READ ASEAN Vol.1 2020

AL DEVEL ON O TI

VOLUME 1, 2020

THAILAND AMIDST THE CHANGING REGIONAL ORDER(S)

By Narut Charoensri

COVID-19 EXPERIENCE FROM INDONESIA: STATE IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE

By Maya Dania

STUDENT’S PROTESTS FOR DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT AND REFORM IN THAILAND

By Nichan Singhaputargun

A RIPE MOMENT AND PEACE ENGINEER NETWORK FOR STUDENT’S PROTESTERS AND THE GOVERNMENT IN THAILAND

By Nichan Singhaputargun

Asian Research Center for International Development (ARCID) School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University, Thailand

R INTERN FO A

ASEA ENT N R PM

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READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

© All Rights Reserved Author : Narut Charoensri, Maya Dania and Nichan Singhaputargun

First published in 2020 by ASIAN RESEARCH CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (ARCID) School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University 333 Moo1, Thasud, Muang, Chiang Rai 57100, Thailand Tel : +66 5391 7137 Email : arcid.social-innovation.school@mfu.ac.th Website : socialinnovation.mfu.ac.th/social-main/social-arcid/arcid-index.html Facebook page : www.facebook.com/ARCIDTHAILAND

READ ASEAN Preface This academic volume is called “READ ASEAN”. The term “READ” of this volume is an abbreviation of “Regional Efforts for ASEAN Development” as the direction of this volume.

It is the first volume of the ASEAN Program, a research unit under the Asian Research Center for International Development, School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University. The aim of READ ASEAN is to highlight interesting current affairs of ASEAN through short articles relating to its development, movements, difficulties, challenges and opportunities. For this very first volume of READ ASEAN, it brings together a combination of scholars from Chiang Mai University and Mae Fah Luang University in the fields of international relations, international development, and peace and conflict studies for the inaugural volume. Last but not least, our sincere thanks go to the authors and their institutions for their contributions to this volume, and we hope that this volume will be beneficial for those who are interested in the current affairs of ASEAN.

Nichan Singhaputargun, Ph.D. Head of the ASEAN Program Asian Research Centre for International Development School of Social Innovation Mae Fah Luang University

Thailand amidst the Changing Regional Order(s) Narut CHAROENSRI1 Southeast Asian regional order is transforming because global superpowers have been engaging in Southeast Asian regional initiatives to ensure their existences in the region. The emerging overlapped superpowers-influenced regional orders are changing regional economic and political configuration because they brought a reinterpretation the region and areas of cooperation. The reinterpretation refers to the process in which the regional initiatives define or interpret their membership: who should be included or excluded? To what extent does the initiative have the power to manage physically, or structurally? These reinterpretations are creating a new form of alliance in the emerging multipolar international system because ‘ self-defined’ or ‘ given’ alliance status reconceptualises the perception of other countries.

In the light of transforming regional competitiveness, Thailand is confronting challenges. Thailand has a long and close diplomatic and security alliance status with the US, whilst its economic and cultural connectedness are also narrated as an intimate country with China. Japan is also a close partner because of the long-established economic linkages which were formed in the mid-1940s. By these close relations with superpowers, Thailand must position itself wisely in order to balance the powers because Thailand is a member of many superpowers-supported regional initiatives.

Thailand recognises well of the ongoing multipolar international system.

The

Thailand’ s National Security Plan and Policy Guideline for 2019-2022 stated that the international system is now catalysed by the US-China rivalry under the US’ s ‘ Indo-Pacific Strategy’ and China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI). To gain benefit from these rivalry, the Guideline recommends the Thai government to balance. 2 Nevertheless, although the Thai government has a recognition of the changing international system, regional orders are also needed to be taken into account; because the orders are constructed by superpowers and they have different emphasises on areas of cooperation. Thereby, if Thailand could comprehend

1

Lecturer, School of International Affairs, Faculty of Political Science and Public Administration, Chiang Mai

University. Email: narut.c@cmu.ac.th.

2

Nayobai Lae Phaen Radap Chat Waduai Khwammankhong Haengchat (B.E. 2562-2565) [Thailand’s National

Security Plan and Policy Guideline for 2019-2022]. Ratchakitchanubeksa [Royal Gazette]. Book 136, Part 124

ก, Date 22 November 2019, pp. 3-4.

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the core ideas of the constructed regional orders, Thailand would be able to find its position in these overlapping regional orders well.

Regional orders are politically constructed.

Regional order refers to a set of

established economic, political or security configurations between countries in the international system. The order is established to construct a set of practices between states to create and maintain peace, stability and set a standard of behaviour. By establishing the order, the constructor ( normally a country or an international organisation) would install a set of ideas and norms in it. The ideas and norms are politically constructed. They are defined and embedded into the order, anticipating that they would help support the order.

At present, there are, somehow, many orders in Southeast Asia. They are politically constituted to influence regional development trajectory. When we look at the existing regional orders, there are two influential regional orders that Southeast Asia is being part of them, which are the ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy’ (FOIPS), and BRI. Albeit FOIPS are used by the US, Japan, Australia and India, there are some nuances when it comes to details about ideas and norms. The US’s FOIPS focuses on human rights, democracy, rules of laws, and freedom of expression. 3 Japan’s FOIPS, on the other hand, focuses on rule of law, freedom of navigation, openness, and free trade.4 Interesting enough, Japan’s FOIPS does not focus on democracy. Australia’ s FOIPS emphasises cooperation, human rights, peaceful settlement mechanisms, open markets, free flow of goods, services, capital and ideas.5 India’s FOIPS is centred on connectivity, maritime security, terrorism, cybersecurity, and the nonproliferation of nuclear. 6 China’ s BRI, meanwhile, focuses on connectivity, production

3

U.S. Department of State. (2019). A Free and Open Indo-Pacific: Advancing a Shared Vision. Accessed 6

April 2020, from https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Free-and-Open-Indo-Pacific4Nov2019.pdf.

4

Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2019). Towards Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Accessed 1 March 2020, from

https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/000407643.pdf.

5

Australian Government. (n.d.). Chapter Three: A Stable and Prosperous Indo-Pacific. Accessed 6 April 2020,

from https://www.fpwhitepaper.gov.au/foreign-policy-white-paper/chapter-three-stable-and-prosperous-indopacific.

6

Ministry of External Affairs. (2019). India’s Concepts of Indo-Pacific Is Inclusive and Across Oceans.

Accessed 6 April 2020, from https://mea.gov.in/articles-in-indianmedia.htm?dtl/32015/indias+concept+of+indopacific+is+inclusive+and+across+oceans.

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capacity, economic and trade, finance, water resources, agriculture, poverty reduction, forestry, environmental protection, and customs and quality inspection.7 From above, we can see that each country has different ideas of how the region should pay attention to. It could be said that although superpowers have created their alliance circle, they have different ideas of how the region should have regional development trajectory.

Regional orders are overlapped, and they are transforming the existing regional initiatives.

Yet, FOIPS and BRI will not be able to replace regional initiatives. Rather, they are inserting their influences and rearranging regional economic and political configuration through various mechanisms and development schemes. It could be argued that, from the emerging FOIPS and BRI and the existing regional initiatives, there three layers of orders now, including: 1. Sub-Regional Orders: The existing regional orders have shaped how their member countries should have a particular set of relations. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN) , the GMS Economic Cooperation Programme, the Ayeyawady Chao Phraya - Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy ( ACMECS), and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) have their way of practices which have catalysed sub-regional diplomatic relations. They establish a set of economic and political relations in the sub-region.

The ideas and norms in sub-regional order are generally focus on economic cooperation, and connectivity through infrastructure development. These norms and ideas emphasise economic development.

2. Regional Orders: FOIPS and BRI are growing and they are challenging the subregional orders as they challenge regional cohesiveness and solidarity of regional initiatives. To what extent do the regional initiatives must adopt, adjust or transform themselves to fit or – at least – make the US and China feel that FOIPS and BRI are welcomed. Regional orders focus on many norms and ideas as we have seen from above. These norms and ideas help support and strengthen sub-regional orders, and in some cases even introduce new ideas and norms to sub-regional orders.

7

Vannarith, C. (2018). Understanding China’s Regional Economic Diplomacy Through LMC and BRI.

Accessed 6 April 2020, from https://medium.com/@lseseac/understanding-chinas-regional-economicdiplomacy-through-lmc-and-bri-c804640df460.

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3. Global Order: FOIPS and BRI are challenging the US-dominated global order which was formed after 1945. The economic and political rivalry between the US and China, not to mention other states and international organisations, challenge the US status quo in the international system. Would the rivalry between FOIPS and BRI cause the transformation of US domination? If so, how the global order would develop in the future?

Norms and ideas in sub-regional, regional, and international orders are now mixed.

They have framed how the states see neo-liberal embedded developmental trajectories. Some might even argue that the norms and ideas of sub-regional, and regional orders are the products or consequences of the US-dominated neo-liberal economy which was formed after the Second World War. This is correct. We cannot escape from the established US-dominated neo-liberal economy. Yet, the negotiation between the US-dominated neo-liberal economy and the expectation of regional countries on regional development is still promising. The increasing role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and many social movements have brought some hopes to many areas as they are countering unanticipated ideas and norms of development.

With the layers explained above, I agree with Thailand’s position nowadays. To exist in the changing international and regional orders is hard. States must take side, follow the rules, norms, and expectations accordingly. The challenges lie ahead, thus, is how the states could exercise their powers to balance the relations with superpowers and manage to make the most of international and regional orders whilst protecting their interests. Thailand is broadening and deepening its national interests by practicing ‘ bamboo diplomacy’ which metaphorically depicts Thailand as a bamboo that ‘ swirl in the wind’ . It against no one. It goes with the flow. This helps Thailand – a small, powerless yet play important role in the global and regional production network – to have a negotiation power in the international arena. By ‘swirling in the wind’, Thailand exercises its power by engaging in various regional initiatives, for instance ASEAN, the GMS, ACMECS, BIMSTEC. Thailand’s membership in these initiatives helps Thailand to arrange its relations with FOIPS’ s and BRI’ s regional orders as Thailand can choose to negotiate the areas of cooperation and imply its nonpartisan diplomatic approach. Thailand, last but not least, houses many social movements and NGOs that have strongly contributed to domestic and cross-border development. Thus, Thailand could be a centre or a base for alternative or sustainable development-oriented contributors in the region.

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COVID-19 Experience from Indonesia: State Ideology and Social Justice Maya Dania1 Among many disruptions to the nations in the 21st century, COVID-19 hits the most dramatic impacts that alter how people live and interact in their daily activities. Not a corner of global countries is immune to the outbreak of COVID-19, including Indonesia. As the virus has relentlessly continued its havoc, what will the novel Coronavirus generate as the unprecedented societal disruptions to the nation-state like Indonesia?

The lessons from Indonesia’s experience with COVID-19 is not only physical, like limiting movements or avoiding spread of germs, but also emotional, more on how Indonesians treat the most vulnerable among themselves. Reading social analyses about potential aspects of vulnerability among Indonesian society that will be most at risk from COVID-19, there are at least six anticipated vulnerability forms (Anamofa, 2020; Nelson, 2020; Smith, 2020; Raga, 2020). First, knowledge vulnerability – regarding how the society understands COVID-19 by the definition and strategically reduces the exposure. The less they know, the high vulnerable the society will be to be misinformed about the novel virus.

Second, economics vulnerability – regarding how the financial security of the people will be threatened by the virus. Third, politics vulnerability – regarding how power-relations and policies are created to response to this virulent new pathogen. Fourth, media/communication vulnerability – regarding how media is responsible to provide reliable and verified information to frame the news and reports on COVID-19. As such, fraudulent news and hoaxes are easy to share, consumed by people to make their own pretty outrageous and inaccurate claims. Fifth, theology vulnerability – regarding how the society interprets the exponential growth of the virus as the punishment from God (and cope with it merely based on personal belief rather than science). Finally, social vulnerability – regarding how people will find scapegoats, persecute, and stigmatize others. The social vulnerability comes to forefront in Indonesia as the social impacts from the pandemics have turned out to be a human tragedy.

Frequent cases of stigma and discrimination towards vulnerable people are reported day-to-day. This reflects social raging reaction that has reached a calamity level among Indonesian society. Numbers of healthcare staffs were kicked out from their residence amid community fear that the health professionals will carry the virus to their neighborhoods. Also, 1

ASEAN Studies Teaching Team, School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University, Chiang Rai, Thailand

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more and more cases of community rejection to dead bodies of COVID-19 for burial are reported around provinces in Indonesia. The most heart-breaking news came from Semarang, Central Java, when a dead body of nurse who died from COVID-19 was rejected to be buried by her own community, forcing her husband to lay to rest her body in the backyard of the hospital. This issue triggered firm reaction from Persatuan Perawat Nasional Indonesia (PPNI) who is now advocating social and human rights protection based on laws for health professionals to prevent similar dreadful incidents in the future.

Stoic philosophers once believed that ungoverned emotions destroyed one’s moral character as a horrific plague devastated the Roman Empire for nearly a decade in the late 2nd Century AD. Destructive emotions are resulted from errors of judgment to see the right thing for the society. This thought was then continued by Martha Nussbaum with her central argumentation on vulnerability and flourishing in her book “Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame, and the Law” (2004). For Nussbaum, the idea of social development is inadequate of merely concerned with economic measures. All societies are full of emotions – a host of anger, fear, disgust, envy, guilt grief, and many other forms. People in the society might repudiate their own animal nature by projecting their emotions, like disgust, onto vulnerable groups to create a buffer zone for themselves. Recognizing Nussbaum’s arguments, the rejection of dead bodies burial of COVID-19 is evidently based upon moral disgust, experienced instantaneously, powerfully, inherently irrational, and has been used for persecution of vulnerable groups. The incidents will generate more trauma and tragedy for the grief, who are now most at risk, circumstances that create the basic framework of victimhood. Public emotions in an intense level might have large-scale consequences for the nation’s progress toward its goals. Injustice has stricken and any political or social institutions that do not take this issues into serious account need to be systematically rethought.

Indeed, the Indonesian experience about the virus is entirely new, terrifyingly unexplained - mysterium tremendum. However if we look at numerous cases reported on how society responds to the Coronavirus, it is obvious that perceived social raging reaction that has reached a calamity level in Indonesian society. As the COVID-19 outbreak continues to frighten the people, certain groups are facing social stigmatization and discrimination due to Coronavirus-related hate. For example, in March, numbers of healthcare staffs and medical doctors were kicked out from their residence amid community fear that the health professionals will carry the Coronavirus to their home (Jawa Pos, 2020), despite the fact that the Indonesian Medical Association expressed alarm that the number of doctors who died of 6 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

Coronavirus jumped high daily and the trend of doctors dying is heading for the sky (Channel News Asia, 2020). In April, the Headman of the Village in West Sumatera was persecuted after socializing preventive actions against Coronavirus (CNN Indonesia, 2020). Also, more and more cases of community rejection to dead bodies of COVID-19 for burial around provinces in Indonesia are increasingly reported. It seems like residents are too afraid of the virus contagion regardless of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo warning against paranoia and local government’s efforts to remind people to show compassion and practice their teachings of every religion (The Jakarta Post. 2020). The two biggest Islamic organization in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), have been also strictly asking people to permit burial for the dead bodies of COVID-19 amid the epidemic (Beritasatu, 2020).

Hence, Indonesia is now facing a human crisis beyond everyone’s scariest dream. As the ninth Secretary-General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, has also called for solidarity to respond to a near certainty of a global human crisis, Indonesia truly needs to reflect seriously on how the state ideology, Pancasila, will help to deal with the complexity of COVID-19 crisis and prepare the social resilience for the future. As the state ideology, according to Prof. Notonegoro, Pancasila is the philosophy for Indonesian people and it provides ontological, epistemological, and axiological claims to be materialized in everyday life. The five fundamental sila (principles) in Pancasila, interconnected one to others, reflect the national identity that Indonesian people hold the most (Kaelan, 2005). The five principles, 1) Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa (Believe in the one and only God), 2) Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab (Just and civilized humanity), 3) Persatuan Indonesia (The unity of Indonesia), 4) Kerakyatan yang Dipimpin oleh Hikmat Kebijaksanaan dalam Permusyawaratan Perwakilan (Democracy guided by the inner wisdom in the unanimity arising out of deliberations amongst representatives), 5) Keadilan Sosial bagi Seluruh Rakyat Indonesia (Social justice for the whole of the people of Indonesia), are justified to extend social responsibilities to protect the most vulnerable.

Practicing moral values from religious beliefs and teachings, people must be positioned at the center of COVID-19 crisis responses. It starts with recognizing those who need the most care and most vulnerable to build equal and adequate social protection to just humanity. It, then, moves to rethinking collaborative response to build a bridge to a stronger society. Everyone is now on the same boat. All of us are equally vulnerable. Nonetheless, in the same time, everyone is also just as important and needs to protect the others. In the spirit of unity, the local tradition of “gotong royong” (working together to achieve one aim) is far more compelling as potential golden rules amid COVID-19 crisis. It is also a perfect time to 7 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

rebuild bureaucracy trust and end false dichotomy in the government between “the central” and “the peripheral”. COVID-19 pandemic is a national scale threat and the magnitude of the response must match its scale. Political alliances should be activated and coordinated timely to develop enough capability and capacity. Finally, social justice must be signaled as a national mission with a sharp sight to the future and not a setback into a flawed past (Mostyn, 2020).

The global pandemic of COVID-19 has emerged a necessity to apply discipline, but not with the authoritarian approach that represents the most controlling style. The most important to humanity is connection to value self-control and provide responsive platform. It is already visible that Pancasila is important to build social resistance against this “pandemic battle”. John Rawl’s claims on his book “Theory of Justice” (1971), golden rules among society must be set up clear as the moral justification to avoid acute social paranoia. COVID19 can’t never turn our eyes away from the sanctity of human life. For this time, it seems like the society needs to accept the logic of the veil of ignorance while the governments have a duty to protect everyone to minimize the suffering of the weakest.

Reference: Anamofa, Jusuf. (2020). Enam Kerentanan Pandemi Korona (OPINI). Retrieved from: https://terasmaluku.com/enam-kerentanan-pendemi-korona-oleh-jusuf-anamofa-ketuaforumdosenmaluku/?fbclid=IwAR3hfdDEeoELqmYFwacJISEEcHO My9jlhIad0NAfOMOdACrBWXVFkf56llM Beritasatu. (2020). Masyarakat Diimbau Tidak Tolak Pemakaman Korban Corona (4 April)..

Retrieved from: https://www.beritasatu.com/nasional/616845-masyarakat-diimbau-tidaktolak-pemakaman-korban-corona Channel News Asia. (2020). Indonesia announces biggest daily rise in COVID-19 cases, 24 doctors now dead 6 April). Retrieved from: https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/indonesia-biggest-daily-rise-covid-19coronavirus-cases-12615040 CNN Indonesia. (2020). Sosialisasi Korona, Kepala Kampung Dianiaya Hingga Lebam (4 April). Retrieved from: https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20200404135220-20490290/sosialisasi-corona-kepala-kampung-dianiaya-hingga-lebam Jawa Pos. (2020). Dokter dan Perawat yang Menangani Korona Diusir dari Tempat Tinggalnya (25 Maret). Retrieved from: https://www.jawapos.com/nasional/25/03/ 2020/dokter-dan-perawat-yang-menangani-korona-diusir-dari-tempat-tinggalnya/ Nussbaum, Marta C. (2016). Anger and Forgiveness: Resentment, Generosity, Justice. New York: Oxford University Press.

Nussbaum, Martha C. (2004). Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame, and the Law. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Rawls, John. (1971). A Theory of Justice. Belknap Press: Harvard University Press.

Taylor, Jim. (2012). Is Our Survival Instinct Failing Us?. Retrieved from: https://www.huffpost.com/entry/is-our-survival-instinct-_b_1588157 The Jakarta Post (2020). When your dead body is rejected everywhere (8 April). Retrieved

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from: https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2020/04/08/when-your-dead-body-isrejectedeverywhere.html?utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook&fbclid=IwAR1MkV x3FpyMTJ3_LLxKzgxHzHqwmx51NbMsKVOkcpu_H3n9kpHYx2oO5M#Echobox=158631 0131

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Student’s Protests for Democratic Development and Reform in Thailand Nichan Singhaputargun, Ph.D. (Peace Engineer) School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University Introduction People of my generation were able to witness an event occurring in 1992. Back then, I was in high school. Middle class people came out to demand a promise from General Sujinda Kraprayoon. After the protest, there was a Green Flag Campaign and a constitution, which was the constitution that people participated in the most, was established in order to address political issues inherited from the past and at the same time to reform politics for the future through the Thai Constitution of 1997. This was considered conflict management that Thai society had faced since after the revolution in 1932. The result of said conflict management was that, after the constitution was enforced, every party accepted the process of the establishment of and the contents listed in the constitution.

Politics was carried out in the way it should have been. The context of politics back then was not in favor for my generation to gather and protest because everyone was satisfied with its vibe. However, later, some conflicts started during the House of Representatives’ meetings and spread to outside of the House since 2001 after Thaksin Shinawatra became the Prime Minister. Conflicts happened at that time relating to government administration, policy corruption, interventions of independent organizations, and different understandings and opinions of democracy as well as the institution of the monarchy with matters expressed by the conflicting parties, which, however, were not as obvious as the ones expressed at present.

The conflict led to various gatherings and protests held by different groups of people and eventually to the coups in 2006 and 2014 respectively. The role of students in politics during this period was not clearly seen active unlike participation of students during the 1976 Thammasat University massacre or the current protests.

The current protest, students have used the symbolic expression of the three-finger salute influenced by the film “Hunger Games” as the way of nonviolent action to oppose the government and it is viewed by the government as a threat. Students who expressed their opinion by saluting with three fingers might be arrested in the past but now this symbolic expression is commonly used everywhere even in front of the royal families. This symbolic expression was utilized when the NCPO government started administrating the country and is now being used in the current protests as the symbol of student movements in Thailand. The 10 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

current protests by students has ended the debate over less participation in politics by students as they rise up and mobilize to achieve their goals and dreams today.

This article is conducted based on the approach of Peace and Conflict Studies that views conflict as a normal phenomenon and it is formed by incompatible position or goals of conflict parties1 (Fisher & Ury 1997). whilst violence is seen unacceptable and must be prevented2 (Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict South Asia 2011). In this article, the author has analyzed and synthesized information collected from news, observations, participation, and interviews with new generations who participated in the protests on September 19, 2020 that took place at Thammasat University and Sanam Luang.

The author has tried to understand the requests made by the protesters and their feelings as the key points and the previous actions by the government before the protest and during the protest. The article has aimed to firstly understand the students’ standpoint and then has sought to find mutual resolutions between students, government, and dissidents, which will be discussed further in the second article.

Free Youth and Will Not Tolerate It There are two phrases that are the core keys to this protest: “Free Youth” and “Will Not Tolerate It”. It is a way for students and the new generation to express their feelings of frustration and dissatisfaction that they can no longer accept it. I think this is very essential because it reflects that young people can no longer tolerate the same old structure of society and politics. This is a rather sympathetic situation. If we, older generations, take into an account that students and young people have been dealing with prolonged political conflict since they were born, we see that the measures that were taken in order to solve such conflicts were non-democratic, which is the opposite from what they have learned. They were raised surrounded by an environment of political conflict and violence for at least 20 years. They have absorbed these environments both consciously and unconsciously, their memories and imaginations regarding Thai politicians trend negative, for Thai politics and Thai democracy.

These have become a part of their thought systems without having any correct set of concepts that explain to them what is going on in our country. Even in universities, political science and legal studies have failed to provide good explanations to students regarding Thai politics.

Therefore, students seek for knowledge by themselves, some of which is right and some wrong, but they learn through memories of conflicts inherited from the previous generation that have no exit.

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It started with various events since the coup in 2014; the NCPO taking control of the country, and the way the NCPO has administered state affairs, causing dissatisfaction among students, and their feelings of dissatisfaction have been accumulating ever since. However, the key events that encouraged students and the new generation to gather and protest include: 1) the coups of 2006 and 2014 ruining a democratic form of government with the King as Head of State, 2) after the coups, the three-finger salutation influenced by the film “Hunger Games” becoming a symbolic expression to oppose dictatorship, 3) threats to people’s freedom of expression and the abduction of people who against the government and monarchy, 4) corrupt budget management in building Rajabhakti Park, 5) inappropriate use of the state’s budget to rent a private airplane for a field trip to Hawaii, 6) National AntiCorruption Commission not being able to testify against a person in the government regarding his suspicious luxury watch collection case, and 6) the inappropriate judgment process used to dissolve the Future Forward Party. These issues have been accumulating continuously

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Currently, the conflict has greatly evolved as can be seen from the escalation of protests, in which the number of conflicting parties have increased. The scope of the conflict has been extended in both its contents and requests. The first protest was organized in front of the Victory Monument by the Free Youth Movement, followed by a protest held by the Free People Movement, leading to a protest organized by the Thammasat Will Not Tolerate Movement, and at present there are various groups of people that are prepared to join a big protest that will take place on the 14th of October. The contents of the protests have included: 1) to revise the constitution in order to organize an election for the Constitution Drafting Assembly of Thailand, allowing for an acceptable and democratic constitution to be established; 2) to dissolve the parliament in an acceptable manner according to democratic principle; 3) for the government, government agencies, and government officials, including educational institutions, to stop threatening students, the new generation, and the people; 4) to not accept a national unity government; and 5) to have a true democratic form of government with the King as Head of State3 (Interviewed with Protester A) . These five requests reflect the structure of conflicts in Thai society regarding democratic development in the aspects of freedom, reform of the institution of the monarchy, and government administration reform, as well as other requests that were made on the 14th of October, including the resignation of the prime minister, an open form of general discussion on all agendas, the drafting of a constitution of the people, and the request of complete democracy.

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Nevertheless, there is one interesting point found in the current protests that is different from other previous protests organized by Yellow Shirts, Red Shirts, and the People's Democratic Reform Committee. Apart from the fact that the protesters are young people – not adults, we noticed that there was a very high chance of confrontation between students (young people) and the government (adults) as one of their requests is that they would like to see an institution of the monarchy that is truly under the constitution, which topic has always been highly sensitive in Thai society; however, there was no violent confrontation. Imagine if the conflicting parties were adults versus adults, I think there would have been a confrontation since day 1 of the protests.

This phenomenon is remarkable. Although the students acted in an extremely aggressive way and caused a great deal of dissatisfaction for adults, especially since one of the conflicts was about the institution of the monarchy, which has never been expressed in a society before, with the cultural values of age difference, the students have been viewed as children and grandchildren, helping to reduce some tension unlike protests organized by people (adults) against the government (adults). In addition, we noticed that General Prayuth always mentioned that violence must never be used toward students; however, a crackdown was exercised by officers on unarmed protests on October 17th. Anyway, I still believe that this conflict is a turning point and could be an important opportunity for contemporary conflict management to take place in the history of Thai politics, allowing students to drive forward change, leading to creative conflict management together with adults.

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The requests made were not new The requests made by the protestors were not something new but developed from conflicts occurring in the past since the change of rule in 1932. The requests reflect various issues, including 1) for the development of democracy, the conflicts are: different opinions regarding democratic development and how to develop democracy; 2) for the use of conflict management processes or conflict resolutions not conforming to democratic principles and development, the conflict is: is a coup an appropriate way to manage or resolve Thai political conflicts?; 3) for the institution of the Thai monarchy, the conflict is: what should the role of the Thai monarchy in modern Thai society be?; and 4) for the country’s administration, the conflicts are: ineffective administration, especially in the aspect of the economy, not having good governance, administrational views not conforming to the rapid changes regarding new forms of security and the world’s society.

Thai political conflicts after the revolution in 1932 have always been about these topics, which were brought up by various conflicting parties over time. These conflicts can be analyzed by two characteristics as follows. 1) Original conflicts that are hidden in the societal structure (Latent Conflict) caused by differing opinions regarding democracy, reform of the institution of the monarchy, and political conflict management not conforming to democratic development done by the military institution using a coup as a management process. These three issues are related to each other. The understanding of these issues has been slowly changing over time, leading to people having differing opinions from each generation, and eventually the new generation is now thinking differently from the older generation.

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For students and the new generation, they were not able to witness what happened in the past or may not thoroughly understand the event, but they understand the main idea of democracy, which is a good start, allowing them to see the difference between its principles and the actual conditions of the country, which totally go against each other. No mutual understanding was created nor adjusted for people from each generation, especially for the new generation. Students based their idea on the international comparison principle being used worldwide, including equality, human rights, and democracy; therefore, they compare our country to other countries, pointing out that the democracy in our country is not the same as in others. Regarding the topic of the institution of the monarchy, students are not of a time when regard for monarchy is as high as in the past, so they compare Thailand to other countries that have a democratic form of government with the King as Head of State. The key point is where students have acknowledged that it strongly goes against democratic principle to use a military coup to address political conflicts, which used to work out in terms of contexts in the past. However, in the modern world where society, economy, politics, international politics, and technology have changed, as well as people’s perceptions, the new generation therefore no longer believes that using a military coup conforms to or is appropriate for the Thai context in terms of democratic development.

2) New conflicts have been accumulating due to the administration of the current government, such as political exploitation through establishing a constitution, the use of the constitution in order to transfer government power, fickle interpretation of the constitution based on who in the power, a failed justice system, as jails are for the poor, failure of economic administration, an economy with the focus going from top to bottom, leaders lacking political ethics, leaders lacking knowledge of conflict management, people being excluded from political engagement, the government not listening to the people’s voices who want to reflect political views, nonconformity to roles and responsibilities, and conflict management from the military that conflicts with democratic development. The methods used by the government did not make people feel better but created more tension and even more of a lack of understanding.

There is no mechanism to manage differences of thinking, but instead they try to shape everyone’s ideas to be the same as theirs, reflecting the military’s standpoint and their way of thinking towards Thai democracy: not wanting any changes too quickly. There is only one meaning of democracy and nation. This condition of politics causes tension in society; people are dissatisfied; they questioned it and gathered to protest. Students and the new generation who are starting to learn about politics and democracy have explored Thai politics 16 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

by observing, comparing, and questioning as to why their democracy is not the same as in other countries. At the same time, they have learned that as a citizen of a state, what rights they have and what can be done in order to make changes and have the government listen to their different ideas for the benefit of the nation.

The protesters’ opinions I had a chance to talk to students and protesters during the protest that occurred on the th

19 of September. They shared their views and the feelings of being oppressed, which has led to this protest. One person told me that he felt that he was a main character like Winston Smith from George Orwell’s classic literature, namely 1984. He stated that Thai society now is not different from the story in this book. The government can change black to white or white to black; they can do whatever they want4 (Interviewed with Protester B). He believed that the government thinks that they are the greatest, and they are not aware that what they have done has further cultivated the seeds of hate and conflict in the people feelings toward to the government, so students decided that they have to make changes.

In addition, students believe that the constitution was designed in favor of the NCPO and for General Prayuth to continue in power by using the mechanism of 250 senators. This

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is political exploitation, going against the principles of democracy. They also believe that the government has failed to administer the country, not being able to effectively run the country, especially in the aspects of the economy5 (Interviewed with Protester C). There have been many scandals concerning General Prayuth’s leadership, including the intervention of independent organizations in order to gain benefits for his party and the opposite for his opponents, the use of the state resources for personal political gain, a focus on security by purchasing military weapons unnecessarily while the people are having a difficult time, the use of power to help friends get acquitted from charges, the government not maintaining the justice system, and the deprivation of rights and freedoms as well as the suppression on people who have different opinions6 (Interviewed with Protester D). Students have come out because they are not happy with what the government, who should be a good example, has done by running the country ineffectively, the government has not understood the meaning of nation in terms of democracy, and the government has not allowed people to express their opinions on the basis of rights and the principles of freedom7 (Interviewed with Protester E).

Students need confirmation that their future will be designed appropriately to the societal, economic, political contexts, and they should be allowed to participate and determine events, not only the government8 (Interviewed with Protester F).

Another important topic that students have pointed out is that adults, or the government, still adhere to old ways of thinking, looking at them as children and claiming that they, the government, have been through a lot more than students so they know what is appropriate and what is not and that children will never understand the world as much as adults do9 (Interviewed with Protester G). On the contrary, the students think that the adults understand the world only from their point of view and want everyone else to agree with them and be in their world. While the students and the new generation are easily open for changes, they are no longer only in Thai society but the world. The prime minister always mentions that students should know how to think, know what is suitable for the country, wherein some world trends can be used and some must not be used10 (Interviewed with Protester H).

The new generation also has a concept of what should be good for the country and what should not be used. It is impossible for everyone, or people from different generations, to agree on the same thing. It points out that adults may forget that they once used to be children, or the new generation at the time who wanted to make changes in Thai society.

Thinking differently does not mean the new generation does not know how to think. Things

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always change over time and new ideas will accumulate and be developed to replace old ideas sooner or later.

Conclusion When it is time for the new generation to take over responsibilities, their thinking systems will become the main structure of society. Their thinking systems are not just from what they learned in classrooms, but they have access to data and knowledge through advanced technology along with other resources, allowing them to see what is appropriate.

One thing that the new generation may not have much of is experience. They feel displeased when they are told that they are being led by someone or being used as a political tool, implying that they cannot think. These are share points where they can be connected. We can see that both the young and adults share some perspectives that can be combined. In terms of politics, young people should not go overboard and adults should not put too much pressure on the young people. So, people from the older generation, or my generation, will never understand the new generation if we do not try to communicate and discuss points in order to slowly adjust our points of view based on differing standpoints as much as possible. It is a contrast of the two world structures that are incompatible. The important thing is, whether agreeing or disagreeing, adults (government) should try to understand these points, which is 19 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

the beginning of mitigation, and then try to find mutual agreements and adjust the balance further.

References 1. Fisher, R., & Ury, W. (1997). Getting to yes-negotiation and agreement without giving in.

USA: Random House Business Books.

2. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict South Asia. (2011). Dialogue and mediation. https://www.peaceportal.org/web/gppac-south-asia/dialogue-and-mediation

Interviewed 3-5. Student A, Student B, and Student C who participated in the demonstration on September 19th 2020 at Thammasat University, Bangkok 6-10. Student D, Student E, Student F, Student G, and Student H: who participated in the demonstration on September 19th 2020 at Thammasat University, Bangkok

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A Ripe Moment and Peace Engineer Network for Student’s Protesters and the Government in Thailand Nichan Singhaputargun, Ph.D. (Peace Engineer) School of Social Innovation, Mae Fah Luang University Introduction This article has developed from the first article, which is “Student’s Protests for Democratic Development and Reform in Thailand”, that focuses on understanding students’ standpoints as the main key. This article was written after the author got back from the protest and had a chance to review that if we are a protester, the government, a negotiator or a mediator, what should we do so that conflicting parties can manage the conflict and have a successful discussion without violence from both sides.

This article is based on the main idea of Peace and Conflict Studies: “conflicts are human nature in every society, but violence is something we should help prevent. The challenge lies in how we can work together to find a solution to manage such conflicts. What are the approaches for reducing confrontation, creating mutual understanding through different standpoints, and making parties satisfied and able to live together peacefully?”

These sets of concepts are what the Conflict and Peace Studies focus on and are the main ideas to be used as keys to understand current political conflict. They should also more or less suggest some approaches regarding this conflict.

Interestingly in the current protest by student movements, various strategies based on nonviolent action are employed systematically unlike the yellow shirts, red shirts or the PDRC members that are seemed more aggressive in term of actions. The current student movements have adopted the nonviolent action methods based on the theories by Gene Sharp.

They intend to withdraw the consent of the public that support the government. Students believe that the government’s governance system is based on dictatorship style more than in the guideline of democracy and people have rights to remove the government from power but with nonviolent methods based on Gene Sharp’s theory. This nonviolent action by students is seen as important research experiment in the field of Peace and Conflict Studies whether nonviolent protest by students could make the government decides to use negotiation as the way to understand each other.

The author of this article believes that it is not easy for both sides to initiate a negotiation as for conflict management without helps from mediators and process of 21 | READ ASEAN Volume 1, 2020

mediation. In this case, the author believes that mediation concept is necessary and has come up with the ideas to bridge both sides with a concept of “a ripe moment through peace engineer network”. The important goal of this article is to present the concept of “a ripe moment and creating a peace engineer network among protesters, government, and dissidents” in order to prevent any form of violence and to create a process of listening and discussion in order to manage/address conflicts.

According to John Paul Lederach, to handle the conflict properly is to transform the conflict. He has developed conflict transformation theory with four strategies to handle both party and structural levels consisting of 1) personal transformation, 2) relational transformation, 3) cultural transformation, and 4) structural transformation. These strategies are suitable to build peace through short-term, mid-term, and long-term processes. It is a process that positively transforms conflict situation, conflict parties, and conflict structure at the same time with constructive changes1 (Lederach 2003). In addition, to handle the conflict and violence during protests and confrontations between protesters, officers, and government more comprehensively and effectively, this article adopts negotiation concept and mediation concept in relation to conflict transformation strategies to design crisis management, relationship management, and conflict resolution for the current situation.

Timing of opportunity We all think differently and have different positions, but there may be no conflicts until these positions cannot come together on the same position2 (Fisher & Ury 1997).

However, in every conflict always lies a ripe moment. A ripe moment is “timing” for a conflict has not yet developed to its highest level and violence has not yet happened. It is the timing when the conflict is still happening, but the conflicting parties are standing fast with their own standpoints. They are thinking of considering possibilities to respond to the opponent’s standpoint. This moment, when the protesters keep offering time to the government after each protest and promising they will be back if their offers are not responded to. Although the protesters have escalated the protest, which is normal, at least it shows that there is an opportunity to manage conflicts together. Students mentioning that if their requests are not responded to or they will be back to protest again, points out that they still have hope and are giving the government a chance. However, if time is being given but the government is not able to respond or does not show any effort, the protesters will keep escalating the protest or may stop this process, which means that the ripe moment has ended.

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Thus, this moment is like an “opportunity” for people to listen and discuss either directly or through a mediator in order to understand each other’s standpoints and to respond to those standpoints using conflict management and processes that are appropriate to each conflicting party before this ripe moment disappears. There has never been any political conflict that different opinions can be met and placed in the society as appropriately as this time. This moment can lead to conflict management and solve some of the outstanding conflicts more than ever. However, the challenge is that the moment does not last long and if there is no discussion, listening, or negotiation or if there is any violence happened, the opportunity to solve the conflict will be unfortunately disappeared. Factors that encouraged the ripe moment of this protest can be understood through the following observations: 1) The conflict between students and the government comprises of main conflicts and secondary conflicts, in which the protesters are now focusing on the main ones that are related to democracy by forcing prime minister to resign and the institution of the monarchy.

The topic that the government is concerned about the most is the protester’s desire to have a true democratic form of government with the King as Head of State. What the students are doing is to bring back issues from the past that back then could not be placed in the scope of societal understanding and to place them appropriately so that everyone understands. Under the relationship of the conflicting parties, adults versus children, where they are holding on to their own space and trying to reconcile, and if we understand the protesters’ standpoint regarding the monarchy issue, then we will see that both the protesters and the government share the same standpoint: “to retain the monarchy as the core institution of the nation”. The protesters do not desire to get rid of or terminate the monarchy. What should be discussed is to what extent things can be adjusted to meet the protester’s position and in the same time to meet the government’s position. The key point is that the standpoints of both parties are not completely conflicted, and a mutual standpoint can be created. For other requests, they are conflicts for which mutual agreement can be made.

2) Although the issues being expressed in this protest seem heavier than before, as they are related to structural problems of the institution of monarchy, both conflicting parties are trying to maintain their own spaces and avoid confrontation; at least there has not yet been serious physical violence. The protesters have followed their rules of protesting, there has never been a prolonged protest, they always keep their agreements made with the police, making the government feel assured at one level. Both of the parties have not made the other go over the edge or go dog wild, which has usually happened in the past with the Red Shirts,

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Yellow Shirts, and the People's Democratic Reform Committee leading to violence and a military coup in the end.

3) Previously, the conflicting parties consisted of the government and adults, but this time it is between the government and young people. This phenomenon is particularly important for conflict management as we usually do not see as much yielding from the government as this time. The protest is related to the institution of monarchy, but the adults still being kind and looking at the protesters as their children. Even though the children may speak harshly and disregard adults’ feelings, the adults have remained calm and not exercised violence. Of course, there was pressure and detaining, but in comparison to previous protests, where the protesters were in charge and mentioned things about the monarchy, the intensity of pressure during this protest is much different than before, so the children should see this as an opportunity and try to understand the adults. In addition, the protest organized by young people was a peaceful protest, no violence was used. The behavior of the conflicting parties is in a condition that can be negotiated with and reconciled. As mentioned earlier that the relationship between the conflicting parties are between adults and young people, there is a high chance for negotiation in order to create a shared standpoint where everyone can live together in society.

4) Inside and outside of the House of Representatives, conflict management was one of the topics being discussed, and various concepts of reconciliation were brought up, including studies done by the current commission. Many suggestions were offered; for example, the suggestion to revise the constitution in order to elect the Constitution Drafting Assembly of Thailand and draft a constitution where the people are allowed to participate like the one in 1997. In addition, the coalition with 61 seats, like the Bhumjaithai Party, has also suggested to revise the constitution on the same topic. Whereas outside the House, the offers made by both the Free Youth Movement and the Thammasat Will Not Tolerate It Movement have never been more open than ever, providing an opportunity for discussion and an exchange of ideas for possible solutions where both parties can share a standpoint. We should seize this ripe moment as there are many hidden opportunities if only we start looking for them and stay open-minded to listen and be willing to adjust. There is a possibility that we can turn a crisis into an opportunity for reconciliation.

5) Looking at the current situation, no one is in the right or wrong based on their different positions. We have learned from the past that if we deal with conflicts based on hate and emotion, the results are not pleasant and we do not want this situation to happen again,

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especially for young people, the new generation, and the future of our nation. So, if the same old method is used, we know how it is going to end, and the conflict may continue to escalate and end in violence. I believe that this moment is a crucial time to pass through the conflicts regarding the reform of politics and the institution of the monarchy, which are conflicts inherited from the past, leading to conflict management and reconciliation.

Peace Engineer Network When a ripe moment occurs, the heart of the management of such moment is to listen and to negotiate either directly between conflicting parties or via a middle person. In this regard, a peace engineer should be appointed. A peace engineer is a person whose important duty is to create a relationship between the government and the protesters as well as to provide understanding to the government regarding the protesters’ standpoint and the government’s standpoint. This might give an uncomfortable feeling for both side at the beginning, but in any protest in general or in the government, there are many people with different skills, including leadership, planning, or cooperation that can become peace engineers.

A peace engineer is one of the people who have skills in creating and developing relationships, having the talents of a good listener and negotiator. They are not hardliners but soft-liners; they understand the duty of being a neutral person and being able to communicate between conflicting parties. Peace engineers study the differences between each party’s standpoint through incompatible positions and seek for solutions through various interests that both the government and the protesters have not considered yet, leading to achievements for both parties. The key is not to manage the conflict at the positions of conflict parties as the conflict party’s position is usually fixed and very difficult to change their positions. What must be done is to manage conflict through conflict parties’ interests that peace engineers can seek for both sides’ original interests and unexpected new interests that conflict parties do not think of before3 (Fisher & Ury 1997). In addition, peace engineers are people who can encourage the government to appoint their own peace engineers as well. In this regard, peace engineers will work in the following steps: 2.1 Peace engineers will put aside any prejudice; otherwise, we cannot see solutions.

Of course, this is not easy to do but that is why we must find the right person who can do the job so that we can continue to the second step.

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2.2 Peace engineers will listen to and share opinions with the government. Once we set aside any prejudice, we can then start looking for the opponent’s standpoint. In this step, we focus on the “listening” part. We must listen to others or our opponents to find out what their standpoint is and if it goes against our standpoint. Sometimes the other’s standpoint may not be what we want, but it can be something that another person wants. Therefore, listening as much as possible is the best method, and we are required to be patient and open-minded and always be reminded that it is normal that people have different ways of thinking.

2.3 A peace engineer will create a conflict management process by thinking outside the box after the conflicting party’s standpoint or goal has been indicated. We will create the process in order to respond to the standpoint using interests as a tool to manage the conflicts.

Conflicts do not occur from interests but from different standpoints. Interests will be used to manage those standpoints or goals. So, when it comes to conflict management, we manage interests, not standpoints. Often, we have failed to negotiate conflicts, that is because we have managed people’s standpoints that they have adhered to for a long time.

Managing and finding solutions “You see it your way, I see it my way…We can work it out”, these are some of the lyrics from the song “We Can Work It Out” by The Beatles. This song is a good start to understanding different standpoints and to use this ripe moment to seek for solutions together.

Understanding can be created via the work of peace engineers. This step consists of shortterm management, medium-term management, and long-term management. At the beginning, conflicts lie under the responsibility of peace engineers. In this regard, peace engineers can be divided into two teams and each consists of the state’s representative, protesters’ representative, and a neutral person who is selected by the government and the protesters.

The first team is responsible for preventing any form of violence that may happen to the protesters or the government officials while the second team is responsible for managing the requests, including urgent and long-term requests.

Crisis Management (Short-Term Management) Short-term management will be conducted to prevent everyone from hurting each other in every dimension. Peace engineers will check for violence or any trends that may lead to violence. Once we can anticipate or stop every party from using violence, either physically or by acting in such a way that is provocative, the relationship will slowly get better, leading to medium-term management. During this stage, the government and the protesters will

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appoint a team of peace engineers with duties as follows: 1) coordinate and create relationships between both parties, 2) work and set a framework to prevent any form of violence, and 3) help prevent the use of violence either from the government or the protesters.

Relationship Management (Middle-Term Management) Middle-term management is to negotiate while the protest is still going no matter how long it is going to be. We will discuss on each topic individually, some issues may be easily negotiated, and some may take time; there is no need to rush to find solutions. For any issues that require urgent answers, peace engineers will help so that agreements can be made. In addition, peace engineers must be certified by showing that they are representatives from the government, the protesters, and a third party. In order to manage requests , the second team of peace engineers must: 1) listen to and understand different standpoints, 2)a set a framework and an estimated timeframe, 3) help select urgent issues or any issues that can be immediately negotiated, then select issues that will take time, which will be used for the drafting of a new constitution, 4) initiate negotiations by starting on topics that can easily be managed, then move on to ones that take a longer time, such as issues concerning the current constitution, and 5) prepare mutual requests to be put in the draft of the new constitution for further management.

Conflict Management (Long-Term Management) A constitution has long been with democratic regimes, and the first constitution of Thailand was established in 1932. Thai constitutions can be used as process to manage political conflicts, such as the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand of 1997 (the 16th Constitution). It is a good idea to use the 1997 Constitution as a model to draft a new constitution that will determine that society and politics conform to the standpoints of the old and new generations. In order to manage contemporary political conflicts in Thailand, the establishment process and the contents of the constitution must be designed in an acceptable manner, which can be based on the 1997 Constitution, which was accepted by every party and considered to be a social contract. The protesters wish to have at least a constitution that has been established based on democratic guidelines, so a constitution is the most neutral solution for this conflict. To achieve such a solution, it can be done two ways: 1) Not drafting a new constitution but taking a constitution that both parties have agreed upon to revise based on their requests as deemed appropriate. Looking at Thai constitutions, it can be found that most of the sections in each constitution were developed

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and revised from a previous version. The advantage of revision is that it is faster, but the disadvantage is that conflicts are extended and more requests are made by various of groups of protests, so some of the requests may not be accepted because they are mostly about the institutions of politics and monarchy.

2) Drafting a new constitution is to create a whole new structure for relationship, roles, and responsibilities for Thai society. It is a social contract for every generation in society, which is different from the previous social contract, which was a version for every class of people. The advantages of this method are that society will restart, and the circle of conflict since the 1932 will be ended. However, the disadvantage is that it takes time, especially now that more requests are being made from every sector of society. The challenge lies in the discussion of the middle-term stage: How can we design a new and acceptable social structure? How can we design it so that it covers all the issues for everyone? And we must make sure that those issues will not bring any conflicts to society again.

Conclusion There has never been any time, for almost two decades, like this time in which conflict can lead to the opportunity of listening, discussion, and management with ripe moment and peace engineer network. This is because students/the new generation are actors that receive certain dispensation and are being exempted for certain acts as they are considered as children. There is a chance for reconciliation that will unite people in Thai society on a shared standpoint. Inside and outside the House of Representatives, conflict management has been brought up and discussed. In the evolution of conflicts and violence in the past, including the protests organized by Yellow Shirts, Red Shirts, People's Democratic Reform Committee, and the protest happening right now, there should be some processes or solutions that will allow us to turn the crisis into an opportunity so that everyone can live peacefully in society. Appointing peace engineers for the protesters and the government should be another way to help manage conflicts. As mentioned above, “the challenge is not about being successful, but it is about being open-minded to listen and help each other�.

References 1. Lederach, J. P. (2003a). The little book of conflict transformation. Intercourse, PA: Good Books 2. Fisher, R., & Ury, W. (1997). Getting to yes-negotiation and agreement without giving in. USA: Random House Business Books

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3. 2. Fisher, R., & Ury, W. (1997). Getting to yes-negotiation and agreement without giving in. USA: Random House Business Books

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