Albanian League of Prizren Thoma Murzaku (1979) Treaty of San Stefano and the Consequences of its Implementation for Albanians. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren, Aleks Buda (1979) Albanian League of Prizren and its historical root. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren Stefanaq Pollo (1979) Albanian League of Prizren and its struggle for national liberation and unification. In: National Research Conference on the Albanian League of Prizren 1878 – 1881

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ERIK DE VREEDE

Intercultural Education and European Citizenship1 Introduction This contribution will deal with the way in which education can contribute to the development of a European citizenship. The first section, Culture, deals with some closely related basic concepts: culture, civilization, identity, norms and values and cultural differences and commonalities. In the second section, some aspects of the concept of a European citizenship will be discussed. The third section will deal with intercultural education, which is here understood as an education empowering people for an adequate intercultural communication. In this section, we will also briefly discuss the possible contents of this intercultural education. The final section, Intercultural Education and the Values of European Citizenship, brings together some of the thoughts developed in the previous sections.

Culture In this section we will discuss the concept of culture and some of its aspects that are important to our discussions. We will first define culture and in the following subsections discuss civilisation, identity, values and norms and cultural differences and commonalities. 1. This article is a revised and enlarged version of a lecture given at a colloquium on Cultural Values of European Citizenship held in November 2000 at Santiago de Compostela, Spain.

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Culture defined Culture is probably one of the most interesting subjects in social sciences. This is not surprising because our culture more or less determines our life. Consequently, many social scientists have formulated definitions of culture. In 1952 Kroeber and Kluckhohn found and discussed more than 160 definitions of culture. Social scientists have not been idle since 1952. Here, we will not enter into this theoretical but interesting discussion We will define culture as all human behaviour acquired and modified in a group, allowing its members to communicate with each other and to cope with the surrounding nature. It consists of a unique whole of behavioural patterns, based on beliefs, values and norms. This unique whole regulates the behaviour of the members of a society. Culture is a dynamic phenomenon; as a social construct it is susceptible to change by members of a society (De Vreede, 1999). Changes in this social construct can be caused by external factors, like innovations, scientific developments, and contact with other cultures. The development of the pill, for example, led to a significant change in sexual norms and values. This whole of beliefs, norms and values may change, but the essence of it is passed on from the one generation to the other. Through education and imitation we internalize our culture. However, in education and especially in imitation the underlying norms and values of the acquired behaviour are not always evident. When trying to ascertain what the underlying norms or values of a certain behaviour are, one might get the answer that this is the custom. We obviously do not always have a clear and distinct idea about underlying norms and values in our behaviour. In other words: we live our culture without being constantly aware of it or even without knowing what norms and values control at least part of our behaviour. It should be remarked that quite a few definitions and descriptions of culture include the products of this behaviour regulated by this whole of beliefs, norms and values. This is wrong; milking a cow is not the milk. One should make a clear distinction between the behaviour (the culture) and its products. The best oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s of these products survive their producers and form what we call the cultural heritage. The group mentioned in the definition usually is a society. Here, a society is at least a nation-state or country. Countries like The Netherlands and Poland have their own cultures differing from each other on several points. Like all cultures they are not homogenous, but composed of several subcultures. In the Netherlands one

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finds several subcultures, related to the various regions. Those in the South of the Netherlands are more extrovert and easygoing, whereas the more northern ones are rather introvert and laid back. These are so to say subsets of the set called the Dutch culture Subcultures can be compared to variations on a musical theme (Smolicz, 1981). There also are more temporary subcultures. Youth culture is the classic example; the youth culture of the one generation is different from the one of the next generation.

Civilization A phenomenon closely related to culture is civilization. People often consider it a synonym for culture. Yet, it is good to make a distinction between the two. Some of the beliefs, values and norms allow for behaviour that gives the society no cause for pride. Only a few examples: the underrepresentation of women in higher positions, and the existence of pig farms where thousands of pigs are bred in an industrial way in order to get them in the shortest possible time ripe for the slaughterhouse. There are also two closely related phenomena: stereotypes and prejudice against other people. Stereotypes are pronouncements or judgements about other groups that are not based on facts. Prejudices are judgements based on stereotypes in which groups are valued unfavourably of even reprehensible (Hagendoorn, L. 1986 , 128). We are inclined to let those nasty matters go by and paint a rosy picture of our culture. This rosy and ideal picture of our culture is called civilization. Civilization is, as it were, the culture without these obnoxious and embarrassing hairs and warts. Part and parcel of this rosy picture are the auto-stereotypes; stereotypes people hold of their own group. The Dutch, for example consider themselves tolerant. Most immigrants know better. Some people consider themselves civilized. They are decent law-abiding people; usually in the higher echelons of society. They pay taxes and show consideration for possible sensitivities in other people. Their way of life is –at least in their own eyes– beyond reproach and others in society should adopt that way of life and become civilized as well. In their eyes being civilized is a desirable situation everyone should aspire to. That explains the importance attached to moral and civic education for all. This is not only an obligation for individual members of society. It can also serve as an example other societies should try to emulate. Not so long ago this brought Western European countries to “export” their civilization to their colonies. Colonial powers often encouraged missionaries because their work and

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savages”. For discerning outsiders, people belonging to another culture, the rosiness of

results.

Identity

than the one of a young adult. We only become aware of it when confronted with other people. Not only when a police oﬃcer asks for my ID, but in all more normal contacts with other people I may and ideas. more or less negligible, we rest at ease and feel, as it were, at home with the others.

mechanism for safeguarding one’s personality in the contacts with others. It helps us

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Members of groups, like the Dutch Association of Moralists, share certain qualities, beliefs and ideas related to the very nature or raison d’être of their group. In contact with a declared enemy of moralism a member of that association will, of course, react. He will feel personally challenged in the aspects of his identity related to the membership of that association. What we call group identity actually is at most the whole of specific qualities, beliefs and ideas the group members share. It is only a part of a person’s identity. A part the group members have in common; a part based on the raison d’être of the group. As such, it is far less complex than the identity of the individuals. It owes its importance to the fact that a group is more important and powerful than its individual members. When a group is convinced that its interests are threatened, its reactions may well be inimical to the public interest of society or at least cause societal unrest. Yet, the qualities, beliefs and ideas of the French Association of Moralist are different of those of the Dutch one. The difference in national culture explains this difference. This brings us to the concept of national identity. The nation is the political manifestation of the society within its geographical borders. Membership of the various societal groups is more or less voluntary. Citizenship, belonging to a nation/state is not voluntary; one usually is a citizen of a nation/ state by birth. Citizenship entails certain obligations, like respect for government officials, paying taxes; in short loyalty to the state. The nation or state postulates a common civilization and tries to instil it through education more specifically through civic education. Part of this common civilization is the obligatory loyalty to common interest of the nation. Just as societal groups, nations do not have an identity. What we call the national identity, is the whole of qualities, beliefs and ideas the citizens have with regard to their nation or state. National identity comes to the fore when there is reason to be proud of one’s country, for example, when the national football team becomes the European champion. Perceived threats to the nation/state can also appeal to the national identity. Some political entrepreneurs use the argument of a threat to the national identity to their own ends. They conjure up threats based on small observable items like women with headscarves or the refusal to shake hands with a member of the opposite sex. Behaviour that is more or less alien to our culture or civilization. In their reasoning these small and seemly insignificant items, are part of a still hidden scheme to take control of our Western society and introduce the sharia. This, of course, falls on fertile ground of the fear for fundamentalist terrorism.

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Norm and Values

interchangeable, which is an instance of sloppy usage. The norm is the socially accepted rule or standard. The value is the measure by which people are willing to conform to that rule or standard. Apart from what people may tell about their norms and values, one can desirable and the desired. There is a difference between the expressed opinions how the world ought to be and what people want for themselves. The norm is however, the desired norm apparently allows some people to evade taxes and condone white lies. not there are universal norms and values (Cf De Vreede, 1998). What we can observe, however, is that behaviour differs in different cultures. If, according to Haring (1949), culture is behaviour governed by norms and values, one cannot but conclude that norms and values are at least not so universal that they result, differences.

Cultural Differences and Commonalities We all know that by going abroad we will be sure to encounter people behaving in a way we may ﬁnd strange or even repulsive. Here, we are confronted with cultural diﬀerences. This strange or repulsive behaviour is, of course, based on norms and values. Since we are all human beings one might wonder whether or not there are at least some common denominators in the various systems of norms and values. cultures. They were:

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1. Power distance. The extent to which the less powerful members of a society expect and accept that power is distributed unequally (Hofstede, 1991, 28). Power distance has to do with the acceptance or non-acceptance of inequality in society. Between societies –even within Europe– one can find considerable differences in the accepted power distance.

2. Individualism-collectivism On the individualistic pole of this dimension people are expected to look after themselves and their immediate family members. On the collectivistic pole people are right from their birth members of strong cohesive groups protecting them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty. (Hofstede 1991, 51)

3. Masculinity-femininity This dimension deals with the way the gender role is conceived. In more masculine societies the gender roles are very distinct, whereas they can overlap in the more feminine societies ((Hofstede, 1991, 83).

4. Uncertainty avoidance ‘… the extent to which members of a culture feel threatened by uncertain or unknown situations’ (Hofstede, 1991, 113) Cultural differences can be explained by the different positions cultures occupy on these four dimensions. Of course, these positions on the dimensions also have a great influence on education, teaching and learning (Hofstede, 1986) On the other hand, the four dimensions also show how much the different cultures have in common. While cultural differences receive a lot of attention, relatively little attention has been paid to these commonalities in cultures. We will come back to that further down.

Citizenship Here, ‘European citizenship’ is understood as being a citizen of one of the member nation-states of the Council of Europe. Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary defines citizen as “a person who lives in a particular country, state, or city; used especially when referring to rights or duties”. Citizenship is defined as; the particular nationality that you have and the official status, rights and duties that you have because of it. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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One of these duties is the allegiance or loyalty to the state. This allegiance and loyalty is considered so important that it is one of the main aims in civic education programs. Apart from education there are various other ways to instil a kind of national identity into the citizens; one should be proud of one’s nationality. There are, of course many other obligations, but they do not interest us in this context. Being citizen of a state implies that one has certain rights. Here, the right to free interaction or communication with other fellow citizens is the most important one. It is even that important that it can be used as a criterion to assess the value of a culture or civilization (De Vreede, 1998). A state may well guarantee this right to its citizens, but we all know that there are restrictions. In most European countries this freedom ends where it infringes the freedom of other citizens. Laws codify these restrictions. In the Netherlands, for example, a law forbids racist and discriminating interaction. Moreover, there are restraints that make a real free interaction or communication at least difficult. Differences in socio-economic and/or educational achievement more often than not hinder a real free interaction and communication between citizens of one state. Behaving like a citizen, exercising one’s rights and fulfilling one’s obligations is, of course, governed by a set of norms and values, the norms and values of citizenship. This is usually considered important enough to warrant special educational efforts in some form of civic education.

European Citizenship If we now turn to European citizenship, we can see the same right to free communication and interaction and of course the obligation of allegiance and loyalty to Europe. As in the case of the state, exercising the rights and fulfilling one’s obligations to Europe are governed by norms and values. Unfortunately, this set of norms and values is not as clear as one would want it to be, at least not as clear as the set governing the civic behaviour as a member of a state. Here, there is clearly a need for educational intervention. The free communication is not only one of the quintessential rights of the European citizen and, consequently, of European citizenship, it is also one of the prerequisites for a more and more unified Europe. Yet, we are here confronted with additional restraints and problems. We all know that by going abroad we can be sure to encounter people behaving in a way we find strange or even repulsive. Here, we have to do with cultural differences. They are the cause of many misunderstandings

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and even of minor conflicts between people of a different nationality and culture. In Europe, our contacts with European citizens of other nationalities become increasingly frequent and more intensive. The cultural differences between the European states are a complicating factor in this increasing and necessary interaction and communication between Europeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s citizens. However, this free and unhindered interaction and communication is of utmost importance to a more unified Europe. It is simultaneously the hallmark of a unified Europe and an essential factor in bringing this unification about.

Intercultural Education In its values and norms a culture regulates, among other things, the communication between the members of the society with that culture. This is not to say that there will not be any difficulties in this communication. A difference in subculture may already cause some problems. As a rule, they can easily be overcome. It becomes more difficult, however, when the communicating persons belong to different cultures. We then talk about intercultural communication. The problem is that both parties do not exactly know the rules governing communication in the other personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s culture. Cultural differences pose a problem for the free and profound communication of the various European citizens. These obstacles are not the most difficult to overcome. Much more serious are ethnocentrism and xenophobia. Here, the general idea is that the citizens of the European countries should be able to communicate and interact with each other working towards a more unified Europe. To this end it is necessary that they learn to appreciate each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cultures. This leads to a call for internationalisation of education. In Europe, that has taken the form of an insistence on a European dimension in education. It is, of course, impossible (if at all desirable) to overcome this problem pursuing an overall European culture. It will be more fruitful to work towards a mutual understanding of and a modus vivendi with these differences. This is the ultimate goal of intercultural education. It aims at empowering people for an adequate intercultural communication. In this intercultural communication they will have to deal with and overcome problems like ethnocentrism, prejudice, and xenophobia and cultural differences. Like any communication, intercultural communication depends on the interactive competencies of the communicating parties. People have to acquire the knowledge and the skills to recognise ethnocentrism and the resulting stereotypes, prejudice and expressions of xenophobia in themselves as

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well as in others. Moreover they have to acquire the skills to challenge them and to try to change them. In intercultural education, cultural differences are considered important, because they form the basis of the explanation of communication problems. In handbooks on intercultural education and communication one will find information about ways to deal with cultural differences; how to act and react to behaviour in a given culture. It is not surprising that especially in the world of commerce and industry much attention is being paid to this intercultural education. To make our education an intercultural one, we can, of course, pay attention to the European dimension, for example by discussing different solutions to the same problems in various European countries. Indeed, this is and should be done. It is, however, considered much more efficient to enable people to visit other member states in order to experience directly what it is to be a European citizen. In the European Union there are some large programs for the exchange of pupils, students, teachers and other professionals. Measured by the reactions of those involved, the success of these programs is great. Most people come back from such an exchange or study visit with new ideas and a broadened view on their work and life. Here, we touch on one of the most interesting outcomes of these programs: people come back with a new perspective on their own culture. It is said that a fish will only know what water is, when it has passed some time out of the water. It is likewise with people; they only know or start to know what their culture is and what it means for them when they spend some time in another culture. As stated above, we live our culture, but do not really have a profound and explicit knowledge of it. Try, for example, to explain to outsiders why one does things the way one does them and not in the way people in Farawayistan do them. In our education we usually take it more or less for granted that pupils and students will get to know our culture as a result of their education, without paying very much explicit attention to it. The measure in which this is the case is debatable. It would seem that education –and, consequently, intercultural education-- will gain in impact and momentum when considerable explicit attention is paid to one’s own culture. Here, we make two important assumptions: 1. Ethnocentrism and xenophobia with their consequences are largely caused by insecurity about one’s own culture. In its turn this insecurity can be lead back to a shallow knowledge of one’s own culture. 2. One will be able to understand more of other cultures to the extent that one knows and understands one’s own culture. This understanding will lead to acceptance and appreciation and is a prerequisite for intercultural communication. These two assumptions imply that the acquisition of a profound and explicit knowledge of the own culture is of utmost importance in intercultural education.

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This profound and explicit knowledge of the own culture enables us to see cultural differences divested of presumed threats that may give rise to xenophobia and prejudice. We can then see them as something one can learn to live with. Generally speaking, there is a lively interest in other cultures. Most people are interested in TV programs depicting the way of life of, say, the Yamomani in the Amazonas. However, interested as we may be, we are glad we do not have to live that life. The cultural differences are too big. Moreover, we do not have to interact with them and that may well be a reassuring thought. One of the things with which one could reproach the producers of these TV-programs is that they do not emphasise the things we have in common with the Yamomani. The commonalities do not really come into their own. That is a pity, because they form a basis for an understanding that is prerequisite for a more profound communication. In intercultural education as it is practised these days there is, like in the TV programs an emphasis on the cultural differences and how to overcome them or at least learn to live with them. Yet, different as the range of European cultures may be, there are some commonalities; shared characteristics that make these cultures into European cultures. In intercultural education very little attention is being paid to such commonalities. That is regrettable, because knowledge of these commonalities may well facilitate the intercultural communication. In any communication between people these commonalities may well be a better point of departure than the differences. Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, shortly discussed above, furnish an excellent point of departure in looking for these commonalities. In intercultural education one cannot restrict oneself to textbooks. The best results will be obtained abiding by John Dewey’s adage ‘learning by doing’. There are several ways to communicate interculturally without going abroad; videoconferencing, faxes and e-mail do not request long and costly trips. On the other hand nothing works as well as going abroad with an explicit aim to do something together with people of another culture.

Intercultural Education and the Values of European Citizenship Above we briefly discussed norms and values as being the quintessence of a culture. The question is now whether or not there is such a phenomenon as a European culture. What one can observe is not a more or less homogenous European culture, but national cultures in the various European countries.

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However, these cultures have some characteristics in common. It is these commonalities rather than the geographical argument that make them into European cultures. So, if we are looking for values of European citizenship we cannot find them in a European culture. Simply, because there is no such culture. We can find them in the commonalities the prevailing values of citizenship in the various European cultures. Once again, an argument for more emphasis on commonalities than on differences. These commonalities can only be found in a process of intercultural communication and interaction. This in its turn can only be learned in a process of intercultural education emphasising commonalities. Here, we are confronted with one of the essential characteristics of education: we can only learn something by doing it. True, it may be imperfect in the beginning, but it becomes more and more perfect in the learning process. It is impossible to predict that out of these commonalities in the values of citizenship and other values, something like European values will emerge. Personally, I doubt it. It is also debatable whether or not that is a desirable outcome. An intercultural communication with its emphasis on commonalities leaves the colourful set of European cultures intact, stressing at the same time the Europeanness of these cultures.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

•

• • •

•

De Vreede, E. (1998). Il Valore di una Cultura. Oppinformazioni, GennaioMarzo- 1998, 41-46. [Also avaliable under the title The Value of a Culture on the World Wide Web: http://www.oprit.rug.nl/devreede/macpaper. htm] De Vreede, E. (1999). Pluralist and Intercultural Education: Challenges for Teacher Education.. Paper presented at 24th ATEE-conference in Leipzig , in press. [ Available on the World Wide Web: http://www.oprit.rug.nl/ devreede/leipzig.htm] Hagendoorn, L. (1986). Cultuurconflict en Vooroordeel. Essays over de Waarneming en Betekenis van Cultuurverschillen. Alphen aan den Rijn, Brussel: Samsom Uitgeverij. Haring, D.G. (1949). Is Culture Definable? American Sociological Review, 14, 26-32. Hofstede, G. (1986). Cultural Differences in Teaching and Learning. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 10, 301-320. Hofstede, G. (1991). Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind: Intercultural Cooperation and its Importance for Survival. London: McGrawHill. Kroeber, A.L., & Kluckhohn, C. (1963). Culture: A critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. New York: Random House. [ Originally published in 1952 as Vol. XLVII- No 1 of the Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.] Smolicz, J.J. (1981). Culture, Ethnicity and Education: Multiculturalism in a plural Society. In J. Megarry, S. Nisbet, & E. Hoyle (Eds.), World Yearbook of Education 1981. Education of Minorities (pp. 17-36). London, New York: Kogan Page/Nichols Publishing Company.

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Erjon Agolli, PhD. Candidate

Time Conjunctions and the Semantic Classiﬁcation of Temporal Clauses Abstract

My goal is to oﬀer examples and data extracted from a rich corpus of temporal of anteriority, simultaneity and posteriority in temporal clauses. when before is exclusively used to denote anteriority while when in temporal clauses of posteriority (69%). Key words: time conjunction, temporal clause, anteriority, simultaneity, posteriority, temporal relations, semantic classiﬁcation

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Introduction Conjunctions are the main means of expressing time relations, but they can be supported by other elements, which in specific cases may become determinant. Such elements include the correlation of tenses and moods of predicates, the positive or negative forms of clauses, as well as the context. Thus, depending on the time conjunction and the positive or negative forms of clauses, the situations can be presented as single or repeated, prolonged or short. For instance, both in English and Albanian, the combination of the conjunction until / derisa with a negative form presents an action in duration in the main clause: (1) a. “She did not leave the balcony until the sun’s rim shot hot rays over the sea...” (Lessing 2009, p.110). b. “Kati nuk u largua nga ballkoni derisa rrethi i diellit lёshoi rrezet e nxehta mbi det…” (Lessing 2010, p.112). As shown in (1 a,b) the lack of action extends up to the moment when the sun’s rim shot hot rays over the sea. Otherwise, if we used other conjunctions, the clause wouldn’t express duration in time: (2) a. (She did not leave the balcony before the sun’s rim shot hot rays over the sea.) b. (Kati nuk u largua nga ballkoni para se rrethi i diellit lёshoi rrezet e nxehta mbi det.) Thus, time conjunctions can have general temporal meaning, but in relation with other means, they can express specific temporal meaning. “Most of the time conjunctions are specialized, and express specific meaning i.e. they have differentiated meaning” (Totoni 2000, p.64). However, in this paper, I focus only on the function of time conjunctions in expressing time relations, hoping to treat the other elements in future research. In order to provide enough evidence to support this paper, I have consulted a corpus of complex sentences with time clauses extracted from “The summer before the dark” by Doris Lessing, and its Albanian translation “Vera para Errësirës”. The analysis of the corpus reveals a great variety of conjunctions that introduce time clauses, as illustrated by the following figure:

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Fig. 1. The distribution of time clauses with regards to conjunctions 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0%

When

While

Before

Until/till ever/since As soon as

After

Whenever As long as By the time

Once

It can be easily observed that the conjunction when, because of its frequent usage, can be considered as the representing conjunction of time clauses. Other conjunctions such as while, before, as, until, and since are also commonly used in this corpus. In less frequent cases, I have identified time clauses presented by the conjunctions as soon as, after, whenever, as long as, and once. Regarding the temporal relationship between the subordinate clause and the main clause in English and Albanian, we can distinguish: time clauses of anteriority, simultaneity, and posteriority.

Conjunctions of anteriority Modern English grammarians (Jackson, Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, & Svartvik, etc.) agree that relations of anteriority exist in complex sentences with time clauses when “the situation in the matrix clause occurs before or leading up to the situation in the subordinate clause” (Quirk et al. 1985, p.1080). The same interpretation is presented in the Albanian language, where the “time clause can indicate that the action in the main clause happens before the action presented in the time clause” (Çeliku et al. 2002, p.547). Anteriority in English is presented by the conjunctions: before, until, till, when. While in the Albanian language, the conjunctions of anteriority include: para se, përpara se, derisa, gjersa, sa, and kur. In the corpus I have taken into consideration, the frequency of usage of

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time conjunctions expressing anteriority (see figure 2 below) shows that before is definitely the representing conjunction of anteriority with 60% of the cases. Until is also frequently used, while very few cases of time clauses of anteriority with the conjunction Anteriority When when were identified: 7% Fig. 2. Conjunctions of anteriority and their frequency of usage The conjunction before shows that the action or state expressed in the main clause developed earlier than the action or state expressed in the dependent clause. The same function is played by the Albanian corresponding conjunctions para se and përpara se:

Before 60%

(2) a. “Before the two went to their room they descended to the beach...” (Lessing 2009, p.89). b. “Para se ata të dy të shkonin në dhomën e tyre, zbritën në plazh....” (Lessing 2010, p.91). Interpreting the above examples we can say that first they descended to the beach and then they went to their room. However, there are cases, which Heinämäki (1974) calls “non-factual before-clauses”, that contradict the interpretation above. According to him, “Non-factual before-clauses fail to nail down any interval, since the event mentioned in the clause never took place” (Heinämäki 1974, p.60): (3) Max died before he saw his grandchildren. (Maksi vdiq para se të shihte nipat dhe mbesat e tij.) What is more, when the event in the main clause happens slightly earlier than the other event described in the dependent clause, we can use the adverbs hardly and no sooner. “After hardly … the second clause begins with when or before; after no sooner it begins with than or when” (Hewings 2005, p.158): (4) a. The concert had hardly begun before all the lights went out. b. I had no sooner lit the barbecue when it started to rain. In similar constructions in the Albanian language, Çeliku et al. (2002) argues that we can use a negative predicate accompanied by the adverbs ende, akoma in the main clause. The main clause usually describes an action that has not started www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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yet, but the subject intends to perform, or an event that has barely started and is interrupted by an unexpected action: (5) a. S’kish bërë as dhjetë hapa në kopshtin e shtëpisë, kur një qen nisi të lehte pas tij. b. Ende nuk e kishte mbaruar fjalën, kur u dëgjua zëri i Benit. In the English language, the time conjunction till has the same meaning as until but it is used more rarely than the latter. Until and till, which present 29% of the time clauses of anteriority in the corpus, are used to show the duration of an action or state expressed in the main clause up to a certain point in time mentioned in the time clause. When we use the conjunctions derisa, gjersa and sa, which are the Albanian counterpart of until and till above, anteriority is presented as a prolonged situation in the main clause that is interrupted by the event expressed in the dependent clause: (6) a. “She sat at the window until she was the last person awake” (Lessing 2009, p.141). b. “Kati ndenji ulur në dritare derisa të gjithë i zuri gjumi” (Lessing 2010, p.143).

Conjunctions of simultaneity In English, as well as in Albanian, “two events may be in a simultaneous time relationship, in which the events occur at the same time or at least overlap in time” (Jackson 1990, p.200). According to Jackson (1990), simultaneity does not always involve an identical span of time; it may involve one event lasting over a period of time, and the other occurring at some point during that period. Similarly, in Albanian, “the action in the main clause can be completely, or partially simultaneous with the action in the time clause” (Çeliku et al. 2002, p.542): (7) a. “He stood by her while she telephoned” (Lessing 2009, p.20). b. “Ai qëndronte pranë saj ndërsa ajo telefononte” (Lessing 2010, p.22). “Several subordinators indicate the simultaneity of the situations in the matrix and subordinate clauses, or at least an overlap in time of the two situations: as, as long as, so long as, while, whilst ‹esp BrE›, when, whenever, and now (that)” (Quirk et al. 1985, p.1083). Meantime, Totoni (2000) claims that simultaneity in the Albanian language is presented by means of the conjunctions kur, tek, sa, ndërsa, ndërkohë që, sa kohë që, sa herë që, në kohën (kur/që), etc. International Journal of Science | No.3

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Considering the data collected in the corpus, surprisingly enough, the conjunction when is very frequently used to describe temporal overlap between two events, even though it is not a specialized conjunction of simultaneity. On the other hand, while (36%) is more frequently Simultaneity As used than the other characteristic Whenever long conjunctions of simultaneity like as (18%), 1% as and as long as (1%). 1% As 18% Fig. 3. Conjunctions of simultaneity When and their frequency of usage 44% The English conjunctions when and whenever, as well as their Albanian counterparts kur, and sa herë që describe complete simultaneity of the two repeated events that always happen in a certain circumstance:

While 36%

(8) a. “He got into a fury when/whenever poor people anywhere were mentioned” (Lessing 2009, p.88). b. “Ai xhindosej kur/sa herë që përmendeshin njerëzit e varfër” (Lessing 2010, p.90). However, Huddleston and Pullum (2003) claim that the conjunction when can also be used to refer to a single specific event of strict simultaneity. The case of (9b) is called the interpretative or explanatory progressive: (9) a. When the clock struck twelve, the bomb exploded. b. When I said ‘the boss’ I was referring to you. In addition, the conjunction kur in Albanian, as well as when in English, can describe a specific unrepeated event that develops in the background of a longer event. In this case, simultaneity is partial: (10) a. “When Kate woke Maureen was sitting upright…” (Lessing 2009, p.254). b. “Kur Kati u zgjua, Maurini ishte ulur drejt…” (Lessing 2010, p.256). With the conjunctions while, whereas, and as the events in both clauses either accompany each other in time (complete simultaneity) or the main clause describes a shorter action that develops in the background of the event www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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described in the time clause (partial simultaneity). In Albanian, on the other hand, the temporal meaning of complete and partial simultaneity is expressed by the conjunction ndërsa and other synonymous conjunctions like: teksa, and ndërkohë që: (11) a. “While the conference went on, she was in a room nearby …” (Lessing 2009, p.60). b. “Ndërsa konferenca vazhdonte, Kati ishte në një dhomë ngjitur…” (Lessing 2010, p.62). Other conjunctions of complete simultaneity include as long as, so long as, in English; and sa kohë që, aq kohë sa in Albanian, which express duration along the development of the events: (12) a. “It was clear that these two would continue… as long as they were together” (Lessing 2009, p.240). b. “Ishte e qartë që këta të dy do të vazhdonin … aq kohë sa ata të ishin bashkë” (Lessing 2010, p.242). As illustrated above, these conjunctions show that the situations stated and finished at the same time.

Conjunctions of posteriority English and Albanian complex sentences with time clauses indicate posteriority through a “sequence in which the situation in the matrix clause occurs after that in the subordinate clause” (Quirk et al. 1985, p.1084). In the English language, posteriority is presented by means of the following conjunctions: after, once, since, as soon as, when, now (that). In Albanian, the time clause is joined with the main clause through the conjunctions kur, që kur, tek, si, pasi, mbasi, that express posteriority in the general sense; and the conjunctions sapo, posa, porsa, sa, that express immediate posteriority. As we can see in the following figure, the conjunction when (69%) outstrips other typical conjunctions of posteriority including since (16%), as soon as (7%), and after (6%), which in the corpus under analysis is more often used as a preposition, than as a subordinator.

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Fig. 4. Conjunctions of posteriority and their frequency of usage The conjunction after, which is a specialized conjunction of posteriority, indicates succession in time of two events. The time conjunction when can also be used with the same function. While the Albanian “specialized conjunctions si, pasi, (mbasi) express posteriority in the general sense and are typically followed by positive verb forms in the subordinate clause” (Totoni 2000, p.70):

163

Posteriority Once 2%

As soon as 7% (Ever) since 16%

When 69%

(13) a. “After everyone had scattered across the world, she joined that class of hotel guests…” (Lessing 2009, p.77). b. “Pasi të gjithë ishin shpërndarë nëpër botë, ajo iu bashkua atij grupi mysafirësh…” (Lessing 2010, p.79). (14) a. “When the meal was over, they went out into the little square” (Lessing 2009, p.128). b. “Kur ushqimi mbaroi, ata dolën jashtë në sheshin e vogël” (Lessing 2010, p.131). Unlike after/pasi (mbasi, si), which show succession in the general sense, the English conjunctions once - which is however not frequently used in our corpus (only 2%) - and as soon as add the notion of immediate succession in time of the two events; similarly, the conjunctions sa, sapo, posa, porsa express immediate posteriority in Albanian. (15) a. “As soon as the news was over Maureen bathed” (Lessing 2009, p.241). b. “Sapo lajmet mbaruan, Maurini u la” (Lessing 2010, p.243). In the English language, Quirk et al. (1985) claim that the meaning of immediate posteriority can be strengthened by adding modifiers like just, right, immediately, exactly usually preceding the time clause with the conjunction after. In the Albanian language, according to Çeliku et al. (2002), this feature is indicated by attaching the adverb atëherë often preceded by words like tamam, vetëm, pikërisht, fill etc. As shown in (17): (16) “Come over right after you’ve finished working” (p.1084).

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(17) “Tamam atëherë kur filloi kjo vapë e pazakonshme, punimet u zgjeruan me një ritëm jashtëzakonisht të shpejtë” (p.542). Furthermore, in order to specify the duration of the interval, both in English and Albanian, we can use lexical means before the conjunction after/ pasi: (18) “She returned (some time/a long time/three days/a year) after she had heard the news” (Quirk et al. 1985, p.1084). (19) “Disa ditë pasi mora kopjet e para të tij në frëngjisht, nisa të ndieja të njëjtin nervozizëm si më pare” (Totoni 2000, p.70). The conjunctions of the English language since and ever since are used to explain that a situation started to exist at a certain time specified in the time clause. With the same function, we use the conjunction of the Albanian language që kur: (20) a. “She had not heard that language spoken since she had arrived in the country” (Lessing 2009, p.56). b. “Ajo nuk e kishte dëgjuar atë gjuhë të flitej që kur kishte arritur në këtë vend” (Lessing 2010, p.58).

Conclusions The semantic classification of English and Albanian time clauses includes three major temporal relations: anteriority, simultaneity and posteriority. The semantic content of time conjunctions plays an essential part in expressing the abovementioned relations, which is why they are given special attention in this paper. During the analysis of the corpus, we noticed a variety of subordinators that are used to present time clauses expressing different temporal relations. The following table offers a detailed outline of the time conjunctions with regards to the temporal relations they introduce in the complex sentence with time clauses:

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Table 1. Temporal relations expressed by conjunctions Relation Conjunction When While Before As Until /till (ever) since As soon as After Whenever As long as By the time Once The moment TOTAL

Anteriority

Simultaneity

5 clauses 45 clauses 22 clauses 3 clauses

96 clauses 78 clauses 39 clauses 3 clauses 3 clauses -

75 clauses

219 clauses

Posteriority 73 clauses 17 clauses 7 clauses 6 clauses 2 clauses 1 clauses 106 clauses

As Table 1 shows, the corpus under consideration contains more cases of simultaneity time clauses, mainly presented by the conjunctions when, while, and as. Time clauses of posteriority account for the second most frequently used temporal relation, with about 106 clauses, typically presented by the conjunction when, as well as by conjunctions like since, as soon as, after, once, the moment. As far as time clauses of anteriority are concerned, they are usually presented by the specialized conjunctions of anteriority before, and until.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • •

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Collins cobuild English grammar. 1992. London: HarperCollins Publishers. Çeliku, M. et al. 2002. Gramatika e gjuhës shqipe (sintaksa). Tiranë: Akademia e shkencave. Heinämäki, O. 1974. Semantics of English Temporal Connectives. PhD Thesis, University of Texas, Austin (reproduced by Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1978) Hewings, M. 2005. Advanced grammar in use. Cambridge University Press. Huddleston, R., & Pullum, G. K. 2003. The Cambridge grammar of the English language. Cambridge University Press. Jackson, H. 1991. Grammar and Meaning – A Semantic Approach to English Grammar. New York: Longman Group Ltd. Lessing, D. 2009. The summer before the dark. First Vintage International Kindle Edition. Lessing, D. 2010. Vera para Errësirës. Tirana: Skanderbeg Books. Miller, J. 2009. An introduction to English syntax (2nd ed.). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Quirk, R., Greenbaum, S., Leech. G., & Svartvik, J. 1985. A comprehensive grammar of the English language. London: Longman. Totoni, M. 2000. Fraza me nenrenditje. Tirana: SHBLU.

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The Rise and Fall of the Friendship between Albania and China Abstract Albania after the World War II was a small country, powerless and in a very difficult political and economic situation. The Communist Party of Albania (CPA) was activated in the political life during the Second World War and came to power immediately after the war. Albania firstly established an economic and politic relationship with Yugoslavia during the years 1945 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1947. Yugoslavia played a great role in the intensification of CPA and aimed to make Albania part of Titoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Balkan Federation plan. This situation was the genesis of the conflict between Tito and Stalin, two communist leaders who wanted a predominant position in the Soviet Bloc. This was a good opportunity for Albanian leader Enver Hoxha to settle a good relationship with the Soviet Union as long as Stalin was alive. The cooperation between the two countries and the participation of Albania in International Organization such as CMEA (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) and Warsaw Pact, would give to Albania the opportunity to receive a great assistance. When Stalin died Khrushchev became the leader of USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republic) and his policy changed. This situation affected the relations between two countries and influenced the foreign policy of Albania toward China. During the sixties Albanian government under E. Hoxha rule was forced to make changes in its external and internal policy. In these conditions Albania initiated a rapprochement relationship with a new communist country like China. This alliance was profitable for both China and Albania as far as they have bilateral interest. The economical, technical and cultural benefits of Albania gained from China increased the standard of living and contributed to the country industrialization. Being not part of the Soviet bloc, China urged to have an informer

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inside all the meetings and this could be Albania. The geographical position of China didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t affect the power of E. Hoxha in case of an external attack. The aim of China was the establishment of authority to Soviet Bloc countries of Europe by replacing the role of Soviet Union. Even though the two countries signed various agreements this was an unequal alliance between a small country such as Albania and a powerful country such as China. Keywords: Albania, Block Communist, Alliances, Economic assistance, China.

Overview During the Second World War Albania was in a difficult position because of Italian and German invasion. In 1930 there existed a minority of Albanian communists but they were ideologically disoriented. During the summer months the Yugoslav communists driven by Miladin Popovic, were making plans to take control of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) but they faced a real ideological confusion and chaotic political situation. Despite this CPA took the power and began implementing its program leading the country towards the alternative of totalitarian socialism. During 1945 - 1947 it was followed a policy of rapprochement with Yugoslavia, with the aim to create a Yugoslav Federation. Albania would be part of this Federation, but at the same time Yugoslavia was seeking to emerge from the supervision of BS taking the leading role. This conflict between Tito and Stalin gave to the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha, the possibility to benefit and to create a good relationship with the Soviet Union as long as Stalin was alive. Stalin supported E.Hoxha, who began to establish his individual cult becoming so the leading figure of CPA. Both countries began to cooperate to one another in the political and economical area by signing the agreements due to these functions. This situation changed when N. Khrushchev, the new leader of Soviet Union came to power after the Stalin death. He attended a liberal policy against individual cult of Stalin. This policy was in contradiction to the policy followed by Albanian communist leader. In these circumstances E. Hoxha chose to be loyal of the old policy and this was the reason why the Soviet government canceled all economic aids, military supplies, and even diplomatic relations. During the sixties, CPA had no alley and was forced to make changes of plans in the development of the country. In these conditions the Albanian government had a necessary need to

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find another communist state to provide proper support for Albania against the Soviet threat. China was the only communist country that followed the same policy as Albania and would respond to the demands of Albanian government without interfere in domestic affairs. Marxism –Leninism ideology and the conflict with Soviet Union contributed to the intensification of the relations between Albania and China.

1. Political, economic and military relations between Albania and China Albania government recognized the Government of China asking establishment of diplomatic relationship between the two countries. After the Sino – soviet split Albania had an urgent need to be supported by China. This was reflected even on the speeches that E. Hoxha held in different meetings: “If we were just us they had liquidated and threw us out of the camp (Soviet Bloc)”. (AQSH 1960, p.145). After the conflict with Soviet Union, Communist Party of China (CCP) showed its ambition to replace and achieve the role that had Soviet Union for a long time throughout the communist world. Albania and China had almost the same interests. The two countries were geographically located far away and had no clash for interference in the independence of each other. The new course pro China followed by Albanian government was not random but started with the meeting of Bucharest in June 1960. Khrushchev had taken advantage of The Rumanian Party Congress in Bucharest to call a meeting of the ranking Communists of the Eastern bloc, to resolve the controversy between Moscow and Peking the way he wanted. This meeting was not evaluated by China and Albania at the same way as the other communist leaders of the East European Communist camp had. Albanian government sent to Bucharest the third man in line that was the secretary of the Central Committee, Hysni Kapo. Kapo was certainly a member of the Albanian Political bureau and a particularly close confidant of Enver Hoxha, but he still did not possess nearly the authority and power appropriate to the head of a delegation. So Albanian delegation under the directives of the Central supported Chinese policy and accused USSR for encouraging an anticommunist revolution in Albania. Besides this Albania accepted the leading role of the Soviet Union, because at this time, it was not totally disconnecting from BS. On the controversy between Moscow and Peking, however, Kapo, in striking contrast to the other satellite leaders, said not a word. During the sixties the pro-Chinese course taken by the Albanian Communists became more and more evident. “Before the international Communist meeting,

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Moscow must have realized what the Albanian attitude was going to be. It has been reported that as early as November 6, before the conference began, Khrushchev said, “Russia has lost an Albania and the People’s Republic of China has gained an Albania”. (Ham 1963, p. 18) Immediately after the break with Moscow Albania suffered serious changes not only in the political but even in economical and cultural aspects because all the Eastern-bloc countries canceled the financial aid and the scholarships on which Albanian students were studying in the Soviet Union or satellite countries. This blow came completely without warning. Enver Hoxha was obligated to find a way not only to consolidate its position but also to respond to the numerous deficiencies in the standard of living. 1.1 Political relations The bilateral interest between Albania and China was to follow the same political line of Marxism-Leninism, which was the basic organization of government and society. This ideology was followed by China and supported by Albania in the Meeting of Bucharest. The willing of China to assist Albania did not threat the territorial integrity of Albania and moreover China had shown its disagreement to revisionism and imperialism. Being geographically distantly China didn’t have the possibility to interfere in the domestic politics of Albania. This policy comforted E. Hoxha and gave the opportunity to be reorganized. The efforts of Albanian Embassy in Peking were focused in particular on strengthening of mutual relations in the international area. “In this context, there was a lack of information because of the difficulties in providing information about international events. The information of this area usually was not in time because there were no common information sources such as newspapers, newsletters, etc.” (AMPJ 1964, p. 8) The aim of CCP leader Mao Zedong was to play a special role in the socialist family and it was seemed by his attitude against Yugoslavia. Tito’s approach with Khrushchev brought great disappointment to Albania and helped it to pass under the Chinese influence. This indicated that “the rift between Soviet bloc and Chinese and the rift between Soviets and Albanians were due to controversy over Yugoslavia”. (Griffith 1963, p. 154-155) At the other hand Albania would be a location on the Eastern Europe from which China can lobby its ideas to a direct confrontation with the Soviet Union. Albania supported Chinese principles, ideas and propaganda against the Soviet Union and this support helped China to legitimize its ideology. Cooperation with Albania would give the opportunity to Mao Zedong to show his people that CCP line had wide spread even in Europe. E.Hoxha considered himself as a follower of Comrade Mao Zedong, but

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implemented only those steps that “interested him politically to strength his power. There were some cases that Albanian copies of these provisions were not identical with the Chinese ones”. (Duka 2007, p. 287) In general both communist parties supported each other’s attitude on domestic and foreign policy such as the visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Cu en Lai in Albania and the support that was given to Albanian’s denunciation of the Warsaw Pact. This position of the Albanian government was seen as “a revolutionary attitude and as a serious blow against the Soviet revisionist clique”. (AMPJ 1964, p. 8) Another issue that influenced even more in the rapprochement of the two countries was the representative of China in United Nations Organization (UN). China was one of the founder member states of the UN and a permanent member of the Security Council. The disagreement for China representation came after the Chinese revolution of 1949, when CCP came to power and China was proclaimed a People’s Republic. “Its demand for admission to the UN was introduced by the Soviet Union, supported by other communist countries”. (Kaba 2007, p. 166) UN didn’t accept China because of the existence of the “diarchy”, represented by communist leader of CCP and Chain Kai Shi who was the representative of the Republic of Taiwan. After the Sino – soviet split Peking’s role in UN was played by Albania. This issue was discussed for a long time until in October 1971 when Albania presented the draft resolution on “reinstatement of the rights of China in UN and the expulsion of the Republic of Taiwan from its ranks.” (Kaba 2007, p. 169) At this time the United States and some Western countries changed attitude, which might have been reinforced by the American secretary Kissinger’s secret visit to China. In this last session it was voted the pro Albanian draft resolution and as a result Chain Kai Shi announced the departure from the UN. Finally China was accepted as a permanent member of UN and Security Council. 1.2 Economic relations The interruption of relationships between USSR and Albania contributed in the aggravation of the situation for the fact that many agreements and economic plans were uncompleted. In these conditions the Albanian government pin China’s hope on its support. Both communist parties followed the same principles of Marxist-Leninist ideology. In 14 October 1954 was signed an agreement for technical and scientific cooperation through which China gave to Albania various good materials and various documentation in agriculture, industry, handicrafts, health, etc; meanwhile Albania gave to China experience in care, protection and feeding of livestock, agriculture, communication, etc. During 1960 were signed a number of economic, technical and agricultural agreements that would be helpful

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to Albanian economy. In several official conversations Cue en Lai declared that China would give to Albania the needed assistance but in some circumstances Chinese government couldn’t assume any commitment that had had USSR and other countries towards Albania. Some of his words were: “We want to take over those responsibilities that we can implement and do not want to lie to our friends (Albania).” (AMPJ 1962, p. 4) Besides loans and economic agreements, the Chinese government gave free assistance that consisted in considerable amount of cultivated land, groceries, textile silk, etc. There were gifts donated in the field of education too. “The Ministry of Education of China donated to the Ministry of Education of Albania 30 physics, chemistry, biological laboratories, 200 microscopes, etc. The Chinese Red Cross helped Albanian people affected by the snow”. (AMPJ 1970, p. 1) China would fulfill one of the Albania’s major plans to build 25 works in the field of chemical industry, metallurgy, energy, construction and light industry. In the context of these aids were constructed factories on production of superphosphate, sodium, cement, silicate bricks, tiles and eternity tubes. It was built the textile combine of cotton in Berat and a factory of black metallurgy production. Regarding the Albanian trade in China, in some times the Chinese disagreed with certain elements and displayed its requirements regarding transportation issues, quality and price. For example the quality of petroleum didn’t correspond to the specified conditions in the relevant contracts. This information was revealed by the Albanian Embassy in Peking. “This poor of quality was proved by laboratory analysis that was done to the petroleum by Chinese government “. (AMPJ 1961, p. 5) During 1965 were signed protocols that stated all the necessary specifications and were drafted the lists of urgent goods. In total, “the clearing protocol was estimated in 24.9 million rubles”. (AMPJ 1964, p. 2) Economic difficulties forced the Chinese to divide 9 specific works into 3 groups: 1. Works that were considered anti economical such as factories of spare parts for automobiles, marine shipyard expansion and factories for repair of bearings. 2. Works that did not provide raw material in the country such as abrasive material and paper factories. 3. Works that Chinese didn’t have experience in construction. (AMPJ 1965, p. 1) Firstly Soviet specialists and now the Chinese ones urged to the Albanian government to focus more on the development of light and food industry and to give up on the further development of heavy industry. The Chinese generous

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aid have been “in $ 450 million and contributed in overcoming of several financial difficulties”. (Duka 2007, p. 295) The trade between two countries was productive especially to Albania, but in some cases there were some problems that came as a result of delays in contractions and in the quality of goods. “During 1970, Albania had asphalted roads with a length of 5000 km and railway road with a length of 220 km. In the same year was completed the electrification of the whole country and in the same time there was communication network expansion”. (Duka 2007, p. 295) The economic life was influenced also by the cultural revolution of China because E. Hoxha copied and tried to implement Mao Zedong’s economic experiments, some of which had destructive effects on Albanian economy. Thus “the wages of high functionaries and senior specialists were reduced to the level of ordinary workers to combat bourgeois manifestations, intellectualism and bureaucracy”. (Duka 2007, p. 295) After 1972 the Chinese would reduce economic help because Albanian government would continue to invest in heavy industry and this would cost to China a lot of efforts and costs. With the interruption of Chinese aid in 1978 began the Albanian isolation. For a period of time Albania depended “on its forces”. This was even the slogan of that time, exporting so energy to Yugoslavia and Greece, countries that were included by the energy crisis of the seventies. But during this time the Albanian quality of export was low. Financial experience of Albania to Communist powers began to make evident that she was dependent on other countries. In these conditions Albania remained without external protection. 1.3 Military relations Military relations between Albania and China were conducted with the same intensity as political and economic relations. During 1960 Chinese gave to Albanian some MG 17 aircrafts. Thanks to same demand fulfillment the Albanian appetite raised and the Albanian government asked to China for 20 helicopters. Because of the transportation’s difficulties, the technicians of aviation wouldn’t go to China but would get preparation in Albania. This would create the possibility for building a technical school in the future. The demilitarization issue was accompanied with a pro Chinese attitude by CCA. Different reports between the Albanian Embassy in Peking and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs pointed out that “should be interrupted the use of nuclear weapons and should be destroyed the existing ones”. (AMPJ 1967, p. 4) Albania had the same attitude as China regarding the military bases of USA. According to them USA should withdraw all military bases, navies and armed forces from South Vietnam, South Korea, Guantanamo, Taiwan etc.

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During 1970 due to the anniversaries of the two countries military experience exchanges were undertaken. It was also discussed the establishment of a direct flight Peking - Tirana. But the following years didn’t have the same intensity of cooperation for the fact that China began to follow a tolerant policy to the west. Albania government addressed to China different pressures and accusations that were not well received. In these conditions China reduced economic and military aid against Albania. During 1973 - 1975 Albania undertook a campaign against the new trends that affected even the army. A number of important leaders of Albanian policy, such as Defense Minister Beqir Balluku and other major officers were against the focused protection system and against construction of bunkers because this was a great cost to the state. According to their opinion if the expenses would have been controlled it might have been built a modern professional army. Despite, that this was not openly stated, it meant an army outside the dictates of the party which was unacceptable to E. Hoxha. Due to the Army, the Albanian communist leader controlled “enemies” and retain power by force. Enver Hoxha executed Defense Minister Beqir Balluku, and condemned a number of officers and soldiers and initiated internment campaign. The break with China forced Albania to pursue a policy of self isolation.

Conclusion After the Soviet – Albania break, Albania was forced to consolidate its position. E. Hoxha undertook a campaign to purge the state’s apparatus from proSoviet elements because with the made changes he had the fear for any possible coup. In these conditions Albania began to seek an ally that would respond to the Albanian government requirements and furthermore would not interfere in the internal affairs of the country. Who better than China could do this role?! It was part of another continent and this was a good reason that gave tranquility to E. Hoxha. Being a big Power as China was, and being geographically so far away it couldn’t be possible to control E. Hoxha and his policy. Marxist-Leninist ideology, the conflict of China and Albania with the Soviet Union made them allies for a period of time. Albania profited considerable political, economical, cultural and military aid from China. On the other hand China was interested for a benchmark in Europe. “The announcement of the theory that the Chinese People’s Republic was the essence of communism consolidated the position of those countries that believe in” many roads to socialism” which led Mao to offer

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to small Stalinist alternative sources to survive in Eastern Europe “. (Hutchings 1987, p. 29) Albanian policy was used by China to get as much information from the meetings where it did not participate as was the establishment of its rights in the UN. Becoming a member of UN it was a step forward for the Chinese as far as it was an opportunity to emerge from international isolation. For a long time Albania was the representative of China, but now it was no longer necessary; China will face the international reality itself. Kissinger’s visit to China and the appointment of Nixon’s upcoming visit would discourage hostile policy that was followed up at the time. USA had decided to pursue a policy of rapprochement with communist countries, especially with Peking because of the economic interests. China had reached a high level of economic growth and was continuing to improve and this would give the opportunity to make commercial exchanges with many countries, even with USA. China’s membership came as a result of its policy change because the ideology was replaced by national interests. Albania didn’t like the establishment of a détente with the USA and accused the Chinese government as revisionist. This was an aggravation situation that influenced to the ruining of the relations between two countries. In Professor V. Duka’s opinion “Albanian government has received from China what they wanted, especially economic support, without sacrificing internal independence. E. Hoxha as Machiavellian knew how to advertise with the workmanship the alliance based on the ideological foundations and non-economic interests. “ (Duka 2007, p. 286287). After the break with China E. Hoxha had to choose if he would abandon the power or he would continue to centralize it more cruelly than before. He followed the second way. In these conditions Albania was punished to live a life of isolation and without contact with the outside world until 1990 that was the big liberation, The Democracy.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • •

• • • • • • • • • • • • •

Archives documents AQSH (1960), Fondi 14, Raport mbi zhvillimin e punimeve në Mbledhjen e Bukureshtit midis përfaqësuesve të Partive Komuniste dhe Punëtore motra, dosja 6. AMPJ (1964), Raport mbi punën e Ambasadës gjatë vitit 1964,dosja 34. AMPJ (1962), Deshifrim dërguar shokut Enver e Mehmet, seria c 37, dosja 63, Pekin dt. 2.1. 1962. AMPJ (1970), Relacion mbi eksportin tonë dhe eksportin kinez, dosja 114. AMPJ (1961), Mbi ndihmën e dhënë nga RP e Kinës për 5-vjecarin e tretë 1961-1965, dosja 168/2. AMPJ (1964), Ananliza pune të sektorit ekonomik në ambasadën tonë në Pekin, dosja 35. AMPJ (1965), Informacion mbi problemet e trajtuara gjatë muajit qershor me R.P të Kinës, dosja 105. AMPJ (1967), Relacione, informacione mbi marrëdhënien e RPSH me RPK, dosja 64. Books Duka, V. 2007. Historia e Shqipërisë 1912 – 2000. Tiranë: Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Universitar. Griffith, W. E. 1963. Albania and the Sino – Soviet Rift. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The M.I.T. Press. Harry, H. 1963. Albania China’s beachhead in Europe. New York: Frederic A. Praeger Publisher. Hutchings. R. L. 1987. Soviet East European Relations, Consolidation and Conflict. The University of Wisconsin Press. Kaba, H. 2007. Shqipëria në rrjedhën e luftës së ftohtë (studime dhe dokumente), Tiranë: BOTIMPEX.

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Giuseppe Gagliano

Cultural Subversion and Disinformation in the Thought of Frans Van der Hoff and the Slow Food Movement Abstract The scope of this article is an analysis of the mechanisms of psychological warfare applied in the use of the thought of the Dutch theologian Frans Van der Hoff and the Slow Food movement through the methodological approach developed by the Ecole du Guerre Economique and Roger Mucchielli. Keywords: Disinformation, psychological warfare, Slow Food movement, Frans Van der Hoff, etc.

As is widely known in the history of psychological warfare, the definition given to subversion by the French psychologist Roger Mucchielli in 1976 has wielded particular significance. According to his interpretation subversion is considered substantially as a preparatory action conducted solely for the purpose of delegitimizing and weakening established power and demoralizing the citizenry. Subversion acts on public opinion through a subtle and sophisticated instrumentation. Reflecting on the interpretation provided by the French psychologist, the decisive importance of the offensive nature of the term emerges immediately. Specifically, subversion is implemented through propaganda oriented to the irrational dimension of the targetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mind by means of the publicity with which such subversion is transmitted to the vast public to be influenced through intoxication consisting in the supply of erroneous information for the purpose of inducing the target to make damaging decisions and lastly, through disinformation that is nothing but the manipulation of public opinion

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for political reasons. More specifically, subversion aims at the accomplishment of three objectives: the first is the discrediting and disintegration of social cohesion by creating distrust in the values on which the society is based and making the individuals who share such values feel guilty. In other words, subversion must provide its targets with the impression of how pointless it is to oppose its influence, and must therefore be capable of reducing the systems of defense by disseminating discord. Subversionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s second objective is to weaken existing institutions while contributing to the strengthening of societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s antagonists. Its third objective is to neutralize the groups that legitimize existing power, also by means of the infiltration of subversive agents. These objectives are pursued at the same time as subversive propaganda is waged, which in pursuit of its own ends engages in recruitment and proselytizing to convert and indoctrinate, and lastly integrate otherwise resistant groups, in this way laying the foundation for subversive action on wider scale. Subversive propaganda cannot but make appeals to liberty and justice in order to alter public opinion on one hand and to create indignation against the holders of existing power on the other. Another technique adopted by subversion is Manichaeism, in which a radical and clear contrast is created between good and bad: on one hand, in fact, subversion will emphasize the presence of a situation dominated only by wars, poverty, tyranny, injustice, and inequality, while making advocating positive values such as liberty and justice or other sets of values considered universal on the other. The biggest risks posed by subversion come not only from competing commercial and industrial groups but also from ecological and no-global groups. The particularity of this form of subversion is derived from its ability to instrumentalize the mass media and Internet and amply its voice and actions. The most commonly used techniques are those capable of creating greatest effect, such as public demonstrations, counter-opinion polls, appeals to non-impartial experts, the construction of observatories, and the drafting of white papers. Another commonly adopted technique is to cover the adversary with ridicule while emphasizing its own role of martyrdom served by injustice from the institutions or industries in power. The use of legal action as an area of maneuver is also undoubtedly one of subversionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most efficacious techniques: legal experts are, in fact, capable of defeating the giant, multinational corporations. Recourse to the law also provides excellent media resonance by underlining the degree to which the cause is just and justified. Bringing the adversary to court also enables the use of the imagery of ancient and modern myths in which the Hero battles for Truth against the Tyrant. If the legal action taken is sentenced victorious, civil society will end up judging the winners as good and the losers as bad, with all the negative consequences in

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the mass media foreseeable. What’s more, when conducted wisely, legal action can create an authentic climate of terror with paralyzing effects especially on company directors. In other words, taking effective legal action is certainly one of the weapons of preference in information warfare and subversive destabilization. In the current state of affairs, a company must be capable of implementing a strategy of its own that is capable of opposing subversion, but in order to do so, the generation gap at managerial level must first be overcome. In other terms, its managerial culture must first be thoroughly versed in the techniques of subversive culture if defensive and offensive measures are to be simultaneously taken in order to oppose competing companies and no-global associations. Inaction and/ or static defense are entirely inefficient against subversion in the long term and consequently the managerial directorate must be able to take the initiative if the offensive must be countered. With guidance from a team of information warfare experts, the managerial directorate can prove capable of dialectically turning the table using the adversary’s own arms and using subversive techniques against the subversive elements themselves, also utilizing the instruments offered by civil and penal law in order to quickly neutralize the attacks against it. In order to illustrate the above, we shall take into consideration two examples from the enormous amount of alter-global literature available: the reflections of one of the founding fathers of the fair trade and solidarity movement, Frans Van der Hoff, on one hand, and the organization known as Slow Food, on the other. The Dutch theologian of liberation, Van der Hoff, a former ’68 peace movement activist and Vietnam war protestor, provides a crystal clear formulation of the principles underlying solidarity using the typical technique and characteristic aggregate of demonizing his adversary. In his view, globalization is nothing but the final stage of the death of culture. The principal malaises of individual society include not only individualism but also instrumental rationality and self-referential bureaucracy, to which the Dutch theologian naturally adds the role of vassal to Capitalism played by plutocratic governments. Adopting language widely known in the context of Marxist theory, the Dutch theologian reveals how the Capitalistic system is actually a form of alienation based on its own centuries-old religion, in other words, faith in the free market. Similarly, Liberalism, which expresses this blind faith in the free market at theoretical level, undoubtedly contains its own obscure and perverse sides. In a language clearly inspired by mythology, the author demonstrates how globalization has brought in its train a series of monsters and many-headed dragons that are basically the multinationals. One of the consequences to which Liberalism has led is certainly a generalized homologation by means of which the world’s entire population will end up living – according to

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the Dutch theologian – in the same way, and every difference between its cultures will eventually be diminished. Social bonds also obviously come to be corrupted by globalization. Continuing his use of the image of the monster to represent today’s globalization, the Dutch theologian claims that it has left behind a long trail of victims in its rush towards progress, victims it has devoured for its own nourishment and growth. Furthermore, if Capitalism has had such evident success, the merit goes only to the exploitation of the planet and its peoples. The way to fight the system is not only to criticize it mercilessly – mercilessly criticizing the logic behind multinational corporations – but above all, to construct fair and economic alternatives and solidarity, which according to the Dutch theologian are naturally inspired by principles entirely different from those on which Capitalism is based and promote justice and equality instead. On the other hand, did the ‘68 peace movement protest not show contesting the system to be legitimate and believable only and in the degree to which concrete alternatives can be constructed? More to the point, did the Seattle movement and the Zapatista struggle in Mexico not teach that the time is ripe to build an international conscience against multinational corporations and the current form of Capitalism in order to overcome the imbalance and inequality present in the world today? In conclusion to his manifesto, the Dutch theologian observes that contributions from the academic world and microcredit are no less significant than the indispensable role played by civil society in supporting fair trade and solidarity. Among the various techniques of disinformation enacted by the Slow Food movement, certainly the most important includes mystification by omission, and resort to mythification and demonization that inevitably lead to a Manichean vision of reality. In the movement’s outline documents, the movement founded by Carlo Petrini – recently sponsored also by the director, Ermanno Olmi – makes frequent use of a place typical of the counter-culture and above all, Romanticism: the identification of speed with modern industrial civilization, which is opposed in contrast to the peaceful slowness of farming culture. Another place adopted is certainly the identification of modernity with the machine that is typical of both European Romanticism and critics of modern civilization. As regards the mythification process, it is sufficient to remember the way in which the movement’s documents describe farming culture – which is praised and exalted – and is opposed in dichotomy with Capitalistic civilization. This mythification procedure is also a process of omission because it omits all the historical and economic data that clearly demonstrate the artificial reconstruction of farming culture. The thesis that pre-Industrial life in the Italian countryside offered an abundant food supply and a healthy, savory diet cannot be historically supported.

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As we have already shown in regard to the assumptions on which the fair trade and solidarity movement is based, also Carlo Petrini’s movement provides an interpretation of the world that is clearly derived from the ’68 counter-culture. In this sense, it is well worth noting that the movement’s long-term political program consists in the intention to radically change current society’s nutritional patterns along with the means of food production and distribution. On the other hand, in the opinion of the Slow Food people, modern civilization effects an evident sensorial deprivation that dulls modern people’s faculties of hearing, seeing, tasting, and smelling. Through an implacable consequential logic, this ideological legacy leads to the demonization of Capitalism and consumer society. Yet another form of mystification that is extremely interesting for our research regards the interpretation given to scientific knowledge, which is first of all divided into good and bad with the refusal of determined implications – such as those regarding biotechnologies, for example – and the acceptance of others that legitimate the movement’s point of view. Secondly, using the technique of omission, only the scientific results that confirm the movement’s dictates are accepted. Another example of similar interest to mystification regards the concepts of Nature and agriculture: contrary to the movement’s claims otherwise, in fact, the concept of Nature applied to agriculture is simply fictitious because just as none of the crops cultivated by Man ever existed naturally in such form, domestic animals as well are the fruit of an accurate selection by Man. In other terms, agriculture as a human activity was one of the first examples of human intervention on Nature for the purpose of modifying it and better suiting it to human needs. As regards the process of demonization, it is sufficient to recall the apocalyptic scenarios described by the movement from which it may be inferred that human civilization is reaching its end: Capitalism would be the most radical and selfish form of individualism because it leads to the debasement and impoverishment of every public resource, including the world’s soil, the water, peace and happiness. Together with the technique of demonization, Carlo Petrini’s movement uses the disinformation technique of mythification by omission: the alternative civilization proposed by the movement has much in common with primitive, pre-industrial societies where the social and economic system was based on gift-giving. This premise appears believable because through the technique of omission the movement avoids directing the reader’s attention to the findings of anthropological research, which on the contrary demonstrate the degree to which pre-Industrial societies were based on robbery, violence, and the systematic exploitation of Nature and human slavery. Coherent with its anti-Capitalistic and anti-Liberal ideology, the movement proposes radical long-term reforms also at moral level on the basis

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of which the utilitarian and individualistic spirit of commerce will be transformed into an altruistic, community-minded spirit, and especially reforms of economic type, thanks to which the mass agriculture developed by the multinationals will be replaced by traditional, pre-Industrial, non-intensive farming.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • •

•

Av Vv, La guerre cognitive. L’arme de la connaissance, Lavauzelle, 2002 Frans van der Hoff, Manifesto dei poveri. Il commercio equo e solidale: per non morire di capitalismo, Il Margine, 2012 Giuseppe Gagliano, Disinformation and subversive agitation in the alterglobal movement, International Journal of Science, ISSN 22257063,Vol.II, 2012 Luca Simonetti, Mangi chi può meglio, meno e sano. L’ideologia di Slow Food, Mauro Pagliai Editore, 2010

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Natasha Poroçani (Shuteriqi)

Balkan Features of Aromanian Language Abstract The Aromanians are a people who live scattered in several Balkan countries, Albania, Greece, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Serbia. They are regarded as ethnic groups composing the population of the countries they live in. The Aromanians from one hand enjoy ethno cultural unity, revealed in the nation language unit and their being as bilingual1; on the other hand they do not enjoy the ethnographic unity. As a people the Aromanians generally known with the term The Vlachs and Aromanian language is known as Vlach language. In the present days Albanian language dictionary it is given this definition related to their language: Arumanishte-shih Vllahishte- gjuha e vllehëve2 (Aromanian – see Vlachs – language of the Vlachs). The language of the Vlach, Vlachian is explained as a dialect of the Romanian spoken by the Vlach3. In The Present Day’s Albanian Language Dictionary, it is not evident the entry Arumun (Aromanian), whereas it is arumanishtja, the language of Aromanians4. The same stand point is held in the Bacchus Encyclopedic Dictionary, on page 50 of which, the term Aromanian is found and it is not given any explanation about it, but it is suggested to the readers to see the term Vlach.5 A similar stand is held in the Albanian Encyclopedic Dictionary where the term Aromanian is mentioned during the explanation of the term Vlach. 6 It is to be mentioned that in none of the dictionaries it is mentioned that the Aromanians or Vlach are a bilingual people. And if their language would be 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

A.Riska, “Arumunët” (Aromanians) Sejko, 2005, p. 14 Fjalori i gjuhës së sotme shqipe, (Present Day’s Albanian Language Dictionary) Tiranë, 1980, p. 57. Ibid, p. 2177 Ibid, p. 35 Fjalor enciklopedik, (Encyclopedic Dictionary) Bacchus, Tiranë, 2002, p. 736 Fjalori Enciklopedik shqiptar, (Albanian Encyclopedic Dictionary) Tranë, 1985, p. 1172

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accepted without any reservations as a dialect of Romanian, their bilingualism would be sufficient as a feature that makes them distinguished by the Romanians. According to A. Riska Aromanian composes a geographical variant disconnected to Romanian7. Positioning Aromanian as a language of the Aromanian (Vlach), and a language of a people situated in the Balkan space let us see some of the features of Aromanian, compared to other Balkan languages. The Balkan languages have an entireness of phenomena which include quite all the fields of linguistics. Referring mainly to the grammatical category, we will see as it follows the common linguistic phenomena in Balkan languages.

1. Coordination of genitive and dative cases.8 Since Mikloshiçi and till presently, it is identified the concourse of the formal genitive and dative cases in the Balkan languages. As far as the functions are concerned, these two races are clearly distinguished in the declension system: the genitive case has mainly served to express the noun definer, whereas dative has mainly served to express indirect object, thus to compliment the verb. Even the inflections in them have been distinctive. Therefore, the formal concourse among the genitive and dative cases in the Balkan languages is treated as one of the main Balkanisms. Let us concretely see this concourse in some of the Balkan languages. In the New Greek language the meaning of the dative case is expressed through the accusative case preceeded by the preposition s(eis), for instance, To eipa s’ton patera mou.(Ia thashë babait tim- I told that to my father). In this case, a new evolution is made present which has not excluded from the implementation to structure To eipa tou patera mou, meaning that the genitive case is implemented with the value of dative. In the documented Albanian the genitive and dative cases appear with the same inflections, in the singular and plural nouns. Thus, in both these cases (indefinite form in singular) the first declension nouns end in the –i inflection, those of the second with the –u inflection and those of the third with the –e; -je inflections, e.g. një djali-i (a boy’s), shok-u (the friend), çup-e/nuse-je (girl, bride). Whereas in the plural the common inflections of these two cases is –ve (previously –e) ca djem-ve (some boys’); shokë-ve (friends’), çupa-ve (girls’), nuse7. A.Riska, Arumunët (Aromanians), Sejko 2005, p. 28 8. Sh. Demiraj, Gjuhësia ballkanike (Balkan Linguistics), p. 85.

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ve (brides’). They are not distinguished by the ending grammatical indicators in the definite form of the noun. The formal concourse of the dative and genitive cases is presented as a generalized phenomenon in all the speeches in Albanian, including those of the Arbores in Italy. But Albanian since in its period of prescription has felt the necessity to formally distinguish these two cases. It is about the distinction of the dative and genitive cases through the so-called front article. Therefore, in the definite form as well as in the indefinite form genitive is distinguished by the dative through the so-called front articles (in both the numbers). Ky është libri i një shoku/i shokut. (This is the book of a friend)- Këtë libër ia mora një shoku/ shokut. (I borrowed this book from a friend). In Romanian as well, the concourse of the genitive and dative cases is presented by some similar features to those of Albanian. The change stands on the fact that in Romanian the masculine and neutral gender in the declension in the indefinite form, in the singular and plural number, they come up with a common form in all the cases; thus, in the genitive and dative cases these nouns are distinguished through a front noun definer mainly from the indefinite article, for example. Singular Noun/accusative (un) om Genitive (a unui) om Dative (unui) om

neutral Deal Deal Deal

Plural Noun/accusative (niste) oameni Genitive (a unor) oameni Dative (unor) oameni

Neutral dealuri dealuri dealur

In Romanian as well the genitive case is distinguished by the dative through the so-called front article al (a, ai, ale). But in Romanian, differently from Albanian the positioning of genitive case’s front article is done only when it comes after an indefinite noun. As far as Bulgarian and Macedonian are concerned it is about the extent of the non-changeable noun form preceeded by the preposition na “on, in, for” and the value of the dative case as well as in the function of genitive case. If we compare (Bulgarian) knigata na ućenikët (the pupil’s book) and (mu) reće na ućenikët (told to the student). The fact that this phenomenon is faced up in all the Balkan languages, where there are obtained other common grammatical phenomena, makes you accept that we are dealing with Balkanism. International Journal of Science | No.3

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As far as Aromanian is concerned we have: Genitive Aestã easti zborlu a cartiei. (This is the book’s sentence) Lilicea a featiei (The girl’s flower) Aurarea a lupului. (The wolf’s howl) Vintul a munţilor (The mountain’s wind) Lilicli a vãl’iulor (The fields’ flowers) Dative Grai a ficiorlu (speak to the boy) Dãl’iu a featilor (give it to the girl) As it is seen even in Aromanian, the genitive is distinguished by the dative from the front article, whereas the dative is presented with the form of nominative with the preposition a.

2. The back positioning of the definite article. The back put of the definite article is ordered as one of the most typical Balkanisms, despite it is faced up even in the languages out of the Balkans. (Armenian, Scandinavian languages). It is faced up in the Balkan languages belonging to different groups of the family, eg. Albanian, Romanian, Bulgarian and Macedonian. In the Roman languages group to which Romanian belongs, the definite article is back put. The Slavic group’s languages have not developed any definite article9. In the Balkan languages the back put definite article is obtained by the evolution of the respective demonstrative pronouns. In Albanian and Romanian the back put definite article has preserved to some extent the respective case forms of the demonstrative pronouns. Whereas in Bulgarian and Macedonian the back put definite article presently appears in a single case form, considering that they have longly lost the declensions’ system in general. But on the other hand in western Macedonian and in fact in any dialect of Bulgarian the back put definite article appears in three different forms, depending on the position of the object named by or far from the speaker, or despite its position. For example, P.sh çoveko-ov, -on, -ot (man); zhena-va, -na, -ta (woman), sello-vo, no, -to (village); luţje-ve, -ne, -to (people). It is to be compared these article forms with those of the corresponding demonstrative pronouns: ovo-ovaa-ovoe-ovie, 9. Steblin-Kamenskij. (Sh. Demiraj, p. 99)

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-onoj-onaa-onoo-onie, toj-taa-toe-tie. Whereas in Bulgarian in general there are used mainly the article forms with ët, p.sh. çovek-ët (man), zhena-ta (woman), sello-to (village), ljude-te (people). In the New Greek o anthropos o agathos; i (ή) gynaika agathi, to paid ((h)i to agatho (good man, good woman, good child) etc. If there are compared in Albanian the case forms of the front article of the masculine gender with those of the corresponding demonstrative pronoun: mal-i. a-I (the mountain), mal-i-it, a-ti(j) (his); as well comparing the Romanian forms of the article in masculine singular with those of the corresponding Latin demonstrative pronoun: lup-u-l: ille, lupu-lui: illui, etc. In Aromanian it occurs the same phenomenon of the back put of the definite article: Singular Plural Munt-i (the mountain) munţtiã (the mountains) Feat-a (the girl) featili (the girls) Lupl-u (the wolf) luchiã (the wolves)

3. The forms of the future tense One of the common phenomena of the Balkan languages is rightly considered the type of future tense formed with the help of the verb want (usually non-changeable) followed by the main verb mainly in the present simple in the subjunctive mood, respectively affirmative. In the majority of the Balkan languages as a characteristic means of creating the future tense generally serves a non-changeable form of the third person singular of this verb, followed by the main verb in the present tense of the subjunctive mood, e.g. Albanian do të bëj (I want to do), Greek tha kάnσ, Romanian sã fac, Bulgarian shte pravja, Macedonian qe pravam. Such a feature is developed in the Balkan languages, despite they belong to branches of different languages, e.g. such as Greek, Albanian, Romanian (roman language) and Bulgarian and Macedonian (Slavic languages). Even in Serbo-Croatian the future tense is formed through the help of the verb want and the infinitive of the main verb. Concretely seen: In New Greek, apart from the present future, it is relatively rarely used even the perfect future in the past. The present future is formed through the particle thά d(h)enσ- thά d(h)esσ (I will match). Whereas the perfect future in the past is

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formed through the auxiliary verb have and the past participle of the main verb, for e.g. thά έkhσ d(h)emeno (will have matched). A huge evolution has been undergone by the periphrastic Bulgarian-Macedonian future, which at the present stage of these languages is presented with the forms: shte pravja in Bulgarian and qe pravam in Macedonian. As far as Serbo-Croatian is concerned, it is preserved the old composition of the future with the auxiliary verb want which is conjugated, but it has the initial syllable ho- and appears in the personal forms çu, çesh etc. These personal forms are followed by the infinitive of the main verb and are preceded by a reduced form of it: ja ću dati/da-ću (will give) etc. In Romanian the most widespread type of future tense is the one formed with the help of the auxiliary verb want. There are encountered three forms of the future deriving from that type: the type form voi (vei, va) etc face (will do), where the auxiliary verb changes according to the persons and it is followed by the short form of infinitive; the type form oi (ei, a etc) face. The type form o sa fac, where the first nonchangeable element o is followed by the present tense of subjunctive mood which is correctly conjugated. Apart from them, in Romanian it is used another type of future, formed by the present simple of the auxiliary verb have and the present tense of subjunctive mood of the main verb. Both the two elements are correctly conjugated, for example: am sã fac, ai sã faci, are sa face et (I will do, tou will do, he will do) etc. As far as Albanian is concerned, the meaning of the future is expressed mainly through the analytical forms formed by the auxiliary verb want (in the non-changeable form do) and have. But, the meaning of the future is expressed even through the forms of the present tense of the subjunctive mood. The type of the future with the non-changeable verb form will be testified relatively early in both the two dialects of Albanian. It is encountered in Albanian the form kam me punue (will have to work) formed with the presence of the verb have and infinitive. In Aromanian, the future tense as in Albanian appears with the non-changeable phoneme u which derives from the verb o, which is the non-changeable form of the verb do (dua-want) third person singular + the subjunctive form sã – lucredzu (të punoj) : Future Tense U sã – lucredzu (I will work) U sã – īmnu (I will work) U sã – cãntu (I will sing) U sã – alegu (I will read) Form.

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4. The retaking of the object via the contracted forms. This phenomenon that is relatively widespread is present in all the Balkan languages, but it is mostly developed in Albanian and Macedonian. In Albanian the retaking of the direct object is done through the generalized phenomenon, when it is expressed by the emphasized personal pronouns of the two first persons, despite their position before or after the verb. In Albanian language the object is expressed twice: once by a noun and by a noun + personal pronoun. In this case it represents the topic of the meaning, whereas the theme is expressed regularly by the non-emphasized forms of the personal pronoun of the first two persons in the accusative: Si të quajnë ty?/ Si të quajnë?/ Ty si të quajnë? (What is your name?) As far as the retaking of the indirect object is concerned, it is generalized in Albanian language, not only when it is expressed through the personal pronouns of the first two persons, but even when it is expressed through the third person’s pronoun, or through any other pronoun, or through a noun or noun phrase. Këtë libër jepja Agimit (Give this book to Agim.)/ Agimit i thamë, por nuk pati mundësi të vinte. (We told Agim, but he had no opportunity to come). In Romanian as well, the retaking of the objects is a very widespread phenomenon. At present this language for example the objects expressed by the personal pronouns of the firs two persons they are regularly retaken through the nonemphasized corresponding forms, not only when they are put before the verb, but as well after the verb. In other cases, meaning, when the objects are not expressed via personal pronouns of the first two persons, their retaking can be mandatory, optional or impossible. Doubling the direct object expressed by the personal, reflective and demonstrative pronoun in present day’s Romanian is mandatory. In Macedonian the direct and indirect objects are retaken through the nonemphasized personal pronoun forms, when they are expressed with non-emphasized personal pronoun forms, through a personal, reflective, relative pronoun and through the interrogative pronoun koj (who?), as well as when they are expressed through an indefinite form of a noun. In literary Bulgarian the retaking of the objects has optional character. The retaking occurs in the same conditions as in Macedonian, except it is rarely encountered and it is conditioned by the meaning of the verb. As well, the retaking of the objects expressed by the emphasized forms of the personal pronouns is not generalized.

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The retaking of the objects is obtained even in Greek. The objects in this language are retaken when the speaker aims at making them especially evident; otherwise, it is used only the non-emphasized form of the personal pronoun. In Aromanian it is presented similarly: Cum tī a-cl’iamã tini. (What is your name?) Cum ti a – cl’iamã (What is your name?) Tini cum ti a-cl’iamã (What is your name?) Li dideş cãrţli a elevilar. (Did you give the books to the pupils?) Nã-u dideş zborlu. (You promised us) The retaking of the objects in Balkan languages is done with specific meaning aims.

5. Avoidance of the infinitive One of the main features of the Balkan languages is as well the gradual avoidance of infinitive and its replacement through the subjunctive mood. Infinitive is a verb category that is not developed only in the family of IndoEuropean languages but as well in other linguistic families. It has taken some grammatical and meaning (morpho-syntactic) features which are characteristic for the verb. But despite its noun initial, as a representing form of the verb, the infinitive does not have any grammatical feature and any syntactic link characteristic to the noun. Its grammatical categories are conditioned by those of the respective verbs. As far as the syntactic links are concerned, infinitive as a representative form of the verb, can take all the complimenting parts characteristic for the non-conjugated verb forms; as well it can take a subject different from that of the main verb. The infinitive represents the culmination of the grammatical abstraction in the verb system of a language. The infinitive forms, differently from the participles differ very much from one language into another. In Greek the infinitive has come to being avoided every time more from the use and it has been replaced mainly through the formations with personal forms of the subjunctive mood, preceded by the subordinate conjunction ina, na. Anyways, there are traces of it in the Greek speeches in South Italy and in any rare form of the type thelo grafei (grapsei). In Bulgarian we have got the avoidance of the infinitive and its replacement by the construction with personal forms of the demonstrative mood of the

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verb (because the Slavic languages lack subjunctive mood) proceeded by the conjunction da (that, so that). This phenomenon is observed in Macedonian as well and partially in Southern Serbian. As far as Serbo-Croatian is concerned, the avoidance of infinitive is faced mainly in those speeches that have been in contact with Balkan languages, where it is obtained the phenomenon in question, as there are the speeches of Timok-Prizren and Banat. The avoidance of the infinitive is done replacing the formations of the person’s verb forms, preceded by the conjunction da, it is observed in the different speeches of Serbian. The avoidance of infinitive and its replacement by the person’s forms of subjunctive mood is verified in Romanian as well. Whereas in Romanian, as well as in Albanian it is obtained a contrary phenomenon. It is about the use of passive past participle (the forms of the type fãcut, scris) preceded by the preposition de, pentru etc with the value of infinitive with limited syntactic functions. For example pentu scris (to go), am de citit (have to go). As far as Albanian language is concerned, during its historical evolution it has developed its non-conjugated forms of the type me ba (to do), which is used with the characteristic functions of infinitive. It is formed by making as a verb the phrase composed by the preposition me and a noun deriving from a verb (when it was yet not front-articled). During these last centuries in both the two dialects of Albanian it is made grammatical and the phrase of the type për-të bërë (Gheg dialect për të ba- to do), composed by the preposition per (to) and the neutral noun deriving from a verb of the type të bërë (to do) Va sãnegu ta s-lucredzu. (I will go to plough) Va sã negu. (I have to go) Va sã alegu. (to read)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • •

A.Riska, “Arumunët” (Aromanians) Sejko, 2005 Fjalori i gjuhës së sotme shqipe, (Present Day’s Albanian Language Dictionary) Tiranë, 1980 Fjalor enciklopedik, (Encyclopedic Dictionary) Bacchus, Tiranë, 2002 Fjalori Enciklopedik shqiptar, (Albanian Encyclopedic Dictionary) Tranë, 1985 Sh. Demiraj, Gjuhësia ballkanike (Balkan Linguistics)

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MSc. Erinda Papa | MSc. Benita Stavre

Doris Lessing’s Socio-Psychological Novel Unfolded in the Albanian Social and Literary Context “Only connect! That was the whole of her sermon. Only connect the prose and the passion, and both will be exalted, and human love will be seen at its height. Live in fragments no longer. Only connect…” Chapter XXII, “Howards End” E. M. Forster

Abstract The whole fiction of Doris Lessing is marked by a continuous attempt to foreshadow the inner conflicts and the dilemma of the female to prevail in a patriarchal society. It is of Lessing’s interest to examine the breakthrough of this individual portrayed as a fragmented being. The writer follows her heroine in an attempt to illustrate the difficulties of such a female encountered in a life measured by pressured imposed either by a collective consciousness or a fragmented individual psyche. The central issue for a great number of Lessing’s women is the conflict they feel between being a person and what society expects of them. Lessing’s women find the roles of daughter, wife, lover, mother and worker so contaminated by social repression that functional adaption signifies a complete loss of self. Lessing’s fiction is distinguished for a number of themes which remain very actual not only in her writing context, but in an Albanian atmosphere also. The problem of the spiritual crisis of the modern female, the ‘negative’ role of marriage resulting in a freedom loss even in a developed country, the insufficiency of the financial independence for a total female emancipation, the spiritual crisis of the female in a society governed by principles and an outlook of the modern

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patriarchate are to be examined side by side with the Albanian reality. The case of the ‘Sworn Virgins’ – an Albanian phenomenon – will serve as the context to identify the problems of the Albanian female whose sexual identity is lost. The paper attempts to draw parallel lines between the female individual in Lessing’s fiction and the sworn virgin in some of the Albanian literary contexts. Key words: female emancipation, fragmentation, marriage, freedom, sworn virgin

Introduction The whole fiction of Doris Lessing is marked by a continuous attempt to foreshadow the inner conflicts and the dilemma of the female to prevail in a patriarchal society. It is of Lessing’s interest to examine the breakthrough of this individual portrayed as a fragmented being. The writer follows her heroine in an attempt to illustrate her difficulties encountered in a life measured by pressures imposed either by a collective consciousness or a fragmented individual psyche. The aim of this paper is to identify some of Lessing’s ideas prevailing and translated in the Albanian social and literary reality. The pressures imposed to Lessing’s subject might provoke either mental breakdown or alienation from the inner and the outer world. The case of the Albanian individual meets at a certain extent Lessing’s prospect but she goes beyond as it will be shown with the sworn virgin phenomenon.

Marriage and Freedom Being considered a novelist of ideas, we believe Lessing’s strength lies in her concept of the individual and his or her relation to the society. “Because she deals with abstract ideas about women, men and society, and because she cannot place all her ideas in narrative context, her own voice comes through even more distinctly”.1 She moves from realistic fiction to science fiction with a clearly didactic purpose: to make the individual alert of the risk that the unjust society poses to life itself2. Therein lays her interest in marriage. This is going to be one of the main issues to be analyzed in and compared to the Albanian environment. 1. Cleary, Rochelle Diane. 1981. A Study of Marriage in Doris Lessing’s Fiction. ProQuest Dissertations 2. Though she is particularly recognized as a writer of ideas, Doris Lessing’s prose is appreciated for its educational purposes.

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One of the perspectives to marriage Lessing offers is that of a social institution the individual is forced to be bonded to. The pressures exercised by the society mold the female’s life and determine the outcomes of her future. Martha Quest in “Children of Violence” series forces herself into marriage in an act of rebellion towards the tensions and the expectations of her traditional parents and community. Unlike Martha Quest the Albanian female is considered a curse from the very first moment she comes to light, due to the fact that she will provide no support to the family in the future (she is supposed to get married and join her husband’s family), as compared to the male who is expected to provide all the commodities to the parents and the relatives. Therefore the Albanian woman is likely to be submissive to the male dominion first in the family and then in the society. Historically she had got no name of her own, but is regarded as “someone’s daughter, wife or mother” (Tomes, 135). Accomplishing this role the Albanian woman is forced into marriage by her father and/or other male relatives of her family. In the Children of Violence series, Lessing depicts the characteristics of the female individual emerging from the dawn of the World War I on, covering two World War generations. If we compare Mrs. Quest to the Albanian woman of her generation they sometimes intersect to one another. What they share is the sense of obedience inherited historically and rooted in their veins. Lessing is intent upon showing in her African stories that human life is not conducive to communication between sexes. The writer presents in The Grass is Singing or The DeWets Come to Kloof Grange that the point of view of each sex is different because, though each ostensibly shares the same world, each is exposed to different parts of it.1 He knows the land, she the house. “… For she knew he was hardly conscious of her; nothing existed for him outside his farm. And that suited her well. During the early years of their marriage (…) there was always a little uneasiness between them, like an unpaid debt.” (The DeWets Come to Kloof Grange, p. 109) Role-playing is central in understanding gender communication in Albania. Deprived of any social right the Albanian female existence is labeled in terms of male service. A very interesting point on role playing is made by Antonia Young in her study undertaken while observing life in the North of Albania. She listed according to Kanun2 a number of jobs performed by man including hard labour 3. The feminist Kate Millett makes a point central to our understanding of the shaky foundation upon which any communication between the sexes rests when she says, “Because of our social circumstances, male and female are really two cultures and their life experiences are utterly different – and this is crucial”. Millett, Kate. (1971). Sexual Politics. New York: Avon Books, p. 53 4. The Kanun in (Albanian) is a set of traditional Christian Albanian laws. The Kanun was primarily oral and only in the 20th century was it published in written form.

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tasks (chopping the wood, harvesting and cropping or shepherding), paying the respects to the guests as well as maintaining and protecting the honor of the family. Meanwhile, the woman was supposed to give birth to and raise children, take care of cooking and the households, serving to the men and the guests of the family (including the washing of their feet); carrying water and firewood, preparing dairy products, insurance and food storage, doing the laundry, sewing and embroidery as well as preparing the dowry. Moreover, they had to carry out all the works performed by men in the case of blood feud. This was apparently one of the reasons that had excluded women from feud and led little by little to the birth of the idea that “craftsmanship was women’s work” and “the war, a real man work”. (Whitaker, 150) Martha Quest, Lessing protagonist in Children of Violence series, rebels against the traditional model projected by her mother. She devotes herself to reading in order to work out the answers to several questions disturbing her in the process of underlining herself. Education is an aspect Mrs. Quest is not very fond of, since she believes, like her friend Mrs. Van Rensberg does, that all a woman should care for is a proper marriage. In opposition to that, the Albanian female of the ‘30s had passively accepted her subordinated and submissive position even in the intellectual realm. A view of a young mother in Shosh fascinated R. W. Lane so far as she portrayed colorfully her. “Her voice was soft, but her hands and feet will drive insane any sculptor. In every restaurant in Paris these delicate fingers, nails as almonds and noble and rare wrists will bring the sensation.” But when asked of what she thought of those female travelers who had come from far walking in the company of foreign men, the answer they gave was, “I am illiterate, ignorant; I only collect wood.” (Lane, 25) Happiness is an issue that most female protagonists in Lessing’s prose idealistically inspire at the beginning of a relationship. Mary Turner in The Grass Is Singing hopes for a better future marrying Dick Turner. Martha Quest in A Proper Marriage, forces herself into romantic love anticipating happiness in her relationships. The Albanian woman of the ‘30s is not supposed to be happy in a relationship. Lane comments that, “For us, marriage has nothing to do with happiness (...) Marriage is a family matter. The man gets married because he reaches the age, and so was our family from generation to generation. (...) Our women have children, they love them. They do not quarrel with their husbands. But I do not think that our women are happy. I do not know whether we would be happier if we choose men ourselves. Girls are not very smart for marriage”. (Lane, 1921) The crux of the difference between one of Lessing’s fictional characters, Martha Quest, and the Albanian woman is that she never allows her real self to be totally immersed in the marriage and so never loses touch with her own center. A part of her always stands aside from what she sees as self-destructive

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behavior. The young Martha has got the psychic energy not only to protest the entrapment of marriages defined for her by others, but she successfully escapes them.

The Sworn Virgins The Albanian reality has been traditionally very severe towards women. It obliged them to transform themselves into men denying their femininity. Antonia Young suggests that, “in the Western society it is becoming increasingly accepted that people who perceive themselves as belonging to the opposite sex from their psychological bodies and identify themselves as such should not be regarded as dysfunctional, but rather be assisted both physically and emotionally, in transforming themselves into the sex of their choice.”5 The author continues by justifying that the process of gender changing includes a transition made more often from male to female than vice versa. However the reasons for the femaleto-male cross gender transformation undergone by Albanian women should be identified less in the personal realm rather than in the social economic and cultural situation into which they are born. (Young, 2000, p. 83) Early records refer to this process as the only alternative for not marrying the man to whom the woman was betrothed since her infancy. Here begins a complicated vortex of ideas that is difficult to be understood by outsiders. Edit Durham claims that the oath for eternal virginity was the only way to break an engagement in the cradle without shedding the blood of the relatives in both tribes. If the woman could find twelve tribal elder men as a guarantee, she might break the engagement and swear eternal virginity. But if she violated the oath she would dishonor the tribe and feud would follow. (Durham, 490) Since it was not easy for a girl to find 12 persons to rely on, cases of sworn virgins were rare. Meanwhile Joseph Swire tried to explain this phenomenon in a different way when he says, “When the groom refused the bride (a very rare occurrence) a conflict occurred. The bride could be saved only if she swore eternal virginity, and in such a case she was to be treated with the greatest respect”. (Swire, 43) Another reason that led women to gender changing can be found in the role of the leader to be filled in every household. Lack of a son of sufficient age and integrity may bring shame. (Young, 2000, p. 83) At this point it remained the responsibility of one of the daughters of the family to take the role of the family’s son and currently save the honour of it as “a male representative” in the assembly of the men. In order to cross the boundary from a woman to man, it 5. Young, A. 2000. Women Who Become Men: Albanian Sworn Virgins. Berg Publishers. p. 83

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was necessary “to change sex socially”: which is done by dressing as a man and socially engaging in activities limited to men (she was allowed to carry a weapon and smoke cigarettes with men). The idea of the sworn virgins attracted so much the writers that it has become the issue of different writers’ focus. Elvira Dones in her novel Hana centers a sworn virgin now in the reverse process of transforming from “male” to the original female. “You can’t write good poems with a dry vulva, she says to herself again, annoyed. Why the hell did she tell him she wrote? The man pins her down with his look. Don‘t even bother, she thinks, your enlightened man’s brain will never be able to guess. Hana smoothes down her man’s suit. The sport’s jacket is a bit big but not much. Her traveling companion had stared at her with the same curiosity during the flight.”6 Dones suggests that the female’s attempts to identify her Self are useless due to the artificial transformation she underwent. The same conclusion can be drawn even about the majority of the characters of Doris Lessing.

Conclusions The whole spectrum of Lessing’s fiction translated in the Albanian social and literary context suggests that there is a link between what happens to the individual within marriage and society’s institutions within society and that all suffer of an unjust society. Lessing depicts the woman of the ‘30s and ‘40s in her quest for identity. Compared to her, the Albanian female’s search for Self remains utopia as it is pre-labeled from the moment she was conceived. Lessing’s heroine attempts to go far from the mother’s influence, whereas the Albanian female tradition molds woman’s destiny. The only way out for her is either to surrender or to deny her femininity and become a Man. “Think wrongly if you please, but in all cases think of yourself”. Doris Lessing7 6. Retrived from http://www.elviradones.com/english/sworn-virgin-an-excerpt/#presentation 7. Retrived from http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/d/doris_lessing.html

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • • • •

• • •

•

Cleary, Rochelle Diane. 1981. A Study of Marriage in Doris Lessing’s Fiction. ProQuest Dissertations Coon, Carleton. 1950. The Mountains of the Giants; A Racial and cultural Study of the North Albanian Ghegs. Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A Durham, Edith. 1990. Brenga e Ballkanit dhe vepra të tjera për Shqipërinë dhe Shqiptarët. “8 Nëntori”, Tiranë Flax, Jane. 1991. “Feminisms: Stories of Gender.” Thinking Fragments: Psychoanalysis, Feminism & Postmodernism in the Contemporary West. University of California Press: Berkeley, 135-87. Lane, Rose Wilder. 2004. Majat e Shalës. Argeta, Tiranë Lessing, Doris. A Proper Marriage. MacGibbon& Kee: London, 1966. ---. Martha Quest. Grafton Books: London, 1986. ---. The Grass is Singing. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1961. ---- This Was the Old Chief’s Country (stories), M. Joseph (London, England), 1952. Millett, Kate. (1971). Sexual Politics. New York: Avon Books Stirling, Francis Walter. 1953. Safety Last. Hollis and Carter, London. Shaw; Ardener, Shirley; Littlewood, Roland; Young, Antonia. 2005. The Third Sex in Albania: An Ethnographic Note Changing Sex and Bending Gender. Berghahn Books, Tomes, Jason Hunter. 2003. King Zog of Albania: Europe’s Self-Made Muslim King. New York University Press Whitaker, Ian. 2004. Tribal Structure and National Politicsin Albania, 1910 -1950 History and Social Anthropology. Routledge, Great Britain Whitaker, Ian. 2007. A Sack for Carrying Things: The Traditional Role of Women in Northern Albanian Society. The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research. JSTOR 3317892. Young, A. 2000. Women Who Become Men: Albanian Sworn Virgins. Berg Publishers

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Dijana Ćurković

The Similarities between Croatia’s Four Largest Urban Dialects: Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek Perché la lingua varia? Perché conosce tanti cambiamenti? La lingua cambia perchè cambiano le condizioni nelle quali essa è usata, la linga è il regno della varietà perché la società è il regno della varietà, e la lingua riflette nel suo uso la varietà che è carattere essenziale della società. G. Berruto & M. Berreta, Lezioni di sociolinguistica e linguistica applicata

Abstract The paper compares the four largest Croatian urban dialects in order to establih their common and differing features. The cities in question are administrative centers of larger geographical areas: Zagreb of the Northern, Split of the Southern, Rijeka of the Western, and Osijek of the Eastern Croatia. They are surrounded by various groups of dialects: Zagreb by Kajkavian, Split by Čakavian and Štokavian, Rijeka by Kajkavian and Čakavian, and Osijek by Štokavian; all of which are shortly introduced in the paper. The urban dialects are presented with respect to their existing descriptions (most of which were written in the 20th century) and the changes that might have occurred due to migrations and urban and technological development. The phonological, morphological, and syntactical features of the urban dialects are compared to those of the rural ones, so that the areal features are distinguished from the urban innovations. The urban dialects are then contrasted to each other. It is proven that there are similarities between

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all four urban dialects: Zagreb and Rijeka share more common features than Zagreb and Osijek, and Split and Osijek share more common features than Rijeka and Split. Key words: Croatian language, regiolect, urban dialect, Zagreb, Split, Rijeka, Osijek, etc.

In 2006, several colleagues and I have visited the city of London, where we have encountered a strange linguistic event. In conversation with tourists from Italy we were accused of not speaking Croatian! The Italians have apparently met other Croats who „sounded totally different“ when they were talking to each other. They must have met someone from Zagreb or Rijeka. „Of course! We speak Dalmatian!“ joked Saša Nikolić1: „We even speak English with a Split accent!“ The differences between Croatian dialects are so great that they can intuitively be recognised even by foreign language speakers, such as our Italian friends. Similarly, native speakers of Croatian language (CL) often tend to guess where their conversant is from based on a feature they have identified with a wider area. This happens in formal communication as well, and a dialectologist can easily detect relics preserved in professional pronounciation of Standard Croatian (SC2). A person from Zagreb will not pronounce many or most postsyllabic lengths when speaking SC because length itself is not distinctive in the urban dialect of Zagreb (nor Rijeka, for that matter). Similarly, someone from Split will go through much trouble to eliminate the vowel nasality; or vowel height if they are from Osijek; or colour if they are from Dubrovnik... These are innate features, since they subconsiously interfere with learned features, those of the standard.3 It can be argued that these features 1. Now a professor of English and Croatian language and literature, and – in a common Balcanic manner – employed as a software developer at a private company. 2. Croatian language is being used as a superimposed term to Standard Croatian. It is considered a sociolect similar to the Štokavian, Čakavian and Kajkavian groups of dialects, all of which were, needless be said, standardised in different historical eras. The first Croatian grammar was Čak., written in Latin by Bartol Kašić in 1604. The first Dictionarum is even older; published in 1595 by Faust Vrančić. In 1639 Rajmundo Džamanjić wrote the orthographical handbook of Štok and Čak. One of the most important dictionaries of Croatian is Kajk. Gazophylacium by Ivan Belostenec, published in 1740. During the 17th and 18th century the writers of Ozalj circle used a language based on a dialect mixture. At that time many Štok. standard languages different from the Standard Neoštokavian Ijekavian were descibed, mostly by priests of the Franciscan order, but also many others (cf. Vince 20023). These are the older standard languges, viewed as equals to today’s standard, the basis of which was formed at the end of the 19th century. 3. This might be linked to local patriotism, as Alexander (2006: 3) argues: „Dialectal speech is in general valued by its speakers, and while the valuation of it varies among city dwellers and throughout different parts of the Slavic world, dialectal speech is not disvalued anywhere sufficiently for there to be any imminent danger of its complete loss.“ Dialect death is more likely to occur due to population declines.

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are exotic, since they are dialectisms, but standardisms can proportionally be exotic if spoken in an informal conversation. Kajk. words in Čak. or Štok. surroundings, loanwords and neologisms in jargon and sociolects and many other language phenomena may be exotic, or prestigeuos, or even semantically deliberately misleading if they are foreign in a given speech situation. Linguistic features can also be eliminated (or levelled), as different dialect speakers conversationally solidarize4 or code-switch to an interdialect (regiolect), the spoken Standard Croatian (sC), or the closest urban dialect5, depending on the speaker and the social context.6 In sociolect classification of CL the primary speaker caracteristics are origin7, age and education. The secondary ones include income and gender, while preferencess (hobbies) and type of imployment could be considered tertiary, since they mostly impact the speaker’s vocabulary. These factors apply to the switching: well educated different dialect speakers code-switch to sC, and undereducated speakers switch to an urban dialect or a regiolect. Younger speakers will most certainly switch to an urban dialect in mutual conversation, and sC in formal conversation (although pre-school children will not switch at all). Income is a secondary factor since not all members of the Croatian elite tend to cultivate their speech, as is the case in the English speaking world, for example, where the members of the highest class mostly speak Brittish English (RP8 or recieved pronounciation). 4. For conversation solidarisation and the accomodation theory cf. for example Jutronić (2010: 30). 5. In the tradition of over a hundred years, numerous works on Croatian urban dialects were written: Dubrovnik (Budmani 1883), Rijeka (Strohal 1885) Zagreb (firstly, Magner 1966; later, Šojat et. al. 1998), Split (Magner 1978), Karlovac (Finka&Šojat 1973), Zadar (Brozović 1957)... This century marks valuable discussions about Osijek (Benić 2007, and Kordić 2010), Rijeka (Lukežić 2008) and many smaller cities, such as Koprivnica (Lončarić 2009) or Dubrovnik (Ligorio 2010). Important works about Zagreb and influences of urban dialects were written by Kapović (2004, 2006). The newest research about Split was done by Jutronić (2006, 2010), who has also published numerous papers, and Menac Mihalić&Menac (2011), who described the older phraseology of Split, as they explain when thanking the informants who are „govornici najočuvanijega tipa splitskoga govora, čiji su se predci generacijama rađali u središtu Splita.“ (pg. 7). Younger speakers were partly described in the analysis of hip-hop jargon of Split urban dialect (Ćurković 2012). The vast majority of these works are the references for the state presented in the paper. All the works are cited in the Bibliography, and not the Reference list, although many were cited. This was done for a more systematic bibliographic overview. 6. „A linguistic interaction is necessarily a social interaction.“ (Yule 1996: 59) 7. Croatia is a relatively small country and many speakers migrate, carrying their dialects. Southwest Istrian or Štakavian čak. dialect was brought to Istria from Dalmatian Inland during the 16th ct. (more in Lisac 2009: 61-65). It preserved Štok. features such as u < *vъ ‘in’ (Čak. group of dialects mostly marks va, Kajk. v) or consonant cluster št < *št’ (Čak. šć, Kajk. šč), eg. klĩšta (Ližnjan, taken from Pliško&Mandić 2011: 59); but it also adopted certain Čak. features, such as t’ < *tj, tьj (Štok. ć, Kajk. č), eg. plât’a (Valtura, Pliško&Mandić 2011: 56). Stula Kajk. dialect was originally Čak., but adopted to Kajk. superstrates (cf. Kapović 2008). It is ineresting to hear the accents of these dialects’ speakers who migrated to Zagreb or Rijeka. 8. Trudgill (20004: 8) defines RP as a non-localized accent, with „more status and prestige than any other dialect.“

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Regardless of the class, it is important to say that Croats, when they (think they) are speaking SC, very rarely actualise it without breaking at least one of the four basic accentuation rules9 or other grammatical rules. For example: a) phonological – primarily the SC č-ć, dž-đ mergers10 to sC , , or vowel ommition (infinitive -ti > -t), desonorisation of final consonants (SC naprijed > sC naprijet); b) morphological – SC present participle ě-verb morpheme is -io, jela < *-ělъ, -ěla: SC vidio, vidjela ‘see’, but in sC it is often relised as vidio, vidila; or vidjel, vidjela; vidija, vidila... There are also hipercorrections like sC mutjeti* ‘roil’, where an i-verb (mutiti) is wrongly changed to a ě-verb; c) syntactic – such as sC da li je for SC je li11; enclitics position as in sC Netko tko je prolazio je vidio... for SC Netko tko je prolazio vidio je... d) pragmatic – informal discourse in formal situations, unfrequent T-V solidarity12, etc. This does not mean that they are not speaking CL, nor that their attitude towards the CL is deranged,13 only that a difference must be made between SC and sC. To clarify, consider the classification of idioms in Croatian dialectological hiearchy: idiolect, local dialect, subdialect (group of local dialects), dialect, superdialect or group of dialects (naddijalekt/narječje), group of superdialects (skupina narječja). Now 9. The rules are: 1. Any accent can be on the initial syllable of polysyllabic words; 2. Monosyllabic words only have the falling tone (long and short); 3. If the accent is in the middle syllable, its tone is rising; 4. The final syllable is never stressed, but can be long. All of the rules have exceptions which will not be regarded here. The units of SC are: short falling, short rising, long falling, and long rising accent, and posttonic legth. 10. Labov (1994: 295): „The changes that affect the sound system of a language fall into three complementary categories: rotations, mergers and splits. The first maintains distinctions, the second eliminates them, and the third creates them.“ Phoneme dž was formed in CL by splits of č and its allophone dž (incouraged by a large number of Turkish loan words in Štok. eastern dialects). 11. Riđanović (2012: 540) notes that the particle li can also be ommited “mostly with a surface-structure second person pronoun in subject position, but it can occur with other personal pronouns.” For example, the question will be Jeste li bili tamo? in SC, and Jeste bili tamo? in sC. 12. Cf. Trudgill (20004: 89-94) for formality in social contexts and adressing superiors in many (European) languages. All Slavic languages on the Balkans have a Ti – Vi distinction. T-V solidarity means ocurrs when a superion also adresses their conversan with Vi. Yule (1996: 10-12) describes the T-V distinction as an example of social deixis, a type of person deixis. 13. There is a strongly puristic group of Croatian experts who believe that the use of loanwords in spoken language is deranged. For example, the former director of the Institute for Croatian language and linguistics claims just that: „Ne mogu nikako objasniti zašto im je draže koristiti nazive na engleskom, talijanskom ili nekom drugom jeziku. Rekla bih kako Hrvati imaju poremećen odnos prema svom jeziku, što je rezultat i povijesnog razdoblja.“ (Križić 2012). However, this is merely a matter of social context. A youngster will hardly say gejmam when his grandmother asks what he is doing. He will say something like za kompjuterom sam. To his peers, he will say gejmam dok fejzbučim na drugom skrinu, under the condition that they understand IT jargon.

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consider this: idiolect, urban dialect, jargon, regiolect, spoken standard, standard. Combined, the sociolinguistic and dialectological list, as well as complete literature and history, compile the CL, which is then grouped with other Slavic, Balcanic14 or Indoeuropean languages. A group of superdialects is paralel to SC, since the group of Štok. superdialects surpasses national borders, as does the group of Kajk. Map 1.15 Croatian largest cities and general division to regions superdialects. Any sociolect can be further described, but this paper concetrates on Croatian regiolects and urban dialects. Regiolects are interdialects spoken on a large geographical area, formed by dialect levelling. In traditional dialecology regiolects have rarely been regarded.16 This paper describes the following: Central (Zagreb), Dalmatian (Split), Kvarner (Rijeka) and Slavonic regiolect (Osijek).17 Map 218 shows that Zagreb and Rijeka are surounded by a far more complex dialect picture than Split and Osijek. The similarities between 14. The local dialects of Romanian Croats mark many balcanisms, common areal features of genetically non-related languages across the Balkans (the Balkan Spracgbünde), such as the 1st future conjugation with da + present (ja ću spavati : ja ću da spavam, or ge ‘where’ etc. (Cf. Lisac 2003: 133). 15. Downloaded from www.luxurycroatia.com/Repository/LargeImages/istra_reg.gif on December 1st 2012 and edited by the author. Dubrovnik is sometimes considered the center of South Dalmatia, since its history and the existance of Dubrovnik subdialect of East-Herzegovinian štok. ijekavian differentiate it from Dalmatia. 16. Traditional approach describes the oldest system, that of the older (female) native speakers. Recently, this praxis is beginning to change, as data is being collected both from the young and the old, cf. Ćurković&Vukša (2011) or 12. Međunarodni skup o hrvatskim dijalektima, the papers of M. Valenčić and M. Malnar. Still, only Kapović (2004: 97) mentions the four regions, without mentioning the regiolects. 17. Geographical terminologisation is deliberately avoided since smaller cities are excluded. Čakovec, Pula, Zadar, Dubrovnik, Karlovac, Koprivnica, Sisak, Bjelovar, Virovitica, and Požega all have distinctive urban dialects and are centers of smaller regions. Geography might help define their regiolects in future research: Čakovec would be the center of Nothern regiolect, Dubrovnik of Southern, Zadar of Adriatic, Pula of Istrian etc. 18. Downloaded from http://en.bestpicturesof.com/dijalekti and corrected by the author. The only thing retained is the image. Dialect names were corrected according to Lisac (2003, 2009), Lukežić (1990),Lončarić (1996) and Brozović&Ivić (1988), and freely translated. (This stands for subdialect names throughout the paper.) Two Štok. dialects are not on the map, East štok. (šumadijsko-vojvođanski, Neoštok. ekavian) spoken by Croats in Ilok, and Southeast štok. (kosovsko-resavski, Old-štok. ekavian) spoken by Croats in Rekaš, Romania. Map 2 is to be viewed bearing Map 1 in mind.

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the dialects can be regarded as common regiolect features, and the differences as variable features, relative to the origin, age and education of the speaker, and the formality of the situation. The Central regiolect includes, apart from the Continental subdialect of Central čak.19 (which actually gravitates to Karlovac), five Kajk. dialects: North, Sutla, West, Central, and East kajk. dialect. North kajk. dialect preserves the basic Kajk. accentuation20 mostly without the oxytonesys (žȅna < *ženȁ), and the Kajk. *ь, ě reflex ẹ, (pẹvẹc < *pěvьc ‘rooster’, SC pijevac), and *ǫ, ḷ reflex ǫ (although it is possible to find ou, which is narrowed to u around Samobor and o in Međimurje, e.g. bọha < *bḷha ‘flea’, rọka < *rǫka ‘arm’). Sutla kajk. dialect is spoken by continuants of Čak. immigrants, which is shown in several features: the partial preservation of i-e yat by the MayerJakubinskij’s rule; a as a reflex of *ь; and u of *ḷ, ḷ. Map 2: Croatian dialects There are many accentual innovations in East kajk. dialect, such as metatony (mȅso < mȇso) and metataxys (jagȍda < jȁgoda).21 In the majority of the dialect, the *ǫ, ḷ reflex is Kajk. ọ, but also o to the West, and u to the South and East. The Central kajk. dialect preserves the oxytonesys and the basic Kajk. accentuation on its Northwest, but in its majority the tone opposition is lost and the metatonyc circumflex is retracted (na jȅziku < na jezȋku). In the central local dialects, the *ḷ, ǫ reflex is ọ, and to the East and South it is u. Finally, the West kajk. dialect preserves the basic Kajk. accentuation, *ě reflects 19. Cf. Lukežić 1990: 108-111. 20. Defined by (Ivšić 1936: 70): „Mnogi kajkavski govori čuvaju još staru hrvatskosrpsku akcentuaciju sa 3 osnovna prahrvatskosrpska akcenta 21. Definitions of metatony and metataxsys can be found in Ivšić (1936: 73). Lončarić (1996: 57) says that the Podravina Zweidilbengesetz is „unikum ne samo u kajkavštini ... već i u slavenskom svijetu i općejezičnim okvirima.“ If the final syllable is long, it is always accented. If not, the accent is on the penultima.

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as ẹ, and *ь as ǝ or a, while the *ǫ, ḷ reflex is u. This dialect also includes the Ozalj (mix-dialect) oasis. We can see that at least two of three older accents are retained in the regiolect (though in some areas, and in the urban dialect of Zagreb, there is neither tone nor length opposition), while the majority has preserved the basic Kajk. Accentuation. There are many exceptions for the Kajk. rule *ǫ, ḷ > ọ, which, combined with the influence from above, that of Štok standard, tend to generalize to u. In the urban dialect of Zagreb, as well as in rural parts of the regiolect, the reflections vary by generation (older ọ/u, younger u, Ćurković & Vukša 2011:116). The *ě reflexes of the regiolect vary from Čak. i-e to Kajk. ẹ, but are generalized to Zagreb e/je. The *ь reflexes vary from ẹ in the majority, over a under Čak. and Štok. influences, to ǝ in isolated areas of Gorski kotar, and are also generalized to Zagreb reflexes (j)e/a. Morphologically, the reciolect features will include Kajk. formation of the future tense (budem, budeš, bude videl, budemo, budete, budu videli or enclitic bum, buš, bu, bumo, bute, bu), but not the Kajk. plural noun declention. Rather, the plural dative, locative and instrumental are likely to have equalized (Štok.) suffixes, as is in the youngest variety of the urban dialect of Zagreb. Due to the large number of immigrants, Zagreb has more innovations than the rest of the regiolect. The Dalmatian regiolect includes South čak. and West štok. dialect. As in the urban dialect of Split (but with fewer jekavian exceptions), the yat is ikavian. The two dialects share many other common features, mostly adriatisms, areal features across the coast of the Adriatic sea, such as -m > -n (sidin) or shortening of syllabic r. Other adriatisms are found in South čak. and not in West štok. (lj > j jubav ‘love’; š, s > s, z, ž > z koza < koža ‘skin’, koza ‘goat’), as well as other Čak. features like t’ or ča. Perhaps accidentally, these are the features that are levelled in the youngest version of the Split urban dialect. West štok. has the Neoštok. four accent system, while South čak. preserves the older three accent system. These two clash in the urban dialect of Split, due to the large number of Dalmatian Inland immigrants and the influence of SC. As a result, two accents can be realized in one word (one at the old accent place and one at the new, eg. rúkȁ < rūkȁ). Older inhabitants preserve the neoacute and the older accentual and morphological system, while the younger ones adopt Štok. innovations (such as equalization of the plural dative, locative and instrumental suffixes). However, some syntactic features are preserved, for example the future tense formation as in iman vidit ‘I have to see’, even in the younger sociolect. The Kvarner regiolect is combined of North, Central, Buzet, and Štakavian22 čak. and Southeast kajk. dialect. There is no tone distinction in the last, which shares many features with Slovenian kajk. dialects (such as old acute legthening 22. If we were to describe the Istrian regiolect, it would most certainly have more features of Štakavian and Buzet than North čak. dialect, and more Štakavian features than Kvarner regiolect.

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and progressive accent shift). As in many Kajk. dialects, the yat reflex is ẹ, and, similarly to East kajk. dialect, the *ь reflex is a (long) or ǝ. In Štakavian čak. dialect, mentioned earlier concerning migrations, *ě reflects as i, and *ь > a, and a Čak. formation of future tense with bin, biš, bi, bimo, bite, bi is also found. North čak. Buzet dialect is very special in Čak. group of dialects since it has features marked nowhere else in Croatia (such as *ǫ > a). There is no tone opposition in this dialect, which influences the urban dialect of Rijeka minimally. Central čak. dialect is caracterized by the so called i-e yat, which normally reflects i, but if it is preceding a dental consonant (d, t, n, s, z, l, r) or c, which is followed by a, o or u, it reflects as e. This rule is also called the Mayer-Jakubinskij’s rule, after the linguists who first noted it. It should be noted that Croats in Gradišće mostly speak this dialect. North čak. dialect reflects *ě as e, and retains legth and, in some local dialects, tone opposition. Rijeka is situated on the teritory of this dialect, but differs from it in doublet e/je *ě reflex (where je is an influence from above, that of SC), and the loss of tone and length opposition. We could conclude that the Kvarner regiolect has variable yat, but mostly Čak. phisiognomy (bin, biš future formation, pronouns such as zač ‘why’ etc.). The Slavonic regiolect overlaps with Slavonic štok. dialect. The dialect is divided by immigrants speaking East Herzegovinian Neoštok. to two subdialects: Podravian and Posavian, and each has a smaller center: Virovitica and Slavonski Brod. Osijek is in the teritory of Podravian, and is the center of its Eastern type (and Virovitica of the Western). The yat reflects differently: in West Posavina and East Slavonia i, in Podravina e, in East Posavina mixed i-je, in Baranja i-e, in the local dialects of Gradište, Bokšić, Podgorač and Šaptinovci ẹ, and in Našice, Crnac and Golinci ije. In Osijek, *ě > ije. The regiolect mostly adopted Neoštok. accentuation (influenced by the urban dialect of Osijek and the SC), although in Posavina the neoaccute is preserved in a five accent system (short and long falling and the neoaccute are relics, and short and long rising accents are the innovations, formed by old accent retractions). Certain systems preserve the old morphological pattern, but the regiolect mostly adopted the equalized plural dative, locative and instrumental case. If the regiolects are to be compared, many similaties are to be found. All the urban dialects mark significant number of changes from above (from SC) in comparison to the systems described in the 20th century. The original yat reflexes confirmed in the bibliography allow doublets with jekavian SC yat in contemporary vernacular: Zagreb e > e/je, Rijeka e/i-e > e/i-e/je, Split i > i/ije, and Osijek i/ije > ije. Similarly, the equalization of the plural dative, locative and instrumental suffixes slowly influences the urban dialects, at the moment generally their younger sociolects, while the

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older sociolects maintain the different suffixes. The accentuation systems are being altered form above (the influence of SC). Nonetheless, the dialectal formation of future tense remains in all the urban dialects, as do certain accentuation exotics, confirmed in the urban dialects only, and not the regiolects. The complexity of an urban dialect is always related to the number of inhabitants: the bigger the population, the more complex the system. This is partly the reason why dialectology is far more developed than sociolinguistics in Croatia, as well as other ex-Yugoslavia countries.23 While dialectology studies the antiquity and its horizontal variation24 across space, and thus prefers older informants, sociolinguistics is interested in innovation and its vertical statification, and records speech of certain or all social groups. The two are not mutually exclusive; sociolinguistics simply defines a ‘dialect’ differently: as the older (female) rural sociolect. County population

City population

Unoficial population

Zagreb

790.017

688.163

~ 1.000.000

Split

178.102

167.121

~ 300.000

Rijeka

128.624

128.384

~ 200.000

Osijek

108.048

84.104

~ 120.000

Table 1: Population of the four largest cities in Croatia25 Table 1 shows the cities’ population according to 2011 cenzus. The statistical number of inhabitants is different from the unofficial, realistic population of urban areas, firstly because the largest cities are also the largest university centers. The overall number of students in Croatia is 148.74726, and almost all of them are in the four cities, either as domicile citizens or local (annual) immigrants. Secondly, 23. Yugoslav Academy of Arts and Sciences invested great efforts (and funds) in exhaustive description and analisys of local dialects across the federate republics. The results have been published in massive vollumes such as Fonološki opisi (1981). More recently, urban dialects are also being described. For example, in 2011 Govor Novog Sada was published in two vollumes. 24. Škiljan (1980: 134): „Horizontalna raznolikost obuhvaća diferencijaciju različitih jezičnih sistema u prostoru i obično ih izučava u njihovoj povezanosti s geografskim, etnografskim i političkim činjenicama. ... Pod vertikalnom horizontalnošću ili stratifikacijom podrazumijeva se diferenciranje jezičnih sistema na istom području između različitih grupa govornika: tu su vjerojatno najznačajnije sociološke determinante.“ Bluntly said, dialectology is horizontal, and sociolinguics is vertical. 25. Data in the first two columns is taken from the official pages of Croatian bureau of statistics (http:// www.dzs.hr/). 26. According to Croatian bureau of statistics (2012: 12): „In the winter semester of the 2010/2011 academic year, the total of 148 747 students enrolled in institutions of higher education.“ Sadly, the publication does not contain data on the number of students by universities.

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the unofficial number of inhabitnts is even larger than the statistical data because these cities are centers of wider urban areas. Zagreb urban zone stretches from Velika Gorica to Zaprešić and Sesvete. Split urban zone includes Omiš, Solin, Klis, Kaštela, and Trogir. Rijeka urban zone connects Lovran, Opatija, Kastav, Grobnik, and Bakar. Osijek urban zone encloses Bizovac, Josipovac, Čepin, Klisa, and Bijelo Brdo. This paper did not include all the possible speech situations nor did it consider all the synchronic changes in each urban dialect. It rather offered a general presentation of Croatia’s largest local dialects through the most distinctive and most similar grammatical features of their regiolects. The presentation was ordered according to population. We have seen that the real number of inhabitants differs from statistical data. Each city is the center of a larger urban zone, as well as a region of Croatia. Thus it reflects the oldest and brings the newest features of a regiolect, none of which must ever be viewed disregarding the social context, the formality of the speech situation, and primarily the origin, education and age of the speakers.

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Anić, V. et al. 2003. Hrvatski enciklopedijski rječnik. Zagreb: Novi Liber. Berruto, G. & Berreta, M. 1983. Lezioni di sociolinguistica e linguistica aplicata. Liguori: Liguori Publications. Benić, M. 2007. Osnovni podaci o osječkoj akcentuaciji. In: Filologija, 49, 1-28. Brozović, D. 1975-1976. O suvremenoj zadarskoj miksoglotiji i o njezinim društveno-povijesnim i lingvističkim pretpostavkama. In: Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru 14-15, 49-63. Budmani, P. 1883. Dubrovački dijalekt kako se sada govori. In: Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Razredi filologičko-historički i filosofičko-juridički, 4, 155-179. Croatian bureau of statistics s.d. http://www.dzs.hr/ Ćurković, D. 2012. Kalk kao odraz hip-hop kulture u tekstovima Dječaka [Online]. Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IO36AQsWC-A& [Accessed: December 17th 2012]. Finka, B. & Šojat, A. 1973. Karlovački govor. In: Hrvatski dijalektološki zbornik 3, Zagreb. 77-150. Fonološki opisi srpskohrvatskih/hrvatskosrpskih, slovenačkih i makedonskih govora obuhvaćenih Opšteslavenskim lingvističkim atlasom 1981. Sarajevo, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Jutronić, D. 2006. Rječnik splitskog govora. Dubrovnik: Dubrovnik University Press. Jutronić, D. 2010. Spliski govor. Split: Naklada Bošković. Kapović, M. 2004. Jezični utjecaj velikih gradova. In: Rasprave Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje, 30, 97–105. Kapović, M. 2006. Najnovije promjene u zagrebačkom dijalektu. In: Kolo, 4, 55-69. Kordić, Lj. 2010. Jezična politika u multilingvalnoj sredini grada Osijeka: povijesni pristup. In: Strani jezici, 39, 171-191. Ligorio, O. 2010. Fonemika dubrovačkoga govora. In: Croatica et Slavica Iadertina 6. 21-46 www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Reference list 12. Međunarodni skup o hrvatskim dijalektima (conference programme). Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, October 16th-18th 2012. Available at: http://ihjj.hr/novost/ znanstveni-skup-o-hrvatskim-dijalektima-hazu-18-ndash-20-listopada2012/12/ [Accessed: December 17th 2012]. Alexander, R. 2006. Dialectology [Online]. Berkley university: The Slavic and East European Language research center. Available at: http:// www.seelrc.org/glossos/issues/8/alexander.pdf [Accessed: December 10th 2012]. Brozović, D. & Ivić, P. 1988. Jezik srpskohrvatski/hrvatskosrpski, hrvatski ili srpski. In: Enciklopedija Jugoslavije. 2nd ed. Zagreb, 48-94. Croatian bureau of statistics 2012. Students, 2010/2011 Academic Year [Online]. Available at: http://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/ publication/2012/SI-1445.pdf. [Accessed: December 16th 2012.] Ćurković, D. & Vukša, P. 2011. Baka i unuk – generacijske razlike u govoru Blatnice Pokupske. In: Blažeka, Đ. ed. Međimurski filološki dani 1. Preceedings of the conference held in Čakovec, April 24th–25th 2009. pg. 112-121. Ivšić, S. 1936. Jezik Hrvata kajkavaca. In: Ljetopis Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 48, 47-88. Kapović, M. 2008. Čakavsko i kajkavsko u donjosutlanskoj akcentuaciji. In: Hrvatski dijalektološki zbornik 14. 197-205. Križić, Kristina. June 14th 2012. Mišljenje jezikoslovke: Hrvati imaju poremećen odnos prema svom jeziku. Available at: http://www. zagrebancija.com/hr-aktualnosti/hrvati-imaju-poremecen-odnosprema-svom-jeziku_318467 [Accessed: December 19th 2012] Labov, W. 1994. Principles of Linguistic Change. Volume 1: Internal factors. Cambrige: Blackwell publishers. Lukežić, I. 1990. Čakavski ikavsko-ekavski dijalekt. Rijeka: Izdavački centar Rijeka. Pliško, L. & Mandić, D. 2011. Govori općine Ližnjan. Pula: Sveučilište Jurja Dobrile u Puli. Škiljan, D. 1987. Pogled u lingvistiku. Zgreb: Školska knjiga. Trudgill, P. 20004. Sociolinguistics: an introdustion to language and society. 4th ed. London: Penguin books. Yule, George 1996. Pragmatics. London: Oxford Universitiy Press. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Ilda Erkoçi

Albania, a New Frontier for Literary Walks Abstract Albania has been recently advertised as the last unspoiled place on Earth, inviting tourists to explore its natural resources. This paper claims that it is significant for a further reason – its cultural and especially its literary heritage. The phenomenon of literary tourism has long existed in the world tradition, although it is better known and developed in the English-speaking countries. This paper aims at suggesting Albania as a new addition. As such, it should be read as both an introduction and an invitation for the literary curious. Key words: Albania, cultural heritage, literature, tourism.

A short introduction to Albania, its culture and literature Talking about literary tourism in Albania is a luxury given that tourism itself is still in its infancy – one of the many consequences of the former communist regime which impeded its development. Actually, the first groups of foreign tourists managed to visit the country only in the 1980s. In the heart of the Mediterranean, on the Adriatic and Ionian seas, Albania is a country rich in natural beauties still relatively unspoiled due to its not being massively and long exploited. It offers a wide variety of sites including sandy beaches (the Riviera) as well as rocky mountains (the Alps). In addition, the country is also rich in cultural heritage. Its long history dating back to the Illyrian, Greek and Roman civilizations is reflected in well-preserved ruins and

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other treasures. Nowadays, Albania is home to three World Heritage cities: Butrint, Berat and Gjirokaster. The country also possesses a rich literature legacy, among which, a wealth of oral literature, epic poetry and other various narrative traditions. However, there is little recognition of this resource by the tourist authorities and little is made of it in tourist promotion terms as literature at present plays little role in the realm of cultural tourism. There are several reasons for this. First, although the country has its literary international representative, Ismail Kadare, yet, it has no special worldly-known literary site, say, like Stratfordupon-Avon. Next, compared to other Balkan literatures, very little Albanian writing has ever been translated into other languages, especially English. This scarcity of translations of Albanian literature, however, has nothing to do with a lack of quality in the original. It partly derives from the difficulty and uniqueness of the language which falls into none of the Indo-European language categories (Romance, Slavic, Greek, etc.), but stands on a separate branch. This, in turn, explains in part the lack of foreign translators and experts on Albanian studies. Another problem is that Albanian literature evolved over the centuries in relative isolation. The inaccessible, mountainous terrain that covers most of the country made Albania a virtual terra incognita until the late nineteenth century attracting few foreign visitors who might have stimulated a minimum of cultural exchange. With the exception of the ports of DurrĂŤs and Vlora, used for sea trade, and of the Via Egnatia, which had been employed since ancient times to link the imperial cities of Rome and Constantinople, the routes of international communication tended to skirt Albania, leaving it an economic and cultural backwater in a decaying Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, the country went through a long and difficult history of foreign occupation; hardly any other region of Europe has been subject to so much foreign (and heterogeneous) control and influence as Albania, that it is a miracle that this small nation was able to survive at all and preserve its national culture. Unfortunately, trouble was not to end with the declaration of independence in 1912. After being involved in the Balkans conflict, from which it would come out with only half of its territories, the country would also suffer two world wars, which would then be followed by fifty terrible years of communist isolation. Learning foreign languages (with the exception of Russian) during the regime was often prohibited, which explains the lack of professional Albanian translators. History is also to blame for the late appearance of Albanian literature, if compared to other European literatures. The first book in Albanian was published only in the 16th century (1555) but its advanced level of language and the stabilized orthography are taken to be indicators of an earlier tradition of writing

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Albanian. Research has revealed that unpublished, fragmented manuscripts date back to the 13th century. Before the 16th century, Albanian authors did publish, but only in Latin or Greek as is the case of Marin Barleti’s Rrethimi i Shkoders (The Siege of Shkoder) in 1504. His History of Scanderbeg, (Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi, Epirotarum Principis) published in Rome in 1510 has been translated into almost all European languages. The early writings were usually religious texts or historical chronicles. Under the Ottoman Empire (an occupation which lasted five centuries), Albanians were forbidden by law to write and publish in their own language. A national literature evolved only by the late 19th century marking the endless attempts to separate from the Ottoman Empire and become an independent country. Nonetheless, “this tender plant has produced some stunning blossoms in that rocky and legendary soil, many of which merit the attention of the outside world” (6) says Robert Elsie, a zealous Canadian scholar of Albanian studies who has contributed to the introduction of Albanian literature to the West through his translations. Elsie confirms other critics’ observation on a distinctiveness of the Albanian literature: “Theirs was and continues to be a different and quite unique European culture and their written language still reflects many of its particular characteristics. This is, indeed, one of the factors that make Albanian literature so fascinating.” (4) Despite the lack of an industry of literary tourism, however, literary images, both fictional and factual, have had impact on tourism in Albania although mostly indirectly. External writings on Albania, but also internal ones that have managed to gain international acclaim as is the case with Kadare, (Booker Prize winner in 2005, several times Nobel Prize candidate, winner of several national and international prizes) have in their way worked as a pull for the literary curious.

Albania and its people in the focus of world art and literature In the foreword to Shqiperia dhe shqiptaret ne vepra te piktoreve te huaj (Albania and the Albanians in world art), Ismail Kadare writes: “Although Albania was forgotten by states and rulers, European art did not forget it. Byron, Vivaldi, Delacroix and dozens of other famous artists continued their search for original themes in the events, sounds and colours of this land” (Hudhri 8).

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The author of the above-mentioned book, Ferid Hudhri has recorded 140 international painters (a considerable number for a small country such as Albania) who have made Albania or the Albanians as subject of their work. His study reveals that in some of the best-known museums of the world – the Historical Museum of Vienna, the Louvre Gallery in Paris, the British Museum in London, the Gallery of Modern Art in Rome, the Palace of Doge in Venice, the Brooklyn Gallery in New York, the Benaki Museum in Athens, the Tetriakov Gallery in Moscow and many more, even in the far Japan – hundreds of paintings, portraits, landscapes, etchings, lithographs and sculptures on Albanian subjects can be found. Edward Lear, Edith Durham, Eugéne Delacroix, Léon Cérome, Paolo Veronese, Carlo Crivelli, are only a few of the artists who have recorded the multifarious colours and faces of this land and its people and then recreated them on canvas. Lear is prominent among painters who dealt with Albanian subjects. Two of his Albanian landscapes, “Endless Acroceraunian Mountains” and “Horse of Tomor” are known to have inspired the English poet Alfred Tennyson to write a few verses on the Albanian landscape: Tomohri, Athos, all things fair With such a pencil, such a pen, You shadow forth to distant men… I read and felt that I was there! (qtd. in Hudhri 121) Similarly, Léon Gérome’s paintings of Albania have inspired poets Théophile Gautier and José Maria de Hérédia to write on this country and its people even without being there in person. Foreign writings which deal with the Albanian theme are earlier than the first book in Albanian, Meshari (1555). According to literary critic Refik Kadija, such writings go back to antiquity where Illyria and Illyrians were mentioned not only in the historical works of Pliny and Plutarch, but also in the literary works of Plautus, Ovid, Virgil, Horace, and even Aeschylus. (248) Historian and writer Moikom Zeqo believes that the earliest allusion to Albanians in the world literature is to be found in both of Homer’s great works, but especially in Illyad in which a reference is made to the character Kaon coming from an Illyrian tribe living in what is now Southern Albania. We can claim that such sources on Albania and the Albanians may well have inspired later literary writing as well. The Albanian elements take various shapes: as toponyms, descriptions of the Albanian nature, of customs, and portrayals of the Albanians’ character and of great figures like Scanderbeg, Ali Pasha, Ahmet Zog, etc. (Kadija 250) In the

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English literature, the Albanian motifs were first found in Jeffrey Chaucer (13401400). In his Canterbury Tales, there is reference to queen Teuta as a model of female loyalty: O Teuta, Queen! Thy wifely chastity Should be a mirror for all wives to see. … (Kadija 251). Albanian references are to be found also in Shakespeare. In his Comedy of Errors (As you like it), the Albanian city of Durrёs has been mentioned seven times under its Roman name ‘Epidamnum’, also accompanied with notes explaining its meaning at least in one of the work’s editions. (Kadija 252) In The Twelfth Night (1623), the setting of the work Illyria is supposedly fictional, and few might even know that the naming is actually real, though there is no information on the source and use of this specific word by Shakespeare. In the work, we learn that Illyria is in the Eastern coast of the Adriatic and that Orsino is the Illyrian Duke. Next, in Julius Cesar, the Illyrian soldier Dardan has been portrayed in typical Albanian characteristics, most important of which, his being loyal. In one of the work’s editions, the source for the use of the typical Albanian term ‘dardan’ has been attributed to Plutarch. (Kadija 254) The sources for the literary external production on Albania were various. It has already been mentioned that some writers would resort to earlier writings, most important of which were the antiquity historical and literary sources; others would rely on the artistic representation of paintings. However, there were also those who would draw their raw material from direct contact with the country. Well-known figures of world literature have also taken an interest in Albanian matters. Outstanding among them is the British poet George Byron (1788-1824, better known as Lord Byron) who is credited with opening up Albania to the English public with his long poem Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812). In 1809, he set off on a European tour. He eventually found himself in Albania, where he was very well received by Ali Pasha Tepelena, the so-called ‘Lion of Ioannina’. His visit to Albania and favourable impressions of the country were reflected in 360 lines in the second canto of Childe Harold: Land of Albania! Where Iskander rose, Theme of the young, and beacon of the wise, And he his namesake, whose oft-baffled foes Shrunk from his deeds of chivalrous emprize; Land of Albania! let me bend mine eyes Oh thee, thou rugged Nurse of savage men! The Cross descends, thy Minarets arise,

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And the pale Crescent sparkles in the glen, Through many cypress-grove within each city’s ken … (Canto II, Stanza 38) Byron also mentioned Albania and the Albanians in a number of letters to his mother and his friend John Cam Hobhouse, historian and ethnographer. The latter had himself been a traveller in Albania as a companion to Byron and written a book in journal form about it. Another interesting fact to mention about Byron is the impact that his verse has had on other artists, becoming thus a source of inspiration for subsequent works of art as well as travels in discovery of this ‘exotic’ country and its people. French painter Delacroix is said to have written on his diary when working on his Albanian-themed paintings: “To inflame myself, I recall Byron’s verses” (qtd. in Hudhri 75). Some works of art were made by famous painters to serve as illustrations for Childe Harold. Hudhri notes that Byron has been referred to in many books of art where his words were used as captions to the paintings. Byron’s assessment of the Albanian costume as “the most beautiful in the world” (qtd. in Hudhri 75) in one of the letters to his mother, has generated a number of paintings of the poet, the most famous of which is that by Thomas Philips, which is exhibited in the National Portrait Gallery of London and “Byron in Albanian Dress” considered one of the painter’s finest works to this day. by Thomas Phillips, 1835 Byron’s Albanian theme is also known to have influenced (source: Google Image) his contemporary writer P. B. Shelley who dedicated 16 lines to the figure of Ali Pasha in his Hellas (1822). In addition, Byron’s description of Albania is known to have inspired another of the best-known of his contemporaries, politician and writer Benjamin Disraeli, who, with this work in mind, set off for Albania in 1830 following Byron’s tracks. He delighted in the landscape of Ioannina (Janina) at the foot of “purple mountains of picturesque form” (qtd. in Elsie 8) and Ali Pasha’s palace: “The audience hall was the finest thing of the kind I had ever seen ... built by Ali Pasha purposely to receive the largest Gobelin carpet that was ever made, which belonged to the chief chamber in Versailles, and was sold to him in the French Revolution” (Elsie 9). Like Byron, Disraeli also liked Albanian costumes which he describes in Contarini Fleming: Their picturesque dress is celebrated, though, to view it with full effect, it should be seen upon an Albanian ... The long hair and the small cap, the crimson velvet vest and jacket, embroidered and embossed with golden patterns of the most elegant and flowing forms, the white and ample kilt, the ornamented www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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buskins, and the belt full of silver-sheathed arms; it is difficult to find humanity in better plight. (Part V, Ch 10, 302) This journey must have also been the inspiration for the novel The Rise of Iskander (1833), a prose work based on the life of the Albanian prince and national hero George Castriota (Alb. Gjergj Kastrioti), better known as Scanderbeg (14051468). Much of what Disraeli saw and experienced in southern Albania was used in his writing, not only in The Rise of Iskander, but also in Contarini Fleming and The Wondrous Tale of Alroy as well as in his letters home. In scholar Elsie’s words, “Benjamin Disraeli’s novel The Rise of Iskander, while not a great piece of literature if judged by modern standards, is nonetheless a work of some significance. It constitutes the first and most notable instance of a literary adaptation of the Scanderbeg theme in English prose and is, at the same time, significant in introducing Albanian subject matter.” The Rise of Iskander and Childe Harold are tokens of Britain’s literary discovery of Albania in the nineteenth century, and Anglo-Albanian literary and cultural relations in general. The occurrence of the Scanderbeg theme in English literature, however, is not limited to Disraeli’s work. Neither is it unknown in world literature: “With his exploits being recounted in every European language, it did not take long for George Castriot to step from history to literature” (Ashcom 21). Books on the Albanian prince began to appear in Western Europe in the early sixteenth century. References to him in essays by prominent seventeenth and eighteenth century statesmen and military leaders, such as diplomat and writer Sir William Temple (1628-1699), who ranked Scanderbeg among the seven chieftains of history who had deserved, without obtaining, a crown (Ashcom 22) as well as essayist, poet and politician Joseph Addison (1672-1719). Scanderbeg captivated the European reader initially as a figure of history and as a fine example of a military strategist. With time, the Albanian prince also came to serve as a modest source of inspiration for creative literature throughout Europe. Ashcom mentions the existence of a sonnet on Scanderbeg by French poet Pierre de Ronsard (15241585); the comedy El Principe Escanderberg by noted Spanish dramatist Lope de Vega (1562-1635); and at least three operas on the Scanderbeg theme, one of which by Venetian composer Antonio Vivaldi (1675-1741). Elsie writes of a good number of articles having been published, mainly in the late 1960s, dealing with the theme of Scanderbeg in several European literatures. In the English Literature, the earliest literary references to Scanderbeg appeared in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Critic Luarasi quotes Edmund Spenser (1552-1599) as the first to have published an English sonnet on the hero. (122)

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To poet and dramatist Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593) is attributed a play entitled The true historye of George Scanderbarge “as yt was lately played by the right honorable the Earle of Oxenforde his servants”. Some brief and rather curious allusions to the name of the Albanian hero are to be found in other works of English theatre of the period. (Luarasi 124) In verse, Scanderbeg has been evoked by poet Richard Lovelace (1618-1658) and poet and critic John Dryden (1631-1700). The latter refers to the “talismanic powers of Scanderbeg’s bones” (Elsie) in Epistle to the Whigs, his preface to the 322-line poem The Medall. A satyre against sedition (London 1682), where he notes: “I believe, when he is dead, you will wear him in Thumb-Rings, as the Turks did Scanderbeg; as if there were virtue in his Bones to preserve you against Monarchy” (qtd. in Luarasi 125). Another allusion to this hero in the Englishspeaking world, but this time in the United States is that of Tales of a Wayside Inn (1863), by poet Henry Wordsworth Longfellow (1807-1882), which contains a 173-line poem on Scanderbeg entitled “The Spanish Jew’s second tale.” The list of world literary works which have dealt with the Albanian theme is longer - I have limited myself to just some classic examples. It is important that the image projected by such external writings has served to illuminate and celebrate many aspects of the Albanian society in a constructive way and to generate curiosity and affection for the country and as such could be used in marketing literary tourism.

Travel writing In addition to fiction, also quite a large body of travel writing exists on Albania and its people, especially produced by 19th century foreign travellers who have often provided vivid accounts of the country. Prominent among them is the work of Edith Durham. Though never a travel writer per se, Durham wrote a lot on her experience in the Balkans, especially in Albania, directly or indirectly playing a role in attracting attention towards this country. A fervent defender of the Albanian cause, in 1913 she protested in the streets of London against the decision of the Conference of London (which chopped the Albanian territories in half) holding placards writing: ‘Hands off Albania’ which says a lot about her attachment and loyalty to the country. Interest in Albania by foreigners, especially the country’s Northern Alpine region owes much to Miss Durham. The figure of Durham herself has become a sort of tourist attraction in the Highlands. Her journey has become a route to follow for others.

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In the English tradition, Thomas Hughes1, Windt de Harry2 and Rose Wilder Lane are other travellers who have included references to Albania (and its people) in their writings. The latter first set foot in the Albanian Alps in 1921 to go back there two more times, haunted by the mountains’ magic. Earlier than that, in the second half of the 19th century, Henry Tozer4 and H.A.Brown5 had visited the country and recorded their impressions with a special focus on the folklore and other typical ethnographic elements. 3

Imagined Albania In addition to mentioning of real Albania in foreign fiction, imaginative allusions to it can also be encountered. One of the many fantasies about Albania, especially in early writings is its being described as exotic and (probably because of this) as oriental/related to orientalism, which I believe was a way of adding to its fascination. Thus, in addition to Shakespeare’s Comedy of Errors, another writer to make such allusions is the German Karl May, who has produced the largest number of books (six volumes) with Albanian subjects – eccentric and scary adventures in the mountains of Albania – having never been there himself! (Zeqo) Even stranger is the fact that such books were textbooks in Germany, producing this way “an uncommon image of the country in the eyes of the young generations.” (ibid) The Dutch writer attributes the success of his novel The inn with the horseshoe (1933) which is set in Albania, to its exotic elements, especially the weird traditions of the highlanders “which were unknown to the Western readers.” (Zeqo)

Internal writings: Albanian writers There are many Albanian writers from the early ones to contemporary authors who have Albania as the setting of their work and could be used in the 1. Travels in Sicily, Greece and Albania, London: Mawman, 1821. 2. Through Savage Europe; being the narrative of a journey through the Balkan States and European Russia, London: Fisher Unwin, 1907. 3. Lane, Wilder Rose. Majat e Shalёs, Argeta LMG Tiranё, 2004. 4. Tozer, Henry Fanshawe. Researches in the Highlands of Turkey. Vol I,II. London: William Clowes&sons, 1869. 5. Brown, H.A. A Winter in Albania. London: Griffit, Okeden & Welsh, 1888.

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promotion of literary tourism. Among the classics, one could read Migjeni (19111938) whose poetry and prose are imbued with the topographical atmosphere of his native town, Shkoder in North Albania. The same region is also the setting for the work of other great sons of this city like Renaissance writers Gjergj Fishta (1871-1940) (often known as the bard or the Albanian Homer), Ndre Mjeda (1866-1937); modern writers like Martin Camaj(1925-1992) and Ernest Koliqi (1903-1975) who brought a Western breath into Albanian Literature. Landscape admirers may refer to Naim Frasheri’s (national poet; 1846-1900) and Lasgush Poradeci’s (1899-1987) poetry. Moving from the classics to contemporary writers, Ismail Kadare (1936 - ) is one of those authors who without specifically intending to write about place, has through his fame and contribution to the literary canon come to be associated with a particular location - Gjirokastra - his birthplace and setting of several of his works. Kadare, whose works have been translated into over thirty languages, must be among the few living authors to attract tourists. His house in Gjirokaster is nowadays a literary museum. In addition, nowadays, there are several Albanian writers living abroad who have become part of the literary canon and attracted attention due to their work and as such could well contribute to literary tourism. Thus, Ornela Vorpsi (1968- ) lives in Paris, writes in Albanian, Italian and French and her works have been translated into several languages; Elvira Dones (1960- ) is another prolific writer whose works have been translated into a number of languages and who has so far won both literary acclaim and prizes. And there are still many more … . Most of the above-mentioned have through their work captured the spirit of life in Albania, which could play a central role if used appropriately by the tourism authorities. Many others could well attract the literary curious thanks to their (literary) personality.

Significant sites of literary pilgrimage The following is a short list of locations worth exploring for their literary and cultural potential. Gjirokaster, a small town in Albania, is nowadays a UNESCO heritage site. On the writer Ismail Kadare’s initiative, Gjirokastra was proposed for UNESCO’s protection in 2002 and was accepted in 2005. It was proclaimed museum city in 1961. The city has been included in UNESCO on the basis of criterions (iii) and (iv): because it “constitutes a unique evidence of a tradition of living, developed from

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the 14th to 19th centuries” and because “the fortified residence of Gjirokastra is a remarkable illustration of the way of life in Albania in a particular period of time (14th to 19th century)” (Gjirokastra - SUA). I would add that it is one of the most visited places not only for being architecturally special – a stone-made town – but it owes much of its fame to one of its sons, Ismail Kadare, a Nobel Prize nominee who has made the town the setting of several of his best works. A city with a rich and diverse cultural heritage – part of which is also its literary heritage, Shkoder has been home to several ancient greats, particularly writers. But the city’s literary importance has continued to the present day, with foreign authors like Durham coming to draw inspiration from this important site of Albania. With its remarkable literary history, it can be a potential literary destination. As shown above, some of Shkoder’s greatest authors have used their home city as their inspiration and made it into a setting. Locating his poems and short stories in Shkoder, Migjeni can be credited with evoking the spirit of the city. His early death at the age of 27 has contributed to additional appeal to the association between writer and place. Pogradec, a town in the South-eastern Albania, is well-known for two reasons: for its lake and for Lasgush Poradeci (penname of Llazar Gusho), ‘the love poet’. The lake has always been a source of inspiration for the poet whose work in turn, created an everlasting image of the lake as well as the relaxed town’s lifestyle.

Conclusions Acknowledging the difficulties in the development of the tourism industry in my country, I still believe that the creation of literary spaces is not only possible, but has become a must in the realm of tourism in general and cultural tourism in particular owing to the rich potential it possesses. The starting point should be promotion of literature, in the first place. Elsie has done a lot to pave the path and has even created his followers. In 2008, Spanish scholar Ramon Sanchez Lizarralde marked another attempt in opening Albanian Literature to the West by publishing Albania in the reflection of literature. Next, the country should exploit better the existing spaces which echo with their literary past (as is the case with the abovementioned cities), as well as create new ones. For instance, the 2600-year-old amphitheatre of Butrint where some of the most famous plays are known to have been staged in antiquity could become an interesting site of literary pilgrimage.

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Writers’ birthplaces, homes and graves could make interesting sites of gaze, too. The preservation and reconstruction of the existing sites could be followed by the creation of new ones. The writers’ celebrity status could also be exploited in activities such as readings and festivals. External writings on Albania can be better promoted in a way that would create curiosity and interest and thus act as catalyst for travel and exploration. Guides with information on the sites to visit would further encourage interest in literary tourism say, like Liddall’s Literary Britain (1993, ‘97). Souvenirs with quotations from famous literary works could also help to extend curiosity beyond the pages of the book. These are just a few suggestions from a literary curious. Above all, it is crucial to acknowledge that literature can be a wonderful tourist resource and literary tourism could be created and flourish in the realm of cultural tourism. As a genre of cultural tourism, literary tourism could be used to span the interface between the tourism industry and the cultural sector. It is a challenging task, but not an impossible one, and could grow into a profitable source for the country’s economy. Albanian writers have a lot to tell about their country to an external audience – all needed to be done is recognition and promotion. The country has recently been listed among the top 50 most authentic places on earth. May it be the first step to also promote the Albanian authentic literature.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

• • • •

• • • • • • • •

Ashcom, B.B. “Notes on the development of the Scanderbeg theme.” Comparative Literature, Vol.5, No.1 (Winter 1953). Eugene: University of Oregon, 1949-. 16-29 Byron, Lord. Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980. Durham, Edith. Brenga e Ballkanit. Tirane: 8 Nentori, 1990. Elsie, Robert. Albanian Literature: A Short History. London: Palgrave, 2005. Elsie, Robert. “Benjamin Disraeli and Scanderbeg. The novel ‘The Rise of Iskander’ (1833) as a contribution to Britain’s literary discovery of Albania” in Südost- Forschungen. Munich, 52, 1993. p. 25-52 “Elvira Dones.” Elvira Dones Website. 12 Feb 2009 <http://www.elviradones.com/index.html>. “Gjirokastra.” SUA. 20Feb 2009 <http://sitiunescoadriatico.osg/index. php?pg=43>. Hudhri, Ferid. Shqiperia dhe shqiptaret ne vepra te piktoreve te huaj. Tirane: Shtepia botuese 8 Nentori, 1990. Luarasi, Skender. “Skënderbeu në letërsinë angleze.” Studime Filologjike, Tiranë, 1967. 121-128. Kadija, Refik. “Tema dhe motive shqiptare nё letёrsinё angleze tё traditёs” nё Studime shqiptare 12. Shkodёr: Camaj-Pipa, 2003 “Ornela Vorpsi” http://www.albanianliterature.net/authors_modern1/ vorpsi.html 12 Feb 2009 Zeqo, Moikom. “Subjektet shqiptare në letërsinë botërore.” http://www. shmls.nl/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Moikom-Zeqo-recension.pdf

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Estimating Socio-Economic and Environmental Conditions on Public Health. Case study in Durres, Albania. Abstract It is widely know that factors such as socio economic status, environmental conditions, condition of living, interact and influence health status and health disparities among populations. Durres city is the second large city of the country with a population around 280 thousand mile inhabitants. During past years, the city is included by strong migratory movements of the population in the context of urbanization, and now it’s lying in an area of 32 km2. The city is expaned in the northeast side, mainly in the informal area, which currently represents the largest inhabit region. It’s know that in developing countries among sub-urban area population and the urban one exist different income groups, dinamic lifestyle, different educational standard, health inequalities. Our paper aims to assess the impact of socio-economic and environmental conditions on health population of Durres city. Method: The method used in the study is based on the collection and statistical data processing from Regional Environmental Agency, Directorate of Public Health, Municipality of Durres. Research is done in the medical health records of downtown area and in the Region No 5- sub urban area. Statistical data processing was done with Excel programmer. Results: The greatest number of visits realized in region of sub urban area turns out to be for infectious diseases (gastroenteritis, virosis), rheumatic diseases, acute pneumopati and less chronic causes. The opposite appears to the region No.1, where the majority of visits consist to chronic disease. Conclusions: The difference between the categories of diseases encountered among the regions, deploys socio-economic and environmental factors influencing the development of the disease in the population of the regions included in the study. www.ijosc.net | International Journal of Science

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Key words: socio-economic and environmental condition, health inequalities, infectious desease, etc.

Introduction There are significant social inequalities in exposure to and disease from adverse environmental conditions. These inequalities exist at many levels, between countries, within countries and within communities. It is well-known that the worldwide environmental burden of disease is disproportionately borne by poor people. Factors such as age, gender, ethnicity and being part of a minority group can modify the relationship between socioeconomic status, environment and health, or can directly affect exposure to environmental and health-related inequalities. The subject of social variation in environmental risk exposure and environmental health outcomes is of increasing concern to environmental health as well as social actors at international, national and subnational levels.(1) There is scientific consensus that several factors (both SES and the physical environment, see Figure 1) interact to influence health status and health disparities among populations. Generally, health inequalities exist among rural and urban dwellers, different incomes groups, different gender and age-groups. (2).

Area based SES - Malaria - Diarrhea - Skin infection - Bronchial asthma

Health Outcomes

- 1. 2.

Physical Environment

Microbial / pathogen contamination o Salmonella o E. Coli, shigela o Staphylococus, Bacili ect..

- Garbage generation & ccumulation - Water supply & sewage - Sanitation & hygene facilities - Housing structure, ect

Fig.1. Intreaction among Areabase SES, Environmental quality and health

Environment and health risks: the influence and effects of social inequalities - Employment situation - Income levels - Occupation type Assessing the relationship between socio-economic conditions and urban environmental quality in Accra, Ghana.

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Methodology Study area. The research was conducted in Durres, the second large city of the country with a population around 280 thousand mile inhabitants. The average height above sea level is about 2.5 m, while the lower part is to Dajlanit bridge at the entrance of Durres, with about 0.8 m nd and maximum height is 78m (at the foot of the “mountain of Durres”). The general topography of the city is flat low lying terrain. During past years, the city is included by strong migratory movements of the population in the context of urbanization, and now it’s lying in an area of 32 km2.(3) The city is expaned in the north-east side, mainly in the informal area, which currently represents the largest inhabit region. Immediate migratory movements prompted the introduction in these areas to a new population. This spontaneous urbanization generated major social problems along with trouble sanitary and infrastructure problems, interventions in the electricity network, damages on drinking water network and sewage system, road network, in the city’s architecture and reduced seriously green areas, etc.. Waste production in the town of Durres by statistics surveys conducted by DPH in cooperation with REA is estimated at 0.9 - 1 kg / person / day, or 110 tons / person / year. Nearly 65% by waste generated is organic materials(4). There is no treatment plant for waste water, its gathered in the open drainage channels that run from the former marshy part (actually new informal neighborhoods of the city) and then flow into the sea, in the peripheral city area. The city consist of six districts. The region with the largest population number is Region 5, which includes the neighborhoods Urbanistic map of Durres city. 17,18,16 of sub urban area. This 3. Physical Geography of Albania. Academy of Sciences, Geographical studies center 4. Regional Statistic Directorate of Durres

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study includes the neighborhoods No 1 (downtown) and No.16 (neighborhood in sub urban area), respectively, with 7200 inhabitants and 8700 inhabitants.

Environmental Conditions The situation of water supply in the Keneta area( neighborhood No.16), Durres. Durrësi water supply depot was constructed in 1973, and now 60% of the tubes are depreciated, while 40% are rehabilitated from a World Bank project. Durrësi area is supplied by Fushë Kuqe, a source that supplies the major part of the city of Durrës and a part of the city of Kavaja. The illegal interventions in the system, especially by the people living in the rural regions, have caused considerable loss of water out of the normal quantity, leaving the citizens of Durrës with only two hours supply per day. In other words, Durrësi has serious deficiencies in people’s supply with water, as well as the lack of necessary infrastructure and the services for the people living in the Këneta neighborhood. The main pipes were not foreseen to supply with water the whole Këneta area, so the inhabitants have individually invested in order to supply their homes with water. The main pipe at the entrance of the area, has been holed by many illegal connections, which send the water (through plastic tubes), from the main pipe to the farthest skolinas .Because the Këneta area’s land is salty, people can not dig wells at their homes. As can be imagined, only a small percentage have the possibility to buy the drinking water (10.8%); the other people use the pipeline water as drinking water. As a consequence of inadequate system and of unlawful interference in this network frequently in the months of the year which are characterized with heavy rainfalls are causing pollution of particular segments of the drinking water network pipelines5. Year 2010

nated

January

February

March

April

May

June

July

August

September

October

November

December

Water sam-

No.1

697

No.16

323 27

27 5

24 9

26 4

28 1

29 5

26 3

Neigborhod

ples / Point contami-

Table No.1 The drinking water samples by months and quarters of Durres city for 2010. 5. The impact of environmental factors on health population of Durres city. ( S.Lala, M.Lala) 2011 International Journal of Science | No.3

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Source: The impact of environmental factors on health population of Durres city. ( Md. S.Lala, Md.M.Lala) 2011

The situation of wastewater system in Këneta neighborhood Durrësi is a problematic city regarding the wastewaters, because it has an old and depreciated system of canalizations. Because the city is under the sea level and the pipelines are near the surface, and the interventions to improve the system are useless. Moreover, the collectors were built to cover the needs of a smaller sized population, as compared to the enlarged population with over 200% after the 1990s. Besides the wastewaters and the rain water goes to the same collector, which increases its load with the system of water discharge, especially in the rainy days. In the Këneta neighborhood, the wastewaters are a major problem, because the previos drainage canalizations are transformed into wastewaters channels. All of these channels cover the whole area from south till north shore, encircling Durrës. These channels were used for the drainage of rain water of Durrës, but after 1990 they have lost their function. However, the inhabitants in the area have solved their wastewaters problem: 1. few of the inhabitants have connections to the city’s wastewaters system (0.6%). These families’ houses generally are situated in the ring of Durrësi; 2. some of them use septic holes and the largest part of the inhabitants use the drainage channels for throwing their wastewaters (80.1%). It can be observed that the trend has not changed and the major tendency is the use of old drainage canal as a tool to get rid of the wastewaters. What most strikes one’s eye is that many houses’ wastewater and white water are not separated as compared to the other which have separate systems( aprox.70% of dwellers).

Management of garbage in Këneta neighborhood The garbage gathering service in Këneta neighborhood does not exist, although 89.7% of the inhabitants pay the cleaning tax to the social services institution. The lack of this service leads to a serious situation in Këneta neighborhood. There are a considerable number of inhabitants which either burn their garbage or throw them in the drainage canals. A great part of the dwellers throw their garbage at the existing places. In this area is situated the zone of the burning of city garbage, which has an extension of about 700 m long and 250 m wide. There are jumped all kinds of waste being burned in an uncontrolled manner which pollutes the air, making it carcinogen also contamination that arise from the decomposition

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of waste pollute underground waters. In the vicinity of this area there are 30 illegal buildings. Population of this neighborhood and not only faces with: bad smell and even so unbearable that were emitted from decomposition; risk of contamination of surface and underground waters; the risk of the development and propagation of many different vectors of infectious diseases; endangering the health of children that plays or collect recyclable materials in this environment.

The condition of roads in the study area The existence of the drainage channel before these inhabitants came, has facilitated the construction of the residences maintaining a certain regularity. The main channels have conditioned the opening of the main roads in the area, which go parallel and produce three subdivisions within the study area. Among the residences, there are narrow paths, and between them the situation appears problematic because of the lack of public spaces. While the roots are impassable during the winter; and sometimes are impassable all throughout the year. The roads often have been constructed by the inhabitants themselves with different materials, mostly gravel, urban residues and chippings. Most of the residences have exits to granulated road (84.5%) and only15.5% of the residences have exits to nonlayered roads.

The situation of electric supply in KĂŤneta neighborhood At the beginning when the now present inhabitants were settled in the area, they provided their electrical connections, illegally. Later on, AEC (KESH) included these inhabitants in the service system. Most of the families have contract with this corporation and pay for the used energy. However, there are still wooden piles, from which tens of electrical strings are dispersed. Besides the economic damage, these strings pose a threat as they may break any moment. Some of the families have bought transformers to cover for their needs.

Types of buildings Because of the type of soil and its soft layers, in Keneta neighborhood there is not much space to set up multi-storey buildings. In addition a good part of the newcomers have low economic income that does not allow for such an undertaking. Most of the buildings are one and two storey houses. The percentages of these apartments are as follows: 50.4% of residents living in flats bungalow, 39.3% in two-

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storey dwellings, 9.4% in the three-story dwelling and 0.9% live in large four-storey house(6).

Socio–economic conditions The employment The national percentage of the unemployment (relying on the statistics) is 13.7%, but in Keneta’s neighborhood this percentage has more dramatic dimensions. According to the study made from Municipality, out of 900 people who are capable of working only 507 are actually employed, or about 56.3%. Out of the total number of the employee only 23.6% are employed in public sector and 54.2% in private companies. Something that still remains a problem is that the employees of private company work illegally, without social insurances. The average of monthly incomes per family are 360$ and vary from 35$ to 1100$(7). The incomes per family can be grouped as above: • The group with the lowest income is just 2.0% of the families with about 100$ per month. A factor that may have influenced this drastic decrease is the devaluation of dollar that make that the incomes of 10.000 lek to be put in the second category. • The group with low incomes is 20.5% with 100 – 200$ per month. • The group with average incomes is the biggest group with 39.5% and the average monthly incomes vary from 200$ to 350$. • The group with highest incomes is represented from a considerable percentage about 38.0%.

The income sources One of the main source of the incomes for 47.8% of families’ economy is illegal work (informal work). Private work is the main source of the incomes for 32.7% of families’ economy. For more than 24% families the main source of the incomes is the emigration(8). 6. Durres city Municipal study 7. Study of Social Directorate of Durres Municipality 8. Study of Social Directorate of Durres Municipality

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Other areas included in the study did not manifest these problems as it lies in the central part of the city, in its historic old part. The population of this quarter of the city is comprised of local residents, it posses all social services, and good environmental conditions of an urban area. We thought that the sensitive differences in socio-environmental conditions between these two quarters of the city will be manifest with a different structure population morbidity. To verify this hypothesis were consulted with medical records of visits to health centers of these quarters included in the study for the period January to December 2010. From these medical records were derived data for diagnosis according to the literature that have depending on socio-economic and environmental conditions. (9) These were considered: rheumatic diseases ( rheumatoid arthritis, etc.), infective diseases (gastroenteritis, hepatitis, abdominal typhus, etc.), pulmonary diseases (bronchitis, , pneumonia, etc.), skin infections (herpes zoster, scabies, etc.), cardio-circulatory diseases (arterial hypertension, myocard infarction , cardiac insufficiency, etc.). Table No.2 Number of visits divided by diagnosis Total number of visits January-December 2010

Downtown

Kenete

3163

3825 Quarter

Disease

Rheumatic Infectious Pulmonary Skin Infections Cardio-circulatory

Downtown No.of medical visits 236 140 62 10 1423

Kenete %

7,46% 4,43% 1,96% 0,32% 44,99%

No.of medical visits 548 320 104 46 1530

% 14,33% 8,37% 2,72% 1,20% 40,00%

Source: Medical records of health Center No.1 ( Downtown), No.10 ( Kenete)

9. Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Closing the gap in a generation: health equity through action on the social determinants of health. Final Report of the Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2008; Socioeconomic inequalities â&#x20AC;&#x201C; scenarios, recommendations and tools for action. Background document for the Third High-Level Preparatory Meeting, Bonn, Germany, 27â&#x20AC;&#x201C;29 April 2009.

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Results As emerges from the data, there is a significant difference in the percentage of visits for the diagnosis of rheumatic diseases, infective, pulmonary and skin infections. It is seen no difference in the number of visits for cardio-circulatory problems. In the Keneta quarter, there is a much higher number of visits (approximately more than 50% ) for infectious diseases, rheumatism, pulmonary and skin infections compared with Downtown quarter. In the medical records of Keneta quarter were observed infectious diseases, such as: Hepatitis A (6 cases) or abdominal typhus (2 cases). Diarrheal diseases represent a major cause of infectious diseases in this area (Keneta quarter), a result of an inadequate distributor network of drinking water, which has led to often deterioration of the quality of drinking water from damaging pollutants network penetration of microbial infectious diseases and diarrheal. By laboratory analysis of drinking water turns out that the number of complaints of the population for the quality of drinking water and water bacterial contaminants level remains high, being associated with the incidence of the emergence of gastrointestinal diseases.

Conclusions: The results of our study, although modest to come to conclusions statistically significant, exhibit the same tendency towards literature that socio-economic and environmental conditions have influenced in population morbidity. In epidemiology, in gastrointestinal and cutane infections the environmental factors play an important role, as in inappropriate sanitary conditions these factors favor the spread and outbreak of epidemic infectious diseases. The difference between the categories of diseases encountered among the regions, deploys socio-economic and environmental factors influencing the development of the disease in the population of the regions included in the study.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • •

• • •

•

• • • • • • • •

Academy of Sciences, Geographical studies center. Physical Geography of Albania Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Closing the gap in a generation: health equity through action on the social determinants of health. Final Report of the Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2008. (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/ publications/2008/9789241563703_eng.pdf, accessed 29 October 2009 Durres Municipality study, 2007-2009 Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2010, 7, 125-145 Jon Fairburn1 & Matthias Braubach. Social inequalities in environmental risks associated with housing and residential location. Living Environments and Health, WHO European Centre for Environment and Health, Bonn, Germany J. Fobil. J.May and A. Kraemer. Assessing the relationship between socioeconomic conditions and urban environmental quality in Accra, Ghana. Int Journal Environmental Research and Public Health 2010, 7,125-145 Regional Statistic Directorate of Durres, Report 2010 S.Lala, M.Lala. 2011. The impact of environmental factors on health population of Durres city. Socioeconomic inequalities – scenarios, recommendations and tools for action. Background document for the Third High-Level Preparatory Meeting, Bonn, Germany, 27–29 April 2009. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2009 (http://www.euro.who.int/document/eehc/29th_eehc__bonn_edoc15. pdf, accessed 29 October 2009). World Health Organization. Report of an expert group meeting Bonn Germany, sept 2009. Environment and health risks: the influence and effects of social inequalities.

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D.Gadipally | N.Kishan | G.Murali

Effects of Hall Current and Viscous Dissipation on Unsteady MHD Flow and Heat Transfer along a Porous Flat Plate with Mass Transfer Abstract The unsteady MHD flow with heat and mass transfer characteristics of an electrically conducting viscous incompressible fluid with hall currents and heat source/sink along an infinite vertical porous plate by taking the viscous dissipation effects into account. The numerical method is employed to solve the problem. The systems of linear differential equations governing the problem are solved by using the implicit finite difference scheme along with Thomas algorithm. Numerical results are obtained for the velocity, temperature and concentration profiles as well as both heat and mass flux and shear stress on the plate have been plotted to show the effects of the magnetic field parameter M, Prandtl number Pr, Schmidt number Sc, Modified Grashof number for heat transfer Gr and for mass transfer Gc , viscous dissipation Ec, and heat source/sink parameters S. Keywords: MHD, finite difference scheme, Hall current, viscous dissipation, porous plate.

Introduction Considerable attention has been given to the unsteady free-convection flow of viscous incompressible, electrically conducting fluid in the presence of applied magnetic field in connection with the theories of fluid motion in the liquid core of the earth, meteorological and oceanographic applications. When

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the strength of applied magnetic field is very strong, one cannot neglect the effect of Hall currents. Due to the gyration and drift of charged particles, the conductivity parallel to the electric field is reduced and the current is induced in the direction normal to both electric and magnetic fields. This phenomenon is known as the Hall effect. This effect can be taken into account within the range of magnetohydrodynamical approximation. Sato et al [1] has studied the effect of Hall currents on the steady hydromagnetic flow between two parallel plates. Mohammed Ayub et al [2] studied the Series solution of hydromagnetic flow and heat transfer with Hall effect in a second grade fluid over a stretching sheet. The effect of chemical reaction, Hall and ion-slip currents on MHD flow with temperature dependent viscosity and thermal diffusivity studied by N.S.Elzery et al [3]. Hossain and Rashidet al [4] investigated the effect of Hall current on the unsteady free-convection flow of a viscous incompressible fluid with mass transfer along a vertical porous plate subjected to a time dependent transpiration velocity when the constant magnetic field is applied normal to the flow. Datta and Mazumder [5], Pop and Soundalgekar[6] investigated the Hall effects in the steady hydrodynamic flow past an infinite porous plate. Agarwal et al [6] discussed the effect of Hall current on the unsteady hydromagnetic flow of viscous stratified fluid through a porous medium in the presence of free-convection currents. The Hall current effect on MHD mixed convection flow from an inclined continuously stretching surface with blowing/ suction and internal heat generation/absorption is studied by Emad M.AboEldabhad et al [7]. It has been shown by Gebhart et al [8] that the viscous dissipative heat in the nature convective flow is important when the flow field is of extreme size or extremely low temperature or in high gravity field. Hence in the present analysis, the term representing the viscous dissipative heat is retained in the energy equation so that the present analysis may be useful under the above mentioned circumstances. P.R.Sharma and Guruminder singh [9] studied the variable thermal conductivity and viscous dissipation effects on steady MHD natural convection flow of low Prandtl number on an inclined porous plate with ohmic heating. Sri Ramulu et al [10] studied the effect of Hall current on MHD flow and heat transfer of an electrically conducting, viscous incompressible fluid along an infinite vertical porous plate with mass transfer. The purpose of the present problem is to study the effect of Hall current on unsteady MHD flow and heat and mass transfer of an electrically conducting, viscous incompressible fluid along an infinite vertical porous plate with viscous dissipation and heat source/sink, by using the implicit finite difference scheme.

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Mathematical Formulation An unsteady free-convection flow of an electrically conducting viscous incompressible fluid with mass transfer along an infinite vertical porous plate has been considered. The flow is assumed to be in x’- direction which is taken along the plate in upward direction. The y’ -axis is taken to be normal to the direction of plate. At time t ≥ 0, the temperature and the species concentration at the plate are raised to and there after maintained uniform. The level of species concentration is assumed to be very low and hence species thermal diffusion and diffusion thermal energy effects can be neglected. A magnetic field of uniform strength is assumed to be applied transversely to the porous plate. The magnetic Reynolds number of the flow is taken to be small enough so that the induced magnetic field can be neglected. The equation of conservation of electric charge . J = 0 gives jy= constant, where =(jx, jy, jz). It is also assumed that the plate is non-conducting. This implies jy = 0 at the plate and hence zero everywhere. When the strength of magnetic field is very large the generalised Ohm’s law, in the absence of electric field takes the form

ωeτ e 1 jB = σ ( µevB + ∆Pe ) B0 ene

(1)

Where V is the velocity vector, σ- the electric conductivity, µe - the magnetic permeability, ωe -the electron frequency, τe , the electron collision time, e-the electron charge, ne - the number density of the electron and Pe - the electron pressure. Under the assumption that the electron pressure (for weakly ionized gas), the thermo-electric pressure and ion-slip are negligible, equation (1) becomes

jx =

σµe B0 σµ B0 (mu − w), jz = (u + mw) 2 1+ m 1 + m2

(2)

where u is the x component of V; w is the z component of V and m (=ωeτe), the Hall parameter. Within this frame work, the equations which govern the flow under the usual Boussinesq approximation are where u is the x component of V; w is the z component of V and m (=ωeτe), the Hall parameter. Within this frame work, the equations which govern the flow under the usual Boussinesq approximation are

∂v' = 0 ∂y '

(3)

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∂u ' ' ∂u ' ∂ 2u ' σµe2 B02 ' + v ' = υ '2 − (u + mw' ) + g β (t − t∞ ) + g β ∗ (c − c∞ ) (4) ∂t ' ∂y ∂y ρ (1 + m2 ) ' σµe2 B02 ∂w' ∂ 2 w' ' ∂w + v = + υ (mu ' − w' ) ∂y ' ∂y '2 ρ (1 + m 2 ) ∂t ' 2

∂t k ∂ 2t Q µ  ∂u ′  ' ∂t v = + + (t − tw )   + ' ' '2 ∂t ∂y ρ c p ∂y ρ c p  ∂y′  ρcp ′ ∂c ′ ∂ 2c ′ ′ ∂c + v = D ∂y ′ ∂y ′ 2 ∂t ′

(5)

(6)

(7)

where g is the acceleration due to gravity, the volumetric coefficient of thermal expansion, the coefficient of volume expansion with species concentration, the temperature of the fluid within the boundary layer, the species concentration, are, respectively, density, viscosity, kinematic viscosity, thermal conductivity, specific heat at constant pressure and the chemical molecular diffusivity. In equation (7) the term due to chemical reaction is assumed to be absent. The initial and boundary conditions of the problem are

t ′ ≤ 0 : u ′ = 0, w′ = 0, t = t∞ , c ′ = c∞ , forally ′

t ′ ≥ 0 : u ′ = 0, w′ = 0, t = tw , c ′ = cw , aty ′ = 0

(8)

u ′ = 0, w′ = 0, t = t∞ , c ′ = c∞ , aty ′ → ∞ The non-dimensional quantities introduced in the equations (3) to (7) are

t ′u 02 y ′u 0 (u ′ , v′ , w′ ) t= ,y= , (u , v, w) = u0 υ υ

θ=

(t − t∞ ) (c ′ − c∞ ) ,c = (tw − t∞ ) (cw − c∞ )

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(9)

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where is the reference velocity. Therefore, the governing equations in the dimensionless form are obtained as

∂v = 0 ∂y

(10)

∂u ∂u ∂ 2u M +v = 2− (u + mw) + grθ + gcc ∂y ∂y 1 + m 2 ∂t

(11)

∂w ∂w ∂ 2 w M +v = 2 + (mu − w) ∂y ∂y 1 + m 2 ∂t

(12)

 ∂u  ∂θ ∂θ 1 ∂ 2θ +v = + Ec   + sθ 2 ∂t ∂y Pr ∂y  ∂y 

(13)

∂c ∂c 1 ∂ 2c +v = ∂y sc ∂y 2 ∂t

(14)

Where

υ g β (tw − t∞ ) Modified Grashof number σµe2 B02υ , Magnetic field parameter gr = 2 ρu u 03

Pr = sc =

µcp k

, Prandtl number

υ g β ∗ (cw − c∞ ) gc = u 03

υ , Schmidt number D

ρu 02 , Eckert number Ec = c p (tw − t∞ ) s=

υQ , u 02 ρ c p

Heatsource/sink parameter

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boundary conditions equation (8) in the non-dimensional form are

t ≤ 0:

u = 0, w = 0, θ = 0, c = 0 forally

u = 0, w = 0, θ = 1, c = 1aty = 0

t > 0:

(15)

u = 0, w = 0, θ = 0, c = 0aty → ∞ From equation (10), it is seen that v is either constant or a function of time . Similarly, solutions of equations (11) to (14) with the boundary conditions equation (15) exist only if −

1 2

v = −λt

(16)

Where is non-dimensional transpiration parameter. For suction and for blowing . From equation (16), it can be observe that assumption is valid only for small values of time variable.

Method of solution As equations (11)-(14) are coupled non-linear system of equations, subject to the boundary conditions (15) an analytical solution is not possible. So, we now solve it by finite difference technique. The Crank-Nicolson scheme is applied and there equations reduce to following form,

ruij−+11 − 2(r + 1)uij +1 + ruij++11 = ai j

(17)

rwij−+11 − 2(r + 1) wij +1 + rwij++11 = Bi j

(18)

a1(i )θi −j +11 + b1(i )θi j +1 + c1(i )θi +j +11 = d1(i )

(19)

a (i )a (i )ci −j +11 + b(i )ci j +1 + c(i )ci +j +11 = d (i )

(20)

Where

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a1(i ) = r +

kvij Pr h

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b1(i ) = −2r − 2 Pr

kvij Pr c1(i ) = r − h Pr Ec 2  d1(i ) = −r θi +j 1 + θi −j 1 + ( u (i + 1) − u (i − 1) )  − 2θi j [ Pr(1 + s ) − r ] 2  

kvij sc a (i ) = r + h b(i ) = −2r − 2 sc

kvij sc c(i ) = r − h d (i ) = −  rci +j 1 + 2ci j ( sc − r ) + rci −j 1  here and , h are mesh size along y direction and time direction, respectively. Here i corresponds to y and j corresponds to t. The numerical procedure employed for computation .It is assumed that Δy=0.02 and Δt=0.0002. The above system of equations are solved by the generalised Thomas algorithm .For the convergence of the difference scheme, we have computed the values for Δy=0.01 and Δt=0.0001 there is no difference in the values. The resulting system of equations has to be solved in the infinite domain 0<y< y∞ . A finite domain in the y-direction can be used instead with y choose large enough to ensure that the solutions are not affected by imposing the asymptotic conditions at a finite difference. Grid- independence studies show that the computational domain 0<y< y∞ can be divided in to intervals, each of uniform step size ,which equals 0.02. This reduces the number of points between 0<y< y∞ without accuracy. The value y∞ →10 was found to be convergence is assumed when the ratio of every one of u, w, θ , C for the last two approximations differed from unity by less than 10-5at all values of y in 0<y< y∞. It should be mentioned that the results obtained, here in reduce to those reported by Sriramulu et al [9] when Ec=0,M=0,S=0,which gives validity of the present solution.

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u (0, j ) = 0, w(0, j ) = 0, θ (0, j ) = 0, c (0, j ) = 1 forallj u (100, j ) = 0, w(100, j ) = 0, θ (100, j ) = 1, c (100, j ) = 0

Results and discussion The main (primary) flow velocity profiles are shown graphically in the fig 1-2. It is observed from figure 1, the primary velocity increases rapidly as time increases. It is also increases with the increase of Hall current parameter m. The figure also indicate that the effect of the transpiration parameter λ and magnetic field parameter M decelerates the main flow velocity profile. The fig.2 indicates that the primary velocity increases with the increase in Grashof number Gr and with the increase of Grashof number Gc. The effect of Prandtl number Pr and Schmidt number Sc are also shown in this figure and it is observed that an increase in the Prandtl number Pr and Schmidt number Sc leads to a decrease in the primary velocity u.

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The secondary velocity profiles w are in shown figures 3 and 4.The secondary velocity profile w increases with the increase in time t. It can be observed that the effects of Hall current parameter m and the magnetic field parameter M, is leads to increases the secondary velocity w, where as the it decreases with the increase in the transpiration parameter 位 . From figure 4, it can be seen that the secondary velocity profile w increases with the increase in Gr and Gc . However, for increase the values of Pr and Sc there is a decrease in the secondary velocity profile w. From all the above figures, it is noticed that the primary and secondary velocity are found to be more near the channel wall.

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The temperature profiles are in the figs. 5-7 for various values of parameters transpiration parameter λ, Prandtl number Pr, Eckert number Ec and the heat source parameter S. It is clear that the profile of temperature θ decreases with the increase of Pr and λ, but it increases with increase in time t. The effect of viscous dissipation is leads to increase in the temperature profiles is seen from figure6.The figure7 is drawn for temperature profiles for different values of λ, S and time t. It is noticed that the effect of transpiration parameter λ is to decrease the temperature profiles whereas the temperature profiles increases with the heat source parameter S. It can be seen from the figure that the temperature profiles increases along with the time. The concentration profiles are shown in fig9. From the figure it is noticed that the concentration profiles increases along with time. The effect of transpiration parameter λ and Schmidt number Sc leads to decrease in the concentration profiles.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY •

• •

•

• •

•

H Sato.‘The Hall effect in the Viscous flow of Ionized gas between Parallel Plates under Transverse Magnetic Field’,Journal of the Physical Society of Japan, 1961, 16(7), 1427-1433. Datta,N., Mazumder,B, “Hall effects on Hydromagnetic free convection flow past an infinite porous flat late”, Jl.Math.hys.Sci., 1975, 10, 59. Mohammed Ayub, Haider Zaman and Masud Ahmed ,”Series solution of hydromagnetic flow and heat transfer with all effect in a second grade fluid over a stretching sheet”, central European Journal of physics, 2010, 8(1), 135-149. Mohammed Abd El-Aziz, “flow and heat transfer over an unsteady stretching surface with Hall effect”, Meccanica,vol.45,97-109,2010. Elazery, N.S,” The effect of chemical reaction. Hall and ion-slip currents on MHD flow with temperature dependent viscosity and thermal diffusivity”,Communica tion in Nonlinea science and Numerical Simulation,2009,14(4),1267-1283. Hossain M. A and Rashid R. I. M. A, “Hall Effects on Hydromagnetic Freeconvection Flow along a Porous Flat Plate with Mass Transfer”, Journal of the Physical Society of Japan, 1987, 56(1), 97-104. Agarwal,S., “Hydromagnetic Flow of Viscous Stratified Fluid through a Porous Medium in the Presence of Free-convection with Hall Effects”, Regional Journal of Heat Energy Mass Transfer, 1987, 9(1), 9-18. Emad. M. Abo-Eldahad, Mohamed Abd El-Aziz. Ahmed M. Salem. Khaled K.Jaber,” Hall current effect on MHD mixed convection flow from an inclined continuously stretching surface with blowing/suction and internal heat generation/absorption”, Applied Mathematical Modelling, 2007, 31(9), 18291846. Gebhart, B.,”Effect of viscous dissipation in Natural convection”, Journal of Fluid Mec., 1962, 14(2), 225- 232. Sharma, P.R. and Gurmander singh,” Effects if variable thermal conductivity, viscous dissipation on steady MHD natural connection flow of low prandtl on an inclined porous plate with ohmic heating”,Meccanica,45(2),237-247. Sri Ramulu,A., Kishan,N and Rao,J.A., “Effect of Hall Current on MHD Flow and Heat Transfer along a porous flat plate with mass transfer”, Insititute of Enginee rs(l)journal,2007,87,24-27.

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MSc. Ilir Sallata

Foreign Visitor’s Impressions of Albania in the Years 1970-1972 Abstract In the years of communist dictatorship, Albania was surrounded by an iron curtain for the foreign visitors. Anyway, with a lot of difficulties and with a strict protocol, different groups could have permission to come and visit Albania which was own named ‘’shinning lantern of the socialism’’ in the world. After the visit, some of them, when they came back in their countries had written what they see and with their logic gave their opinions about lifestyle in Albania. A lot of them were very surprised. Some of them were disappointed and some of them have good impressions. Their articles in the press are the object of this topic. We have browsing the various newspapers like: Viennese press “Die Neue Zeitung”, Belgian newspaper “Le Peple”, Italian newspapers “Avanti” and “La Stampa”, French and German press, etc. Through this topic we aim to present the real picture of the situation in Albania watched by foreign visitors. Key words: global press, the propaganda, Marxist ideology, the Albanians lifestyle, etc.

Studying Albanian history, a very interesting issue to revise is how this country has been seen by foreign visitors. During communist dictatorship Albania was surrounded by an “iron curtain” for visitors and foreign tourists. Yet with many difficulties and with a very strict protocol, various Marxist-Leninist groups from all over the world and not only them, tourist groups from the countries of popular democracies, managed to receive permission to visit Albania. Individual travels were allowed mostly by air and only in special cases by car. Rarely were allowed journalists, intellectuals of different fields, or common people who were

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merely driven by the curiosity to visit this country which had proclaimed itself the world’s “brightening beacon of socialism”. After their visit, when they return home, some of them would write what they had seen and with their own judgement they would give opinions on Albanian lifestyle. Many of them were astonished, some of them were disappointed and some had good impression on this country. “Albania discloses itself to western countries more and more, showing that it is not only a geographical expression” Viennese newspaper “Die Neue Zeitung”1 wrote on December 12, 1970. According to the newspaper, the tourist agency had recommended tourists, especially the young ones, not to grow the beard, not to grow long hair, not to wear miniskirts or tight pants but to have a simple outfit that would not call anyone’s attention. When tourists that landed at the Rinas airport had a beard, or long hair, often they were asked to have an immediate hair cut at the airport. A typical description is given by the Egyptian newspaper “Al Xhumhuria”2, in an article with a photograph, which shows a Dutch footballer sited in the barber chair to cut his long hair, because he was not allowed to play the football match against the Albanian football team. Belgian newspaper journalist of “Le Peple”3 Henry Hartie, after his visit, on August 27, 1970 published the article “Conversations with the students.” Here is the full text of the article: “At the edge of a river, we met with students, who led by a worker, were building the railway. They had been informed of our visit from Tirana. The leader of the 1200 students led us into a hut for a formal conversation under Enver Hoxha’s photography. Three silent characters were sitting around the table: a worker, a peasant and a girl student, whose role was to represent the unity and equality among the youth in Albanian society. Then some other students came in, they all had the yellow and blue badge of the Liberation Front of Vietnam. Expressing themselves like speakers of Radio Tirana, without being asked yet, they told us that they were proud and happy about their lifestyle and their social organization. Physical work was to them something indispensable for the creation of the “new man”, although economically this volunteer work was not profitable. The Party prevented the development of independent elite, and this was why it was not surprising to find artists that in a factory were required to make manufacturing jobs for a whole month.

1. Die Neue Zeitung, Vienna, 12 December 1970 2. Al Xhumhuria, Kairo, 25 August1970 3. Hartie, H. 1970. Conversations with students. Le Peple, Luksemburg, 27 August 1970

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But the person could not hide behind the group, because the Party had another “weapon”: constant public criticism. They controlled one another and everyone lived in the continuous fear of being criticized. On our way back from this visit, we noticed that police volunteers were criticizing fast drivers. For a long time nobody had been fined because all education was based on the criticism. Salary was almost the same for everyone as the regime imposed absolute equality among the people. In Tirana, it is striking that there was no traffic signs system but there were only slogans. Instead of the advertising, at every turn, everywhere on the top of the mountains it was written the name of Enver Hoxha. There were very few vehicles. Tanned men, dressed simply were working around the steady trucks. The short jackets didn’t exist, women wearing cheap calico dresses, holding sickles on their shoulders returned back home from the fields in groups. With authorization you could visit Albania’s factories, but family homes were closed to foreigners. The curious thing is that television antennas were not turned towards other communist countries, but they were turned west “. The desire to visit Albania was largely expressed by Marxist and Maoist groups in different countries. They followed Albanian propaganda in the newspapers and on television and that is why they had a great desire to see this country which claimed to be the centre of world’s communism. In the Milan newspaper “Avanti”4, it was published an article entitled “Albania: an Eastern European country different from the others...” written by Marko Barberis. The way of writing shows that the primary purpose was to deliver positive propaganda on Albania. It is underlined that the pleasure this group of tourists had and the idea they formed about Albania were unique. According to the author they were impressed by the meetings held with members of the Albanian Labour Party. The bookstore shelves were filled with books of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, but there were also lots of publications of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha. Often these books would become part of the gifts and incentives donated by the state, but would also be individual gifts. Young people had their own places of entertainment. Cultural youth houses were an integral part of their weekly plan. At the workplace and in the families it was largely propagated the “collective life”, according to which the general interest should be placed way above the self-interest. In early September 1970, a plane with young people from Denmark and Sweden landed at the Rinas airport.5 Most of them were exhibiting clothes 4. Berberis, M. 1970. Albania: an Eastern European country different from others ... Avanti, Milano, 13 August 1970 5. Newsweek, New York, 7 September 1970

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and a lifestyle that the Albanian middle class could hardly conceive. But these tourists saw things that were unbelievable for them too. During their trip around they were impressed by a mix of the XVI and the XX century: farm carts and rural old women wearing old characteristic trousers and walking slowly beside metallurgical and textile factories, and old typical Balkan huts standing near the workers new buildings. Tourists were impressed as the Albanian leader’s portrait was waiting for them around every corner, in different size and different versions. Durres beach was one of the most popular places for all tourists. Although they had a separate part of the beach from the rest of the population, many local young people ignored the signs partitions and tried to get in touch and talk to the tourists. Some of them who spoke foreign languages, being very careful to the police patrol asked them about their clothing, movies, lifestyle, etc. “A tourist’s experience in Albania” is the title of the article published in the Italian newspaper “La Stampa”6 in September 1970. The journalist noticed a striking sign located at the entrance of the Adriatic hotel where it was written “Imperialism and Revisionism will be destroyed” addressed to both friends coming from the East and to friends coming from the West. Attacks to the U.S. and to the Soviet Union were countless. The group was accompanied by a loyal lady keen to her doctrine. She was not only a tour guide for them but she was a protector, a baby-sitter, a party activist, a professor and even a spiritual leader. She would supervise on the dishes served, on the requests of the tourists, on the gastronomic tastes, would minimize contacts with the locals and not allow tourists to act out of the program schedule. If a member of the group had a long beard, she suggested him to go the barber shop. Pictures could be taken only under certain conditions: to take a picture of someone, you needed to ask for his permission first and if you wanted to take pictures of the factories and plants you could do it only from the outside. In the few conversations with random people it would prevail the comparison between the present reality and the previous periods, before the establishment of the communist regime in Albania. The word “before” was for the Albanian, anytime before the institution of Enver Hoxha’s authority. According to the propaganda, life had changed radically; socialist Albania and the formation of the “new man” had laid the basis. Everything of the past was left behind and the centre of all the attention now was the future “in red” The newspaper “La Croix”7 in January 1971 published an article entitled “The Albanized Maoizm” stating that because of the reform in the higher education, 6. The experience of a tourist in Albania. La Stampa, Torino, 26 September 1970 7. Bryle, Zh. P. 1971. Albanian Maoizmi La Kroix, Paris, 30 January 1971

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students had to dedicate an important part of their free time in physical labour and military preparation. A request of the period was the reduction of the high wages; under the conviction that no salary could be higher than three times the minimum necessary. The worship places were closed: the mosques, because they recalled the Turkish invasion; the Orthodox churches, because they reflected the Greek aspirations and the Catholic churches, for they supported Italian infiltration. According to this newspaper, Albania was able to offer to tourists the magic of the oriental sacrifices and the unexpected contradictions of the lifestyle. The newspaper “Nico Matin”8, in the early March 1971, published the report of the Federal Republic of Germany’s journalist Alfred Schrieder, who had been in Albania for the football match between the two countries. The report was titled “Letter from Tirana”. According to him, going to Albania was like going back in time though Tirana was just a couple of hours away by air from Paris, London or Moscow. A trip that wasn’t easy to organize. The first contact with Albania was strange, not to say a bit harsh. At the airport, to the passenger just landed, was required to wash the hands in order to avoid the spread of any disease. This place was not “another world”, but anyway it was a country which had not moved on for at least a quarter of a century. There were no vehicles on the streets except for the authority vehicles. Tirana had large stores to sell meat and vegetables, both industrial and food items, as well as three large halls to watch old movies. The journalist was impressed by the high prices of the televisions and the bicycles, but on the other hand, the medical service and education were free. Rents of the houses paid to the government were very low. Another criticism article was that of the editor Alfred Nimnerichter on the “Arberter Zeitung”9 newspaper, an Austrian Socialist Party press. The editor says that at the airport, one should wait one hour for the passport control and the bus. In the cities one could see nothing but the Party slogans. Albania was the only country so famous for the monuments, statues and stamps dedicated to Stalin. Albanians dressed very sober, though they enjoyed beautiful things. The buses were old, without glasses at the windows, so full of people that one could barely stand in. The seaside was gorgeous, but not all the hotels were in good conditions. In the hotels or places where locals would go, very often taps were broken or leaking water, baths were locked, the rooms were uncomfortable, and the meals were served cold. The dessert was almost always the same thing: grape. Prices seemed to be low, but the incomes of the employees were very low too. The population was afraid of the foreigners. However, the writer of this article 8. Schrieder, A. 1971. Letter from Tirana. Nico Matin, Paris, 1 March 1971 9. Nimnerichter, A. 1971. About Albania. Arberter Zeitung, Vienna, 19 September 1971

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gives a particular importance to the eradication of illiteracy, to the free medical services and education, to the compulsory schools, etc. “Feedback from Albania” is the title of the reportage of Aliks Mayer in the French newspaper “Le Dépêche De Dijon”10. The first impression that visitors had, was that of a poor country, modestly industrialized under Chinese economic influence which applied the principles of Marxism-Leninism in complete opposition to the Soviet Union and the United States. The standard of life was relatively low, because Albania exported most of what it produced. This was the reason why the fruits and the meat were scarce in the stores, and the cloth was expensive and of a medium quality. The children were healthy but poor worn. The birth statistics were high and abortions were prohibited by law, except for those required by physical condition. Wages were very low, and differences between them were insignificant. Each city had a stadium and every village a rather primitive sports ground. In secondary schools the academic year included: six months of schooling, two months of training practice at the plants and one month of military preparation. Holiday months were dedicated to volunteering work in youth camps. Now the question is: Was this small country, where one finds the implementation of Maoist theories, the Paradise on earth created by extremists of the left parties or the Hell feared by everyone??? If a Frenchman lived in Albania, even with left-of-centre convictions, it would be very difficult for him to get used to it. But Albanians lived in a simple way with slow but continuous improvement and had no other country to compare to, this is why they were happy for their fate and their political regime. Banners testifying the great progress were all over the nation. Federal German Republic newspaper “Dojce Zeitung Christ und Welt”11 on August 4, 1972, published an article on Albania. The foreign West visitor was informed right away about the existence of an ideological strict authority which was not encountered in other socialist countries and he could also put himself in comparison with the strong sense of being Albanians that people had. The regime did not approve contacts between the country’s population (where the “new man” was educated to a socialist strictness and a Marxist faith) and the representatives of a capitalist consumer society. State and Party leaders lived in a ceremonial isolation and the security precautions taken to protect them were much higher than common precautions of other countries. The regime purpose was to create the “new man”. This man of the future was required to have socialist principles and put common property above all. It seemed that all the patronage was decided by the Utopianism of Rousseau. 10. Mayer, A. 1972. Impressions from Albania. Le Dépêche De Dijon, 27 June 1972 11. Shall-Latur, P. 1972. Dojçe Zeitung Christ und Welt, Bon, 9 September 1972

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • •

Press Al Xhumhuria, Kajro, 25 August1970 Press Arberter Zeitung, Vienna, 19 September 1971 Press Avanti, Milano, 13 August 1970 Press Die Neue Zeitung, Vienna, 12 December1970 Press Dojce Zeitung Christ und Welt, Bon, 9 September 1972 Press La Kroix, Paris, 30 January 1971 Press La Stampa, Torino, 26 September 1970 Press Le Dépêche De Dijon, 27 June 1972 Press Le Peple, Luksemburg, 27 August 1970 Press Newsweek, New York, 7 September 1970 Press Nico Matin, Paris, 1 March 1971

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Anduana (Kertalli) Shahini, PhD. Candidate

King Zog’s Foreign Policy in the Balkans (1930-1935); Relations with Neighbours. Abstract Albanian involvement in the regional polices during the 30’s of the XIX century to be involved in the Balkan’s policy at the beginning of the XIX century, for two reasons: to show the early readiness of the Albanian government to be integrated of Albania. which were the strategies that he used to approach the neighbouring countries?

moment for Albania (the great economic crisis of 1929-1933 had a signiﬁcant

of the years 1930 – 1934. During that period, Albania took part in the Balkan’s conferences, it was involved in the programs designed in those conferences and Key words: Albania, regional policy, King Zog the I-st, Balkan Conference, Albanian-Italian relationship, etc.

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Introduction The policy that a country follows is important especially for the position it wants to achieve compared to other countries in the region. The history of international relations presents cases from the more usual to the more specific in relation to the foreign policies applied from different countries. Factors, such as wars or alliances, have often shocked the political or economic orders that were created along the years. If we refer to the Balkans, the long-gone past history and the near one has always turned into a centre of conflicts and clash of interests for many countries. As Professor Padelford says “the formation of regional groups, based in common objectives and geographic vicinity, have been the main directions of international relationships since the World War One”1. This comment, with very little modifications, fits also to the Balkan region in the period between the two World Wars. In a new background of the international relationships in Balkan, Ahmet Zog tries to create the new spectrum of his Adriatic – Balkan policy. He represents a small country, with a history of several centuries under the Ottoman Empire, with many challenges to face in its way of consolidation as a country. Surely, King Zog was conditioned from the foreign and internal political and economic circumstances. Based in these factors he started to review the opportunity of creating a new policy in the 30s of the XIX century. This policy was to be based in good relations with neighbours by land and sea, especially with Balkan ones. This idea came in a situation of aggravation of the relations with Italy, the ally beyond the sea. Further on, the efforts of the King Zog government for regional integrity are shown through the participation in the Balkan conferences (1930 – 1934) and the continuous attempt for signing economic treaties with the European and Balkan countries.

Analysis How does the situation of the major political powers appear in front of this new politic course of King Zog? “The historic heritage had determined the nature of relations and interests of the Balkan countries. This nature of bilateral interests 1. Norman J. Padelford “The movement towards international organization in the Balkans”, New York, Oxford university press, 1935, pg.2

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was already created in Balkan before the Balkan wars, though the countries were reluctantly united against the Ottoman Empire2. Despite the fact that the analyst Hupchick refers mainly to the period of the Balkan wars 1911 - 1912, the experience also showed that World War One inherited many problems in Balkan; the national, territorial and economic issues were present again in this region. After the World War One, Balkan countries remodelled their relationships again with new political and economic alliances. By re-viewing the near and far past history, Balkan problems emerge from within, and in this context a small and young country like Albania has tried not to cause problems, but rather offer support to the neighbours in solving their problems. In regards to the European powers and their intervention in the Balkan affairs, “Great Britain had finally given up from intervening in the issues of the continent by non-reacting”3, emphasized prof. Ushtelenca. However, he refers to the Albanian political situation right in this statement and in particular to the foreign policy of King Zog. The British position as leader, remained as such in the circuits of international diplomacy, especially in the League of Nations. The involvement of The Great Britain in the block of Intent during the World War One had insured her a very favourable position. “For this reason Britain passed the stage of economic depression that the unification and empowerment of Germany caused during the World War One”4. However, Britain’s influence in Albania remained limited due to her incoherence with Italian and French politics over Balkan. With all the democratic principles that Britain suggested and applied in politics, her intervention on very low levels could not change the political course of Italian’s intervention in Albania. The government of King Zog addressed to Britain for help and support several times, with the hope of changing the situation in her favour but the result was partial. The prudence that Britain showed in intervention was justified by the diplomatic pressure of Italy on the issue of Adriatic. Mussolini called it simply a country of vital importance to Italy, such as the colonies for Britain. Parallel to the direction of British foreign politics, there is also the trajectory of France foreign policy. After the war, France was converted into a strong ally of Yugoslavia and didn’t want to ruin this relationship for the sake of Albania. So, on this trail of confused history of interests, Italy was benefitting through her expansion in Albania, while King Zog was trying to build his foreign Balkan politics. There were some divergences in the Italian – Albanian relationship, but only in 2. Dennis P. Hupchick, “ The Balkans from Constantinople to Communism” New York, Palgrave Macmillan Paperback edition, February 2004, Pg.275 3. Ilir Ushtelenca, “Diplomacia e mbretit Zogu I”, pg.283 4. Misha Glenny, “ Histori e Ballkanit, 1804-1999”Toena, Tirana 2000, f.135

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specific occasions and did not create a crisis in the relationship between the two countries. “The period June 1931–March 1936 is exactly the period when new comprehensive contradicts between Rome and Tirana came into existence and developed”5. In these conditions King Zog looked for support from the neighbour countries and from European ones. An the beginning, King Zog asked help from the European countries. France, to the request of Albania for help, proved to be more “stuffy” than Italy6. As it appeared, the intention of France was that due to the bad conditions dictated in the treaty, Albania should not accept that. France, holding this attitude toward Albania, was safe not to aggravate her relationship with Italy and neither with Britain or Yugoslavia, in terms of politics in the Balkan region. The orientation of regional Balkan politics remained the idea of creation of alliances and good and mutual relationships with neighbours by land and sea. The origin of this political idea was also noticed in the period before 1930s, but was especially intensified after this period. The new political terms and especially the economical ones had made it necessary the creation of such a political attitude of King Zog. According to the researcher Hardy, “Zog had obvious reasons to change his foreign policy”7. He decided to stay out of any existent block or any block that was going to be created in Balkan and in Europe. It is obvious that this was the stage of creating alliances, just before the beginning of the World War Two, when Fascism and Nazism were turning into a serious threat for the future of the world. The political model of King Zog and his way of government were convenient for the major part of “Beg” and the rich families, and despite all the attempts to become a democracy it remained a typical closed Balkan monarchy. Under the policy of mutual approach with the Balkan countries, King Zog took the initiative in approaching with Yugoslavia. In parenthesis, I emphasize that Yugoslavia had always accused Albania for cooperation with Italy up to the level of violating her territorial integrity. Yugoslavian public charges to Albania were considerable, including the charges declared in the Balkan conferences (1930 – 1934). These charges were public and in the presence of all countries participating at the conference. It is worth mentioning the A.Zog public denial of such accusations along with comments of Mehmet Konica in the first and second Balkan conference. According to him “Albania will lose its freedom only when 5. Iliaz Fishta “Ndërhyrja e kapitalit të huaj dhe pasojat skllavëruese për Shqipërin 1931-1936” 8 November, Tirana, 1989, pg. 57 6. Iliaz Fishta, op.cit. pg.70. 7. G.M. Hardy, “A short history of internationals affairs 1910-1938” Oxford University Press, f.155 (according to IlirUshtelenca “ Diplomacia e mbretitZogu I-rë” pg. 285

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Albanians will no longer exist, there would be no reason for the agreement with Italy if we would not feel threatened from the others”8. This determined attitude of Konica also appeared in other Balkan conferences to certify the attitude and position of Albania. Furthermore, the Albanian diplomats were convinced to the idea of participating in the Balkan pact planned during the first Balkan conference, held in 1934. But another important fact had influenced the Albanian – Yugoslavian relationship; the assassination of the King Alexander brought the policies of Beograd with Germany closer, so Yugoslavia feared a confrontation with Italy over the Albania issue. Despite the attempts of King Zog and the Albanian diplomatic circles, the conclusion of an agreement with Yugoslavia had to meet two main conditions: • •

first, in case Albania would sign an agreement with Yugoslavia, would had to exclude or interrupt any relations with Italy, Secondly, Yugoslavian intervention should be accepted only in case of the Italian military invasion in Albania.

This attitude of Yugoslavia influenced the widening of attempts from the Albanian government to acquire other allies. So, A. Zog under the regional Balkan policy approached Greece. Our southern neighbour historically had not demonstrated any interests for Albania, except in those rare cases in order to benefit what it could from Albania. In order to establish a relation with the Greek’s government, Albania used the first Balkan conference. The delegation headed by Mehmet Konica, along with negotiations with other delegations, was careful to create proper space of cooperation with the Greek’s government. The negotiations were hold with Mr. Venizellos and Mr. Papanastasiu, who were well known in the Greek policy. On his speech, Mr. Konica says that “Greece and Albania, should serve as a positive example for the approach of the Balkan people, if it were not for their tardiness. Similarities in our costumes, our mentality and our way of thinking are so similar and sympathy between our two nations has such a distant origin that very little is needed to cooperate “. Despite the efforts of the Albanian diplomatic circles, the relations between Albania and Greece did not improve to such a level needed to conclude bilateral treaties between them. Another possible Albanian ally to be considered was Turkey. This country in the years 1925 had entered the right tracks of economic development. With its 8. CAA, F.151, D.103, V.1930, pg.94 (in this report sent to MJP from Mehmet Konica, it is cited the phrase of Stavri Naci who retails to Mr. Topallovic in relation with his charges over the Albanian – Italian relationships during the political season of the proceedings in the first Balkan conference 7 October 1930)

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legendary leader Mustafa Qemali, it was making great progress and big changes. “Albania from the other side was making its serious attempts to get out of the Ottoman mentality and attach to the democratic progress of the west”9. Both countries had overthrown their previous ways of government, turning their countries versus the new democratic ways, Turkey by overthrowing the system of the Sultan while Albania through the reforms in education and social life. Both countries were declared republics as a democratic way of governance. The problem that caused interruption of the relations between the two countries was that Albania was announced monarchy in 1928 and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk did not accept this political turning of A. Zog. The political approach between the two countries happened during the works for the second Balkan conference. The Albanian delegation through the official way tried to recreate economical – political relations. Regarding other relations of Albania, it was obvious that the interest of the Turkey’s government was not for a positive approach between Albania and Belgrade. This is also obvious in the statement of prof. Kycyku when he says that “Balkan interests did not want an Albania related with Yugoslavia, because in that way the Yugoslavian influence in Balkan would increase a lot”10. Our country, in the geographical aspect, was very near to Turkey’s interests because it was a territory with a big access in the Adriatic sea but the influence of the Yugoslavian factor and especially the monarchy impeded the Albano-Turkey approach. Set in these conditions, totally rejected by the neighbour countries, the Albanian government is shown to be divided in two parts regarding its foreign politics. The difficult conditions in the years 1935 – 1936 forced A. Zog to approach Italy again to sign an economic assistance. The arrangement was reached in 1936. Except the part of the treaty that was known to the public between the two governments, it was signed another secret part which predicted the Italian’s help in the Albanian’s army and a part of the fund for opening the Catholic schools.11 The package of arrangements in 1936 between Albania and Italy was a voluminous package, it included the (export – import) commercial, the sailing, the concessions of Italian’s firms in construction, urban planning, food production, exploitation of the territory, kerosene etc.

9. Gazmend Shpuza “ Shqipëria ndërmjet Ballkanit dhe Apenineve” Ekstra, Tirana 1999, pg.45 10. Kopi Kycyku, Op. cit pg. 102 11. CAA, F. Ministri of economy, folder; arrangement march19, 1936, and Viron Koka, “marrëveshjet italo –shqiptare të marsit 1936” in bulletin of USHT, social sciences section year 1962, nr.2 (according to Iliaz Fishata “ndërhyrja e kapitalit të huaj dhe pasojat skllavëruese për shqipërinë 1931-1936” pg.132.)

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Conclusions Finally, I can conclude that the foreign policy of Albania in the years 1930 – 1934 had several characteristics; first it followed a new course in its administration changing from the pro – Italian policy to a pro – regional policy. This happened for several reasons; irritation and “freezing” of the relationships with Italy, the improvement of the relationships with neighbours and the desire of the political elite of Albania to ensure new resources for Albania. Secondly, the Balkan regional foreign policy was directed to the neighbour countries with which Albania has had conflicts historically, Yugoslavia and Greece. According to that policy, it was presupposed that the problems between them would be minimized, mainly the boundaries issue and the minorities issue. The regional policy of Albania was an open invitation to the political circuits of Greece and Yugoslavia for cooperation. Thirdly, in the 30s, immediately after the great political crisis of the world Albania more than any other country in the region needed economic support. The economy was all based on agriculture and the industry was all on Italian’s investments. In the conditions when Italy had increased her economic claims over Albania, the solution was required in the region because there were some similarities in the economic models between the countries. This new political course of Albania provided big changes in the internal and external atmosphere for Albania. During the period 1930 – 1935 it was obvious a sensitive disconnection from the Italian’s policy and a real attempt for regional integrity. These initiatives didn’t remain only in theory, but they were practically realized, through the participation of Albania in the Balkan’s conference.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • • • • • • • •

Central archive of the Albanian’s state (Tirana) Archive of the Ministry of foreign affairs Fishta, Iliaz. “Ndërhyrja e kapitalit të huaj dhe pasojat skllavëruese për Shqipërin 1931-1936” November 8 Tirana 1989 Glenny, Misha. “ Histori e Ballkanit, 1804-1999” Toena, Tirana 2000, pg.135 Hardy, G.M. “A short history of internationals affairs 1910-1938” Oxford University Press Hupchick, Dennis P. “The Balkans from Constantinople to Communism” New York, Palgrave Macmillan Paperback edition, February 2004 Kycyku, Kopi. “Ataturku” Arbri, Tirana 1993. pg. 101 Padelford Norman J. “The movement towards international organization in the Balkans”, New York, Ocford university press, 1935 Shpuza, Gazmend. “Shqipëria ndërmjet Ballkanit dhe Apenineve” Ekstra, Tirana 1999, Ushtelenca, “Diplomacia e mbretit Zogu I-re” Tirane 2000. Newspaper “Vullneti I popullit” nr. 159, October 30,1930 (National Library in Tirana) Albania.

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MA. Marisa Kërbizi

Intertextuality in the novel Black Mërkuna, by Agron Tufa A comparative approach between feminine figures in the novel Black Merkuna and female model in Albanian Code of Honor “The Canon of Lek Dukagjini”.

Introduction The role of women in Albanian society is very controversial. Sometimes there is a total submission to her husband and some other times her power to make decisions is stunning. Coexistence between the submission and the superiority in the female figure is explained by the sharp gap between the functions of a femalewife and the female-mother. If the first one (female-wife), is a function of her husband in many areas of Albania, the female as a mother is much appreciated and even worshiped. This duality of appearance of feminine figure poses the big question: how is it that the wife and the mother (two sides closely related in every female being) are treated in a diametrically opposite way in Albanian society? Why the woman is strong as a mother and marginalized as a wife? The difference between the mother and the wife reflects the different layers of time on the concept of women. According to the researchers, the evaluation for the mother is closely related to the myth of Magna Mater, a primordial archetype, rooted deep into antiquity. On the other hand the marginalizing of woman could be a newer behavior in time, trying to darken the symbol of woman, who maintained an elite position in many societies. Thus the binomial motherwife marks two different stages of determining the value of women. During the transition from the matriarchal to patriarchal society, man subjected his wife, but the myth of the mother as a powerful myth could not be dissolved. Thus in

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a typical patriarchal society, such as Albania, the mother retained her honorary

matriarchy to patriarchy (for example the Greek myth of Pandora, where the generous Goddess turned into a mortal who brought bad disease to the human race, or Cybele, known among the Greeks as Μήτηρ (Mētēr «Mother») or Μήτηρ Ὀρεία («Mountain-Mother»)was dethroned, GAIA(or Gaea) the primeval divinity of earth, came into conﬂict with Uranus, Cronus and Zeus and lost “the symbolic

by customary codes of morality. Data from matriarchy are limited. They come relates that ‘Cadmus married Harmony and their new born son was named Illyrius. Illyrius, was coiled by the snake, giving him the magical power. The Snake (serpent stylized with spiral S) denotes the underground life, because of being a tonic animal. Thus the legend of the ﬁrst ancient Illyrians is closely linked to the serpent pagan worldview. The lack of data to understand Albanian matriarchy urges the need to address to the literature, because: First, Albanian matriarchy, like a form of feminine government, was introduced through a mythical portrayal (myth of Illyrius who receives the name and magical powers from the serpent). Thus the analysis of data taken from the literature can help to rebuild the missing stages of Albanian matriarchy. Second, literary works may be considered as codiﬁed expression of primordial images that come to us from the past. In this regard the Black Mërkuna (Mërkuna e zezë) by of matriarchy.

Black Mërkuna (Mërkuna e zezë) and Albanian Code of Honor “The Canon of Lek Dukagjini” (“Kanuni i

Albanian Code of Honour.

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The tracks of matrifocality in Black Mërkuna The “Black Mërkuna” (al. “Mërkuna e zezë”) is one of the few works in Albanian where the myth of the Great Goddess is shaped very significantly. All signs meet a colorful mosaic, a matriarchal paradise, where Mërkuna equates the great goddess. The “Black Mërkuna” symbolizes a matrifocal social form, the mother or female centered society, a CFDA form in which only a mother and her dependent children are present or significant. Adult males in the function of husbands, fathers and brothers are either absent or, in some formulations, present but very marginal to the family life. The trend towards a matrifocal society can be analyzed in two viewpoints: a) The primary function of women-mothers in the dichotomous relationship between men and women / mother-father. b) Comprehensive lack of masculine presence as a result of the expulsion of men from matricentric areal. From the two parallel points of view, more difficult to prove is the first one, because few relationships are fully outlined. The link between grandfather and grandmother is shown: I didn’t think that the grandfather was telling the truth, so I told him firmly that he was making it up, and that he was an old villain man since he was young. He didn’t say anything after that. But he had told the same to your uncle in the afternoon when he had brought him the food. The uncle, when finished unloading the horses with apples and pears, approached me and told. He is making it up, I said: making up because he is getting bored in the shelter watching the trees and the goods.1 The story of the old man, about real and mythological beings who rush to eradicate him, sounds like a cry for help that is made firstly to his wife (she is of the same kind as they are is, so she can save him), and then the son (his biological successor, which owed him his ‘life’, so he is “forced” to save him). Grandfather is not described as the head of the family (as generally is in Albanian 1. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena, pp. 22-23

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patriarchal family), whose gestures and words have the value of law in family, on the contrary he is weak and fragile. The fact that he firstly talks with his wife and not with his son (now a man), shows a secret power of the mother within the family. Grandmother’s words outline the relation she has with the two male generations within a family, her husband and her son. She uses the same language formulations when speaking with the old man and when speaking with the son about the old man. The verbal form make up carries a significant nihilistic connotation, through which the role of husband and father is depreciated. Let’s remind “The Canon of Lek Dukagjini” where the identity of the male is associated with the concept of honor (We got blessed with two fingers of honor in our forehead from the Great Lord). The discomfort of the old man is outlined in two ways: his hallucinations with feminine presence (see: villain had been since he was young) and secondly for non-fulfilling his duty within the family (makes up because he gets bored in the shelter watching the trees and the goods). This presentation of the close relation between mother-son and the decision the mother takes in an important moment of family’s life strongly contrasts with the function of men, the oldest of the family, father and husband, who according to Canon form a stable and a leading institution. According to Canon, the “ruling” of the house rests upon the shoulders of the eldest man under the roof. The woman’s duty is to obey to the ruler (the man). The rule of the eldest is emphasized from the mandatory demand of the woman to stay subdued. As a response, during the long period of her reign, a transition is legitimated to another kind of society, where the ruler is necessarily turned into an obedient. Consequently, it is legally required her submission. If the submission of the woman would be a natural state (it has been as such for a long time), this obligation had not been marked explicitly with written laws, but would function as a moral rule. Writing it, serves as an obligation to convert into law an unnatural condition, as it is the subjugation of woman. Even in monotheistic religious texts, which are a source carrier of patriarchy (male God); a woman comes into life from the rib of man to “correct” his incompleteness. Such definitions as tasks, rule, etc., reveal a cruel reality where the male’s power is sought to be achieved “legally” by force. Matrifocality in the Black Mërkuna, is expressed through unequal relationship between grandmother and grandfather and is pointed out from the absence of masculine presence. The reason for this absence is related to an old tradition that roots from very far back in times. There has been some times that in our village strange things occur, which even the mind can’t bear. The men, before being your age, are like drawn by

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someone, like something unknown evokes them, like it pursues them a sense of revenge ...2 Men escaping from the parental home to Black Mërkuna turns vice-versa in the Canon. The ones who should go are the women; without slightly turning their heads, without leaving any trace in the place where they were born. Their detachment from the “roots” of their place and the family, seem as an effort to eradicate every possible link with their origins, their past. In the Twentieth Chapter of the Albanian Canon is emphasized that The Albanian Woman has no inheritance from her parents whatsoever. Parents’ inability to provide wealth to the daughter brings her economic dependence on the husband and his family. Thus, this early set “rule” forcibly decides the economic chains placed over her. Removal of the woman from her parent’s house and her economic dependence can be read as a trend for financial and emotional isolation. This is the “prison” where the guilty ones should be held. What is the committed crime? The unconditional power during matriarchy, that men cannot forgive or must not forgive, otherwise the imprisoned regains power again. This fear unfolds through a direct attack to the feminine figure, through the use of logical fallacy, ad hominem, the Canon sees the woman as an excess in home. According to philosopher Charles Taylor ad hominem reasoning is essential to understanding certain moral issues3. The “moral” imposed by law, is that the woman is worthless, redundant and she deserve all the injustices made to her. This important chapter of Canon, built on the basis of the fact (Albanian woman receives no inheritance from her parents) and its arbitrary justification (the woman as an excess) indicates a long-standing hatred that unfolds when the law is made by men. Matricentric societies have a poetic image of feminine beauty. Temptation by charm is one of the most powerful feminine weapons, through which male submission is accepted willingly. Many of the mythological beings in Albanian folklore are outlined as women with a stunning beauty and an extraordinary ability in singing and dancing. The “symbolic” defeating of the grandfather (a man of old age, who should not be guided anymore by instincts, but by the code of honor) in the Black Mërkuna reflects the inability of every masculine being to resist such a temptation. Feminine beauty is accompanied by the song or dance as artistic elements of expression of joy, exhilaration, satisfaction which bring to the sexual act.

2. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena, pp.58 3. Taylor, Charles (1997). “Explanation and Practical Reason”. Philosophical Arguments. Harvard University Press. pp. 34–60.

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Those who better have no place to live in, torn the soul of your grandfather - grandmother said and whispered ‘ptooey ptooey ptooey’ three times behind the right shoulder. When I brought him bread one morning, he said that the lost souls haven’t let him alone all night long. Also added that he had pretended to be indifferent towards them, but they did a lot of noise, buzzing and cursing and later, around midnight, they started to dance around the shelter and singing provocative songs. “With cakes and doughnuts, the greatest is Kumrija, see her hair like the vine, come Alia to Sulbia.4 The words hair (see her hair like a vine) and dance carry a significant connotative value. In Albanian viewpoint the mythological beings often are referred through these two specifying features (remind Floçkat and Shtojzovallet in Albanian oral literature). The sexual ‘submission’ (cakes and doughnut are feminine sexual symbols), means masculine submission and admission to the power of the sacred feminine. It is demonstrated in this regard the use of comparative form in the greatest one is Kumria. This strong feminine weapon, the charm and excitement through beauty is forbidden in the Canon (feminine graces are clearly disclosed through art; song and dance). The twelfth chapter states: In the house from which walks out the bride is not a rule to sing or to fire guns. The song or the discharge of a weapon symbolizes the expression of joy in Albanian tradition. The question is why these two signs, which are similar but not the same marks, are put together. The joy expressed through songs and the joys expressed through the firing of a gun are different with each other. Wedding songs are peculiar to women and express the spiritual world emotionally charged and summarized in tune. Rifle shooting is a characteristic expression of joy among men, whereby his feelings are shown to his region or village. The prohibition to express the joy out of the house is related to the underestimation of the female. What is not understood is why the song is prohibited, which express the joy of family members or loved ones. Why the singing is not allowed in the bride’s home, but is not precluded in the house of the bridegroom? Through this dual approach, it is emphasized that the prosecution is not related to the process of singing, but specifically related to the prohibition of songs sung by family women (such songs are sung only by women) to the bride. This kind of absurd limitation is explained by trying to avoid 4. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena, pp.23

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archetypal behavior, according to which the dancing and songs can evoke conscious or unconscious primordial images from the time of matriarchy. The fear is that if these images are evoked, the consequences could be incalculable, the woman subjected to the Canon, may ask to bring back what she has lost, the freedom and power of earlier times. Thus, the song is just as dangerous as rifles. Were not the songs the only weapons the magical mermaids used in Odyssey? The latter chooses not to listen (as a symbol of a civilized world), meanwhile the Albanian Canon shuts closed mouths of the “mermaids”, forbidding them to sing. Except matrifocality, another feature that makes Black Mërkuna to be considered as a real matriarchal is the concept of free love. The relationship between free love and matriarchy is likely to be derived from ancient myths of creation, according to which the universe was created as a result of self-fertilization (parthenogenesis) of mother goddess. This archetypal memory which women, sometimes consciously and sometimes not, carry forward makes them superior. Free love in the novel is considered as a way of life on one hand and as a ritual to honor the sacred feminine, on the other one. Every male being is turned into the object of feminine desires; for as long as he is needed in the village (alive) and then expelled and left to die. Parthenogenesis myths are remembered in the feminine subconscious making the female residents of this village superior in comparison with men. (…)Women of this the village come to terms with men for a short period, just for reproduction, just for calming down the fires of their emotions , then expel them and control the house themselves. When a woman does not obey this rule, she is distinguished and surrounded. She does not know that from the moment her husband presents danger, the allies of Mërkuna eradicate him. I say that the lack of men in the village is closely related to superiority the women took since the ancient Wednesday of revenge.5 Sexual domination is one of the main features of matristic and matriarchal societies (remember the Amazons). Immediate measures were taken against the weakness of men. Thus, in reply to the free love, the myth of virginity was strengthened. In chapter twenty-nine, it is written that: If the woman is not brought to her husband as she should be (untouched) then the canon gives him permission to cut her hair and refuse her as his wife. Cutting the hair is a convention to make her sin public. The sentence of woman if she breaks the myth of virginity means simultaneously: 5. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena, pp.79

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a) Her deformation punishment of her beauty, of her feminine (long hair in Albanian point of view is the primary feature of beauty. This is shown in the name of mythological beings (alb.Floçka). b) To socially stamp her sin. The importance of the social group in closed societies (such as the Albanian one), is crucial to the life of the individual. Collective social punishment that is made to the woman through this “stigma” marks her inability to have a normal life afterwards. Her inability to marry again, the lack of possibility to bring to life the biological offspring means death of the feminine within her. But except the symbolic death of the woman through the awn-cutting, Canon also legitimates her physical elimination, in case of disgraceful behavior. In the same chapter, it is written that the woman gets a bullet in her back of her head for whoredom (...) For this kind of infidelity her husband kills his wife and is free, without being afraid about a blood feud, not only this but also the parents of the killed wife should take care for the price of the blood which means paying for the cartridge and assure him against other enemies that nothing will happen to him. In the name of preserving the honor, the murder is legitimized. Does this come from the fact that the honor is an institution in the Canon and it cannot be touched? In reality Canon does not provide the same treatment for the other sex. Acts of sexual depravity (infidelity to the partner), requires necessarily the sexual involvement of two partners, of which only one is punished, only the woman is murdered. Not only the husband kills his wife, but her family legitimizes this barbaric act by ensuring his life (assuring him with their moral honor institution “faith”). Thus the killer is treated as the defender of Canon. He should not worry about what he did; should not be afraid of the blood feud from anyone and is not legally penalized. The act of paying for the bullets from the part of the woman’s family is a shocking fact, according to which even the lost bullet is returned back, as a request for an apology for the inconvenience caused. Taking a bullet in her dowry from a woman legitimizes her tragic coexistence with death. Thus, from the goddess of life in a distant past, a woman in the Canon is marked as a slave of death itself. Lack of additional data (flagrant cases of dissipation), a woman is condemned with death, states that the one who decides on life and death is the man. It depends on his hand to decide what it is flagrant and what is not. Thus, this law of the Canon legitimates the inverse of free love during matriarchy. If women choose men, according to their sexual preferences and later casted them out

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or killed them, woman’s life now depends on the malevolence of men to decide as dissipation of her actions. Free love turns to unilateral coercive monogamy (taxative only for women), while the killing of men after reproduction is turned into female’s death. It is clear that nothing has changed in the Canon; the women now experience the darkness of their powers and men are legitimatizing through the law all their gathered hatred of centuries. The most important matriarchal feature is the way of outlining the goddess and her worship rites that resemble mysterious rituals of pre-Christian cult of the great goddess Magna Dea. In the center of the room was a huge rotary hand spindle, which Nafaka turned around singing something that did not reach up to our ears. A bunch of young girls, wearing only their underwear, with their breasts dangling in the air and friable brushed hair hanging down the shoulders and back, followed in a circular walking Nafaka, singing also in a lower voice and wrapping yarn around the axes that were holdingin their hands (...) All skilful movements of her hands when preparing the yarns, highlighted collars and bracelets knitted with colorful threads, up above the forearm (alb.verorja). Everything followed a monotonous harmonious and calculated rhythm.6 The above ritual aims to honor the feminine aspect of the universe. The revolving spindle, the circular walk, the bracelets with different threads are feminine symbols. This ceremony takes place during the full moon and the round shapes (marked above) point to a symbol of the lunar spherical form. Female nakedness serves as a marker for identification. The new worshipers of the great goddess (girls) are marked by this feature. Secondly, its function is to praise. Through the introduction of new naked female bodies, thanks are given to the great goddess for the gift of beauty with which similar beings with her are rewarded. Thirdly, its function is utilitarian. The bare exposure to lunar light means maximum ‘absorption’ of energies that come from it. According to scholars, the beginning of the Jewish religion is considered to be the end of the golden period of the goddess. According to Marija Gimbutas7, the patriarchal system was extended through the distribution of Proto-Indo-European languages in the early bronze period. Stone8, also shares this point of view, which described the ancient societies (including that Egyptian) as matriarchal paradises and were destroyed by the patriarchal Indo-Europeans. The misogynism is also strongly expressed in Tufa’s novel. The attempting to replace the mother Goddess with the male Lord, in his work, looms through a violent duel, where the loser is intended to be turned into pulvis et umbra. Characterization of the Gods through symbolic names shows the relationship created between them; the 6. Tufa, A. Mërkuna e zezë, Toena, Tiranë, 2009, fq.136 7. Gimbutas, M. The Goddess and Gods of old Europe, Thames and Hudson Ltd., London, 1982 8. Stone, M. When God was a woman, Barnes and Noble, 1976

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relationship between the predecessor (Mërkuna holds the meaning of Wednesday in Albanian) and successors (Enjti holds the meaning of Thursday). According to the grandmother, since long forgotten times, in the village there was a violent crash between women‘s night Mërkuna, with men’s night, Enjtin, The women’ Goddess killed off the men on Wednesday and the men’s God revenged on Thursday. According to what the grandmother has heard, one ancient Thursday men gathered together and attacked every house in the village, dragging out under the moon, girls, young maidens, newly arrived brides and women in the average ages, regardless of their kinship. Once they put them out by force, they pulled them by the hair in the streets, then raped them one by one in groups, beat and closed them in a tower for three nights in a row and raped them and left without eating and drinking. Women throughout those days prayed to their god, Mërkunës, and when it really came Wednesday night, got up at midnight and led by Mërkuna they stormed all the houses, killed all the men of the village, extracting their hearts out of their bodies and giving them to the dogs in the street. Since then, women accept no rebellion from men, following the advice of their goddess.9 The retrospective confession of long forgotten times, unfolds events being almost mythical. The war between successor and predecessor (the Great Mother and the divine Father) is found in almost all mythologies. The dramatic memory of suffered violation brings back the myth of the Great Goddess like a vengeance goddess (antimony of the egalitarian characterization of great Mother). Prevalence of verbs in the text, highlight the action (violation); the use of imperfect time (beat, closed, raped, etc.), shows an accompanying emotional burden. Telling the story in this way creates two parallel realities; first one outlines the mythical event; the second treats the emotions. The unfinished event (time pending) which is repeated in the consciousness or unconsciousness of Mërkunëfollowers, make them to continue the fight with the opposite kind (not just different) from them. In conclusion: The novel Black Mërkuna is a novel based on intertextuality. At first glance one may observe two major intertextual levels: 1. The myth of the great Goddess 2. The normative code of Canon. Through the alignment between the two intertextual levels the conclusion is that perhaps we are dealing with a linear relationship of continuity. Changes between the two levels of intertextuality are changes in time. If the myth of Magna Dea represents the first phase of social relations, the codification of Canon is a subsequent second stage; when the laws were needed to be written in order to be performed, where the woman and her function at home and outside of it are devaluated... the time of Men. 9. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena, pp.80

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BIBLIOGRAPHY • • • • •

Albanian Code of Honor “The Canon of Lek Dukagjini” Gimbutas, Marija (1982). The Goddess and Gods of old Europe, Thames and Hudson Ltd., London. Taylor, Charles (1997). “Explanation and Practical Reason”. Philosophical Arguments. Harvard University Press. Tufa, Agron (2009). Mërkuna e zezë. Tiranë: Toena Walker, Barbara G. (1983). The Woman’s encyclopedia of myths and secrets, San Francisco, Harper & Row.

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NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS Alba Kreka (1986) born in Korca, Albania is a graduate of History at Sate University of Tirana. She has received Master degree on the topic “Some International Issues between the Relationships of Soviet Union – Albania – China”. She has worked in Albanian Heritage Foundation (AHF), on the “Future of Albanian Past” Project (FOAP) and presently she is a lector at Fan S. Noli University of Korca. She has participated in many conferences as an author and co-author. Her article “Disagreement within the Fold of the Soviet Block and their Influence Impact on Relation between Albania and China” is published on the Social Science Bulletin of Fan S. Noli University. Currently, she is in the process of getting her PhD while working her dissertation on “Albania and China an unequal alliance; according to Albanian archives documents”. Benita Stavre was born on January 10, 1977 in Korca, Albania. She has graduaded “Fan S. Noli” University in Korca, 1999, in so becoming a “Teacher of English Language”; she received her MA degree in History and Civilization, at Tirana Satet University in Albania in 2007; she is a PhD student of Albanian Culture and Civilization since 2009 and since 1999 she is a full-time lecturer at the Faculty of Education and Language at “Fan S. Noli” University. Benita Stavre is trained in various workshops about teaching issues, critical thinking, demography and social studies; author of a number of articles and papers published in Albania and other international newsletters and magazines; participant in international conferences in Albania and abroad with of a number of paper presentations, respectively published in conference proceedings. Blendi Dibra is an Albanian lawyer, an advocate by profession (licensed from Albanian Ministry of Justice as Official Mediator of Disputes and Conflicts). Since 1994, Mr.Dibra is an active leader of Albanian civil society, working with different projects at national and international level. He is a member of the European network of third sector leaders, www.euclidnetwork.eu. Over the past two years he has been working in a wide variety of professional capacities in both private and public sectors. Presently, he is working as a lecturer in public and private Universities in the field of Public Law. He earned his MBA in Public Law and actually is following the PhD studies at European University of Tirana in Albania. Mr.Dibra participated in several international conferences which among the recent ones were organized by:

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275 a) “Luigj Gurakuqi” University, 16-17 November 2012, “Toward Future Sustainable Development”, presenting the paper “Public Participation as Important Tool to Promote Sustainable Development” b) “Beder” University, 18-19 May 2012, in cooperation with University of Tirana on the topic “Human Rights in the XXI Century” presenting the paper “Public Participation as Important Instrument to Strength Democracy” Some recent articles published by Mr.Dibra are: a) “Public participation as an important tool to promote sustainable development” published in the “International Journal of Ecosystems and Ecology Sciences (IJEES). ISSN 22244980, Volume 3, issue I, January, 2013, https://sites.google.com/site/injournalofecosystems/ template/volume-3-1-2013 b) “Reform of administrative system in the Republic of Albania” issue 46 of the magazine “Parlamentary Law and Policies” His future goal is to build a program of Peace Studies in Albania http://peacestudiesalbania. wordpress.com/2013/02/01/peace-studies-program-in-albania/

Deanna L. Morgan is a psychometrician at the College Board in Newtown, PA. She is a 2001 graduate of the University of Georgia in Athens, GA. Her Doctorate degree is in Educational Psychology with an emphasis on Research, Evaluation, Measurement and Statistics. Her research interests include standard setting, generalizability theory, assessing students with disabilities and college placement testing. She is an active member of the National Council for Measurement in Education and the American Educational Research Association. Recently, she has co-authored a chapter on standard setting in Measurement, Assessment, and Evaluation in Higher Education (2001) edited by C. Secolsky. Deepa Gadipally, has worked as an Assistant Professor in the Department of Mathematics near “Chaitanya Bharati” Institute of Technology, Hyderabad,India. He has completed his Master of Science studies and is pursuing Ph.D at Osmania University, Hyderabad, India. Dijana Ćurković was born in 1983. In 2007, she graduated in Croatian language and literature and English language and literature at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Split, Croatia. She has worked as a teaching assistant in the academic year 2009/2010, near this university. She was the coordinator of Zagreb Linguistic Circle in the academic year 2010/2011. Since 2008, she is an employee of the Institute of Croatian language and linguistics (Department of Dialectology) as a research assistant on the “Digital analysis of Croatian dialectological data” project; she is a valuable contributor on other current projects of the Institute. She has participated in international scientific conferences and workshops where she has published original scientific articles; preliminary reviews, professional papers and overviews along with lecturing on Croatian dialectology, language

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history, sociolinguistics and contact linguistics. She gives interviews for the daily paper Slobodna Dalmacija and several local television shows. She is currently working on her doctorate which is an analysis of a local dialect in Dalmatian Inland with focus on dialectology (diachrony) and sociolinguistics (synchrony).

Dr. Elona Biba- Çeçe is a lecturer at “Fan S. Noli “ University of Korça, Albania at the Faculty of Education and Philology. She has graduated “Aleksander Xhuvani” University in 1993, receiving a BA in Albanian language and literature. She has a 19-year experience at university level. Her areas of specialty are: Syntax of the Albanian language, Sociolinguistics (undergraduate level), Methodology of teaching Albanian language (graduate level). In 2000, she had her MA degree in Linguistics the State University of Tirana. In 1999 she was the coordinator of the “Network Establishment of Faculties of Teacher Education” within the larger “Development of Education in Albania” Project, supported by the Open Society Foundation. In 2000, she was awarded a certificate for full participation in the “The Development of Critical Thinking while Reading and Writing” Seminar which was organized by the Open Society Institute of New York in cooperation with the International Reading Association of Washington. In 2001, she specialized in contemporary linguistics at the University of Bari (Italy). In the summer of 2002 she attended the summer course “Critical Thinking in Higher Education” in Tirana held by George Hunt, Professor at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland. In 2008 she was awarded the degree “Doctor of Science” in Linguistics, by State University of Tirana. In 2009, she participated in the training session “Integrating Gender Perspective in University Education” organized by the Gender Alliance for Development. She is the author of two university textbooks and co-author of other two. She has published scientific articles in the Bulletin of ‘’Fan S. Noli’’ University, foreign journals and conference proceedings. She has participated in several national and international conferences. Erik de Vreede was born in 1935 in Indonesia and was repatriated after the war in 1946. After obtaining his Certificate of fully qualified Teacher for Primary Education, he studied Educational Sciences at the University of Nijmegen. Main subject of study was Philosophy and Theory of Education, whereas minor subjects were Cultural Psychology and Sociology. He has worked in Teacher Education since 1963. The first eight years he worked in the République Démocratique du Congo. After two years of teaching in secondary education, at the department of teacher training for primary education, he founded and directed an Institute for the Training of Teachers for the first four years of secondary education in Kananga (formerly Luluabourg). This École Normale Moyenne was an Institute for Higher Vocational Education. Since 1974, Erik de Vreede has been lecturing Pedagogy in the Department of Teacher Education at the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. His main field of research was Intercultural Education. He was also internationally active in the Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE) and the International Association for Intercultural Education

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277 (IAIE). After his retirement in June 2000 he did some volunteer work for the ATEE soon after to become an honorary member and Fellow. He is also still active in the IAIE.

Erinda Papa was born on October 18, 1976, in Korca, Albania. She has graduated at Fan S. Noli University as a Teacher of the English Language, in 1999. She is a lecturer at Fan S. Noli University, Faculty of Education and Philology since 1999. She holds a Master Degree in Modern English Literature issued by Tirana State University, Faculty of Foreign Languages in 2005. She is pursuing her PhD studies in the Socio-Psychological Prose Work of Doris Lessing. Coauthor of “A Practical English Handbook to Writing and Style”, she has published several articles on literature and teaching. She has attended several international conferences on various linguistic and literary topics and presented articles published in conference proceedings. Erjon Agolli (1984) was born in Korça, Albania. After completing his studies at the State University of Tirana, Faculty of Foreign Languages, English Department, he started working as a lecturer at this faculty, where he also received a Master Degree in Linguistics in 2011. Since 2008, he has taught English Syntax, Spoken English, Academic Writing and English Phonetics at the English Department of the Faculty of Foreign Languages, University of Tirana. Currently, he is a PhD candidate in English Syntax, and has participated in a number of international conferences and has published papers in scientific journals. Gagliano Giuseppe was born in Como and is a graduate of Philosophy in the National University of Milan. He has achieved and completed the following Courses and Master studies in: Strategic studies and Intelligence, International Right and Armed Conflicts, Analysis of Intelligence and Peacekeeping Intelligence. Currently, he is the President of the Center for Strategic Studies “Carlo De Cristoforis”. Ilda Erkoçi was born in Shkodra, Albania where she has graduated English Language at the Foreign Languages Faculty, “Luigj Gurakuqi” University of Shkoder. She has completed a European Joint Master’s Degree in English and American Cultural Studies and she is currently a PhD candidate. She is a lecturer at “Luigj Gurakuqi” University of Shkoder where she teaches Translation and Sociolinguistics. Her professional interests also include Literary and Cultural Studies. Dr. Ilir Berhani holds a Ph.D. in Law at Tirana University, since 2006 and a Master degree in Justice at the University of Tirana in 2003. He completed his Bachelor studies at the University of Tirana in Law and Legal in 1995 and in Political Science in 1979. Dr. Berhani is a Professor of “Public Law” and “History of the institutions of foreign countries” in the Faculty of Law, “L.Gurakuqi” University of Shkodra since 1992. He is continuously drafting several study programs for the judicial branch. He has pursued postgraduate qualifications abroad in Italy: Florence, Trento and Bari; has participated in scientific conferences in

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Albania and abroad; has acted as Dean of the Faculty of Law, “L.Gurakuqi” University of Shkodra during 2002-2004 and Dean of the Faculty of Law at “Kristal” University Tirana in 2007-2009. Dr. Berhani is author of numerous articles in scientific journals in Albania and abroad. In 2009, he published the book “Fundamentals of the election law. Elections and election law in Albania “and in 2011 he published “Public Law”. Currently, he is a lecturer in the following subjects; “Public Law” and “Political Systems” in the Faculty of Law, “L.Gurakuqi” University of Shkodra.

MSc. Ilir Sallata was born in Durres in 1983. He has graduated Tirana State University, Faculty of History and Philology, History Department as a specialist of history, with the following topic “Albania in the Focus of World Press in the Years 1970-1973”. During the university studies he has conducted summer schools organized by the Institute of Balkan Studies in Tirana in the framework of “Tolerance and Consensus in Religious Relations in Albania: Past and Present.” He has a Certificate of Italian language knowledge at the Faculty of Foreign Languages, University of Tirana. Ilir Sallata has completed postgraduate studies at this faculty, in 2009-2011, with the topic “Deeper Study into the History of Albania of the Twentieth Century”. Currently, he is pursuing doctoral studies on the topic “Nako Spiru, Life and Activity”. He has published several articles in national and international journals, and he also has publicly presented some issues from his doctoral topic; just to mention some: “Albania in the Focus of World Press in Year 1970-1973” in Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences; “Nako Spiru in Second Plenum of Berat” presented at the “Science Week” Conference, Kosovo, May 2012; “Nako Spiru at the Head of Albanian Economy 1945-1947” presented at the Seventh International Annual Meeting of Alb-Science Institute; “Aspects of the Political Activities of Nako Spiru between 1941-1943” presented at the International Interdisciplinary Conference, Vlora, Albania. He has published several articles with historical character, concentrated mainly in the history of Albania of the twentieth century, in the daily press. He works as a teacher of history in Durres. He has completed Master studies for “Management and Supervision of Education” at the “Epoka” University as well as various trainings and seminars. Since 2010, he works as Vice CEO of Albanian Red Cross, Durres Branch. Dr. N.Kishan has worked as a Professor in Department of Mathematics, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India. He has completed Master of Science and Ph.D Degree from Osmania University, Hyderabad, India. Kire Sharlamanov is Assistant Professor at Public Relations department at International Balkan University. He has completed PhD thesis at “St. Cyril and Methodius”, Institute for Sociology, Skopje, Macedonia with Doctoral dissertation titled “Economic

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279 and national policies of conservative and Christian-democratic parties after the world war two”. His areas of research interest include communication, public opinion, political ideologies and political sociology. Recently, he has published articles in several respectful scientific journals and in 2011 he published the monograph “Microsociological Theories of Communication”. He is a member of International Sociological Association, Balkan Sociological Forum and a Management Committee member of European network for conflict research (ENCoRe) at European cooperation in science and technology (COST).

G.Murali currently works as an Assistant Professor in Department of Mathematics, GITAM University, Hyderabad, India; completed Master of Science degree and is pursuing Ph.D studies at Osmania University, Hyderabad, India Marisa Kërbizi (1981) is a lecturer of Literature in “Alexander Moisiu” State University, Durres, Albania. She has graduated Tirana State University in Linguistics and Literature; accomplished her Master thesis in 2008 and actually she is a PhD candidate. Marisa Kërbizi is the author of the textbook Introduction to Academic Writing and co-author of Literature anthology book, dedicated to high school students. She is the editor of books like Philosophy in Metaphor (Mimoza Erebara) and the translator of many articles, short stories and poems. Her recent research activities include: 1st International Conference on ICT in Education in Albania, held by EPICT and Pavarsia University, Vlore. Paper presentation “Cute Babulja as Jester Archetype in The Devil’s Chest, by Dritero Agolli” International Conference ”Aspekte të përbashkëta në kulturën turke dhe shqiptare”, held by Full Moon-BEDËR University. Paper presentation “Reactivation of Jannisary Occurrence in Contemporary time, as a Sign of Inevitable Decline of the New Communist Empire, in The Time of the Goats, by Luan Starova” Illustration and Writing: Visual Languages, Manchester School of Art, England, 2011, poster presentation “The black primitive paintings of Maks Velo as the image of his human and artistic philosophy”. International Conference “Literature and Eros”, Tirana University, 2011, paper presentation “The paradigm of dreamlike love in Besnik Mustafaj novel No return summer” Her main publications include: Interlitteraria, “Estonian Elegy, by Jüri Talvet: A vision of ethnical perspective through forgiveness and love” vol.16/1 – 2011, Tartu University Press, Estonia, p 181-195 GAIA “Gender issues in Albania’s proverbs, Vol.IX, Alb-Paper,Tirana, 2009, p 51-58 Interlitteraria, “The history of Albanian Literature, after the World War II. Some facts toward its revision” vol.15/1 – 2010, Tartu University Press, Estonia, p 246-258 etc. Phd. Mirela Lazimi was born in Durres, 1976. She has graduated Tirana State University, Faculty of History and Philology, History Department as a specialist of history in

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1999. During the university studies she has participated in the summer school organized by the Institute of Balkan Studies in Tirana in the framework of “Tolerance and Consensus in Religious Relations in Albania: the Past and Present.” Presently, she is pursuing doctoral studies, with the topic “Albanian League of Prizren”. She has published a couple of articles in national and international journals, and has also presented some issues from her doctoral thesis: “Albania in the Focus of World Press in Year 1970-1973” in Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences; “Cultural Movement in the Albanian League of Prizren; Istanbul Society” presented at the “Science Week” Conference, Kosovo, May 2012; “League of Prizren – Albanian League or Islamic League” presented at the The Seventh International Annual Meeting of Alb-Science Institute; “League of Prizren in the time press” presented at the International Interdisciplinary Conference, Vlora, Albania. Meanwhile, she has published several articles in the daily press with historical character, focused mainly in the history of Albania of the nineteenth century. She works as a teacher of history in Durres. In March 2003, she has participated in the “Intercultural and Human Rights Education in Albania” project; in July 2002, in the “Democratic Civic Education in Albania” project. Since 2010, she is a member of Albanian Red Cross, Durres Branch. From September 2011 and to date, she is a trainer of the “Cultural Heritage” subject for teacher training Durres District.

Natasha Porocani (Shuteriqi), has graduated in Literature and Albanian Language in 1992. She is currently pursuing PHD studies at Tirana State University. Her main interest includes Linguistic Pragmatism in School Text Books. She has a 15 years experience as a teacher of college. Since 2008 she is teaching World Literature at the University of Elbasan. She has authored and co-authored several text books among which: “Albanian language for Grades II to V”, “Social Education for Grades I to V”. She has participated in national and international conferences and has published scientific articles in Albania, Italy and Germany. Nejla Kalajdžisalihović is currently working at the University of Sarajevo, Faculty of Philosophy, English Department, where she teaches Practical Translation and Skills-based Courses. Her major fields of research and interest are: Applied linguistics (ESP and forensic discourse analysis) and Translation (computer-aided translation, literary translation). In 2011, she obtained a Master of Science degree in Linguistics. In 2012, she commenced an interdisciplinary PhD research in authorship attribution. Until present day, Ms. Kalajdžisalihović has published several articles on authorship attribution and translation and has recently obtained a Certificate in Forensic Linguistics (Forensic Linguistics Institute, UK, 2010) and a Certificate in Integrating Critical Thinking Skills into EFL curricula (Critical Thinking in the EFL Classroom, University of Oregon, USA, 2012).

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281 Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tonin Gjuraj holds a Ph.D. in Sociology issued by State University of Tirana, Albania; postdoctoral studies and research at St’ Anthony’s College of the University of Oxford in the UK; MA in Society and Politics, Central European University, Prague, the Czech Republic; BA in English Philology, University of Tirana, Albania; various courses of specialization in Democratic Citizenship Education at the University of Washington, Seattle, USA and in many other universities abroad, such as: Norway, Poland, Italy, Hungary, The Netherlands, Germany, etc. He has several years of experience in teaching at the university level, valuable experience working for national and international agencies in religious issues and democracy, civil society and blood-feuds studies, as well as field research. He has published many scientific articles in the well-known scientific reviews, in the country and abroad. He served as the ambassador of the Republic of Albania to the State of Israel (2007 – 2009). Currently, he is the Rector of the European University of Tirana, Albania. Viorela Polena was born in Korça, Albania in 1984. She has completed her BA studies in 2007, at the University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences with a major in Political Sciences and in 2011 she completed Master studies in Public Policies and Administration. Presently, she is following Doctoral studies at “Aleksandër Moisiu” State University of Durrës. In 2009, Miss. Polena finished the two-year socio-political specialization in “Democracy and Local Development”. During the spring semester of 2012, she was hosted by Oklahoma State University, USA in the framework of Junior Faculty Development Program. Since October 2008, she has been working as a full-time lecturer at “Aleksandër Moisiu” University of Durrës, Department of Political Sciences. She has taught subjects in the field of political sciences such as: Introduction to Political Sciences, Theories of Decision Making and International Relations. She is co-author of the book “History of Civilizations in Antiquity and Middle Ages” and also an author of “Introduction to Political Sciences”. She has presented different papers in national and international conferences and several of her works are widely published.

Prof. Dr. Zorica Kuburić is a fulltime professor of Sociology of Religion and Sociology of Education at the Faculty of Philosophy, Novi Sad, and president of the Center for the Empirical Research of Religion. She has graduated in Psychology and Pedagogy (University of Sarajevo). In 1989, she has completed Postgraduate studies at Medical Faculty, University of Zagreb of the following topic: The relationship Between Parental Acceptance-Rejection and Psychiatric Problems in Adolescence. She holds a PhD in Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade 1995 (with the thesis: The Self-image of Adolescents in the Protestant Family). Kuburić and CEIR have launched different projects concerning religion, religious education and pluralism and participated in various scientific projects. She is the chief editor of the journal “Religion and Tolerance” (Religija i tolerancija), the 15th issue of which is being prepared for publishing. Together with Christian Moe, she edited the

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book “Religion and Pluralism in Education: Comparative Approaches in Western Balkan” project which was financed by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Kuburić has widely published on religious education, including books; Religion, Religious Education, Tolerance; Dialogue and Dogma; Faith and Freedom; Methodic of Religious Education; Religious and Civic Education; Religion and Psychical Health of Believers; Religion, Family, Youth. In her rich scientific career, she has conducted research over the religious and civic education, religious and social distance, attitudes concerning religious tolerance, religiosity of youth, state policies toward religious minorities and position of women within religious communities. She has published more than 100 books and scientific articles related to the above mentioned issues. Within the Gallup Research Monitor, she has coordinated the research in Western Balkan including Bulgaria where the people’s images of God, content with government performance, level of happiness, attitudes toward religious others and European integration were studied. She is also a lecturer at the Center for Women’s Studies in Novi Sad, and guest lecturer at the different Theological Faculties in the region. During her university experience, she has especially been dedicated to motivate students and young people to participate in different projects and together with students’ organizations has organized a series of roundtables and public debates concerning different issues of public importance, emphasizing the position of minorities.

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