BALTIMORE URBANISMS OF INCLUSION SVEN AUGUSTEYNS - BEN DIRICKX - ESTHER JACOBS
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Faculty of Engineering Department of Architecture, Urbanism and Planning [ASRO]
The New School New York Parsons The New School for Design Atlantis Exchange Program
BALTIMORE: URBANISMS OF INCLUSION
Sven Augusteyns - Ben Dirickx - Esther Jaocbs Thesis submitted to obtain: Master in Urbanism and Strategic Planning [MaUSP] Academic year: 2010-2011 Promotors:
Prof. Bruno De Meulder Prof. Brian Mc.Grath
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A number of people have been responsible for the complicated task of arranging our exchange to the USA. Firstly we would like to thank Brian McGrath, Miodrag Mitrasinovic, Bruno De Meulder and Kelly Shannon for setting up this interesting programme. In this respect we would like to thank as well Isabelle Putseys for her organizational strength in cooperation with Miodrag coping with the administrative complexities Once in New York the continuing organizational challenges were easily handled by Miodrag Mitrasinovic and Robin Campbell who were our anchor in Manhattan’s Rush. Furthermore we would like to thank the team that has been important in the progress of our research process. Besides an amazing academic infrastructure, the New School provided us with an interdisciplinary approach through a set of professionals who were able to relate to our project in a variety of ways. Special thanks go to our promotor Brian who, with his communicative strengths, has put us into contact with many other professionals like Victoria Marchall, Aseem Inaam, Graham Shane, Glenn L. Smith, Stuard Picket, J. Morgan Grove, Bill Morrish, Miguel Robles Duran, ... Miodrag as well had a strong impact on our design progress through our regular encounters in and around the school’s facility. On a regular basis we went to explore Baltimore on TJUF UP QFSGPSN mFMEXPSL 5IFTF FYQFSJFODFT IFMQFE VT tremendously in understanding the complexity of the Baltimore case. Without the help of some really good 4
friends, we have made there, we would not have been so successful at understanding the city. Special thanks go to Amie and Zoe West who with their hospitality and openness have shown us a great part of the city, as well as to Joe McGinley who with his contagious enthusiasm for Baltimore gave us the energy to dive into the project. Thanks go out as well to the spontaneous hospitality of our local host Joe M. Reinhart. Further technical support with obtaining the right amount of information was provided by Liz Barry, a genius with GIS. And we would like to thank Eugene Kwak for his help with presentational and structuring skills. 0ODF CBDL JO #FMHJVN JO UIF DPOUJOVBUJPO BOE mOBMJ[BUJPO of our thesis, we could count on the professionalism of Bruno De Meulder. Our gratitude goes out to him for guiding us through the last struggles towards completion. Last but not least, besides these professionals, we would like to say thanks to our families and friends for their help and support. We are especially grateful to our parents for giving us the opportunity to persue our ambitions and international experiences. There are not enough words that can equal their endless efforts and patience, but in this way, we would like to express our appreciation and gratitude.
TRAJECTORY Within the scope of the ATLANTIS exchange project, we were offered the opportunity to work on Baltimore on our UIFTJT "GUFS TPNF PSHBOJ[BUJPOBM EJGmDVMUJFT XF FOEFE up carrying out this exchange programme from the New York based Parsons The New School for Design. We arrived in New York in the beginning of February and immediately were thrown into the extremely vibrant and energetic atmosphere of both Parsons and New York city. The combination of getting settled and exploring our new environments was both exciting and exhausting. The main advisor for our thesis project was Brian McGrath who with his involvement in the Baltimore Ecosystems Study (BES) had many contacts and resources at hand for us to explore and use for our research. With Baltimore as our context, we were set out to focus on what the term Urbanisms of Inclusion, the theme of the thesis, could mean in this context. Meanwhile a group of students back in Belgium worked on this same thematic but within the context of Brussels. This strategy aimed to explore what differences and similarities can be found between the European and North-American context and how this JOnVFODFT UIF QPTTJCMF EFTJHO TUSBUFHJFT Besides our main occupation with this research on Baltimore all three of us attended Dilip Da Cunha’s class on Nature and Environment which took us into the world of multiple understandings of these two ambiguous words and their relation to designerly thinking. The project we made for this class gave us the chance to look at Baltimore on a regional scale and understanding this region as a complex ecological system closely related to the Chesapeake Bay.
As a third component we strategically decided that the class we picked, would be an individual one so that when looking at Baltimore we would have some personal input derived from each of these classes. Esther followed Principles of Environmental Science, Sven; Designing Collaborative Development and Ben; Civil Society and International Development. Luckily The New School encouraged us to choose classes from all departments of the school which allowed us to seek for different EJTDJQMJOFT UIBU XPVME CFOFmU UIF NBLJOH PG UIJT UIFTJT Additionally we were encouraged to attend many of the lectures and discussion panels given within and outside the school which broadened our mind even more. 8F QSFTFOUFE UIF mOBM XPSL XF QSPEVDFE JO UIF 64" UP BO extensive jury on May 9th. This jury consisted of Graham Shane [Columbia University], Bill Morrish, Miguel Robles Duran, Cynthia Lawson and Fabiola Berdiel [Parsons], Gorgeen Theodore [Interboro], Glenn Smith [MSU]. Receiving great comments from this jury in an extensive collaborative discussion, we were excited to continue our XPSL BGUFS HPJOH CBDL UP #FMHJVN #VU mSTU UIF EFMFHBUJPO PG TUVEFOUT XPSLJOH PO #SVTTFMT DPOUFYU nFX PWFS UP /FX York to cooperate with us in a workshop organized with the purpose of exchanging information on Urbanisms of Inclusion and its meaning in both distinct contexts. Back in Belgium we continued with the design project individually under the guidance of Bruno De Meulder, IBOEJOH JO UIF mOBM UIFTJT PO "VHVTU OE *O 4FQUFNCFS XF XJMM nZ CBDL UP /FX :PSL XJUI UIF intention to display our thesis and by this means bring back our ideas to the site so it may have the potential of HPJOH CFZPOE B mOJTIFE BDBEFNJD QSPEVDU 5
STRUCTURE 0VS FYQFSJFODF XBT TQMJU VQ JO UXP QBSUT UIF mSTU QBSU within the context of the USA and the second part returning to our home university in Leuven, Belgium. 5IF UIFTJT JT EJWJEFE JOUP GPVS DIBQUFST PG XIJDI UIF mSTU two are basically the research we have done in the USA, the third chapter is the point where we were at the end PG PVS FYDIBOHF UP UIFO mOBMJ[F XJUI UIF GPVSUI DIBQUFS giving space to a more individualized approach with the actual physical interventions. Each of these chapters IBWF TVCDIBQUFST EJTDVTTJOH TQFDJmD UIFNFT SFMBUFE UP Baltimore. Chapter 1: Baltimore Histories develops a discourse PO XIBU XF DBO MFBSO GSPN UIF QBTU 5IF mSTU QBSU XJMM approach Baltimore through a narrative on the different physical and social oppositions that can be found by exploring the city. The second part came about by a more thorough analysis of the urban history of Baltimore and discusses Baltimore’s history from the point of view of social exclusion. Chapter 2: East Baltimore Stories approaches the city from what there is to be found today. For this we found it necessary to scale down to a more apprehensible part of the city and chose East Baltimore as our case. 5IF mSTU UXP QBSUT DBMMFE 8BMLT BOE 5BMLT BSF B NPSF personal approach to the city in which we tried to encounter practices and stories of inclusion/exclusion, CBTFE PO QSPGPVOE mFMEXPSL "GUFS UIBU UIF QBSU PO DJWJM society displays a thorough analysis of civil society in East Baltimore and how it functions. This we found necessary to further understand our scope of intervention. 6
At this point we felt it was time to come to a design conclusion in which we sought for a schematical organization of all previously processed information and questioned ourselves what we as designers could do in this context. Chapter 3: East Baltimore Mirrored provides this schematic representation, which is a springboard into the design interventions. Chapter 4: East Baltimore futures JT UIF mOBM DIBQUFS BOE concerns these design interventions. We decided it to be fruitful to continue the thesis on a semi-individual basis to each come to our personal interventions, based on the strong common foundations we laid in the United States. This is why this chapter is divided into three parts. The mSTU POF JT &TUIFS T BQQSPBDI Grids: Of Planning and Planting. The second one by Sven is called Harvesting East Baltimore’s Water Landscape and the third one by Ben is Learning [the] Landscape. By each taking our own individual entrypoints we have created numerous ideas and visions for the future of Baltimore which we hope can JOnVFODF UIF WJFX PG EFDJTJPO NBLFST BOE UIF SFTJEFOUT CZ showing the potentials that are embedded in the physical and social tissue of East Baltimore.
BALTIMORE HISTORIES What can we learn from yesterday?
Baltimore city of opposites.
EAST BALTIMORE STORIES What can we learn from today?
p.10
an introduction.
Baltimore city of exclusion. a history.
Fieldwork East Baltimore
p.28
walks. talks.
p.16 Civil Society in East Baltimore
p.34
civility, public sphere and social organization. stakeholders: programmatic activities. stakeholders: physical presence. civil society and design.
East Baltimore Infrastructures. physical presence.
p.48
EAST BALTIMORE MIRRORED Reflecting on design strategies.
Conclusions Common Strategies Goals Individual Strategy
EAST BALTIMORE FUTURES Visions for tomorrow.
p.54
Grids: of Planning & Planting
p.58
Harvesting East Baltimore’s Waterscape
p.90
Esther Jacobs
Sven Augusteyns
Learning [the] Landscape Ben Dirickx
p.124
Baltimore Histories What can we learn from yesterday?
Baltimore city of opposites. an introduction.
Baltimore city of exclusion. a history.
Boston
Baltimore City of Opposites an introduction. New York
Philadelphia
Baltimore Washington DC
Baltimore today is a city of opposites, opposites that grew historically and naturally by processes present in many former industrial cities on America’s East Coast. It is a city of hope and despair, potential and frustration. It evolved from a thriving manufacturing city in the 1940s and the 1950s, to a shrinking city from the 1970s up until today. Baltimore suffers from all the illnesses of a shrinking city such as unemployment, extreme poverty, crime,...however it also has potential. This potential lays in the presence of big institutions in the city, like Johns Hopkins Hospital and Johns Hopkins University for example, but also in the compassionate and hard working Baltimore residents. Unfortunately it are the ills like the drug and gang culture, present in some neighborhoods, that receive a disproportionate amount of attention (Park, 2005). This is the Baltimore everyone knows from popular tv-shows like ‘the Wire’. 100
300 km
1. Baltimore, MD, East Coast, USA
1910
Baltimore City 1910
558.485
area 60 sq. km population 558.485 inh density 9308 /sq. km
733.826
1920
804.874
1930
859.100
1940
1950
939.024
1960
949.708
1970
905.759
Baltimore City 2010
786.775
1980
area 238,5 sq. km population 620.961 inh density 2602 /sq. km
651.154
2010
620.961 inh. Inhabitants Baltimore City
2000
Inhabitants Baltimore County
736.014
1990
2. Baltimore, shrinking city
When taking a quick tour around the city, one can get a hint of the inequalities that are present in the city simply by looking at the urban fabric.
and chatting amicably. Little elements such as lanterns by the door indicate someone is home and light up the public streetscape at night. The policing in the distressed neighborhoods, on the other hand, is one of a very repressive nature. Police surveillance cameras BDDPNQBOJFE CZ nBTIJOH CMVF MJHIUT DBO CF GPVOE PO street corners. Police patrol the streets in the safety of their cars when necessary. Neighborhood residents hang signs up in the window saying ‘stop shooting, start living’, ‘no loitering’,..
3. Johns Hopkins vs. abandoned factories
Baltimore is known as the rowhouse city, however this rowhouse typology is present in many forms. On the one hand, there are the wealthy neighborhoods built up with SPXIPVTFT JO UIF HFOUSJmFE BSFBT BSPVOE UIF QBSLT BOE UIF JOOFS IBSCPVS 0O UIF PUIFS IBOE XF mOE B GBCSJD PG distressed rowhouses, primarily located along the old railroads built during World War II, when the steel industry in Baltimore was booming.
5. social control
4. wealthy vs. distressed rowhouses
Social control and policing in these two environments are very different. Whereas in the wealthy neighborhoods we mOE QPMJDF XBMLJOH UIF TUSFFUT PO GPPU HSFFUJOH OFJHICPST 14
The differences in social control over public spaces are visible in the physical raum as well. Public spaces in the city and suburbs have inviting benches to sit and trees for shade. They are perceived as very welcoming. In poor OFJHICPSIPPET IPXFWFS XF mOE QFPQMF XBSZ PG VTJOH UIF available public space. They no longer feel safe, so public spaces in these areas are not really public anymore.
Benches are banned from the street and parkscape to discourage gatherings of people, trees are not wanted because they can block visibility, public institutions are fenced and guarded and have little to no interaction with the outside space.
These highway infrastructures soon became paths along which big box developments, strip malls and hypermarkets would settle, offering big quantities of food and other HPPET GPS MPX QSJDFT 5IJT NBEF JU WFSZ EJGmDVMU GPS JOOFS city supermarkets and local neighborhood cornershops
6. green vs. rocky public space
8. public transport vs. car city
Like many post manufacturing cities, urban redevelopment in the 1970s led to a polarized city with a rich vertical inner core surrounded by a belt of abandoned houses, in turn surrounded by the edge city.
to survive. People in lower class neighborhoods, with very limited transportation became more and more deprived of good, cheap and healthy food. Making life in these areas even harder.
7. vertical vs. horizontal city
9. cornershop vs. supermarket
This development was fed by a switch in mode of transportation in the 1950s. Baltimore went from a city with a well functioning public transport system, to a city focused on the car. Which created a city ented on highway infrastructures.
15
When we look at the maps of the census tracts of the city of Baltimore, they clearly show where the areas of exclusion in Baltimore are located. The map of the medium home values shows that values are high in the center and at the edge of the city, and that there is a ring around the city center with extremely low home values. The map with the percentage of vacant IPNFT JT OFBSMZ UIF JOWFSTF mHVSF PG UIF NBQ XJUI NFEJVN home values. With the percentage of vacant homes in the dark areas 23% or more. The maps show that the areas with low home values (light color in map 1) and a high percentage of vacant homes (dark color in map 2) are also the areas with between 6% and 41% of vacant lots. From the census tracts we can clearly derive the areas where the city is shrinking. This outward migration causes declining tax revenues and rising public expenditures for the social and technical infrastructure in these areas. The percentage of home ownership clearly shows the city/suburb dichotomy. Where home ownership in the city center and ring around it is 20% or less, in the suburbs XF mOE QFSDFOUBHFT PG IPNF PXOFSTIJQT CFUXFFO and 100%. What are the processes that created these inequalities and that turned Baltimore into this city of exclusion? The places of exclusion in the city were formed by much more than changes in technology and economic changes. The underlying layer of politics and psychological boundaries put up by politicians and developers throughout history resulted in a severe social segregation 16
between neighborhoods. The following chapter sums up a selection of important moments in history that created these inequalities. It will become clear that the city evolved from a city segregated by race towards a city segregated by economic status.
$ 45.000 or less
0%
$ 45.000 - $ 150.000
2% or less
$ 150.000 - $ 300.000
2% - 6%
$ 300.000 - $ 600.000
6% - 23%
$ 600.000 or more
23% or more
10. Median Home Value Sales
11. % Vacant Homes
20% or less
0%
20% - 40%
1% or less
40% - 60%
1% - 2%
60% - 80%
2% - 6%
80% - 100%
6% - 41%
12. % Home Ownership
13. % Vacant Lots
17
Baltimore City of Exclusion a history.
18
In 1827, Baltimore was founded as city on the falls. It was an ‘equal’ city, throughout the 18th and early 19th century, meaning that Baltimore housing was not really segregated between black and white residents. Blacks were a minority but lived equally distributed over all 20 wards. This balance remained, even in the period after the Civil War (1861-1865). *O UIF T VSCBOJ[BUJPO XBT UP NPEJGZ UIJT nVJE NJYUVSF In the twenty year period between 1880 and 1900, Baltimore’s black population went up 47% from 54.000 to 79.000, however white population went up 54%. This means that although the city’s black population rose, the proportion of blacks went down and so they remained a minority group. These black newcomers had little money and little job opportunity, which made them all gather in the cheapest housing in town. This resulted JO UIF mSTU CMBDL TMVN in 1890. The slum was characterized by bad housingconditions, bad infrastructure, bad water provision,... all this led to various diseases. It became conventional for developers and 14. first housing segregation act politicians, to relate the black population to the urban illnesses in the city, and to run from their responsibilities. The general idea was that ‘poverty creates slums’ and not ‘slums create poverty’. The competition for space between blacks and whites led
FALL LINE ROCKLAND MILL
GRIST MILL
MILFORD MILL
MT. WASHINGON MILL
CLIPPER MILL
HAMPDEN MILL POWHATTAN MILLS
15. 1827, Baltimore: city on the falls
UP UIF mSTU TFHSFHBUJPO BDU JO 5IJT TFHSFHBUJPO BDU turned Baltimore into a city segregated by race. Over time this act gets developed and more acts follow. The next major shift towards the excluded city is the act
Once these houses are in the hands of the developers, they get instantly sold or rented out to black residents at a much higher price. The developers use the presence of black residents to draw upon the fears of racial change among the remaining white residents with the argument that property values would be going down. The resulting phenomena of white residents leaving the city center for a ATBGF IPVTF JO UIF TVCVSCT JT DBMMFE AUIF XIJUF nJHIU The assassination of Martin Luther King, leader of the American Civil rights movement on april 4th 1968 led to a nationwide wave of riots in cities like Washington D.C., Chicago, Kansas City, but also in Baltimore, where by now the polarization between black and white had CFDPNF FYUSFNF 5IFTF SJPUT OPX SFTVMUFE JO B nJHIU UP UIF TVCVSCT CZ UIF CMBDL NJEEMF DMBTT 5IJT ACMBDL nJHIU mostly affected the areas with low income residents.
16. 1945, redlining
of redlining (1945-1968), which basically is the act of delineating areas that banks should not invest in. Along with redlining comes the phenomenon of blockbusting. Blockbusting is the event where urban developers prey on racial anxieties. In areas close to expanding black neighborhoods, developers would approach white residents with the question to sell their house at low prices. 20
In the meantime the population of the city reached a peak in the 1950s. Baltimore at that time was the sixth largest city in the US, providing 75% of all jobs in the region. Its powerhouse was the steel industry, Bethlehem Steel being the second largest steel company in the US at the time. The rise and fall of Bethlehem Steel illustrates the microcosmos of economic changes that affected Baltimore. In its evolution we see a great boom during World War II but a demise of steel fabrication during the 1970s when globalization began to affect manufacturing activities in the US. In the 45 year period between 1950 and 1995, 100.000 manufacturing jobs disappeared in Baltimore city. Which accounted for 75% of its industrial development.
8.000 employees
32.000
1971 1975
25.000
35.000
1959
15.741
2002
1980
1941
1916
Topographic map Baltimore, 1890
1916-2003 rise and fall of Bethlehem Steel
equal city
city of ghettos
segregated city
donut city
1940
1920
1900
1880
1860
1840
1820
1800
1780
1760
1740
1720
1729 Baltimore City on the Falls
2010
INHABITANTS
1890 Urbanization wave, first black ghetto
2000
1911 First housing segregation act
558.000
2008 Housing Bubble
1980
620.000
1970 -2005 inner harbour redevelopment
1950 Baltimore 6th largest city in the US
1945-1968 Redlining, Blockbusting, ‘White Flight’
1960
949.000
Martin Luther King Riots, ‘Black Flight’ 1968
repressive city
17. Baltimore: evolution of a city 21
The 1970s are characterized by neo-liberal policies, which implied a stronger individualization of society. 5IFTF TUSBUFHJFT BSF BHBJO CFOFmUJOH UIF XFBMUIZ BOE making it much harder for minority groups to survive. Neo-liberal policies have their effect on urban development strategies in the form of private urban developments that take place. In Baltimore this showed in the renovation of the inner harbor between 1970 and 2005. Baltimore becomes a repressive city with a rich inner center, surrounded by a ring of poverty, in turn surrounded by rich suburbs. Repressive actions are needed to safeguard the inner harbor from surrounding areas which are breeding grounds for crime and drugs. These repressive strategies can be illustrated by the blue lights, a municipal camera surveillance system. The persistence of neo-liberal developments has led to the housing bubble in 2008, resulting in a complete standstill of urban development. In 2005 Baltimore’s housing market typology was developed by the city’s planning department to assist the city with strategically matching available public resources to neighborhood housing market conditions. It was updated in 2008 (Baltimore Planning Department, 2011) The map categorizes different neighborhoods in Baltimore in distressed housing, transitional housing, stable housing,... It informs neighborhood planning efforts by helping neighborhood residents understand the housing market forces impacting their communities. Some tools, such as demolition, may be necessary in distressed markets to bring about change in whole blocks 22
competitive housing 1 competitive housing 2 emerging housing stable housing 1 stable housing 2 transitional housing 1 transitional housing 2 distressed housing 1 distressed housing 2 multi-family housing non-residential > 20% vacant lots parks
18. 2008, housing typology map
yet may be applied more selectively in stable markets on properties that may lead to destabilization in the future. (Baltimore Planning Department, 2011) Unfortunately this map is interpreted different by developers. On the website of the Dominion Group, we can read the following quote: ‘The map allows for a much more informed “desktop underwriting” experience for potential Baltimore City real estate investors. There are several rules of thumb to follow if you’re a new investor in Baltimore City. Stay out of Distressed areas. Period. Don’t try to do a retail nJQ JO B %JTUSFTTFE PS 5SBOTJUJPOBM BSFB "OE UIF OVNCFST GPS DBTI nPXJOH SFOUBM QSPQFSUJFT QSPCBCMZ XPO U XPSL
in Competitive or Emerging blocks. Focus on learning Transitional and Stable areas, which are a real estate investor’s bread and butter.’ (Dominion 2011) The areas marked as distressed and transitional housing on the map (indicated in red) are often referred to as Baltimore’s ‘Ring of Blight’. Blight is an old term, a term that still refers to the decay of the urban environment and its relation to public health. A term which implies a certain anxiety for these areas to infect more prosperous areas with urban diseases such as crime, drugs, etc. When we go on site to look at these areas we see that there is a serious lack of accuracy in the map. These areas are often scattered with abandoned houses and know high crime crates but still contain good streets, with a hardworking population trying to survive in these neighborhoods.
19. transitional housing 1
20. transitional housing 2
The pictures show the example of East Baltimore. They clearly show that one zone on the housingtypology map contains very different urban environments. One can conclude that this map is a latent tool that stigmatizes certain areas even more, and thus can be seen as a contemporary form of redlining.
21. distressed housing 1
22. distressed housing 2
23
The map of Baltimore today clearly shows how the city is a palimpsest of the different historical events and processes of growth discussed earlier. Baltimore was founded as a city on the falls, on the edge of the Chesapeake Bay. Nature was the agent that sparked urbanization: the topography, the rivers, the Chesapeake bay as safe haven from the ocean. However urbanization colonized the landscape. People drew lines, borders, imposed a grid structure, divided the once unifying landscape in to zones. The landscape, that once worked as one system of NFBOEFSJOH SJWFST nPPEBCMF MPXMBOET TBGFS IJHIMBOET marshes, etc. was transformed when creeks were covered, highway infrastructures were built in riverbeds because they pose the lowest difference in topography. Baltimore once a city on the water, became a city that turned its back on the water. 5IF TUSBUJmDBUJPO PG UIF MBOETDBQF CZ VSCBOJ[BUJPO XFOU IBOE JO IBOE XJUI UIF TUSBUJmDBUJPO PG TPDJFUZ UIBU XBT discussed earlier. Big institutions would locate themselves on the safe highlands, whereas the worker man’s housing was developed on the lower lands of the city, around railroads and huge infrastructures that cut through these valleys. An interesting case are the neighborhoods of EastBaltimore. Which today are located in Baltimore’s ‘Ring of blight’ and are overlooked by Johns Hopkins Hospital. 24
This creates an interesting condition of exclusion. Everyday thousands of people travel from the suburbs surrounding Baltimore towards the hospital and pass through the poor neighborhood of East Baltimore via the large streets that cut through the neighborhood like North Gay Street and the Pulaski Highway. However there is not one point of interaction between Johns Hopkins and the neighborhood. Now that the historical frame is set, the following chapters of the thesis will focus on this dichotomy in East Baltimore.
2011, Baltimore Today
23. 1827, Baltimore: city of exclusion
24. Rupture map Greater Baltimore Shopping Malls
Hospitals
Industry
25 Bethlehem Steel
Railroad
Subway
Beltway
Distressed Housing
N
References Baltimore Histories Holcomb, E.L. (2005), The City as Suburb: A History of Northeast Baltimore since 1660., Charlottesville, VA: The University of Virginia Press. Kaminer, T. & Robles-Duran M. & Sohn H. (Eds.) (2011), Urban Asymetries. Studies and Projects on Neoliberal Urbanization., Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. Olson, S. (1976), Baltimore., Cambridge, MA: Ballinger Pub Co. Olson, S. (1997), Baltimore: the building of an American city., Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Park, K. & iCUE (ed.) (2005), Urban Ecology. Detroit and beyond.,Hong Kong: Map Book Publishers. Shopes L. (1991)., The Baltimore Book: New Views of Local History., Temple University Press. Harvey, D., Social Justice and the City (2nd Edition ed.) (2009), Athens, Georgia: The University of Georgia Press. Dominion (2011), ‘A Must Have For Every Baltimore Real Estate Investor ‘, http://www.thedominiongroup.com/ (8 august 2011) Baltimore Planning Department (2011) http://www. baltimorecity.gov/Government/AgenciesDepartments/ Planning/MasterPlansMapsPublications/ HousingMarketTypology.aspx 27