AQ-May-July-2006 by India Africa Connect

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A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Post-9/11 Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s security challenge

AU and the challenge of peace

Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in peace-building

India and Francophone Africa

New bounce in India-Libya ties

In Conversation: Nana Akuffo-Addo

Conference on African Literature

Volume 46, No. 2 May-July 2006

Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi - 110 002 E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers of India Regd No. 14380/61

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Indian Journal of African Affairs Volume 46 No. 2, May-July 2006

INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS NEW DELHI

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contents

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CII CONCLAVE: ON INDIA-AFRICA PROJECT PARTNERSHIP

After successes in Lusaka and Addis Ababa, the Confederation of Indian Industry’s (CII) Conclave on India-Africa Project Partnership, ‘India –– A Partner of Choice’, was held in Accra, Ghana.

FRANCOPHONE AFRICA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH INDIA Vidhan Pathak outlines India’s growing ties with Francophone West Africa and points out how the two sides can collaborate on a range of issues such as U.N. reforms, energy security and the fight against poverty.

A NEW BOUNCE IN INDIA-LIBYA TIES A. K. Pasha maps out the contours of emerging economic cooperation between India and Libya as the latter breaks with a past marred by the U.S. sanctions and enters a new phase of economic modernisation and political stability.

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42 WOMEN’S ROLE IN PEACEBUILDING Nivedita Ray writes about women’s predicament in conflict situations and the need for including them in peacemaking efforts, especially in the context of the peace process in Sudan.

14 CONFERENCE OF THE AFRICAN LITERATURE ASSOCIATION

Nandini C. Sen writes about the 32nd African Literature Association (ALA) conference –– held in Accra, Ghana, from May 17 to 21, which brought together the pick of the literati from all over the world –– the Americas, Europe, Japan, China, several African nations, the Caribbean and beyond –– to brainstorm on African literature.

56 BOOK EXTRACT

SECURITY CHALLENGES IN POST-9/11 AFRICA Ruchita Beri writes about the growing strategic significance of the African continent and the emerging security challenges facing African countries in post-9/11 world.

Rajeev Sharma, in his book ‘Global Jihad: Current Patterns & Future Trends’, has a chapter that focuses on the African continent and how it could emerge as a hotbed of terrorism.

30 IN CONVERSATION: With Ghana Foreign Minister Nana Addo Dankwa AkuffoAddo about India’s developmental model.

74 DOWN MEMORY LANE: Ashish Aggarwal recalls a carefree childhood in Gindri, near Jos in Nigeria.

AFRICAN UNION AND THE CHALLENGE OF PEACE Jamal Moosa delves deep into the causes of violent conflicts that afflict the continent and outlines the role of the African Union in promoting sustainable peace and development.

62 BOOKS & IDEAS 66 DOCUMENTS 76 INCREDIBLE INDIA 78 CONTRIBUTORS

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Rates of Subscription Annual Three-year Subscription Subscription Rs. 100.00 Rs. 250.00 US $40.00 US $100.00 £16.0 £40.0 (Including airmail postage) Subscription rates as above payable in advance preferably by bank draft/MO in favour of Indian Council for Cultural Relations, New Delhi. Printed and Published by Pavan K. Varma Director-General Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan, Indraprastha Estate New Delhi - 110002 Editor: Manish Chand Cover Photo: James Warwick Getty Images ISBN 0001-9828

The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), founded in 1950 to strengthen cultural ties and promote understanding between India and other countries, functions under the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. As part of its effort, the Council publishes, apart from books, six periodicals in five languages –– English quarterlies (Indian Horizons and Africa Quarterly), Hindi Quarterly (Gagananchal), Arabic Quarterly (Thaqafat-ul-Hind), Spanish bi-annual (Papeles de la India) and French bi-annual (Recontre Avec l’Inde). Africa Quarterly (Indian Journal of African Affairs) is published every three months. The views expressed in the articles included in this journal are those of the contributors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ICCR. All rights reserved. No part of this journal may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any from or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the permission of the ICCR.

Editorial correspondence and manuscripts, including book reviews, should be addressed to: The Editor Africa Quarterly Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi-110 002 E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com

May-July 2006

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■ From the Editor’s Desk

Why African security matters to the world

ost 9/11, no country can live in isolation or pretend any more that conflicts, civil wars and pandemics that stalk Africa are not their concern. As international linkages of terrorism become evident and war thirst spills the borders in the continent, there is an increasing realisation that the world needs to take a closer look at security structures for Africa and develop an enduring stake in the continent’s stability and prosperity. If you are not convinced, consider these grim statistics. There are nearly 9.5 million refugees displaced by numerous conflicts in Africa. According to the Institute of Development Studies, no less than 28 sub-Saharan African states have been at war since 1980. And as for hundreds of thousands of people slaughtered in this mindless blood-lust, there are really no precise figures, but some experts say the total casualties could exceed those of the two world wars. Africa, in short, is becoming, in the words of Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, one of Africa’s foremost proponents of regional integration, a continent “at war with itself, with war-torn polities and pauperised and divided societies”. But can we afford an Africa at war with itself? Can we leave Africa alone to contend with the thousand ills it is heir to? The answer is clearly a resounding “no”, and that is why we have decided to focus in this issue of Africa Quarterly on the meaning of African security for the world and the challenges of conflict-resolution and peace-building in the continent. In her article ‘Security challenges in post 9/11 Africa’, Ruchita Beri analyses the growing strategic significance of Africa, specially for the U.S., which is worried about the rising number of failed states in the continent that are fast becoming breeding grounds for international terrorism. “The erosion of state power and its capacity to govern, the existence of a large number of weapons, the emergence of resource wars (over oil, diamonds), the impact of factors like HIV/AIDS have been responsible for this state of affairs,” she writes. In his article ‘AU and the challenge of peace’, Jamal Moosa digs deeper into the causes of violent conflicts and outlines the role of the African Union in promoting sustainable peace and development. He notes approvingly of the continent’s efforts in trying to engage the rest of the world in becoming a partner in its “sustainable peace and development”, but ends his article with a warning that the failure to do so will lead to “a real possibility of the collapse of more African states that would pose a threat not only to the African states, but also to global peace and security”. Rajeev Sharma takes the argument a step further and argues that instead of shutting down Al Qaeda cells, the internation-

al community should adopt a more holistic approach to address the continent’s core problems, including sharpening ethnic and religious fissures, economic deprivation, fragile governance, weak democracy and pervasive human rights abuses that create fertile conditions for terrorism to flourish and prosper. He points out the dangers of the radicalisation of African Islam and its consequences for global security and argues that it’s time the world’s interest in Africa moved beyond aid politics. Caught in this mesh of violent conflicts are the voices of women and children –– the worst sufferers in a war-like situation. In a sensitive account of women’s predicament in conflict situations, Nivedita Ray makes a forceful case for including them in peacemaking efforts, especially in the context of the peace process in Sudan. Against the backdrop of growing concerns about Africa emerging as a soft belly of international terrorism, A.K. Pasha tells a fascinating story of Libya’s progression over three decades from a country branded as a rogue state and an object of US. .sanctions to its leader Muammar Qadhafi’s dramatic renunciation of terrorism and his embrace by the U.S. Pasha then links up the rise of a new reform-minded Libya to better ties with India –– one of the few countries that criticised the U.S. bombings of Tripoli and Qadhafi’s house in 1986. Which brings us to another encouraging story about India’s growing engagement with Francophone West Africa as the country gets ready to open new missions and accelerate economic and energy ties with the region. It is this theme Vidhan Pathak amplifies in his article that maps out a growing convergence of interests and stepped-up collaboration between India and West Africa across a broad spectrum of areas as diverse as U.N. reforms, energy security and the fight against poverty. It’s not just in West Africa India is generating enthusiasm, but what is energising is a new image of India –– a hub of cutting-edge technologies and new business opportunities –– that most African countries are looking at as a role model to emulate. As Ghana foreign minister Nana Addo Dankwa AkuffoAddo says: “We see India is going down the path all of us want to go down.” “It’s uplifting to see that an open democratic state like India can make a very good effort at social and economic development. It’s a very big encouragement for us in the continent,” he says, kindling hope for an Africa freed from the curse of civil wars and chronic economic distress occupying its rightful place on the United Nations high table.

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–– Manish Chand

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Ghana’s President J.A. Kufour and Indian Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma at the opening of the CII Conclave on ‘India-Africa Project Partnership: India –– A Partner of Choice’, in Accra on May 25.

CII Conclave on India-Africa Project Partnership

fter successes in Lusaka and Addis Ababa, the Confederation of Indian Industry’s (CII) Conclave on India-Africa Project Partnership, ‘India –– A Partner of Choice’, was held in Accra, Ghana, from May 25 to 27. The Indian delegation was led by Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma, while the CII’s 48-member team, led by Tata International Chairman Syamal Gupta, was the largest-ever industry delegation to have visited any African country. Ghana has excited Indian investors and project exporters for a number of years now. The last four years have seen bilateral trade figures almost double, especially in sectors such as pharmaceuticals. Interest has been further fuelled by the enabling environment created by the government in Accra. A “Presidential initiative” has been launched to pump growth in sectors that have been laggards, even as Ghana has looked toward India for help with technology, especially for projects in rural electrification and water management. Indeed, Ghana’s ‘Look East’ policy has really been a ‘Look at India’ policy. For Indian business, potentially lucrative areas are natural gas, hydropower projects, fruit and vegetable farming, food processing (including fish canning), production of agrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, and information technology. Tourism is another area that is generating income for Ghana with opportunities in tourist accommodation, particularly beach resorts; tourist transportation; catering enterprises; ecotourism projects; night life and leisure; and services. India has been a proactive partner to west African countries.

With the launch of the TEAM-9 initiative in 2003, India was identified as a strategic partner to these nations. A concessional line of credit of $5 million was offered by New Delhi for projects to be taken up under the TEAM-9 umbrella. Ghana has been witnessing an economic resurgence of sorts. FDI flows into the country have increased from $59 million in 2002 to $139 million in 2004. And real gross domestic product (GDP) growth remained buoyant at 4.3 percent due to a strong showing by the services sector. It is against this background that the recent conclave in Accra was held, and the focus was on discussing the involvement of west African nations in furthering the strategic partnership with India. The presence Minister Sharma, of Shashi Tripathi, Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), and Navdeep Suri, Joint Secretary, MEA, underlined New Delhi’s commitment to building stronger relations with Ghana as well as the west African region as a whole. In his inaugural speech at the conclave, Ghana’s President J.A. Kufour stressed on the need for developing strong systems to promote the partnership on a long-term basis, while CII team head Gupta identified critical sectors of cooperation where India has strengths and would be in a position to share appropriate and adaptable technologies with west Africa. The Accra conclave was truly representative, attracting eleven delegations from the region, comprising some 100 participants. Apart from these, there were more than 480 participants from Ghana alone. In all, nearly 600 African businessmen, senior government officials, bankers and financial insti-

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tutions were involved in discussions as a country has shown is commendCompetitive labor costs, on projects valued at $14 billion. able. plentiful agricultural resources Speakers at the event focused on Ghana is the first country to subspecific opportunities and projects. and abundant marine resources, ject itself to a peer review to assess the The Indian participants gave presen- free transfer of profits, dividends country’s stability under NEPAD. It tations on their project capabilities has shown an impressive track record and capital, quota-free access while the west African representain terms of stability –– both in its polto EU and the U.S. markets, tives spoke of the enabling environitics as well as its currency. The ments and the opportunities for strong democratic values displayed access to sizeable markets in investment in their respective counby the peaceful transition of power west Africa, Europe and the tries. A session on various aspects of and the re-election of the present Americas are some of the financing projects in the region was government have reassured the globparticularly useful. al community of the country’s comadvantages Ghana offers to One of the highlights of the conmitment to peace. It is one of the few foreign investors. clave was signing of a $250 million African countries with a history of concessional line of credit (LOC) to peaceful coexistence amongst the EBID (ECOWAS Bank) –– yet another incentive for Indian various tribes. India and Ghana were both colonised by the project exporters to work in the region. The LOC is not British and thus share a historic bond that is now developing restricted to TEAM-9 nations and is available to all countries into a sustainable partnership expected to mutually benefit the of the west African region that are members of EBID. The two countries. lending rate of the LOC will be 5 percent. Competitive labor costs, plentiful agricultural resources At a session on project finance, Joint Secretary Suri reaf- and abundant marine resources, free transfer of profits, divifirmed the government’s commitment to follow transparent dends and capital, quota-free access to EU and the U.S. marmethods of assessing projects put forth by African govern- kets, access to sizeable markets in west Africa, Europe and the ments. He urged EBID to keep aside a part of the funds under Americas are some of the advantages Ghana offers to foreign the present LOC)for private sector projects. investors. One-on-one meetings followed the conclave discussions, As a gateway to west Africa, Ghana is in a position of advanallowing the Indian participants to meet with prospective part- tage. It will benefit both countries if they take proactive initianers for their projects. Later, at a reception hosted by the High tives. India can help Ghana develop systems and capacities to Commissioner of India to Ghana, representatives of Indian promote local value-addition to the abundant natural industry had another opportunity to interact with local indus- resources, make available goods and services at affordable try members, a large number of whom are Indians settled in prices, particularly for the semi-urban population, augment the country. A TEAM-9 ministerial interaction with the busi- local production to meet the demands of the growing middle ness community ensured networking opportunities for Indian class and reduce dependence on imports, and generate industry. employment through replication of the Indian model in agriOn May 26, a stone-laying ceremony was held for the culture and SMEs. Presidential Office Complex –– a project that is being impleThe enormous strides made by the Indian technology and mented by the Shapoorji Pallonji group under an LOC of the manufacturing sectors over the last decade now enables them Government of India. to provide appropriate solutions. Indian technology and proGhana has been on the radar screen of Indian industry as a ject goods are now increasingly being recognised in the African safe country for investments. Apprehensions about African countries as more suitable and sustainable in the context of countries, however misplaced, have been one of the critical fac- their current state of development. ■ tors for low investments in the region. The stability that Ghana –– Shipra Tripathi

Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma, centre, Shashi Tripathi, Secretary (West) in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), second from left, and Navdeep Suri, Joint Secretary, MEA, left, at the CII conclave in Accra, Ghana.

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Mauritius vice president meets Manmohan, Kalam

ndia and Mauritius on May 8 discussed steps to intensify their burgeoning political and economic relations in diverse areas, including technology, energy and tourism. Mauritius Vice President Abdool Raouf Bundhun met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam and discussed with them the entire gamut of bilateral and global issues, including energy, business and investment, and enhanced technological cooperation. Mauritius vice president arrived in New Delhi on May 7 for a week-long visit. Bundhun, who was presented the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas award this year at the annual conclave of overseas Indians, also met Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma and discussed bilateral and regional issues. The Indian Ocean island is home to a nearly 800,000-strong Indian diaspora. Bundhun’s visit comes nearly two months after the visit of Kalam to the Indian Ocean island during which the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding on exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbon and petroleum resources in the Exclusive Economic Zone of Mauritius.

Mauritius Vice President Abdool Raouf Bundhun with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in New Delhi on May 8.

The two countries had also signed an MoU for the participation of Mauritius in the Pan African e-network project that seeks to digitally connect 53 countries of the African Union. India and Mauritius are engaged in talks to finalise the

Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement to boost business and investment between them. About a third of the total FDI into India is routed through Mauritius because of an avoidance of double taxation agreement. ■

India promises assistance for Malawi’s development

ndia strengthened ties with Malawi, a land-locked country in southeastern Africa, by offering it assistance in a range of developmental and economic areas, including energy, manpower training and information technology. Malawi Foreign Minister Davies Katsonga held talks with Minister of State for External Affairs Anand

Sharma on bilateral and global issues. Sharma thanked Malawi for its support for India’s candidature for permanent membership of United Nations Security Council. “India also welcomed Malawi’s decision to open a diplomatic mission in New Delhi,” Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Navtej Sarna said. ■

South African Indian gospel singer loves Hindi and Tamil

outh African Indian Paddy Padayachee has firmly entrenched himself as a singer of note, especially in English and Tamil gospel music, both locally and internationally. After first performing at age 11 in Pietermaritzburg, Padayachee has for the past 21 years notched up a number of firsts to his credit. “My mother was my inspiration for my Tamil singing, but I also have a passion for old Hindi songs,” Padayachee said. “With pop music, you can’t touch people’s lives and bring them closer to God. I started gospel singing in 1984; since then I have done eight albums in America, including some with the world’s leading black gospel singers.”

In 1987, Padayachee became the first Indian artist to perform to an audience of 35,000 people at the Voortrekkerhoogte Stadium in Pretoria, defying threats from many local Afrikaners who opposed what they saw as an infringement on their heartland by black artists. “I was also the first local singer to feature in a Tamil song on the South African television programme Gospel Gold and featured regularly on various gospel music programmes on TV.” But while he has achieved more fame for his gospel music, Padayachee said his first love remained Indian music. He admitted to understanding Hindi better than Tamil, even though

May-July 2006

he speaks both languages enough to get by. “I’ve done a lot of songs where I take very popular Hindi golden oldie tunes and put Tamil lyrics to them. To me, Hindi is the most romantic language in the world, so when you cross Hindi tunes with Tamil lyrics you get the best of both worlds. At the moment I’m looking for a female singer I can record duets with, to add to the 27 albums I have done so far.” He is also involved in other Christian activities and teaches once a month in his church. “One of the things I would still like to do is to tutor young musicians, and perhaps host a gospel music radio show,” he said. ■

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Angola backs India for U.N. Security Council seat

ngola has reiterated its “strong support” for India’s candidature for a permanent seat in an expanded U.N. Security Council and sought accelerated economic and energy ties with the rising Asian power. Angolan Foreign Minister Joao Bernardo De Miranda, who was in New Delhi on a four-day visit, met Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma on May 10 and discussed bilateral and global issues, including enhanced cooperation in the fields of business, energy and technology. The two ministers also discussed the implementation of the Pan-African eNetwork (PAN), being built with India’s help, that seeks to bridge the digital divide by connecting 53 countries of the African Union. A protocol for consultations between the Indian Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Angola was signed by the two ministers after the talks. India’s state-run Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) is also planning a joint venture with Angola’s national oil company Sonangol to do projects in their country, official sources said. “In view of India’s growing economic stature, its position as the largest democracy in the world and its track record of contributing to the promotion

of international peace and security, the Republic of Angola has promised its strong support to India’s candidature for permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council,” said a Joint Statement issued at the end of the talks between the two countries. Miranda also met with Commerce and Industry Minister Kamal Nath and Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Murli Deora during his India visit. He also held a meeting with a cross-section of Indian businessmen at an interaction arranged by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and visited the premises of leading companies engaged in diverse sectors, including software, automobiles, agricultural equipment, transportation, railways, energy and mining. The Angolan delegation also expressed deep appreciation for various lines of credit extended by India, including $40 million line for the rehabilitation of Angolan railways, $10 million for purchase of tractors and $5 million for the agriculture sector, a statement by the Ministry of External Affairs said. The two countries also agreed, in principle, to sign agreements for the promotion and protection of investments and the creation of a bilateral commission for cultural, technical, scientific and economic cooperation and between the Government of Indian and the Angolan government. ■

India proposes joint oil exploration with Angola

ndia on May 10 proposed forming a joint venture with Angolan national oil company Sonangol for exploration in the oil-rich African country as well as other countries. Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister Murli Deora made the proposal during a meeting with Angolan Minister of External Relations Joao Bernardo de Miranda in New Delhi. “We discussed the possibility of a fruitful cooperation,” the Angolan minister told the media here. A Petroleum Ministry official said: “We have proposed a joint venture in exploration with the Angolan oil company on a 50-50 percent basis or case-by-case basis in activities both in Angola, India and other countries.” Besides exploration, India is at present engaged in a $40-million railway project in Angola. “The possibilities for investment in Angola are diverse. We are offering opportunities in agriculture, education, science and technology, energy and tourism. We are going to establish contact with Indian industries to study these opportunities,” the Angolan minister said. ■

Mahindra & Mahindra to up investment in South Africa

uoyed by the brisk sales of its vehicles in just 18 months since beginning operations in South Africa, India’s multi-utility vehicle maker Mahindra & Mahindra is looking to increase investment in the country. Expressing confidence in South Africa’s vehicle market, where the company has sold 2,622 vehicles in 18 months, it launched the Scorpio Pik Up range of vans. The firm’s managing director Anand Mahindra said in Pretoria: “We consider the South African market so important that the new model range is being launched here even before it is available in its home market (in India).” The new Scorpio range will not replace the Mahindra

Bolero vehicles that have proved extremely popular for the rugged South African conditions but is intended to be a luxury model aimed at the leisure market. The Mahindra Group is a $3.2-billion conglomerate and has interests in automobiles, farm equipment, automotive technology, financial, infrastructure development and telecom. Mahindra said his company would look “aggressively” for business in South Africa in all areas of operations –– Mahindra Intertrade; Mahindra and Mahindra Financial Services; automotive components, IT and telecom wing Tech Mahindra and Bristlecone; and infrastructure development through Mahindra Gesco, Mahindra Holidays and Resorts India. ■

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Manmohan Singh to visit S. Africa, Tanzania

ndia’s new Africa diplomacy revolving around trade and technology is set to receive a fillip when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh goes to South Africa and Tanzania on bilateral visits in September. Manmohan Singh will go to South Africa to launch the year-long celebrations to mark the 100th anniversary of the launch of Satyagraha, Mahatma Gandhi’s passive resistance movement against colonial oppression. Exact dates of the visit are still being finalised, official sources said. Elaborate preparations are on by both sides to commemorate this historic occasion that epitomises the common struggle against colonialism and imperialist oppression. The events being planned for this

Anand Sharma

historic event include a global celebration on Satyagraha, a multimedia presentation on Gandhi and his non-violent movement and a dance-drama on the man that India reveres as the Father of the Nation.

Visits by South African President Thabo Mbeki, who last visited India three years ago, and the iconic leader Nelson Mandela –– a self-confessed admirer of Gandhi and his non-violent methods –– are also on the cards. “It’s a huge, momentous year for India and South Africa relations. India had given an ordinary lawyer called Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi to South Africa, but we gave back Mahatma to India,” South African High Commissioner Francis Moloi said. The Prime Minister’s visit to South Africa and Tanzania will underscore the growing importance of Africa –– the repository of vast mineral and energy resources –– in India’s strategic worldview as it steps up its campaign for a permanent seat in the U.N. Security Council. ■

Good prospects for Africa-India trade relations: Zenawi

thiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi views closer trade relations between Africa and India as a significant driving force for economic change in his continent. “India’s extraordinary economic achievements serve as a valuable lesson for Africa,” Zenawi was quoted as saying by the official Ethiopian News Agency. Speaking at the inauguration of the first of four regional Indian-Africa Business Partnership Conclaves for Eastern Africa in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian leader stated that his country was ready to draw benefit from “this grand IndiaAfrica partnership project”, the report said. The three-day eastern Africa business conclave brought

together leading Indian business groups with their African counterparts from Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Sudan and Somalia to look into two-way trade prospects and investment and joint-venture opportunities for Indian entrepreneurs in the seven countries of the region. He said his country wanted to work closely with Indian investors and was ready “to revamp investments in such sectors as infrastructure, agriculture, agro-industry and in other labour-intensive fields”. ■

Nigerian President Obasanjo seeks strategic partnership with India

resident Olusegun Obasanjo wants India to establish strategic partnership with Nigeria. At an audience with a delegation of the National Thermal Power Corporation of India (NTPC) led by the Indian High Commissioner to Nigeria Harihara Viswanathan, at the State House, Abuja, on May 11, the President noted that Nigeria, being the most populous nation in Africa, was in a better position to partner with India. “If you get it right in Nigeria with one quarter of Africa;s population, you are likely to get it right on the continent,” he said. President Obasanjo who noted India’s head start over Nigeria in technological achievements. The President urged the Indian delegation to also consider

investing in other sectors of the economy, notably the railways and solid minerals, in addition to its current interest in power. He established a committee headed by the Minister of Power and Steel Liyel Imoke to represent the Nigerian government interests in the proposed Strategic Partnership with India and submit the first progress report within three months. The National Thermal Power Corporation of India, owned by the Indian Government and which generates one quarter of that country’s power needs, indicated interest in generating power in Nigeria using coal and gas as well as participating in the rural electrification programme. ■

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West African countries back India for Security Council

n a significant boost to India’s campaign for a per“Every vote counts. Besides, India has yet to build a strong manent seat in the U.N. Security Council, the 15 presence in West Africa. That’s why their support is so crucountries comprising the Economic Community of cial,” said a diplomat who did not want to be named. West African States (ECOWAS) in April strongly ECOWAS, a regional organisation comprising 15 nations backed New Delhi’s ambitions. including Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana, was formed in 1975 to “We support India’s candidature for a seat in the Security achieve economic integration and shared development so as Council. Each ECOWAS country has expressed its will to to form a unified economic zone in West Africa. Later, its support India,” said Aichatou Mindaoudou, chairperson of scope was enhanced to include socio-political interaction and the council of ministers of ECOWAS. security issues. “ECOWAS countries have done all they could and will India and ECOWAS have decided to expand their ecocontinue to do so within the African Union to achieve that nomic and technological cooperation in several areas, includobjective,” Mindaoudou told reporters at the Hyderabad ing infrastructure development. India’s Minister of State for House in New External Affairs Delhi. Anand Sharma, who Mindaoudou was held delegation-level leading the first hightalks with the level visit from ECOWAS team, ECOWAS to India, announced an addiwhich has observer status at the regional tional line of credit of $250 million to the ECOWAS, a regional forum. The visit underscored the growECOWAS Bank for Investment and ing economic and strategic relations Development. organisation comprising between the two sides. The delegation met President A.P.J. 15 nations including “In the African Union, there is no Abdul Kalam and Finance Minister P. Nigeria, Senegal and country that is opposed to India’s Security Chidambaram. The ECOWAS team also Council bid. We will find a position to met with Prime Minister Manmohan Ghana, was formed in collaborate with India on U.N. reforms,” 1975 to achieve economic Singh –– a meeting that underlined the stressed Mindaoudou, who is also high importance India attaches to relaintegration and shared Niger’s Minister for Foreign Affairs and tions with this regional bloc. Cooperation and African Integration. “Both sides underlined the immense development so as to form ECOWAS’s backing opened the pos- a unified economic zone in potential for increased economic coopsibility for a harmonisation of the posieration, particularly in sectors such as West Africa. Later, its tions of the G4 countries –– India, Brazil, railways, telecommunications, agriculGermany and Japan –– and the 53-memture, small and medium enterprises and scope was enhanced to ber African Union on U.N. reforms. IT,” said a Joint Statement issued after include socio-political India, on its part, reiterated its support the talks. interaction and security for Africa’s U.N. aspirations. Bilateral trade with the ECOWAS The enthusiastic endorsement of region currently stands at $2.11 billion issues. India’s Security Council ambitions by and accounts for 27 percent of India’s ECOWAS is significant, as the regional grouping comprises total exports to Africa, and 18 percent of the country’s total predominantly Francophone Islamic countries. imports from the continent. ■

South African Muslims raise funds for Lucknow shrine

outh African Muslims in early May rallied to a call to assist in the renovation of a Muslim shrine in India at a celebration in Johannesburg to mark the birth anniversary of Prophet Mohammed. The annual three-day Meelad-un-Nabie function at the Saaberie Chisty mosque in the huge and mainly Indian township of Lenasia, south of Johannesburg, attracted more than 3,000 people. Participants from India, Pakistan and Britain delivered discourses during the event. As the event progressed, a fund-raising drive for restoring the Kichocha Sharif shrine in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, of the

Muslim saint Hazrat Khawaja Shamsuddin Turk was also launched, with 16,000 rands (Rs. 120,000) eventually being raised from the public and well-wishers. The shrine’s Ghazie-Millat Allama Sayed Mohammed Hashimi Mia led the prayers at the event. The venue was filled to capacity as recitals in praise of the Prophet were read, led by Hafiz Wasim Abbas from Lahore in Pakistan. As has become the tradition at the event, the Dastaarbandi (graduation ceremony) of young boys who have spent time at the Zia-ul-Uloom run on the premises was part of the event. ■

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Delegates take a tea break during the African Literature Association conference in Accra, Ghana, from May 17 to 21, that was attended by a host of African writers and scholars was well as Africa scholars from across the globe.

Conference of the African Literature Association

he 32nd African Literature Association (ALA) conference –– held in Accra, Ghana, from May 17 to 21 –– was the Mecca of writers, poets and scholars of African literature. The pick of the literati came from all over the world –– the U.S., the U.K., Germany, Norway, Mexico, Japan, China, France, Canada, Nigeria, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, Kenya, Ghana, Togo, Benin, South Africa, Mali, Senegal, Zimbabwe, the Caribbean and beyond to brainstorm on African literature. They were either students of African literature, scholars, writers and journalists or culture aficionados. The ALA conference was co-hosted by the CODESRIA African Humanities Institute Programme, University of Ghana, and the Institute of African and African-American Affairs, New York University. The theme of the ALA meeting and conference was ‘PanAfricanism in the 21st Century: Generations in Creative dialogue’. The African Literary Association is a non-profit body open to scholars, teachers and writers from every country. It is

an American association existing primarily to facilitate the attempts by a worldwide audience to appreciate the efforts of African writers and artists. It holds its annual conference in Africa once in five years. Ghana had been the host in 1994 as well. The three conveners of the meeting and conference had their hands full for the six days it lasted. They were Professor Kofi Anyidoho, director, African Humanities Institute and head of the English Department of the University of Ghana, who was running up and down to ensure that things went on smoothly; Professor Manthia Diawara, director, Institute of African Affairs, New York University, who, like the former, put his hands on the deck; and Professor Awam Amkpa, academic director, NYU-in-Ghana, who was pivotal to efficient logistics. Their work was complemented by Esi Sutherland-Addy, the daughter of late Ghanaian playwright Efua Sutherland, who headed the Planning Committee. The Nigerian presence was felt very strongly and also the discussion centered around why ALA was never hosted in Nigeria. Accra seemed the perfect place to host an event of this magnitude as it

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is a beautiful city with neat and clean roads. The people are extremely warm and friendly. The Royal Palm Beach hotel opens out into the Atlantic Ocean with the most panoramic view ever imaginable. As early as 6.30 a.m. on May 17, participants had already started trooping to the venue. By 7 a.m., the registration exercise had started, and it went concurrently with other events scheduled for the day. The official opening ceremony took off at 8 a.m. Kofi Anyidoho, one of the conveners, introduced the chairman of the occasion, Prof. N.C.B. Tagoe, acting vice chancellor, University of Ghana, who made a brief acceptance speech. Afterwards, Prof. Yaw Nyarko, vice provost, read a welcome statement for Global and Multicultural Affairs, New York University. In her statement, the outgoing ALA President, Prof. Debra Boyd, expressed delight at being able to be back once again “in the aromas of our ancestor for a season of intellectual and cultural enrichment”. She reaffirmed the association’s commitment to panAfricanism and to the power of literary art as a miraculous weapon in the struggle against oppression, just as it holds

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fast to the dream of a free and prosper- Creativity’, ‘The Question of Criticism African ideals beyond 1956. ous Africa where genocide and pesti- in African Literature Today’, ‘Women He enlightened the audience that late lence are no more. Writing, Human Rights: An Agenda for Kwame Nkrumah’s first push for a uniSpeaking on the theme, ‘Pan- Gender in Africa’, and so on. Some pan- fication programme was not for any Africanism in the 21st Century: els were devoted to women authors. Anglophone Africa, but with Guinea Generation in Creative Dialogue’, she There was a panel on Ama Ata Aidoo and Mali, before it blossomed. Thus, he noted that it provides an opportunity for and on Flora Nwapa. There were pan- flayed African intellectuals who have the return of African intellectuals, schol- els on drama, music and poetry: The fallen to the Anglophone-Francophone ars and writers who have been dislocat- integral part of African ethos. dichotomy, describing the division as ed through diverse forms of exile to The plenary sessions had the authors frivolous. Commenting on the linguisreturn home. Besides, it was a realisation reading out or performing from their tic barriers to pan-Africanism, the celeof a dream for many of the African dias- texts. Since the African poetry tradition brated poet said that there is nothing pora’s children who have longed to be is rooted in performance, it was inter- wrong in using English language as a reunited and reconnected to their roots. esting seeing the fluidity of the written medium of communication in Africa, The Ghanaian government was rep- word into orature and vice versa. An harping on the fact that we must come resented by Prof. Adzei Bekoe, chair- informal discussion would follow as the to terms with the reality that English is man, Council of State and former vice- authors responded to the scholars. The a unifying factor in Anglophone Africa. chancellor, University of Ghana, who, discussion was animated and full of Prof. Kofi Anyadiho, Awoonor’s in his official opening address, high- humour which added to the beauty of countryman, rose to contest the view of lighted the charms of literature, its sheer the interaction .The first plenary session, Awoonor on the use of indigenous lanexhilaration and beauty of self-expres- entitled ‘Pan-Africanism in the 21st guage in writing literature, citing Wole sion and its amazing capacity to carry Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and Okot the deepest of feelings and thoughts. The pick of the literati came from p’Bitek as writers whose mastery of He said further that the theme of this all over the world –– the U.S., the their local languages has impacted on year’s meeting and conference restheir mastery of literature in English. onates in Ghana on the eve of the U.K., Germany, Norway, Mexico, As Soyinka is hardly seen in literary Japan, China, France, Canada functions nowadays, Osundare country’s 50th independence anniversary in 2007. The panseems to be stepping into his shoes. –– and across Africa and the Africanist thought of Casely The manner he marshalled his Caribbean and beyond to Hayford, he said, was influenced by points drew great applause from the brainstorm on the continent’s the pan-Africanist thinking of audience. He attributed Africa’s Edward Blyden, W.E.D Dubois, literature at the African Literature inability to achieve a perfect panamong others. Africanism to the inability of the peoAssociation conference. The ALA conference hosted ples of Africa to solve their internal about 200 scholars from various problems. nations. Paper reading sessions were Century: The Long View of History’, According to Prof. Molara parallel and very often one would see was immensely interesting. The pan- Ogundipe, if Africans must perpetrate participants concentrating on their elists were renowned Ghanaian writer their indigenous languages they must brochures to see which session they Kofi Awoonor and Veronique Tadjo. write first in indigenous languages and The award-winning Ivorian writer. then translate into European languages. would attend next. The days were a flurry of attending as many sessions of paper Tadjo, in her speech on pan-Africanism, Onookome Okome charged the literary reading as one could and then joining remarked that Africa has never been so community to take African popular litdivided before, with conflicts raging on erature seriously, especially African the groups for the plenary sessions. The panels were varied and rich in in many countries and with strong, films. Monica Ekpong, in her contribuscholarship. Each panel had three to four dividing ethnic components. She iden- tion to the language question, emphaspeakers each. A lively discussion would tified the linguistic factor as an obstacle sised the unity in our mother tongue, follow the paper readings. The panels to African unification. The genius of citing the similarities between Akran addressed multiple issues relating to Pan Awoonor and his genial baritone took language in Ghana with Igbo, Efik, Africanism. A few titles are mentioned the session to another exciting level. He Ejegam and other Nigerian languages. which go on to show the richness and traced the origin of pan-Africanism to John Muran from Sierra Leone, in his diversity of the issues addressed: the descendants of African slaves in the contribution, stressed on the need for ‘African Diaspora and African West and the challenges along the way, parents to direct their children on culConnections’, ‘African Dramatic affirming that the construction of an tural norms, the clothes they wear and Literature: Developments in the Last 50 independent Africa through its univer- the music they dance to in order to teach years of the 20th Century’, sities, journalists, various institutions –– their children to respect African culture ‘Homelessness, Marginalisation, and economic and cultural –– have become and pan-Africanism. Hybridity’, ‘Integration, Family and a single objective which must push panThe second plenary session on May

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Photo above, delegates registering for the conference on the opening day, May 17. Photo right, the author, right, with one of the delegates.

19, entitled ‘Recurrent Predicaments of the African Global Family’, engaged with the language issue once again. The panelists included eminent guest writers Niyi Osundare, Lewis Nkosi and Ngugi wa Thingo. The noted Kenyan in exile Ngugi stuck to his guns on the ingenious language paradigm, berating the conspiracy of Africans in wholeheartedly patronising foreign languages to the detriment of their own languages He lamented Africa’s loss of its own languages. Osundare commented on the misrepresentation of Africans in Hollywood and popular fiction. He averred that for Africans to employ a language policy successfully, they must have to cultivate the people, noting that the problems are not insoluble. The 32nd ALA meeting and conference was not all about literary discourse. The welcome reception at W.E.B. Memorial Centre for Pan African Culture afforded participants the opportunity to behold the beautiful scenery of the city and also dance to Ghanaian highlife music. There was a dramatisation of the late Efua Sutherland’s ‘The Marriage of Anansewa’ at La Palm Beach Royal Hotel. The actors were from the drama class in the university and needless to say they were fantastic. One evening, participants were taken to PAWA (Pan African Writers Association) House, venue for the Fonlon Nicholas Prize Award ceremony. Chaired by Professor Atukwei Okhai, secretary general of the associa-

tion, Femi Osofisan of Nigeria was awarded this year’s prize for his contributions to African literature and human rights. Prof. Tejumola Olaniyan of University of Wisconsin, Madison, U.S. who read his citation, described him as the best dramatist from Africa after Wole Soyinka and Dennis Brutus. Music interludes by Wolomei band livened the night, which also featured readings by Ghanaian and international poets, as well as the presentation of the first ever edition of African Literature Today by the editor, Prof. Ernest Emenyonu, and the publisher of the African edition, Heinemann Educational Books, Ibadan, Nigeria. Ghana’s Vice President Ali Mahatma was the special guest at the conference banquet. With the Sappers Band providing highlife music, participants danced freely with the unassuming vice president. The event marked the end of the one-year tenure of ALA President Debra Boyd. The Sierra Leonean scholar, Eustace Palmer, was sworn in as the

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32nd president of the association with the traditional pomp. The last day of the literary gathering was marked by a oneday tour of Akosombo, with a Volta Lake Cruise with buffet on the Dodi Princess. The conference brought out the Pan Africanism in not merely about African scholars and researchers. A Slovene scholar presented on the presence of African Literature in Slovenia while from India (in a paper presented by this writer) it was a comparison of Ngugi’s protest writing with that of the Bengali writer Mahasweta Devi. The conference achieved what it had set out to achieve –– a confluence of literatures without boundaries and the bridging of secessionism through literature. As the delegates parted ways there was the last-minute exchange of visiting cards and a fervent wish to meet each other soon. Several promises to write for each other’s literary magazines and a wish echoed by almost everyone –– we will meet again for sure in the next ALA conference. ■ –– Nandini C. Sen

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Djibouti joins India-assisted Pan-African Network

jibouti on June 21 million, which will be a grant from became the the Indian government. The Indian eleventh country Ministry of External Affairs is to sign the ambiresponsible for the project, while tious India-assistTCIL is the implementing agency. ed Pan-African Network (PAN) that Each country of Africa is expected to aims to bridge the digital divide and sign a country agreement with TCIL dispense tele-education and teleto participate in this project. The hub medicine to 53 countries of the for the network will be located in African Union (AU). Senegal. The agreement was signed “Bids have also been received by between Djibouti and the the AU Commission to host the five Telecommunications Consultants regional leading universities and five (India) Limited (TCIL) at the Indian Regional super-speciality hospitals Embassy in Addis Ababa. India’s ambas(SSHs) of the network in Africa,” said a The PAN, the brainchild of press release from the Indian Embassy in sador to Ethiopia Gurjit Singh was also President A.P.J. Abdul present at this event which showcased Addid Ababa. India’s IT prowess and a new partnership The network will consist of five Kalam, will be connected with Africa on the basis of technology and regional universities, 53 learning centers, by a satellite and fibre opti- five regional super-speciality hospitals empowerment. Eleven countries in Africa have signed cal network to provide tele- and 53 remote hospitals in all countries of the agreements with the TCIL: Burkina medicine, tele-education Africa. There will be six universities and Faso, Burundi, Cote d’Ivoire, Djibouti, five super-speciality hospitals from India and VVIP connectivity to Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Mauritius, linked to the network. The six Indian Tanzania, Senegal and Seychelles. Many 53 countries of the AU. It is educational institutions include the other countries of Africa have shown likely to revolutionise com- Indian Institutes of Science, Indira enthusiasm for the project that promises Gandhi National Open University munications and acceler- (IGNOU), Universities of Madras, to transform lives of ordinary Africans. ate communication The PAN, the brainchild of President Mumbai and Calcutta, and the Indian A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, will be connected by Institutes of Technology (IITs). throughout Africa and a satellite and fibre optical network to A pilot project has already been startenhance the goodwill that ed in Ethiopia, which will be the first provide tele-medicine, tele-education exists for India in Africa. and VVIP connectivity to 53 countries of beneficiary of the project in Africa. The the AU. It is likely to revolutionise comnodal centers for tele-education and telemunications and accelerate communication throughout Africa medicine will be located at the Addis Ababa University and the and enhance the goodwill that exists for India in Africa. Black Lion Hospital respectively, with remote centers at The total project cost of PAN is estimated to be about $ 105 Alemaya University and Nekempt Hospital. ■

Conference on ICT development, education and training

ndia on May 21 offered to empower Africa by promoting tele-education in the continent through a landmark fibre optic Pan-African Network (PAN) that seeks to bridge the digital divide between 53 countries of the African Union. India will fully support and help in the promotion of e-learning in Africa, said Indian Minister of State for Human Resource Development Mohammad Ali Ashraf Fatmi, who was on a visit to Ethiopia. The minister provided a detailed

map of the Indian strategy for introducing and disseminating tele-education at the plenary session of the International M.A.A. Fatmi Conference on ICT for Development, Education and Training –– the first event for building e-learning capacities in Africa. Fatmi shared the Indian experience

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in the development of ICT infrastructure, training of teachers to use ICT for education and internet connectivity with African delegates at the conference. The e-conference, which focused on building capacities for tele-education, was attended by nearly 800 participants from 30 countries The PAN, the brainchild of President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, is likely to revolutionise and accelerate communications throughout the Africa and enhance the goodwill that exists for India in the continent. ■

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FRANCOPHONE Africa and India Vidhan Pathak outlines India’s growing ties with Francophone West Africa –– a hitherto neglected area in New Delhi’s diplomacy –– and points out how the two sides can collaborate on a range of issues such as U.N. reforms, energy security and the fight against poverty.

ndia and Francophone Africa together con- tive in these countries. The present study concentrates on stitute the most vital segment of the devel- India’s relations with Francophone West African states, which oping world. The imperatives of South- includes nine countries. As Francophone West Africa covers South Cooperation make it necessary that the major part of Francophone Africa, it is also a typical study India-Francophone Africa cooperation is of India’s relations with Francophone Africa. strengthened and deepened. Increased exchanges between developing countries Political and Diplomatic Relations would help to diversify the pattern of their economic linkages, strengthen multilateral The essence of India’s political-diplomatic relations with approaches and increase their bargaining leverage with the Francophone West African countries needs to be underscored North, particularly in the present age of globalisation. India in the changing global context. In fact, the political-diplomatand Francophone African countries could be partners in the ic ties between India and Francophone West African countries ongoing battle to in the era of liberovercome poverty alisation, privatisaand underdeveloption and globalisament. tion in the 1990s There are 25 have acquired a French-speaking distinct economic countries in Africa basis as it is the and the term political economy “Francophone of globalisation Africa” is generally that is stimulating used to denote those forms of political, countries where a diplomatic, stratesubstantial number gic and economic Francophone of its population diplomacy in this West Africa speak French. It curperiod. India and rently includes not these countries are only the former actively engaged in French colonies but their socio-ecoalso the former nomic developFRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea, Belgium territories ment by initiating Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo. –– Zaire, Rwanda, reforms in their Francophone North Africa: Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. Burundi –– and economy and poliFRANCOPHONE CENTRAL AFRICA: Burundi, Chad, Cameroon, Congo Republic, British territories ty in this changed Central African Republic, Zaire (Democratic Republic of Congo), Gabon and like Mauritius and world environRwanda. Seychelles. French ment. HORN OF AFRICA: Djibouti. culture is deeply India has fullIndian Ocean states: Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius and Seychelles. rooted and distincfledged resident

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diplomatic missions in only three Francophone West African seat in the U.N. Security Council. India’s recent opening to states with concurrent accreditation in the remaining coun- the countries of Francophone West Africa has consolidated tries. Ivory Coast (Cote d’Ivoire), Senegal and Burkina Faso with the progress in bilateral relations with countries like have Indian missions, while only Senegal and Burkina Faso Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Mali and Togo. have their resident missions in New Delhi. Thus, the diploA wide-ranging political dialogue with several key counmatic representation between India and Francophone West tries in the region also displays a considerable degree of underAfrica currently stands at a low level.1 However, in the late standing of India’s security interests. The countries of 1980s and 1990s, a significant thrust was given to the promo- Francophone West Africa are now receiving greater attention tion of relations with Francophone West African countries. in India’s foreign policy consideration with the establishment India has so far shied away from this region but all this is of a high-level inter-ministerial coordination board for the changing because of the economic growth these countries are sub-region.2 The policy shift is also echoed across Francophone West witnessing. As members of the third world fora like NonAligned Movement (NAM), the Group of 77 (G-77), G-15, African countries as most of these countries are looking for etc., they share common views on almost every international partnerships to ameliorate their economic misery and think issue and are committed to strengthening their relationship in that India can play a significant role in their economic rejuvethe genuine spirit of South-South Cooperation. Francophone nation. The new image of India in the 1990s –– a leader in the West African countries hold immense opportunities of mutually beneficial economic collaborations and strategic cooper- information technology (IT) industry, biotechnology and ation with India in the changing global environment. Although telecommunications –– has attracted these countries to India. Francophone West African states the intensity of the relationship The political-diplomatic ties need appropriate technology, equipbetween India and the Francophone West African states seems limited, between India and Francophone ment and machinery at low cost and the effort to strengthen political West African countries in the era other assistance for their economic development, and for this India understanding and expand economof liberalisation, privatisation could be a viable partner for these ic cooperation between them has countries. Thus, both India and yielded results. and globalisation in the 1990s Francophone West African countries have acquired a distinct need each other due to their own Foreign Policy Perspective economic basis as it is the developmental needs and concerns. A sense of common cause and a There is a comprehensive shift political economy of and many changes in the foreign polglobalisation that is stimulating shared future is an unbreakable link between India and the Francophone icy of India and Francophone West forms of political, diplomatic, West African countries which will African countries from the earlier extend to facing the new and emergdecades of 1970s and 1980s to the strategic and economic ing challenges confronting them in 1990s. These countries had remained diplomacy in this period. the new millennium. the unexplored part of India’s ecoThe new developing partnership nomic strategy and its foreign policy considerations. However, India has finally begun to acknowl- between India and these countries reflects their similar worldedge that these countries are a part of its extended neigh- view and potential for substantial economic cooperation bourhood. This is well reflected from the increasing level of between them. They are conscious of the fact that any joint bilateral interactions, visits and agreements between both the action, position, views and partnership they share have wider regions in recent years. This was also at the heart of the ‘Focus implications. Almost all the Francophone West African countries have Africa’ programme and ‘Team-9’ initiative launched by India in 2004. Thus, India’s search for new sources of energy and taken a stand against internationalisation of the Kashmir issue, political influence has washed up on the remote shores of which they want to see settled under the Simla Agreement.3 Francophone West Africa where Indian foreign policy reach Among these countries, Senegal enjoys an excellent relationship with India. had been notable for its absence. Senegal has identical views with India on a number of The ‘Team-9’ initiative is expected to diversify sources of India’s energy security. Thus, India’s ‘Team-9’ initiative points international issues, particularly relating to third world develto a renewed focus on the region, which offers a huge strate- opment. Their cooperation in the UNCTAD, the NAM, the gic potential. In terms of multilateral diplomacy, these coun- U.N., the G-77 and other international fora is well docutries have always been important. They form a very important mented. So pleased are the Senegalese with their new found voting bloc in global fora. India is seeking their support in its India connections that they want other Francophone West candidature for permanent membership of U.N. Security African countries to turn to Delhi for the technology and Council, in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other investment they once sourced from Paris. Senegal has also international organisations. Most of these countries have extended its support to India’s candidature in the election to extended their support for India’s candidature for a permanent various U.N. bodies. It has always supported a dialogue

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between India and Pakistan on Kashmir.4 Burkina Faso, since its independence in 1960, has maintained friendly relations with India. Both countries share in common their adherence to non-alignment, their belief in the value of democracy and justice, their commitment to South-South Cooperation for developing countries.5 During the then Indian Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao’s visit to Burkina Faso in November 1995, India received emphatic commitment of support for its bid for a Security Council seat from Burkina Faso and reiteration that the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan should be resolved within the framework of the Simla Agreement. But an even more important gain from India’s point of view was a tacit commitment on the part of the Government of Burkina Faso to promote New Delhi’s interests in several neighbouring Francophone countries where Burkina Faso’s President Compaore through ethnic ties wields considerable influence.6 Ivory Coast is also eager to contribute to the development of the third world and is keen to develop strong links with India. Areas of Cooperation India and Francophone West African countries need to anchor their role in international affairs in the 21st century based on commitment to fundamental principles aimed at promoting economic and social well-being of the people of the South. The two sides share a common objective in building a just and equitable world order with a strong focus on developmental issues. They have identified several areas and issues, which deserve solidarity among the developing world. There is broad agreement between them on the need for a restructuring and revitalisation of the U.N. This is an important issue where IndiaFrancophone West Africa cooperation can play vital role for the reform and the restructuring of the U.N. and its Security Council. It should truly reflect the diversity of our universe and ensure equity among the nations in the exercise of power within the system of international relations in general and the Security Council in particular. Revitalising NAM is yet another area in which IndoFrancophone West African countries’ cooperation can play a constructive role. It is important that NAM generates new, relevant agenda items to place on the tables of multilateral fora, such as the WTO, around the world. There is a joint commitment between India and the countries of Francophone West Africa to strengthen the NAM as the ideal vehicle for advancing the collective interests of the developing countries.7 There can be no development without peace and security and no security without economic development and a policy promoting human rights and civil society. Security, peace and human rights form a three-pronged approach in building a common future. Commitment to the protection of environment, prohibition of nuclear proliferation, arms-control, drug trafficking, terrorism, are fundamental issues that bind both sides. Strengthening of regional and inter-regional cooperation is vital to counter pervasive

globalisation. India and Francophone West African countries have to take cognizance of the increasing importance of regional economic blocs. Tackling the debt problem is another issue on which IndoFrancophone West African countries’ cooperation can play a useful role. More than 20 African countries have debt burdens, which are regarded by the World Bank as unsustainable. Thus, India and Francophone West African countries must cooperate and collaborate in the 21st century to face crucial challenges facing the third world countries, particularly in regard to bringing about functioning democracy, stimulating growth in the economy, developing a strong human rights culture and meeting the socio-economic needs of their citizens. Further, India could assist Francophone West African countries in maintaining peace and security in the region with its rich experience of peacekeeping and peace building in Africa under the U.N. flag. Indian troops have taken part in some of the most risky operations in Africa, including those in Egypt, Congo, Somalia and Rwanda. Over the years, India provided a cumulative total of 50,000 troops to 29 U.N. peacekeeping operations.8 India is keenly watching the conflict resolution experiments in Francophone West African region. The Treaty of Lagos, establishing ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), formally assigned the community with the responsibility of preventing and settling regional conflicts. The ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) is the peacekeeping arm of ECOWAS and is seeking international support to enable it to train and equip the 15 battalions of troops pledged by member-states as standby units for its peacekeeping force. The training of the composite units will facilitate their effectiveness in peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance and other missions for which they could be deployed.9 Trade Relations From the Indian point of view, there is an imperative need to enlarge its share of the world trade, which has been gathering increasing momentum due to trade reforms and the rapid integration of the world economies. India is committed to raise its share in world trade and bring itself into the major world exporter’s league. Therefore, there is a need to diversify to new areas and markets as it could no longer depend only on its traditional trading partners and Francophone West African countries could be a crucial area of India’s export thrust. From the perspective of Francophone West African countries, India could also become a major trading partner of these countries due to complementarities in their economies. In this fast changing environment of globalisation, these countries are trying to bring about fundamental restructuring of their economies and want to integrate with the global society. They want stronger linkages with more economic partners. The Indian experience of economic development could provide them the much-needed stimulus for their economic development. Trends in trade show that there is an increase in the level

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Indian peacekeeping troops with children at a camp in strife-torn Rwanda.

of trade between both the regions in the 1990s in comparison to earlier decades. Francophone West Africa region is already emerging as one of India’s important trade partners. Furthermore, it is worthwhile to note that Senegal and Ivory Coast, which are comparatively more developed than other economies of the Francophone West Africa region, have an edge in trade relations with India. The overall trend in trade between India and these states augurs well for the development of India’s trade with Francophone African region as a whole.

with this region due to the deepening economic crisis in Francophone West African states like in the rest of Africa, which adversely affected their capacity to import.10 In 1982-83, Francophone West African states had a negative rate of growth of GDP over the previous year. In Ivory Coast, one of India’s important trading partners, the negative growth rate was as high as 4.4 percent in 198283.11 However, there was a reversal of trend, and India’s export again started rising in the following years and finally touched the figure of Rs. 1,055.1 crore in 2000-2001. This is indeed a remarkable achievement in promoting exports in a region where a good number of barriers had to be crossed. Benin, Senegal and Ivory Coast are relatively important clients of India in this region. Francophone West Africa has 7.46 percent of share in India’s export to Sub-Saharan Africa during 1985-86 and it rose to 9.90 percent in 1986-87, nearly remained the same in 1987-88 at 9.18 percent and then declined to 6.47 percent in 1989-90. It again increases with 7.83 percent in 1990-91 to 8.06 percent in 1991-92. After slightly declining to 7.07 percent in 1992-93 it rose to 11.63 percent in 1993-94. It again slipped to 5.53 percent in 1994-95 and rose in 1995-96 to 9.45 percent of the India’s export to Sub-Saharan Africa. It was 8.05 per-

Indian troops have taken part in some of the most risky operations in Africa, including those in Egypt, Congo, Somalia and Rwanda. Over the years, India provided a cumulative total of 50,000 troops to 29 U.N. peacekeeping operations. India is keenly watching the conflict resolution experiments in Francophone West African region.

Exports During the 25-year period under review by this work, there was a very sharp increase in India’s exports to the nine countries of Francophone West Africa from Rs. 16.17 crore in the 1976-77 to Rs. 1,055.1 crore in 2000-2001 (see Table-1 on the following page). However, considering the potential that this region offers, the Indian presence in this region is still insignificant. During the period of 1976-77 to 1981-82, India’s export to the Francophone West Africa region increased from Rs. 16.17 crore to Rs. 55.54 crore. But there was decline in the exports from Rs. 31.52 crore in 1982-83 to Rs. 12.93 crore in 1985-86

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Direction of Indian Trade in Rs. Crores Year Direction of Trade 1985-86 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1986-87 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1987-88 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1988-89 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1989-90 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1990-91 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1991-92 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1992-93 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade 1993-94 India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa

Exports 10,895 173.18 12.93 1.58% 7.46%

Imports 19,658 310.13 57.10 1.57% 18.41%

Total Trade 30,553 483.31 70.03 1.58% 14.48%

Balance -8,763 -136.95 -44.17 -

0.11% 12,452 208.98 20.7 1.67% 9.90%

0.29% 20,096 315.79 84.7 1.57% 26.82%

0.22% 32,548 524.77 105.4 1.61% 20.08%

-7644 -106.81 -64 -

0.16% 15,674 252.27 23.16 1.60% 9.18%

0.42% 22,244 407.58 68.07 1.83% 16.70%

0.32% 37,918 659.85 91.23 1.74% 13.82%

-6,570 -155.31 -21.75 -

0.14% 20,232 339.55 NA 1.67% NA

0.30% 28,235 500.89 NA 1.77% NA

0.24% 48,467 840.44 NA 1.73% NA

-8,003 -161.33 NA -

NA 27,658 451.65 29.23 1.63% 6.47%

NA 35,328 581.63 153.15 1.64% 26.33%

NA 62,986 1033.28 182.38 1.64% 17.65%

-7,670 -129.98 -123.92 -

0.10% 32,558 586.42 45.96 1.80% 7.83%

0.43% 43,193 663.65 177.45 1.53% 26.73%

0.28% 75,751 1250.07 223.41 1.65% 17.87%

-10,635 -77.23 -131.49 -

0.14% 44,042 1,056.07 85.15 2.39% 8.06%

0.41% 47,851 1,111.44 310.00 2.32% 27.89%

0.29% 91,893 2,167.51 395.18 2.35% 18.23%

-3,809 -55.37 -224.85 -

0.19% 53,688 1,580.47 111.82 2.94% 7.07%

0.64% 63,375 2,608.28 306.52 4.11% 11.75%

0.43% 1,17,063 4,188.75 418.26 3.57% 9.92%

-9,686 -1,027.81 -194.7 -

0.20% 69,751 1,987.14

0.48% 73,101 3,556.82

0.35% 1,42,852 5,543.96

-3,350 -1,569.60

May-July 2006

A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

in Rs. Crores Year

1994-95

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

Direction of Trade India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade India’s trade with world India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa India’s trade with Francophone West Africa Sub-Saharan Africa’s share in India’s trade with world Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s trade with Sub-Saharan Africa Francophone West Africa’s share in India’s total trade

Exports 231.26 2.84% 11.63%

Imports 171.32 4.86% 4.81%

Total Trade 402.58 3.88% 7.18%

Balance +59.94 -

0.33% 82,674 2,671.48 147.74 3.23% 5.53%

0.23% 89,971 2,700.31 159.12 3.00% 5.89%

0.28% 1,72,645 5,371.79 306.86 3.11% 5.81%

-7,297 -28.83 -11.38 -

0.17% 1,06,353 4,873.42 460.97 4.58% 9.45%

0.17% 1,22,678 2,805.46 273.54 2.28% 9.75%

0.17% 2,29,031 7,678.88 734.51 3.35% 9.56%

-16,325 +2,067.96 +187.43 -

0.43% 1,18,817 4,829.24 388.88 4.06% 8.05%

0.22% 1,38,920 10,402.83 307.35 7.48% 2.95%

0.32% 2,57,737 15,232.07 696.23 5.90% 5.42%

-20,103

0.32% 1,30,101 5,818.52 446.91 4.47% 7.68%

0.22% 1,54,176 8,393.54 436.68 5.44% 5.20%

0.27% 2,84,277 14,212.06 883.59 4.99% 6.66%

0.34% 1,39,753 7,240.26 839.72 5.18% 11.59%

0.28% 1,78,332 13,663.25 689.85 7.66% 5.04%

0.31% 3,18,085 20,903.51 1,529.57 6.57% 7.31%

0.60% 1,59,561 6,857.63 647.42 4.29% 9.44%

0.38% 2,15,236 18,611.17 1161.58 8.64% 6.24%

0.48% 3,74,797 25,468.8 1809.00 6.79% 7.10%

-514.16 -

0.40%

0.53%

0.48%

+81.53 -24,076 +10.23 -38,579 +149.87 -55,675

Source: DGCIS, Statistics of Foreign Trade of India, Ministry of Commerce, Government of India, various issues.

cent in 1996-97, 7.68 percent in 1997-98, 11.59 percent in 1998-99 and 9.44 percent in 1999-2000. Table- 2 reveals that during 1985-86 to 1999-2000, India’s export to Francophone West Africa never touched the 1 percent mark and it remained below half percent of its export to the world during the period of analysis. However, export increased in value terms throughout the period from Rs. 16.17 crore in 1976-77 to Rs. 647.42 crore in 1999-2000, except in the years 1982-83, 1983-84, 1984-85 and 1985-86 when it showed a declining trend.

Imports Going by the trend, there was an enormous increase in the imports from this region over the last 25 years. India’s imports from Francophone West African region are, however, confined to a limited number of countries. The slow growth of Indian imports from the Francophone West Africa region can be partly attributed to this. However, there is indeed a significant development in trade relations between India and Francophone West Africa region

May-July 2006

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in the period of 1976-2001 as a whole. Francophone West Africa has the share of 18.41 percent in India’s import from Sub-Saharan Africa during 1985-86 and it rose to 26.82 percent in 1986-87 (Table-2). It declined to 16.70 percent in 1987-88 and again rose to 26.33 percent in 1989-90 and slightly increased to 26.73 percent in 1990-91. It further increased to 27.89 percent in 1991-92 but declined substantially to 11.75 percent in 1992-93 and again to 4.81 percent in 1993-94 due to declining demand of traditional items of Francophone West Africa in India. It increased to 5.89 percent in 1994-95 to 9.75 percent in 1995-96 but again declined to 2.95 percent in 1996-97, lowest in the period of 1985-86 to 1999-2000. The share of Francophone West Africa in India’s imports from Sub-Saharan Africa has been showing growth from 1997-98 onwards: 5.20 percent in 1997-98, 5.04 percent in 1998-99, and 6.24 percent in 1999-2000. There is fluctuation in terms of percentage share of Francophone West Africa in India’s total import from world, there is a steady growth in terms of value as well as in percentage. The imports from Francophone West Africa to India increased from Rs. 57.10 crore in 1985-86 to Rs. 1,161.58 crore in 1999-2000 with the steady increase in terms of percentage, i.e from 0.29 percent in 1985-86 to 0.53 percent in 1999-2000 except in the years 1987-88 (0.30 percent), 1990-91 (0.41 percent), 1992-93 (0.48 percent), 1993-94 (0.23 percent) and 1994-95 (0.17 percent) when it declined slightly from the previous years. Ivory Coast was the leading supplier to India with exports of the value of Rs. 422.39 crore in 1999-2000 and Rs. 562.39 crore in 20002001. Senegal was the second leading supplier to India in 19992000 with exports of the value of Rs. 378.34 crore to India. But

Benin became the second leading supplier to India in 20002001 with exports of the value of Rs. 237.93 crore to India, ahead of Senegal’s Rs. 202.55 crore. Several reasons are responsible for the weak performance of Francophone West African states in trade relations with India. Firstly, the narrow range of commodities. Secondly, the fragile economic base of Francophone West African economies is a major bottleneck in increasing the trade relations between the two regions. However, with the growth of these economies in recent years, there is expectation of improvement in trade ties. Thirdly, the monopoly of France on trade of these states creates hindrance in the trade relations between India and Francophone West African states. Furthermore, it is worthwhile to note that two economies of this region, Senegal and Ivory Coast, are comparatively developed than other economies of the Francophone West Africa region and have an edge in trade relations with India from this region. Trade Balance During the period 1976-77 to 1982-83, India had trade surplus with Francophone West Africa region. It was Rs. 7.30 crore in 1976-77, Rs. 44.54 crore in 1981-82 and Rs. 26.04 crore in1982-83 in India’s favour. This was due to considerable increase in exports to Ivory Coast. However, the trend was reversed after 1983-84. It was a Rs. 8.92 crore trade deficit for India in 1983-84 and Rs. 35.69 crore in 1985-86. It was Rs. 123.92 crore in 1989-90 and reached the figure of Rs. 224.85 crore in 1991-92 with a sudden rise in imports from Senegal. The trend has reversed again with the trade surplus for India

India’s Trade with Francophone West Africa (1976-1 1981) in Rs. Crore S.No

Country

1976-77 Export Import

1979-80 Total

1980-1981

Export Import

Trade 1.

Senegal

Total

Export

Trade

Total Trade

15.08

0.47,84

4.19,20

4.66

0.16,70

6.07,48

6.23

Ivory Coast

0.03

0.79,67

2.17,25

2.96

4.25,25

0.32,04

4.57

Burkina Faso

0.07

0.656

0.726

0.04,37

.043

0.01,27

0.01

Mali

0.84

7.539

8.37

0.42,91

0.02,08

.449

0.13,75

0.01,26

0.14

Guinea

0.00

1.30,50

4.91,45

6.21

0.31,84

0.55

0.04,27

Mauritania

0.35

3.58,07

0.0013

3.58

1.94,69

0.01,21

1.95

Togo

0.0080,69

.0080

0.66,84

0.66

Benin

0.39

0.581

0.971

24.16,59

24.16

39.67,58

39.67

Niger

0.17

0.30,34

.30

0.25,99

0.25

Total

16.17

8.77

24.94

31.06

11.29

42.37

47.31

6.72

54.03

Source: DGCIS, Statistics of Foreign Trade of India, Ministry of Commerce, Govt. of India, various issues.

Import

May-July 2006

A F R I C A in 1993-94 of Rs. 59.94 crore. Except for the year 1994-95, in the next four years the balance of trade was in India’s favour, with the trade surplus of Rs. 187.43 crore in 1995-96, Rs. 81.53 crore in 1996-97, Rs. 10.23 crore in 1997-98 and Rs. 149.87 crore in 1998-99. However, there was again a trade deficit for India in 1999-2000 with the figure of Rs. 514.16 crore and Rs. 142.62 crore in 2000-2001 due to rise in imports from Ivory Coast and Benin. Trading Commodities An analysis of the commodity structure of exports and imports by major groups can provide further insight into India’s trade relations with Francophone West African countries. Manufactured goods consisting of leather, leather manufactured goods, chemicals and related products, engineering goods, articles of iron or steel, textiles and industrial machinery and other manufactured goods top India’s export list to Francophone West Africa. Although there are fluctuations from year to year, a giant share in the export list of India to these countries comprise these items. Other principal items exported to Francophone West Africa include pharmaceutical products, vehicles and transport equipment. Agricultural and allied products are next to the manufactured goods in the list of Indian exports to these countries. Among all the agricultural products, cereals, cotton and rubber are the largest exportearning commodities. From Francophone West Africa, traditional exports such as cocoa, coffee and palm oil are still favourites on India’s import list. There is also growth in non-traditional primary exports such as pineapples and rubber. Among other agricultural products fruits, nuts (groundnuts/peanuts), etc., have also a vital share in the import list to India. Other principal items imported by India from Francophone West Africa include cotton, oil seeds, grains and other plants. Among other favourites from the Francophone West Africa region are manufactured goods such as chemicals, organic and inorganic, wood and articles with metals, salt, sulphur, stones and ores and minerals. Thus, it is evident from the commodity pattern of Indo-Francophone West African trade relations that valueadded products are finding place in the export and import lists of these countries; however, traditional items are still favourites in the export and import lists of these counties and India. Constraints on Trade Relations There are some factors which cast a shadow on promoting trade and economic relations between India and this region. They are: ■ French language: The French language used in these countries for business correspondence, government administration and in technical standards is considered a big constraint by Indian businessmen in approaching the market of these countries since Indian businessmen mainly use English in their communication. Further, there is a notion that the small size of the market and the commercial gains that will come

Q U A R T E R L Y

from the modest volume of business may not be commensurate with the cost involved in translation of various details and communications in French. Due to these reasons, there is a lack of interest in tapping the Francophone West African states market for opportunity.12 ■ Keen international competition: A number of developed countries including France, Belgium, Italy, the U.S., Germany and the Netherlands have a strong foothold in these countries. A rapid survey of India’s potential exports to these countries shows that India may face stiff competition from France and China. The latter, in fact, has launched an aggressive trade drive in this region. Beijing is expected to offer competition to India in this region’s market for a wide range of goods from textiles to engineering goods. ■ Slow pace of reforms and political instability: Higher incidence of civil strife, macro-economic instability, modest progress made both in liberalisation and privatisation have affected Indian trade with this region. ■ No serious studies about the region: To formulate a proper policy for fruitful relations with this region, there is a need to build up data banks and teams of experts. ■ Other problems relate to the limited purchasing power of people of the region and costly domestic credit; high freight rates and longer shipping times and inadequate after-sales service and lack of durable arrangements for ensuring supply of spare parts. ■ Attractive credit terms offered by the European firms, especially the French firms, who have historical links with these countries in contrast with the tendency of Indian firms to insist on LC terms of payment and their reluctance to supply on credit terms of payment.13 ■ Indians prefers short-term supply contracts rather than longterm joint ventures with local partners. ■ Due to the absence of diaspora factor (persons of Indian origin, or PIOs) in these former French colonies, the information outlets, both direct and indirect, have been relatively fewer, which meant inadequate information about business opportunities. A more high-profile publicity for India seems an imperative need. The only media exposure of India to the Francophone African states seems to be through the cultural journal Rencontre avec l ’Inde, brought out by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR).14 ■ Production and other economic cooperation: The production cooperation between India and these countries is much below the immense potential for such cooperation in various sectors. Francophone West African states offer a lot of scope for Indian investment in various sectors of their economies. Relatively a poor country in the region, Burkina Faso is pursuing its case for developmental cooperation with India, which has resulted in agricultural cooperation and other forms of technical cooperation between the two countries. The economics of India and Francophone West African countries are complementary, and, therefore they stand to gain from increased trade and greater economic cooperation. Francophone West African states are growth-oriented emerging economies and they have all the potential to become a strong trade partner of India in the African region. For India,

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they can be both a good market for export of products and services as also good partners for joint ventures and collaborative ventures. They offer tremendous business opportunities to India entrepreneurs. The scope for economic cooperation between India and these countries is, indeed, vast. This is due to several reasons. Firstly, India and these countries are moving on the path of economic liberalisation and encouraging foreign investment. Secondly, India, due to industrial and technological development, has much to offer to these countries. Thirdly, controlled inflation rate and comparatively selfsustained economy of India and growth-oriented economies of these states. Fourthly, Francophone West African states are developing in terms of infrastructure and healthy financial sectors. All these factors have raised the Indo-Francophone West African states’ economic relations to a new height. Production complementarities are an evidence of the potential of economic cooperation between the two regions. But it was found that Indo-Francophone West African states joint ventures, compared with India’s worldwide spread, joint ventures and even other regions of Africa, have as yet just scratched the surface. Investments and Joint Ventures It was only in the mid-1980s that India opened her JVA account in the Francophone West Africa with the setting up of a project in Senegal. An efficient Indian company in the public sector is collaborating with the Senegalese government in the field of fertilisers and phosphoric acid.15 There are as many as five Indian joint ventures and wholly-owned subsidiaries in the Francophone West Africa region. There are three joint ventures in Senegal, one in Guinea and one wholly owned subsidiary in Ivory Coast up to year 2000 (See Table3).Thus, it is clear that the region has not attracted too many Indian joint ventures and wholly-owned subsidiaries. There were more than 2,000 Indian joint ventures and wholly-owned subsidiaries operating worldwide and out of them, there were only five in the Francophone West African region during the period under study. Although countries like Mauritius, South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda and Tanzania were important destinations for Indian investment in the continent of Africa during the period, the Francophone West African region did not attract much Indian investments. In fact, India should take concrete steps in identifying projects in consultation with Francophone West African states so

that this useful area of collaboration is extended further, both in width and depth. One can think of establishing a big joint venture like a textile complex in Burkina Faso or Mali, which could cater to the requirements of the neighbouring landlocked countries like Niger and Chad as well.16 IndoFrancophone West African joint ventures will necessarily lead to larger trade between India and Francophone West African countries and thereby larger Indo-African trade.17 Economic and Technological Cooperation: India is assisting Burkina Faso, Senegal, Ivory Coast and other countries of Francophone West Africa through grant assistance and technological cooperation programmes in various sectors of their economy. India has promoted several demonstration projects in these countries financed through grant assistance. A project for the establishment of an Entrepreneur and Technology Development Centre was undertaken in Senegal. The Government of India also reiterated its commitment to participate in the Sahel Railway Project in Burkina Faso.18 India assisted Togo in rural development by gifting water pumps, sewing machines, corn grinding mills, and Tata mobile ambulances worth Rs. 3.26 crore and, in Mali, a drilling rig gifted by India was installed and commissioned. India gifted seven heavy-duty photocopiers to Burkina Faso for use during the OAU Summit in 1998. On November 7-10, 1998, the foundation was laid for the project of Industries Chimique Du Senegal in which Iffco is an equity partner. A delegation organised by the Exim Bank of India and the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) visited Cote d’Ivoire and also had discussions with the Abidjan-based African Development Bank in May 1998. The Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, has initiated a process of streamlining and strengthening the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme to provide it more focus and value and make it an effective instrument of South-South Cooperation.19 The ITEC Projects completed or under process in Francophone West Africa are: Computerisation of the Senegalese Prime Minister’s Office in Dakar completed in August 1996; In Mali, 15 tool kits were supplied in June-July 1996; 200 hand pumps supplied in June-July 1996; a proposal for supply of 200 diesel pumps; supply of photo-voltaic solar system to Mali; a project for supply of drilling rig and agricultural equipment (manual

Indian Joint Ventures & Wholly Owned Subsidiaries in Francophone West Africa (Equity in US $’000) Year

Country

Joint Venture

Wholly Owned Subsidiary

Total

Equity

1995

Senegal

4,514.3

1995

Guinea

152.4

1998

Senegal

22,238.20

1998

Ivory Coast

11.00

Source: Indian Investment Centre, New Delhi.

May-July 2006

A F R I C A rickshaws and hand weeders); work started on establishment of Entrepreneur and Technical Development Centre (ETDC) in Dakar under G-15 for the Government of Senegal in 199798; feasibility study by Indian Dairy Association for a Dairy Development Project in Senegal in July-August 1997; feasibility study for setting up of a incense stick (agarbatti in Hindi) project was conducted in May 1997; supply of a drilling rig and its accessories to Mali; feasibility study for establishment of a poultry vaccine laboratory and Solar Photovoltaic system supplied in 1997-98 to Mali; an expert from DCSSI conducted a feasibility study for setting up of coir industry in Benin; in 1997-98, 45 diesel pumps and 350 sewing machines were supplied to Ivory Coast; the Indian Farmers Project was launched in October 1999 in Burkina Faso; equipment for five Primary Health Centres was also supplied. Under ITEC slots were utilised by Senegal (13), Ivory Coast (10), Burkina Faso (10), Guinea (5), Niger (5) and Benin (5) till November 2000. Under the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Plan (SCAAP) slots were utilised by Senegal (33), Ivory Coast (5), Burkina Faso (15), Guinea (5), Niger (5), Mali (5) and Benin (5) till November 1998. Under ADR, diesel water pumps and sewing machine were provided by India to Ivory Coast.20 Agricultural Cooperation India’s recent opening to the countries of Francophone West Africa was further consolidated with the progress in bilateral agricultural and rural development projects being undertaken in Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal. A team of agriculture experts visited Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire and Togo in August and September 1996 with a view to formulating specific programmes of agricultural cooperation with these countries.21 A two-member team from IVRI/ICAR visited Mali from September 28-October 7, 1996, to conduct a feasibility study for setting up a Poultry Vaccine Laboratory in Mali and a three-member team from Gujarat Tractors Corporation Ltd. visited Senegal, Ivory Coast and Togo during July-August 1996 to explore possibilities for mutual cooperation in the field of agriculture. India’s relations with the countries of Francophone West Africa made substantial progress during the year 1997-98. As manifestations of its commitment to South-South Cooperation, India has promoted several demonstration projects in these countries financed through grant assistance. An Agricultural Development Project was undertaken in Senegal. Earlier, a similar Agricultural Development Project was also undertaken in Burkina Faso. Farmers from Punjab were deployed in Burkina Faso for the agricultural demonstration project. India sent six farmers to Burkina Faso in October under the Indo-Burkina Farmers’ Project to assist and train their Burknabe counterparts in mechanised farming to produce quality seeds. This project has successfully taken off. The Government of India also reiterated its commitment to assist Burkina Faso in its programme of livestock development.22 Senegalese Prime Minister Habib Thiam received 100 Indian tractors in May 1998 as part of the Agriculture

Q U A R T E R L Y

Development Project being set up with India’s assistance. It is in an advanced stage of implementation. An Indian project director is supervising the remaining part of the project, which is aimed at providing expertise and equipment to Senegal to develop rice farming and to cultivate better variety of cotton. India also provided emergency relief assistance in the form of rice and medicines to Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger. Human Resource Development In continuation of an established tradition, India extended assistance in the form of machinery, manpower and human resource development to the Francophone West African countries in various crucial sectors. India sent six farmers to Burkina Faso in October under the Indo-Burkina Farmers Project to assist and train their Burknabe counterparts in mechanised farming to produce quality seeds. An Entrepreneurial Training and Development Centre (ETDC), built with Indian technical and financial assistance under G-15 at an estimated cost of $4.49 million by HMT (I) to provide technical training in various vocational fields, was handed over to the Government of Senegal on June 16, 2000. Indian Trade Promotion Organisation (ITPO) also participated in the 14th Dakar International Trade Fair held from November 23 to December 5, 2000.23 Many trainees from the Francophone West African region are coming to India for training in several fields, including computer education, diplomacy, telecommunications, etc. In recent years, growing demands have been made to Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, through the ITEC programme to transfer knowledge and skills gained under India’s green revolution, by developing countries, especially in Africa. The first experiment in transferring such technology was launched in Burkina Faso in October 1999 with start of a pilot farmers project. India’s engagement in economic, industrial and technological cooperation with the countries of Francophone West Africa continues to grow steadily. India also continued to strengthen cooperation in the field of human resource development through the provision of training slots, deputation of experts and supply of equipment under the ITEC Programme and SCAAP.24 Sectors for Indian Investment India, with its experience of over 50 years of industrial growth, has attained expertise in certain important sectors and has comparative advantage to do investment business anywhere in the world. These sectors are agriculture, infrastructure like communication, irrigation, housing, health and small and medium scale industries. Thus, in the area of production cooperation, a number of areas have been identified. ■ Agricultural Cooperation: In the field of production cooperation, top priority should be given to agriculture. Agriculture is not confined just to production of agricultural products but includes supply of fertilisers, irrigation, storage, communication, etc. Francophone West African countries have vast fertile land, untapped, undeveloped and unharvested, which

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could be utilised for food production to enable them to attain self-sufficiency in food. India is in a position to offer appropriate technology and training to the agriculturists in these countries. India has got the necessary expertise on seed farm, soil testing and irrigation. India can easily supply farm implements, pesticides and other agricultural inputs. However, the country and the region-specific identification of specific Indian technologies were yet to be undertaken along with the question of supportive prices and suitable marketing strategy. In fact, joint ventures in the area of agriculture could be established between Indian parties and parties in these countries for the production of maize, rice, wheat, beans, pulses, oil seeds, groundnuts, sunflowers, etc., away food crops and coffee, cotton, cashew, tobacco and tea among cash crops with buy-back arrangements on the part of the Indian parties. Diary farming is another such area. India’s experience in setting up agriculture-related institutes and universities could also be very useful for establishing such institutions in some bigger countries and regional institutes in the smaller ones. ■ Energy Cooperation: The Francophone West Africa region is also becoming an attractive source of energy in recent years. A lot of the new, proven reserves of oil and gas have been found in the Western part of the African continent. These oil reserves are located in the Gulf of Guinea (offshore Benin, Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana), in the Atlantic Ocean (offshore Mauritania and Senegal) and in landlocked Niger. There are also significant reserves of natural gas in Francophone West Africa. It contains approximately 32 percent of Africa’s natural gas reserves. Field discoveries have been confirmed and reserves have been proven in Benin (43 Bcf); Cote d’Ivoire (1.1 trillion cubic feet, Tcf); and Senegal (106 Bcf). Thus, oil- and gas-producing countries of this region have potential to cooperate with India in the energy sector based on a larger shared perspective. They can provide an additional source for India’s long-term energy security whereas Indian technological expertise and functional experiences in the oil and gas sectors are compatible to the production pattern of this region. This region provides an opportunity for India to evolve a broadbased, sustainable cooperation with the region, based on emerging dynamics of the global energy security and multiplicity of shared interests. ■ Rural and Small-Scale Industries: The rural and small-scale industries sector is another area of Indian specialisation. Since the Francophone West African states’ economies are amenable to spatial inequalities, this sector has a vital role in building up rural-urban linkages as also to help with an inexpensive, inward-looking, low-cost, labour-intensive development process. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are being regarded as important to the job creation. This could not only strengthen the industrial base of these countries but also provide employment and income-generation opportunities to the active working population, which is at present unemployed. India could assist these countries in establishing small-scale industries (SSIs) in the field of agro-processing like sugarcane, forestry products, consumer durables and the light electrical and electronics industries. India can also set up industries in other sectors such as oil refining, food processing and

preservation, hotel, mineral processing, small cement plants, granite and marbles. All these activities help in creating gainful employment and can increase the income for these countries –– particularly for those who live in the rural areas. India could help in prospecting, exploration and development of mines and could provide a good market for many of the minerals, as well. India’s assistance could be helpful in the construction, completion and maintenance of their projects.25 ■ Information Technology: India has an internationally recognised and growing expertise in the IT sector. It is one major specific sector in which there is a huge scope for expansion in terms of cooperation between Indian and the Francophone West African companies. India has offered technical training to these countries under the ITEC, which was established in 1964. This involved technical training, consultancy services and project assistance. ■ Transport and Communication: Most of the Francophone West African countries are interested in improving their basic infrastructure in the transport sector, shipping and port facilities, and they would welcome any help rendered in these areas. India with its experience of not only developing domestic infrastructure but also of completing a number of turnkey jobs in in the Middle East can do a lot to help these countries. Thus, other areas such as airports, telecommunications, franchising, tourism, computers, software and peripherals, healthcare services and equipment, pharmaceuticals, security and safety equipment, water treatment equipment, industrial chemicals and packaging equipment, etc., also offer great business prospects. ■ Housing: Housing has emerged as a promising area of cooperation between the two regions. India has proven expertise in low-cost housing. ■ Others: Indians could provide assistance in the field of techno-economic surveys, planning, preparation of feasibility and detailed project reports, entrepreneurship development and managerial assistance. Certain other sectors which are consider as the promising for doing business are airports, telecommunication, franchising tourism, pharmaceuticals, water treatment equipment and industrial chemicals, etc. Multilateral Cooperation Multilateral fora such as NAM, G-77 and G-15 have been playing important roles in the promotion of economic cooperation between India and these countries over the years. These fora are useful in strengthening the regional and international cooperation among the member-countries, which also indirectly promotes bilateral economic cooperation. Francophone West Africa is moving towards economic integration through a number of regional and sub-regional organisations like ECOWAS. India is trying to strengthen institutional linkages with these regional and sub-regional groups in Francophone West Africa in recognition of the trend towards regional and global economic integration.26 The regional cooperative movements have emerged as an effective response to encounter the challenges of globalisation all over the world. Subsequently, the role of the dominant regional powers such

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A F R I C A as India in promoting cooperative movements increases at the regional levels. Thus, through the consolidation of cooperation between them at regional level, they will be better equipped to face the challenges of globalisation. Conclusion The change in the inner dynamics and composition of the polity and economy of India as well as Francophone West African countries is favourable and conducive for enhanced economic cooperation between the two regions. Francophone West Africa, after decades of ruinous conflicts and economic stagnation, is about to turn the corner. Democracy is now blooming in these countries in the wave of multi-party elections sweeping across the continent of Africa in the 1990s. Further, India and almost all the countries of Francophone West Africa have implemented economic liberalisation in their respective economies. In the changed world scenario, Francophone West African countries are fast integrating with the other economies of the world and this augurs well for a beneficial partnership between India and these countries. Further, it is observed that the economic partnership between India and Francophone West

REFERENCES 1. For detail see, Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs official website, http://meaindia.nic.in, also see, T.G. Ramamurthi, ‘India’s Relations with Francophone African States’, Africa Quarterly (New Delhi), vol. 34, no. 1 (1994), p. 40. 2. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 2000-2001 (New Delhi, 2001), p. 51. 3. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1995-96 (New Delhi, 1996), pp. 51-57. 4. The Times of India (New Delhi), March 1, 2004. 5. Embassy of Burkina Faso, Burkina Faso for Business (New Delhi, 2001), p. 8. 6. The Times of India (New Delhi), November 6, 1995. 7. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1997-98 (New Delhi, 1998), p. 63. 8. Inaugural Address by Vasundhara Raje, Minister of State for External Affairs, at International Seminar on U.N. Peacekeeping on March 17-19, 1999 in New Delhi. 9. For detail see, http://www.ecowas.info/ecodef.htm and also see, www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/ecowas.html 10. Daleep Singh, ‘India’s Economic Relations with Francophone Africa 1965-2000: Hope and Scope’, Africa Quarterly, vol. 41, no. 4, (2001), p. 17. 11. Daleep Singh, ‘Indo-Francophone African Economic Relations: Retrospect and Prospect’, in R.R. Ramchandani, ed., ‘India-Africa Relations’ (New Delhi, Kalinga Publications, 1990), vol.1, p. 248. 12. Singh, n. 49, p. 248.

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African countries has steadily expanded in the 1990s. Both India and these countries are likely to benefit significantly from the comprehensive economic cooperation as they have large economic potential in sizable number of sectors. Therefore, economic cooperation in the framework of SouthSouth Cooperation and in the larger framework of globalisation could be the most enduring approach for attaining steady growth in their economies. India and several countries of Francophone West Africa have benefited from liberalisation and regional cooperation but the magnitude differs from one country to another. Moreover, economic indicators of India and a number of these countries are strong, which is, in fact, conducive for a meaningful economic cooperation initiative between them. For fully exploiting the economic potential, there is a need for a broad economic partnership between India and these countries by using various approaches simultaneously, such as bilateralism, regionalism and multilateral processes. There is also a need for integrating monetary and financial issues in expanding trade and economic cooperation between them. Thus, a positive policy initiative is needed for expanding the economic cooperation between India and Francophone West African countries.

13. ‘Engineering Export Promotion Council Report, Ivory Coast: Potentials and Prospects for India’ (New Delhi, 2002), p. 94. 14. T.G. Ramamurthi, ‘India’s Relations with Francophone African States’, Africa Quarterly, vol. 34, no. 1 (1994), p. 43. 15. Daleep Singh, ‘India’s Economic Relations in the Francophone Africa’, in Virinder Grover, ed., ‘International Relations and Foreign Policy of India’ (New Delhi, Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 343. 16. Singh, n.48, p. 23. 17. R.L Varshney, ‘India’s Production Cooperation with African Countries and International Finance’, in R.R. Ramchandani, ed., ‘India-Africa Relations’ (Delhi, Kalinga Publications, 1990), p. 207. 18. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1997-98 (New Delhi, 1998), p. 61. 19. ibid, p. 58. 20. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1998-99 (New Delhi, 1999), pp.168-69. 21. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1996-97 (New Delhi, 1997), p. 53. 22. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1997-98 (New Delhi, 1998), p. 61. 23. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 2000-01 (New Delhi, 2001), p. 51. 24. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1999-2000 (New Delhi, 2000), p. 50. 25. Varshney, n. 18, p. 204. 26. Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs, Annual Report, 1997-98 (New Delhi, 1998), p. 58.

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‘BUSINESS circumstances are similar in India, Africa’ Ghana Foreign Minister Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo-Addo speaks to Manish Chand about growing admiration in Africa for India’s developmental model, the possibilities of collaboration in U.N. reforms and the need for adding economic content to the NAM. Q: What’s the image of India in Africa these days? Do you think that’s what major nations like Japan and India are saying. India-Africa relations are changing with changing times? Q: Do you see hope for a consensus in the AU on the issue? A: The image of India in Africa is very positive. People are seeA: I was very much involved in the making of the consensus. ing India as one of the developing countries that is making real To the extent consensus stays, I would like it very much. progress. India’s ICT development is something that has genBut reforms are more important than the consenus. Africa, erated great interest and admiration in our country. We see like other continents of the world, is divided over the matter. India is going down the path all of us want Let the reforms go forward and let peoto go down. Within a generation, there ple make their individual decisions. But has been an extraordinary transformation to have consensus as a drag on the and India is today emerging as a first reforms process is not a desirable world economy. That’s very remarkable. approach. The consensus was to ask for It’s an example specifically for counan expansion of the Security Council tries like ours which have British colonial where Africa will have two permanent heritage. The Indian experience is speseats. That’s where our sympathies lie. cially interesting because of the shared Q: Are you are saying that Africa should history and common laws. It’s uplifting to not be targeted for a lack of consensus on the see that an open, democratic state like UNSC expansion? India can make a very good effort at social A: Absolutely. All the other continents and economic development. It’s a very are divided on the issue. There is division big encouragement for us in the contiin Europe; there is division in Asia; there nent. is division in Latin America. It’s not fair Q: In what ways can India and Africa colto target Africa. We are still working for laborate in the crucial arena of U.N. consensus, but regardless of that we still reforms and expansion of the U.N. have to go forward. ‘India’s ICT development is Security Council? Q: What kind of economic and business something that has A: The collaboration (between Africa and ties do you see developing between India India) is there. To some extent, people’s generated great interest and and Ghana on the one hand, and India attention so far was focused on other and Africa on the other hand? admiration in our country. We A: There is a great deal of enthusiasm in aspects of the U.N. reforms. Now all that see India is going down the the Indian business community about is concluded. We now have to focus on the last remaining issue, which is the investing in Ghana and in Africa. It’s very path all of us want to go Security Council expansion. encouraging. I want to assure all Indians down. Within a generation, We in Ghana are very much in favour of the safety of their investment in Ghana. there has been an of U.N. reforms and expansion of the Indian businessmen can hope to do busiSecurity Council. extraordinary transformation ness in circumstances very familiar to We believe that the Security Council, theirs. and India is today emerging as it is today, is not reflective of the times Our economy is ready for a take-off as a first world economy. we live in. It is not reflective of the globand our institutions are in good shape. al realities of today. Even British Prime Q: China has made rapid strides in peneThat’s very remarkable.’ Minister (Tony Blair) has said that and trating Africa economically. How do you

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A F R I C A compare your experience with China to that of India? A: We don’t see them as rivals. We see them as complementary. They are doing different things in different areas. Q: How do you see the prospects of a revival of the Non-Aligned Movement? What role do you see for India and Africa in this process? Do you think it’s time to move beyond NAM? A: We are certainly moving beyond NAM. To the extent NAM was time-specific, it responded to the situation of the cold war. Now with the collapse of Communism, the focus has shifted. The focus is now very much on economic development. What various peoples of Asia and Africa need to do is to take the benefit of globalisation. The scale of economic activities in the G-77 countries is

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so huge that it will allow NAM to have a much bigger economic agenda. We should not restrict the NAM to just the political part. So there is going to be reform, rejuvenation and restructuring of the NAM. That is the process that is going on now. This was evident at the ministerial meeting in Malaysia recently and this will be one of the defining themes at the NAM summit in Havana. Q: What’s your idea of African resurgence and renewal? A: The efforts we are making to improve our governance and systems and the steps taken by us to accelerate economic growth form the basis of the African resurgence.

Business and trade opportunities for Indian firms in Ghana

here are lots of business opportunities in Ghana. The Government of Ghana is providing facilities and incentives to attract FDI from abroad. The government is also trying to develop Ghana as the “Gateway to West Africa” where Ghana is already a leader in economic (and social) development. The present government aspires to usher in the “Golden Age” of business for Ghana with the thrust on developing the Ghanaian private sector as the engine of growth for the economy. It is important to state here that on several occasions the government has emphasised the need for Ghana to look to India for appropriate technology. Some important sectors for business and trade include agriculture and ago-based industries, establishment of small-scale units to produce items for export, construction material and other items, development of infrastructure, rail network, power, telecommunication and IT sector, health sector, and the petroleum sector.

awarded contracts amounting to $60 million by Ghana Telecom. RITES has had a long involvement in the railway sector, and there are prospects for future involvement in this sector as a result of the government’s plan to rehabilitate and expand the rail network. Under initiatives taken by the High Commission, some public-sector enterprises have registered their interest as suppliers and consultants for various projects in irrigation, power and other sectors. A number of Indian professionals are also in the country, either on direct deputation or through sponsorship of bodies like U.N. agencies, World Bank, etc.

products registered in Ghana and are selling through local agents. Indian pharmaceutical products now account for about 50 percent of Ghana’s pharmaceutical imports. There are some NRIs and PIOs in Ghana who have large businesses importing chiefly from China, India, Korea and Taiwan.

Commodities Traded: Our major exports to Ghana include cotton yarn fabrics, drugs and pharmaceuticals, machinery/instruments, mineral fuel/oil/ waxes/bituminous substances (accounting for about 50 percent of total exports). Others include transport equipment, tractors, chemicals, clothing, plastic and linoleum Private-Sector Companies The Indian private sector is steadily products, paper and wood products, increasing its presence in Ghana. Some electronics, glassware, ceramics, semiIndian companies that have stationed finished iron and steel, rubber products, their representatives in Ghana are transport equipment, marine products, NIIT, Tata Ghana Ltd., Maruti Ltd., sports goods, machine tools, cosmetEskay Therapeutics Ltd., Torrent ics/toiletries, etc. Imports from Ghana include edible Pharmaceuticals, Unichem Laboratories Ltd., Wockhardt Ltd., fruit and nuts (accounts for about 60 Tablet India, Intas Pharmaceuticals, percent of total imports), metal ores and Shalina Laboratories and Core Care scrap (21 percent), wood (mainly teak) Indian Public Sector Enterprises There are only a few Government of Health India. In fact, about 70 Indian and wood products (10 percent). India enterprises operating in Ghana. pharmaceutical firms have got their Others include oil seeds, cotton raw (and waste), and preTCIL has been operatINDO-GHANA TRADE (in $ million) cious and semi preing in Ghana for the cious stones. Recently, past several years in 2001-02 2002-03 2003-04 2004-05 Total Trade 88.7 128.0 212.8 337.3 Indian companies telecommunications Exports to Ghana 68.5 109.0 180.1 291.8 arranged the first and has been awarded Imports from Ghana 20.2 19.0 32.7 45.5 direct purchase of several large contracts Trade Balance +48.3 +90.0 +147.4 +246.3 gold, diamonds and over the last few years, Source: Ministry of External Affairs cocoa from Ghana. and has recently been

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D I P L O M A C Y

A new bounce in INDIA-LIBYA ties A.K. Pasha maps out the contours of emerging economic cooperation between India and Libya as the latter breaks with a past marred by the U.S. sanctions and enters a new phase of economic modernisation and political stability.

n May 15, 2006, the United suspects who were put on trial, and the gradual rapprochement States decided to restore full with the U.S. and the West also form the subject of this artidiplomatic ties with Libya after a cle, which is divided into three parts. break of more than 25 years. The Part one gives a brief historical background of Libya-U.S. U.S. also removed Libya from a relations since Qadhafi came to power in 1969, up to 2005. Part State Department list of states two highlights the background to Indo-Libyan ties, especialsponsoring terrorism. Further- ly the political aspects and past economic ties. The final secmore, Libya will also be omitted tion looks at the prospects of emerging economic cooperation from the annual certification of between India and Libya, especially in the backdrop of the countries not “cooperating fully with the U.S. anti-terrorism U.S.-Libyan rapprochement, higher oil prices and revenues, efforts”. It must be recalled that the Libyan plans for the diversification Libya could learn something U.S. had closed its embassy in of its economy away from its heavy Tripoli in 1980 and had declared reliance on the petroleum sector, from India, especially its Libyan leader Muammar Qadhafi as market economy reforms and other democratic culture; its mixed one of the world’s most dangerous Libyan liberalisation measures which economy could be used a men and Libya a supporter of interoffer immense prospects for greater national terrorism. Relations Indo-Libyan economic cooperation. model for a Libya thirsting for between Libya and the U.S. deterioeconomic success; and its rated sharply after Ronald Reagan Libya and the U.S. secularism could be held as became U.S. president in 1981. He, in his second term, ordered the The overthrow of the Libyan mirror for harmony, peace and bombing of Tripoli in 1986. monarchy by Qadhafi in September stability for Libyan society. The factors which propelled the 1969 and the expulsion of the U.S. Clearly, there are tangible U.S. to take the lead against Libya, from the huge Wheelus Air Base was how it mobilised other countries a blow to the Americans. He soon mutual gains in accelerated around the world, and especially in India-Libya engagement in many after sought and got higher oil prices the U.N. –– which imposed sancand increased Libyan participation in areas, including trade and tions on Libya on April 15, 1992 –– the oil companies. He also stridenthow Libya counter-mobilised the ly opposed all U.S. attempts to bring economic relations. African countries, especially to chalabout partial agreements on the lenge the U.N. sanctions, and how Arab-Israeli conflict (AIC). The the sanctions were eased and suspended form the subject of views of the U.S. and Libya on major world issues diverged this article. widely and relations between them remained considerably Qadhafi’s decision in December 2003 to renounce terror- strained under the administrations of successive U.S. ism and destroy long-range missiles and weapons of mass Presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter. destruction (WMDs), the controversy over the PanAm flight The Reagan administration very early identified Libya as a bombing over Lockerbie in 1988 –– for which Libya was main perpetrator of state-sponsored international terrorism blamed –– and the Libyan decision to accept responsibility for and made determined efforts to bring down Qadhafi’s regime. it and pay compensation even as it handed over two Libyan He had been accused of involvement in terrorist activities as

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early as 1972 when he hosted a administration is making such a summit of different organisations, big deal about it.” Senator permitted hijacked planes to land Christopher Dodd also stated: “If in Libya, established camps to that’s all there is, we are being train guerrillas in techniques for bombarded with a lot of hype. I regime change and liquidating need more evidence.” Finally, one Libyan dissidents abroad. Reagan official ruefully said: “We The U.S. put Libya on the are extremely frustrated that we State Department’s list of states can’t catch even one Libyan terwhich sponsor international terrorist. We have no smoking gun.” rorism. Qadhafi was painted in In making a case against the darkest colours as an internaQadhafi, the Reagan administrational terrorist. To quote former tion brought a document in early Muammar Qadhafi Ronald Reagan U.S. Secretary of State Alexander 1986 entitled, ‘Libya under Haig: “I don’t have to tell you that we Qadhafi: A Pattern of Aggression’. The Reagan administration in the West are increasingly conThe document, described as a State cerned about Qadhafi’s lawless activ- adopted such varied anti-Libyan Department study, contained a ity in a direct military sense and in his measures as organising a coup lengthy list of alleged Libyan acts of support for bloodshed and terrorism violence directed by Qadhafi. which flopped, increasing arms Without giving a single instance or worldwide.” Haig also told the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee evidence, the document claimed that sales to Libya’s neighbours, that Qadhafi has been funding, sponenhancing its naval presence in Qadhafi uses terrorism as one of the soring, paying and harbouring terprimary instruments of Libyan forthe Mediterranean Sea, rorist groups to conduct activities eign policy. against the lives and well being of encouraging Israel and Egypt in To implement its policy, the U.S. American diplomats and facilities. identified Libyan oil revenues as the their anti-Libyan activities, and Senior U.S. officials dubbed Qadhafi principal source, where it could hurt holding joint military exercises Qadhafi. Reagan campaigned hard in a “menace”, a “lunatic”, a sponsor of international terrorism and the most Congress to stop this commerce in with Egypt near the Libyan dangerous man in the world. Typical “tainted oil”. On October 21, 1981, border. All of these measures of such descriptions was the one the U.S. Senate voted for a ban of all separately and cumulatively made by Senator Daniel Patrick imports of Libyan Oil. In the Senate, Moynihan: “We are not going to Edward Kennedy articulated the exerted pressure on Qadhafi. allow a murderer to be the head of U.S. feelings as follows: state and go about murdering other “It is immoral and inexcusable people.” Former U.S. President George Bush Senior referred for the U.S. to pay billions of dollars a year for Libyan oil. to Qadhafi as “the world’s principal terrorist and trainer of terThe fact of the matter is our dollar speaks much louder rorists”. than words. Now is the time for the U.S. to take firm and Libya’s guilt was largely pre-determined. On the long list clear action. Oil from Libya is tainted with the blood of of alleged Libyan involvement in terrorism, the Reagan Libyan terror, Libyan murder and Libyan assassination. administration did not provide any hard evidence. Libyan supUnquestionably, Libya stands in violation of the most funport and close interaction with some Palestinian leaders was damental canons of decency and justice in the world.” taken as sufficient reason. The U.S. left little doubt about its Reagan also took several other economic measures, all of determination to eliminate Qadhafi who, for Haig, was “a which were intended to undermine the Libyan economy and cancer that has to be removed”. ultimately spark off disaffection among the Libyan people. Qadhafi alleged that the “U.S. tried to assassinate me, to The anger, he calculated, could then easily be used against poison my food and they tried many things to do this. The CIA Qadhafi to pave the way for his removal. spared no efforts to kill me”. No evidence was brought forth It must be remembered that Libya did not become the in the so-called hit team story, and the whole drama was object of U.S. military attack because it posed a serious threat intended to prepare the ground for the removal of Qadhafi. to the strategic interests of Washington. It was purposely choAccording to a report, the origin of the hit team came from sen due to its weakness and also because it was easy for the U.S. Mossad, leading one to wonder whether the Israelis had rea- to attack Libya as it entailed quick victory without huge casusons of their own to exacerbate the U.S. -Libyan conflict. alties. According to one writer, the only way Qadhafi could In fact, some U.S. officials felt that the Reagan adminis- retaliate was through terrorist actions, that too on foreign soil, tration was making too much public noise on the matter. which would further assist the U.S. goal of isolating the counSenator Paul Tsongas remarked: “There are doubts around try. here. It’s not so much whether there is evidence, but why the The Reagan administration adopted such varied anti-

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D I P L O M A C Y Libyan measures as organising a coup which flopped, increas- edged) to be a mistake.” Senator Lowell Weicker, who was ing arms sales to Libya’s neighbours, enhancing its naval pres- openly critical of the U.S. raid, said: “Mr. Reagan violated ence in the Mediterranean Sea, encouraging Israel and Egypt both the War Powers Act and the constitution in so far as in their anti-Libyan activities, and holding joint military exer- engaging in a military operation.” cises with Egypt near the Libyan border. All of these measures Anthony Cordesman concluded that U.S. air raid had been separately and cumulatively exerted pressure on Qadhafi. U.S. a failure and suggested that the U.S. should press hard for the hostility and military threats took a menacing dimension when resolution of the Palestine issue, which he viewed as the root it conducted naval and air exercises very near the Libyan coast of terrorism: “To most of the Third World, the (U.S.) action in the Gulf of Sirte. Reagan sought to deliberately provoke has done nothing but demonstrate that Colonel Qadhafi can Qadhafi into creating a casus belli when he asserted: “America attack a U.S. fleet and get away with it. It has not discredited has the muscle to back up its words. We could not go on the Libyan strongman. It had discredited America. He is the recognising this violation of international waters and we were mouse that roared. We are the cat that failed to catch him. We going to plan out maneuvers as we would have planned them should attack the roots of terrorism by pressuring hard for a without that rule, without his (Qadhafi’s) artificial line.” peace settlement in the Middle East.” The plot to ambush Qadhafi via Sudan, the increased milCompletely frustrated in his attempts to overthrow itary aid to the Hissene Habre government in Chad and the Qadhafi during the 1986 bombing of Libya, Reagan, who frequent dispatch of its naval armada to the Libyan coast and came under world-wide condemnation, used the veto to kill finally the U.S. military air attacks on Tripoli and Benghazi the U.N. Security Council resolution condemning the air on April 14, 1986, are some of the instances of the unsuccess- raid on Libya. U.K. and France also vetoed it. ful attempts to deal a death blow to Towards the end of his second Qadhafi made several the Qadhafi regime and Libya –– a term, Reagan made his last attempt to country so militarily unequal to a overthrow Qadhafi, this time accusconciliatory moves, which super power. ing him of manufacturing chemical involved the U.N., Arab The U.S. action against Libya has weapons at a factory in Rabta near League and so on, including to be seen in the context of wider Tripoli. Again violating the territoriU.S. design towards Libya. The soal waters in the Gulf of Sirte, the U.S. Libya’s willingness to send called Libyan terrorist activities were shot down two Libyan planes. Libyan judges to the U.S., the used as a pretext by the U.S. to “jusFollowing in the footsteps of the United Kingdom and France to Reagan and Bush administrations, tify foreign policy initiatives which may otherwise be unwelcome by the President Bill Clinton intensified his discuss the Lockerbie case. U.S. public and world community”. efforts to overthrow Qadhafi, this But at the same time, Qadhafi When asked for his understandtime using the U.N. as a tool to porexpressed doubts whether ing of terrorism, Qadhafi replied: tray scattered Libyan political vio“We put the production of nuclear the two Libyans would get a fair lence as state-sponsored terrorism. weapons at the top of the list of tertrial abroad. Unfortunately, the The first incident was the Lockerbie rorist activities. As long as the big issue. On December 21, 1988, a Pan U.K., France and the U.S. powers continue to manufacture American World Airways jumbo jet atomic weapons, it means they are Flight 103 traveling from London to rejected these overtures. continuing to terrorise the world; New York exploded over Lockerbie, also the development of military Scotland, killing 243 passengers and bases on other countries’ territories, also developing naval crew. Initially, Iran and Syria were blamed for the bombing. fleets around the world. This is one reason why the U.S. is a Secondly, when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in August top terrorist force in the world.” 1990, more than a million Libyans supported Iraq and there When Qadhafi challenged Reagan to produce evidence, the were anti-U.S. demonstrations and Qadhafi himself took part U.S. President merely said: “We have the evidence and he in them. Qadhafi suggested the idea of a plebiscite in Kuwait (Qadhafi) knows it.” Soon after the April 14, 1986, U.S. attack to determine the type of government, which was found unacon Libya, Reagan said: “This pre-emptive action... not only ceptable and hostile by the Al Sabah ruling family. Not only diminishes Colonel Qadhafi’s capacity to export terror (but the U.S. and the West but Saudi Arabia also rejected the idea. also) it will provide him with incentives to alter his behavior... What did happen was the widening of the gap between self-defense is not only a right, it is our duty.” Libya and the West, specially the U.S. On November 14, Reagan, however, did not have smooth sailing in the U.S. 1991, the U.S. announced that two Libyan nationals were to His administration encountered serious difficulties in its cam- be charged with complicity in the Lockerbie bombings and paign against Qadhafi. Its theory of Qadhafi’s support to ter- that Washington would take steps against them so that Libya rorism was hard to sell to a sceptical Congress. Alluding to the hands them over for trial. U.S. raid on Libya, Andrew Young, former U.S. ambassador Qadhafi made several conciliatory moves, which involved to the U.N., said: “It is not manliness but evidence of a sick the U.N., Arab League and so on, including Libya’s willingmind.” Carter said: “I think in the long run it will be (acknowl- ness to send Libyan judges to the U.S., the U.K. and France

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to discuss the Lockerbie case. But at the same time, Qadhafi statue... other Third World countries on the council had their expressed doubts whether the two Libyans would get a fair trial arms twisted in similar fashion”. abroad. Unfortunately the U.K., France and the U.S. rejectIt is interesting to note that the UN Security Council ed all overtures from Libya. decided “that the Libyan government must now comply withIt was in this backdrop of determined Western attempts to out any further delay” with Resolution 731 of January 21, prejudge Libyan guilt and hold Libya solely responsible that 1992. Libya was asked to do all this by April 15, 1992, failing on January 20, 1992, the UNSC unanimously adopted which it would be binding on all states to impose sanctions on Resolution 731, which was a blow to Libya. Unable to prevent Libya. The adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 748 the West from pursuing its hidden agenda, Libya approached clearly indicated the extent to which the West would go for a the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on March 26, 1993. regime change in Libya. It signalled new heights of Western Libya urged the court to declare that Libya had not breached hostility towards Libya and an indication of harsher steps to its legal obligations. It was obvious that whichever way the follow. world court decided, the U.S. and the United Kingdom were The manner and speed with which the U.S. mobilised the determined to punish Libya directly or through the United U.N. Security Council clearly indicated Washington’s impaNations tience with the Qadhafi regime. Actually, the U.S. move In an attempt to delay the U.N. action against Libya, the helped Qadhafi to consolidate his base with the country and Arab League on March 1992 called on the UNSC to await the tighten his grip on power. Most Libyans were convinced that ICJ ruling on the issue. But the West had its way in the UNSC the West, after subjugating Iraq, wanted to gain control of and Resolution 748 was passed on March 31, 1992, allowing Libyan oil. Libya until the end of April 15, 1992, The U.S. insistence on U.N. In September 1986, then Prime sanctions against Libya soon after to hand over the two accused Libyans. The resolution was passed having crippled Iraq revealed the real Minister Rajiv Gandhi met by a vote of 10 in favour with none face of the U.S. to the Arab masses, Qadhafi in Harare, Zimbabwe, against and five abstentions –– especially in view of the U.S. refusal during the Non-Aligned China, India, Morocco, Zimbabwe to coerce Israel to withdraw from all and Cape Verde. occupied Arab lands. It must be Movement summit. Economic Again Libya expressed its readicooperation between India and stressed that the U.S. move, far from ness to cooperate with the U.N. in a discrediting the Qadhafi regime, in Libya was booming, with manner that would not damage fact enhanced his legitimacy and Libyan sovereignty or violate interhelped him consolidate his hold on Indian companies national law. In Libyan perception power. To the Libyans, American executing projects worth over the impasse was due to a rejection of double standards and hypocrisy were $2 billion and over 40,000 all attempts to achieve a neutral and obvious and this only fueled antifair investigation and again it feared American sentiments all over the Indians enjoying well-paid that the ground was being prepared Muslim world. jobs. These included doctors, for further punitive action against The U.S.-led U.N. sanctions nurses, engineers, university Libya. imposed on Libya on April 15, 1992, Among all the UNSC members, remained in place for more than a professors only China had declared publicly decade. Qadhafi, through his extenthat it would not support the new sive contacts in Africa, mobilised mandatory resolution. India and two others hoped that U.N. through the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and later sanctions would be the last resort if peaceful methods were the Africa Union (AU, established in 2001), support for Libya futile. India also argued that the UNSC could have waited for against the unjust sanctions. the ICJ’s decision before proceeding as there was no great Libya, through its shrewd diplomacy, began to mount a urgency. India again argued strongly that the resolution ought challenge to the sanctions. The OAU at many summits urged to have been passed under Chapter VI of the U.N. charter –– the U.N. to lift or suspend or ease the sanctions on Libya. At which requires it to seek negotiated solutions to disputes one stage it became public that several African countries were through various mechanisms for conciliation or mediation –– willing to breach U.N. sanctions. The U.S. realised the impliand not under Chapter VII –– which empowers it to take cations and began to work towards its suspension. Libya was punitive action. According to one Indian writer: “This was in also persuaded to hand over two of its citizens to face trial outline with India’s traditional outlook towards the U.N. as an side the country. instrument of negotiation and moderation, rather than coerSoon Libya reconciled to the trial in Europe and handed cion and dictation.” over in August 2003 the two suspects with imprisonment for Despite these reservations, what is important was the adop- one of the suspects when he was found guilty. Subsequently, tion of the new UNSC resolution. China had been pressured Libya agreed to pay several billion U.S. dollars to the victims, not to veto the resolution, with the U.S. “leaning heavily on with Qadhafi accepting responsibility for the Lockerbie bombPeking by threatening to withdraw its MFN trading partners ing.

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D I P L O M A C Y For Qadhafi, the coming ta income rose from £L 40 to to power of the neo-con £L 400, which was the highteam in the U.S. in 2001 and est in Africa. Even though an the policy of George W. Oil Resources Law was Bush after 9/11, together passed in 1958 under which with the solidarity of Tony 70 percent of oil revenue was Blair of Britain and Ariel required to be invested for Sharon of Israel, represented developmental purposes, yet danger. More significantly, the country remained largethe U.S. invasion of Iraq in ly backward and had to March 2003 and lack of import about one-fourth of countervailing support to its food requirements. Libya from Russia or China As far as Indo-Libyan and his own isolation in the trade was concerned, during Arab world propelled him to 1961-62 India’s exports were work for rapprochement Rs. 3 million and in 1963-64 with the West. No wonder, Rs. 61 million; in 1964-65 Qadhafi, in a stunning deci- The U.N. Security Council voted to lift the decade-old sanctions imposed Rs. 6 million; in 1965-66 on Libya on September 13, 2003. sion in December 2003, India imported from Libya decided to publicly goods worth Rs. 7 million Qadhafi, in a stunning renounce terrorism and agreed to and exported goods worth Rs. 6.2 destroy long-range missiles and million; in 1966-67 India exported decision in December 2003, weapons of mass destruction. He goods for Rs. 6.9 million; in 1967-68 decided to publicly renounce also abandoned Libya’s quest for India exported good for Rs. 11.3 milnuclear weapons and gave up Libya’s terrorism and agreed to destroy lion; in 1968-69 Indian exports were nuclear programme. long-range missiles and WMDs. at Rs. 14.5 million and during 1969Soon after this unprecedented 70 Rs. 12.4 million. He also abandoned Libya’s Libyan initiative, the West, especialIndia exported to Libya textiles, quest for nuclear weapons and engineering goods, cotton manufacly the United Kingdom and the U.S., worked to lift the U.N. sanctions on turers, footwear, spices, coir yarn, gave up Libya’s nuclear Libya. Prime Minister Tony Blair jute products, tobacco, mica, and so programme. Soon after this visited Libya and other Western leadon. ers followed him, thereby ending unprecedented Libyan initiative, If we take India’s exports of engiTripoli’s isolation and boycott. In the the West, especially the United neering goods to Libya, the following tense standoff over Lockerbie, Libya Kingdom and the U.S., worked emerges between 1964-69. During had to ultimately make several con1964-65, Rs. 7.31 million; 1965-66 to lift the United Nations cessions and at the same time the Rs. 11.96 million; 1966-67 Rs. 9.14 West also realised the futility of its million; 1967-68 Rs. 15.28 million sanctions on Libya. policy towards Libya. and during 1968-69 Rs. 2.8 million. Until the 1969 Libyan revolution, Indo-Libyan Ties the regime of King Idris was pro-Western with huge bases offered to the United Kingdom and the U.S. The 1967 ArabDuring the Ottoman rule, many Libyan scholars came to Israeli war due to which the Suez Canal was closed, adverseIndia. The Italian rule interrupted these contacts. Al Hillal, ly affected the Indo-Libyan trade. Due to higher freight Maulana Azad’s newspaper, exposed Italian brutality against charges on both imports and exports, trade declined considinnocent Libyans. With Italy’s defeat in the Second World erably as sending goods via the Cape of Good Hope proved War, Libya came under U.N. rule. India, along with other uneconomical. non-aligned countries, worked hard at the U.N. and other Two major developments boosted the Indo-Libyan ecoforas to get independence for Libya. Soon after Independence nomic cooperation. The oil price hike in 1973-74 gave Libya in 1956, Libya came to be ruled by a monarchy. King Idris massive oil revenues, due to which the regime of Qadhafi iniremained in power until September 1, 1969, when the monar- tiated huge projects to modernise the economy. Libya needchy was overthrown and Qadhafi came to power. Soon after, ed Indian workers, technicians and experts to implement the in 1969, diplomatic ties were established between India and numerous economic projects. The Libyan leadership identiLibya. fied India as a major source of skilled manpower as also approOil was discovered in Libya in 1959, changing the basic priate technology to suit Libya’s unprecedented economic economic structure of the country and boosting income from development plans. By 1978, about 10,000 Indian workers £L 56 million in 1959 to £L 660 million in 1967. Its per capi- were gainfully employed in Libya.

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The reopening of the up projects in different secSuez Canal in June 1975 by tors ranging from airports to Egypt’s President Anwar roads, hotels, and railways, Sadat removed one major covering practically all aspects constraint for bilateral trade. of the new economic infrasIndo-Libyan trade picked tructure in which Libya up, with India importing invested billions. To execute Libyan sulphur-free crude these projects. hundreds of considered the best for aviIndian engineers and techniation fuel. In April 1979, cians were going to Libya, but India’s then Petroleum the lack of a direct flight was Minister H.N. Bahuguna causing inconvenience. negotiated the deal for 2.5 The Iran-Iraq war providmillion tonnes of Libyan ed India an opportunity to crude for 12 months with head the non-aligned moveLibya offering a concession ment (NAM), as the NAM in the cost of oil transport to Pan Am Flight 103 exploded over Lockerbie, Scotland on December 21, summit could not be held in India. 1988. All 259 people on board and 11 people on the ground were killed. Baghdad. As chairperson of During the Janata Party A libyan intelligence agent has been convicted in the case. NAM, Indira Gandhi, the government (1977-79) then prime minister of India, India argued strongly that the India’s industry minister visited visited Libya in April 1984 and held resolution (Resolution 748, Libya twice, which gave a boost to talks with Qadhafi. Earlier, Eduardo Indo-Libyan economic cooperation. Faleiro, Minister of State for External asking Libya to hand over the Libyan Vice President Abdul Salaam Affairs, had visited Libya in connectwo Lockerbie bombing Jalloud visited India in July 1978 and tion with the prime minister’s visit to accused) ought to have both the countries decided to estabLibya. lish a Joint Commission to “review, In September 1986, then Prime been passed under Chapter VI monitor, guide and plan” economic Minister Rajiv Gandhi met Qadhafi of the U.N. charter –– which cooperation. in Harare, Zimbabwe, during the requires it to seek negotiated The first meeting of the Joint NAM summit. Economic cooperaCommission was held in Tripoli in tion between India and Libya was solutions to disputes through December 1978, which was attendbooming, with Indian companies various mechanisms for ed by George Fernandes. The two executing projects worth over $2 bilsides identified railways, power sta- conciliation or mediation –– and lion and over 40,000 Indians enjoytions, dams, bridges, housing coming well-paid jobs. These included not under Chapter VII –– plexes, the setting up of industrial doctors, nurses, engineers, universiwhich empowers it to take estates and joint ventures among sevty professors, technicians and other punitive action. eral other areas in growing economskilled workers. ic cooperation between the two To carry forward the relationship, countries. then Prime Minister I.K. Gujral visIt was also decided that India’s participation in Libyan ited Libya in 1999. Minister of State for Commerce and development projects would be Rs. 12 billion. The second Industry E.V.K.S Elangovan visited Libya to participate in the meeting of the Joint Commission was held in July 1979 and ninth session of the Indo-Libyan Joint Commission for new areas of economic cooperation were identified. India’s Economic Cooperation in Tripoli from November 20 to 22, share in the development projects reached Rs. 20 billion. 2004. BHEL constructed several power projects in Libya during the New agreements were signed in the economic fields not 1970s and 1980s. NBCC took up projects to build housing covered so far, thereby giving a new boost to relations and units and hospitals. Hindustan Steel Construction Ltd. under- increasing areas of cooperation. Around this time, Ghulam took civil works, and airports while Indian Road Construction Nabi Azad, India’s minister for parliamentary affairs, visited Corporation laid roads. Libya and had a meeting with Qadhafi on November 27, 2004. Even private sector companies like Kamani’s took up transIt is interesting to note that when the Reagan administramission towers and Dasturs took up the consultancy contract tion was targeting Qadhafi and Libya, Congress leaders like for a steel plant. Libya’s five-year Industrial Plan was prepared Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv Gandhi met Qadhafi to by the National Industrial Development Corporation of India. express solidarity with the Libyan plight. Indeed, Rajiv Gandhi The Airports Authority of India took up work at several Libyan was the only leader of a third world country who had conairports. demned the U.S. for bombing the house of the Libyan leadIn short, Indian companies, both public and private, took er Muammar el Qadhafi in April 1986. But the mounting

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D I P L O M A C Y hostility of the U.S. towards Libya culminated with the imposition of the U.N. sanctions from April 15, 1992, which adversely affected the Indo-Libyan economic cooperation. Indian companies which had taken an active part in the economic development of Libya for over 20 years gradually withdrew as the Libyan government was facing a financial crisis. So was the case with Indian workers who left for other destinations, especially the Gulf states, as the salaries in Libya declined due to the sanctions. A vicious campaign was launched against Libya, mainly by the U.S. under the Israeli influence due to Qadhafi’s opposition towards the Zionist policies against the innocent Palestinians and the U.S. puppets in the region who also contributed to Libya’s isolation. There were also several visits from Libyan dignitaries to India. The Libyan foreign minister visited India in August 1992 as Qadhafi’s special envoy. The Libyan foreign minister visited India again in April 1997 for the 12th NAM ministerial conference. Earlier, in February 1997, a delegation lead by the secretary (speaker) of the Libyan General People’s Congress visited India to attend the International Parliamentary Union Conference at New Delhi. In order to take stock of economic cooperation, the Libyan Minister of

Industry and Minerals Muftah Azzouzha visited India in November 1997. As Libyan efforts to mobilise African and other countries succeeded in putting pressure on the U.N. and the U.S. to ease sanctions, the Libyan foreign minister began to focus on important NAM members like India. In this connection, the Libyan Under Secretary for Asian Affairs Saad Mustapha Mujber visited India in April 1998 for foreign office consultations and to exchange views on bilateral and global issues affecting both the countries. It is interesting to note that Libya, which also maintains close relations with Pakistan, sent Saif El Islam Qadhafi, Chairman of the Qadhafi International Foundation for Charity Associations, to India on December 3, 2002, ostensibly on a humanitarian mission. One should note that during this period Indo-Pakistan tensions were high, with Indian troops marching close to the Pakistani border. Saif, son of the Libyan leader Qadhafi, brought a message to the Indian prime minister and appears to have played an important role in defusing the crisis in South Asia. Earlier, the Libyan leader had sent his wife to New Delhi on important missions. More recently, Indian Minister of State for External Affairs E. Ahamed visited Libya in May 2005. The minister discussed steps for strengthening cooperation between the two countries

Minister of State for External Affairs E. Ahamed’s visit to Tripoli

economic cooperation. The Minister highinister of State for External Affairs E. lighted interests and capabilities of Indian comAhamed visited Libya from 26-29 panies in diverse fields, including oil and gas, May. Minister Ahamed was received power, software, automobiles. The two sides on arrival at airport by Taher Siala, Minister for also discussed possibilities of stepping up coopCooperation. He subsequently also had suberation in the services sectors, including edustantive discussions with Siala. During the visit, cation and healthcare. The Indian educational he also met Treiki, Minister of State for African system is considerably cheaper than equivalent Affairs in the Libyan Foreign Office, Ahamed courses available in developed countries. Gaddafi Dam, Badri, Chairman, National Oil Libyan side evinced keen interest in exploring Corporation, Shahoumi, Chairman, Foreign these possibilities. Affairs Committee of the General Peoples ■ Libya offers an attractive market to Indian Congress (Libyan Parliament). On the last day exports, as well as opportunities for investment of his visit, E. Ahamed met Prime Minister Minister of State for Shukri Ghanem, Energy Minister Dr. Fathi External Affairs E. Ahamed and joint ventures. Libya is embarked on a masvisited Libya from May 26 sive programme for expansion of its oil proOmar Ben Shatwan and Chairman, General to 29, 2005. duction. This has convergence with India’s Electrical Company of Libya Omran Abu Kra’a. ■ The Minister discussed steps for strengthening cooperation quest for oil security. in the political and economic fields. The Minister was also The Oil India-IOC consortium won an oil concession in accompanied by a business delegation. the last round of bidding. These two companies, along with ■ E. Ahamed underlined India’s commitment to strengthONGC, are interested in participating in the second round ening relations with African and Arab countries. This is part of oil bidding, which has already been initiated. Indian oil of India’s long-standing policy. The Libyan leadership appre- PSUs are also interested in the refinery sector, construction ciated India’s contribution to African and Arab causes in inter- of oil pipeline and LNG production. BHEL is already exenational fora. cuting a 600 MW power plant at a cost of Rs. 12 billion. It is ■ The Minister briefed the Libyan side about the recent visit willing to expand its presence in this sector. There is also of Palestinian President Mahmood Abbas to India, as well as good response to Tata and Maruti, which had participated in his earlier visits to Palestine. The Minister also briefed them the Tripoli International Trade Fair. While the Minister’s about India’s initiative in improving relations with its imme- visit created an excellent ambience, it is up to Indian compadiate neighbours. nies to seize the initiative. ■ The visit imparted momentum to Indo-Libyan trade and (From the Ministry of External Affairs Website)

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in the light of the resolution of the long-pending Lockerbie companies from diverse sectors like energy, telecom, agrodispute, the lifting of U.N. sanctions and review of the U.S. based products, IT, steel and other engineering products. sanctions on Libya, as also new changes in Libya’s foreign pol- Bilateral trade, which had considerably declined during the icy in the backdrop of the renunciation of terrorism, the 1990s due to the U.S.-led U.N.’s oppressive economic sancdestruction of long-range missiles, WMDs and the abandon- tions, is now picking up with overwhelming response from the ing of its nuclear programme. Libyan public and private sector companies. India came to appreciate these new developments in view of New Delhi’s close ties with Israel and growing strategic rela- Prospects of Emerging Economic Cooperation tions with the U.S. The visit of Ahamed, who was accompanied by a business Until recently, Libya gave prominence to the state-condelegation, also became significant in the backdrop of Libyan trolled public sector, but since the U.N. sanctions were lifted interest in reviving economic ties with India after the lifting it has undertaken far-reaching economic reforms. All these of the economic sanctions. The two countries discussed pos- have been designed to boost the private sector, attract foreign sibilities of increasing cooperation in the services sectors, like capital and diversify its economy away from its dependency on education, health and software. Libyan diplomats posted in oil as the main source of income. Libya has simplified its proNew Delhi have shown keen interest in sending Libyan stu- cedures, although the Libyan Foreign Investment Board dents on scholarship to study in Indian universities. But (LFIB) –– which was established as a key component of the Libyan students are finding it difficult to get visas due to the Investment Law No. 5, 1997 –– still remains the most imporreluctance of the Indian Ministry of tant structure connected with its Indian exports to Libya have External Affairs (MEA). As the investments policy. The establishshown an exponential Indian education system is cheaper ment of a one-stop-shop service is than in the West, Libyans could the most crucial step taken in the jump from meager $L 17.52 come to India in increasing numbers context of the simplification of promillion in 2003 to $L 212.41 provided the MEA takes a positive cedures. It provides all services needmillion in 2004. India has also attitude. ed by foreign investors. Moreover, a Besides political visits, numerous number of incentives and guarantees imported $L 438.89 million economic delegations have also been have been offered to foreign worth of crude oil. This visiting Libya to strengthen trade and investors since 2003. amounts to 2.58 percent of economic exchanges. Delegates from Due to the U.N. sanctions, Libya the Confederation of Indian industry was economically isolated, the latest Libya’s total crude oil export (CII) and the Federation of Indian technology was denied and foreign during 2004. The actual figures trade shrank dramatically. Libyans Chambers of Commerce and of Indian exports to Libya are Industry (FICCI) visited Libya in were starved of foreign goods, as August 2004 and signed several most shops were empty. Since 2003, much more. MOUs to reactivate and revive Indotrade barriers have been lifted and Libyan economic ties. the Libyan economy has benefited Indian exports to Libya have shown an exponential jump from a free-trade policy. Foreign products have flooded the from meager $L 17.52 million in 2003 to $L 212.41 million in Libyan markets since then. 2004. India has also imported $L 438.89 million worth of crude Although the difference between the public and private oil. This amounts to 2.58 percent of Libya’s total crude oil sector is blurred in Libya, the “green perestroika” indicates a export during 2004. The actual figures of Indian exports to series of economic liberalisation measures designed to encourLibya are much more as some of the exports like line pipes, cas- age the privatisation of public sector companies and broaden ing, turbines and other electrical accessories appear to be not the scope of private sector activities to include retail trade, covered. As per the figures given by the Indian Embassy in small-scale industries and agricultural businesses. Libya, Indian exports to Libya during the financial year 2004Libya is trying to project itself as a key economic interme05 amounted to approximately $340 million. India’s main diary between Europe and Africa. It has hence been taking exports to Libya are tuna fish, coconut, coffee, spices, tea, tobac- keen interest in the Euro-Mediterranean processes and has co, mica, chlorides, deodorants, incense sticks, yarn filament extensive stakes in the new African Union proposed by of synthetic and artificial fibres, cement, marble, steel bars, Qadhafi in 2000. Libya aspires to become the engine of ecotubes, pipes, oil and gas pipelines, passenger and other vehicles, nomic development in the Meghrib region with its vast natmachinery, industrial equipment, parts of engines and tur- ural resources, which has already generated significant opporbines, gas and water generators, electrical equipment, and so tunities for foreign businesses. Libya’s agreement to the pubon. Pharmaceutical and drugs also occupied prominent place lication of an IMF Article 4 report in 2003 is significant. The in the list of Indian export items to Libya. Apart from crude oil, new Secretariat (ministry) of Economy and Trade steps supIndia imports fertilisers and organic chemicals from Libya. plemented by the Libyan Union of Chambers and Indian business delegations that have visited Libya in the Commerce, Trade and Industry and the Libyan Foreign last four years comprised representatives of leading Indian Investment Board aims at connecting the Libyan economy

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D I P L O M A C Y with global trade and investcations are also areas waiting to ment flows and globalisation. be explored. Libya offers attracLibya keenly pursues accession tive markets to a range of Indian to the World Trade exports, as well as great opporOrganisation (WTO) and in tunities for investment and joint this quest “there have been a lot ventures. India, in its quest for of changes in the legislation… energy security, has allowed the we have removed all the import ONGC Videsh Ltd. (OVL) to and export licenses and some of work on oil exploration in some the restrictions. We are also to locations in Libya. promote the involvement of the It is interesting to note that private sector in the economy, Libya and India have agreed to to facilitate our membership”, double their bilateral trade. Shukri Ghanem, the minister India’s ambassador to Libya D.P. in charge, said. Srivastava has been working Economic experts say the hard to push Indian exports to goal of the new Libyan ecothe country. Under an agreenomic reforms is to create ecoment signed with Libya, India nomic stability and generate would send skilled manpower new sources of revenue. Free in almost all fields. India is also trade zones are being estabcommitted to imparting technilished and a stock market cal education to Libyan students. exchange has been established. The Rector of the Al Fateh Although Libya is keen for forUniversity, Tripoli, visited India eign investment in all areas of A Libyan oil well. Oil was struck in Libya in 1959, transforming in 2005 and expressed the hope the nation’s economy. the economy, construction, that India will offer a reasonable tourism and telecom are considered number of seats to Libyan students in Libya offers attractive key potential growth areas –– but it institutes of higher learning. In is the hydrocarbon sector which is October 2002, Libya, in a positive markets to a range of Indian attracting the most attention. gesture towards India, lifted a ban on exports, as well as great However, Libya wants to keep oil the import of Indian tea. Sri Lanka opportunities for investment and electricity under state control. and China had dominated the Libyan Libya’s proven oil resources stood at market so far. Libya has also invited and joint ventures. India, in its 38 billion barrels at 2004 and oil proIndian companies in its power, quest for energy security, has duction was 1.518 million bb1/day hydrocarbon infrastructure and railallowed the public sector in 2004. ways sectors, especially at the 8th sesAlthough gas reserves are small sion of the Indo-Libyan Joint ONGC Videsh Ltd. (OVL) to by global terms, 1.321 trillion Cu m work on oil exploration in some Commission meeting in Tripoli in in 2001 i.e., 7 percent of world November 2004. locations in Libya. Libya’s reserves with exports in 2001 at 6.18 Both countries have signed an billion cu m. In 2004, Libya’s total agreement on bilateral investment proven oil resources stood at exports stood at $18.65 billion and promotion and protection, and 38 billion barrels at 2004 and total imports at $7.224 billion. It had agreed to work for setting up joint oil production was 1.518 about $100 billion in foreign ventures in Libya and in African exchange reserves by 2005. countries that are friendly with million bb1/day. It is in this backdrop one must Libya, as also to explore direct air evaluate the emerging opportunities links between the two countries, for Indo-Libyan economic cooperation. Indian companies which do not exist at the moment. that successfully operated in the 1970s and 1980s have creatAccording to one study, Libya has proposed that India ed a favorable image conducive for future cooperation. India should participate in the joint operation of existing industries should make use of this previous experience in the Libyan as well as investments in industrial projects and has submitmarket. ted a list of projects to India. Libya has also invited Indian parApart from this valuable asset, India has an edge over oth- ticipation in the building material industry, including techers in diverse fields like information technology, educational nical and managerial aid to several Libyan cement plants services, healthcare system, and so on. The Libyan energy, established earlier with Indian technical assistance. power and construction sectors offer areas of cooperation. Meanwhile, India has urged Libya to give priority to Indian Agro-products, banking, pharmaceuticals and telecommuni- manpower. Both have agreed to have a flexible visa regime.

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But it remains to be seen whether all the above promises would be fulfilled. Libya has decided to break with the past in most sectors and initiate bold economic reforms as part of a broader campaign to reintegrate the country into the international economy from which it was isolated due to its conflictual relationship primarily with the U.S. In the backdrop of the growing IndoU.S. relations, as also the normalisation of U.S.-Libya ties, the prospects for Indo-Libyan economic cooperation are bright. Libya has been aggressively wooing foreign investors to play a bigger role in its five-year plan. That will help privatise its state-run industries. The telecommunication industry and infrastructure figure high on the list of priorities. With India’s huge potential and excellent proven capabilities in a number of sectors being offered by Libya, the future of Indo-Libyan economic cooperation is unmistakably optimistic. The major issue is whether Qadhafi can offer political stability in future as he has provided since September 1, 1969. Most of Libya’s population is young and there is a new hope in the air that contrasts with the glumness associated with debilitating economic sanctions that lasted for over a decade. Women were hard hit during the sanctions-era and had endured the worst phase in their recent memory. But despite a largely authoritarian political system and the Green Book propaganda and People’s Committees and

Congresses, the Libyans have a legitimate question: After decades of struggle, why did Qadhafi virtually surrender in December 2003 to the West? And what have ordinary Libyans gained by this 180-degree turnaround. The point is if the plight of ordinary Libyans does not improve fast enough, there is bound to be turmoil in the future. This restlessness shimmering under the surface came to the fore when Libyans suddenly attacked the Italian consulate in Benghazi over the publication of Prophet’s cartoon in a Danish newspaper and the police resorted to indiscriminate firing resulting in avoidable causalities. There is also a new mood of radical questioning as most Libyans view the personality cult and mere glorification of 36 years of revolutionary achievements sceptically. Ordinary people are not sure what Qadhafi is going to be doing with the $100 billion foreign exchange reserve. Is he keeping all the money for an emergency bail-out for him and his family in case things go out of hand? Maybe Libya could learn something from India, especially its democratic culture and institutions; its mixed economy could be used a model for a Libya thirsting for economic success; and its secularism could be held as mirror for harmony, peace, security and stability for Libyan society. Clearly, there are tangible mutual gains in accelerated India-Libya engagement in a broad spectrum of areas, including trade and economic relations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

11. A.K. Pasha, ‘Libya and India’s Foreign Policy’, The Middle East (New Delhi) No.1, March 1993, p.32. 12. A.K. Pasha, ‘USA and Radical Muslim States in WANA’, in Riyaz Punjabi, Ed., ‘USA and the Muslim World: Cooperation and Confrontation’ (London: Brunel, 2005). 13. A.K. Pasha, ‘India and West Asia: Continuity and Change’ (Delhi: Gyan Sagar, 1999). 14. C.S.R. Murthy, ‘UN Sanctions against Libya: A Perspective’, Journal of West Studies (Aligarh) No.8, 1992, p.17. 15. C.S.R. Murthy, ‘India at the U.N.’, World Focus, Vol.13, No.5, May 1992, p.19. 16. Marc Weller, ‘The Lockerbie Care: A Premature End to the New World Order’, African Journal of International and Comparative Law, No.4, 1992, pp. 1-15. 17. Focus on Jamahiriya - (Modern Libya) Special Edition on the 36th Anniversary of the Great Al-Fateh Revolution, 2005, New Delhi. 18. H.S. Chhabra, ‘Growing Indo-Libyan Economic Cooperation’, Indian and Foreign Review, Vol.16, No.20, August 1-14, 1979, pp. 11-12. 19. J.C. Srivastava, ‘Prospects of Trade with Oil-rich Libya’, Africa Quarterly, Vol.9, No.2, July-September 1969, pp. 149156. 20. Madan M. Sauldie, ‘India’s Economic Relations with North (Arab) Africa’, Africa Quarterly, Vol.10, No.2, JulySeptember 1970, 115-120. 21. P.A. Bhaskara Rao, ‘Outlook for Indo-Libyan Trade’, Foreign Trade Review (Delhi), Vol.2, No. 1, April-June, 1967, pp. 93-107.

1. A.K. Pasha, ‘Libya and the U.S.: Qadhafi’s Response to Reagan’s Challenge’ (New Delhi; 1984). 2. A.K. Pasha, ‘Libya in the Arab World: Qadhafi’s Quest for Arab Unity’ (Aligarh: CWAS, AMU, 1988). 3. A.K. Pasha, ‘Libya and the U.N. Sanctions’, in Lalima Varma, ed., ‘U.N. in the Changing World’ (New Delhi: Radiant, 1997) pp.120-139. 4. A.K. Pasha, ‘Recent Developments in Libyan Foreign Policy’, Détente, Vol.3, No.2, December 1983-January 1984, pp.9-19. 5. A.K. Pasha, ‘U.S. Challenge to Libya: The Reagan Era’, Détente, Vol.3, No.2-3, July-October 1989, pp.9-18. 6. A.K. Pasha, ‘Libya and the U.S.: A Study in Disquiparant Relationship’, Détente, Vol. 3, No.6, August-September 1984 pp.3-11. 7. A.K. Pasha, ‘U.S. Policy towards Libya’, paper presented in a seminar on ‘International Terrorism and State policy’, March 29-30, 1994, National Security Programme, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. 8. A.K. Pasha, ‘The U.S. Goal to Destroy Libya”, The Pioneer, April 3, 1992. 9. A.K. Pasha, ‘India’s West Asia Policy: Continuity and Change’, Strategic Analysis, Vol.16, No.6, September 1993, pp.792-795. 10. A.K. Pasha, ‘India and OIC: Strategy and Diplomacy’, (New Delhi: 1995) pp.102-104.

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Women’s Role In

PEACEBUILDING Nivedita Ray writes about women’s predicament in conflict situations and the need for including them in peacemaking efforts, especially in the context of the peace process in Sudan.

hrough epochs of history, women’s peace processes is necessary for building a “just” and sustainvoices have been rarely heard in secu- able peace. rity concerns. Their experience of war As defined by the United Nations, formal peace processand their resistance and peacemaking es include early warning, preventive diplomacy, conflict preeffort have hardly been recorded and vention, peacemaking, peace-building and global disarmachronicled. Since their peace activism ment; they involve activities like conflict-resolution, peace is grounded in the informal space and negotiations, reconciliation and provision of humanitarian aid. not in the formal sphere of negotia- The U.N. argues that women need to be included in formal tions where they can determine the peace processes to build greater post-conflict gender balance agenda, they become invisible actors. But as events in the his- and a more inclusive peace. Through its resolutions it has crittory of war have borne out, the need for women to assert for icised the marginalisation of women and has called for a seat at the negotiating table has become an imperative, as they women’s needs to be given more serious attention in all poliare also affected the by insecurity conditions generated by cies relating to conflict and peace. conflict. Their exclusion from the deciThe U.N. argues that women Present day wars are no longer sion-making process defies all funfought in the discreet battle zones of damental principles of democracy need to be included in formal the First World War. The new battle and human rights. More importantpeace processes to build areas include homes and communily, in the process there is an exclusion greater post-conflict gender ties, in wars waged over resources of the skills capacity, talents, experiand in the name of religion and ethence, knowledge and understanding balance and more inclusive nicity. And women are essentially the peace. Through its resolutions of a majority of women that is needdeliberate targets in these conflicts. ed to build sustainable peace. It is, it has criticised the They are often left with the sole therefore, all the more critical to responsibility of raising and educatinclude the experiences and perspecmarginalisation of women and ing children, earning a living, caring has called for women’s needs to tives of all sectors of society, espefor the wounded and maimed cially those who have been previousbe given more serious attention ly marginalised. returning from war. As caretakers of the young and the The UNSC resolution 1325 on in all policies relating to conflict many victims of war, they have the Women, Peace and Security, adoptand peace. right to articulate their needs and ed in October 2000, has called attenconcerns. In fact, they have a vested tion to the fact that women and men interest in preventing violent conflicts, as these tend to have are affected by war and armed conflict in different ways. It calls gender-specific consequences. In addition to the injuries and to take action in four inter-related areas: Participation of deaths suffered by all segments of the population, women and women in decision-making and peace-processes; gender pergirls are often forced to migrate and are subjected to gender- spectives and training in peacekeeping; the protection of based crimes such as rape and other violations of their human women; and gender mainstreaming in U.N. reporting systems rights as well as dignity. and programmatic implementation mechanisms. However, in Women and children account for more than three-quar- actual praxis a gendered approach towards peace-building ters of the 40 million persons displaced as a result of violent strategies, which could potentially fortify peace-building conflicts around the world. So they have an enormous stake efforts, is rarely given priority and attention. This is exempliin the peace process. Therefore, their presence in the formal fied in the cases of African conflicts and peace-building mech-

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anisms. In many African societies, as in other countries and societies, after the fighting and conflicts have ended, and despite their active participation in bringing the conflict to a halt, women are often relegated to the background and marginalised both in formal peace negotiations and in the rebuilding of war-torn societies. Contrary to UNSC resolution 1325, African women, even if they possess a wealth of experience and insight, fail to articulate beyond the community level, barring few cases like Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo in recent years, where women had been involved in peace negotiations. At the Pan African Women’s Conference for Peace and Non-violence organised by Unesco (Zanzibar, 1999), women from 53 African countries issued the Zanzibar Declaration, regretting the fact that peace negotiations were male-dominated, regardless of women’s efforts and initiatives to resolve conflicts and promote peace on the continent, notably through consensus-building and dialogue. Whether in conflict or non-conflict situations in Africa, most political institutions tend to exclude women. As a result, many women chose to engage with various civil society organisations that advocate social and political change. Thus, as compared to men, relatively few women become involved in the formal peace process, in negotiations that often stretch through various stages of peace talks. Women are under-represented at all levels, including in international agencies supporting peace negotiations Victims of War. Sudanese women refugees protesting at a camp in Chad. and in teams representing warring parties. Barnes refers to an fostered to move forward and rebuild together. They are urg“elite pact-making approach” by which those willing to use ing the international community and Sudan’s male leaders to power divide the spoils without the participation of the soci- do more to promote the inclusion of women in peace-building and reconciliation. ety at large. Although traditionally Sudanese women have not had As far as women’s exclusion from formal peace process is concerned, Sudan presents a classic illustration. The country access to formal political spaces, this has not prevented them has been ravaged by conflict for decades and is still marred by from entering the public space and pushing for political power violence, but it also has witnessed two peace agreements and equality through collective movements and grassroots recently. One is the North-South Comprehensive Peace organisations. Women’s participation in the peace negotiaAgreement signed in January 2005, which has brought the 21- tions started in 1997 when two women joined the SPLM year civil war to an end, and second is the recently-signed negotiating team. Throughout the Machakos and Naivasha peace agreement between the government and one faction of meetings, southern women such as Jemma Kumba, Anne Itto, the main rebel groups of Darfur. The peace agreements were Awut Deng, Agnes Lasuba, Christine Lino, Abuk Payiti, Susan Jambo, Lona Lowilla and Cecilia Oba formulated a clear plan signed after various stages of negotiations and talks. But many women activists have pointed out major flaws to tackle obstacles preventing proper integration of women’s in the North-South Comprehensive Peace Agreement. They specific needs into the peace process. The activism of the are of opinion that if they are not corrected, sustainable peace Nairobi-based organisations developed around a very strong in Sudan will be difficult to realise. The most important weak- and critical discourse, which demanded representation in the ness is its exclusiveness. The Intergovernmental Authority on peace talks. However, in the end, although civil society organDevelopment, (IGAD) has largely excluded civil society and isations associated with the SPLM/A attended briefings and Sudan’s majority population, its women. The Abuja talks on consultations, they –– including women’s organisations –– Darfur and the Cairo talks on Eastern Sudan are also not par- were excluded from the formal peace negotiations. In spite of ticipatory and inclusive. There is certainly a need to merge their registration as observers in IGAD, the women’s organithese disparate processes so that a broad-based effort can be sations were not formally involved. There was even a protest

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march for their exclusion from the allow the country to return to war. peace process, when the Throughout the 1990s, southern Government of Sudan prevented Sudanese women’s organisations women from boarding a plane to take built a movement that worked in colthem to the Naivasha talks in Kenya. laboration with U.N. agencies, At Naivasha, they could only manage donors and local communities in to push their recommendations Nairobi as well as in non-governunder the closed doors of the negoment-held areas. Members were tiation room. continuously trying to create a space As far as U.N. resolutions for women within various political like1502, 1547, 1556 and 1564 on institutions. To better coordinate conflict-prevention in Sudan are their activities they worked with concerned, they say nothing about community organisations to set up women’s participation. Although the the New Sudan Indigenous 1325 resolution is referred in the Organisations (NESI) network. 1556 resolution, yet, as stated earlier, Groups engaged in advocacy and sernot enough is being done to ensure vice delivery in the non-governthe inclusion of women in peace ment-held areas in southern Sudan Women are critical agents of negotiations. Neither negotiating NSWF established centres that proparty, nor the regional mediators, peace and constructive change. vided legal advice to women affected have honoured 1325. Even the by domestic violence. The Sudanese But unlike men, women are International Partners Forum (IPF) Women’s Voice for Peace (SWVP) excluded from formal peace has not included women. And also ran training courses on conflict resnone of the U.N. bodies present in olution, peace-monitoring and leadtalks. Nevertheless the critical Sudan have conducted training on or ership skills in collaboration with role played by women in dissemination of Resolution 1325 at international and U.N. agencies. informal peace processes any level. Sudanese women are now chalSo even after consistent effort and assumes immense significance. lenging their traditional status. In despite the U.N. Security Council Sudan and in the diaspora they have It provides the women with Resolution 1325 (2000), which proestablished organisations and netexperience, knowledge and vides women the mandate to particworks to raise awareness about the ipate in the peace process, they have appalling human loss due to the conunderstanding of the ground been sidelined in both the Northflict and to call for an inclusive situation. South and Darfur peace processes. approach to the implementation of In the Abuja Darfur peace talks the peace agreement. As breadwinSudanese women have played hardly any role. To date, ners and decision-makers, they are starting income-generation women have been marginalised from peace negotiations on projects, some in fields as untraditional as carpentry. Women Darfur despite the reality that they comprise about 65 percent from the North and South have organised to respond to the of the population, have been disproportionately affected by the needs of orphans, street children and others in dire economconflict, and are actively working across conflict lines to end ic straits. the violence. Such women’s efforts must be seen as an essential constituent of peace and reconstruction. There is certainly a need Role of Women in Informal Peace process in Sudan of broad, nationwide, awareness-raising campaign about women’s rights that speaks to men and women as well as While it is important to remember that women’s bodies young people. Plans for the voluntary return, resettlement have been used as tools of ethnic cleansing in the South and and rehabilitation of refugees and Internally Displaced Persons Darfur, it is also crucial to understand that women have been (IDPs) cannot succeed without more being done to involve actively engaged in peace promotion at the informal levels. women. Income-generation activities must be created for Women have made critical contributions. They make up 65 women in refugee and IDP camps and at transit and entry percent of the population and 80 percent of the food pro- points for returnees. The international community needs to ducers and providers of basic goods and services. Through facilitate links and communication among women leaders and NGOs and other groups, women have mediated among the grassroots, women returnees in urban and rural areas, and stakeholders in the South. They have trained SPLM officials women returnees across the country and across conflict lines. and local communities about peaceful conflict resolution. Women need to be given access to credit and information They have played key roles in inter-tribal reconciliation about local and national markets so that they can set up small efforts across southern Sudan. More essentially, they have the businesses. determination and will power to work together and not to The women of Sudan do not have legal access to land or

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resources due to discrimadministration of refugee ination in Sudanese statuand IDP camps as well as tory and customary law. in the return and resetSudan –– like most Arab tlement process. Since states –– is not among the 1999, women move180 nations which have ments like Waging for signed the U.N. Peace have connected Convention on the more than 400 women Elimination of all Forms experts with over 3,000 of Discrimination against policy shapers to collaboWomen (CEDAW). rate on fresh, workable There is a need therefore solutions to long-standto clarify and set in place ing conflicts across the an enforceable legal globe. Women’s particiframework that reconpation in the AU mission ciles competing claims on is integral to establishing land and enables women peace and security and to and women-headed helping the victims of the households to hold and crisis. The peace processdefend ownership. It is es in Rwanda, El also essential to educate Salvador, Sierra Leone the population about the and Burundi reveal the diversity of customary stabilising role that All male affair. Sudanese Government Chief Negotiator Magthoub el Khalifa and traditional laws with and Sudan Liberation Movement Army Leader Minni Minnawi sign the Peace women play in these proan eye towards codifica- agreement in Abuja on May 5, 2006. cesses. Women also play tion and revisiting of cusa stabilising role in the toms that discriminate against or disadvantage women. reintegration and reconstruction of their communities as well. Apart from income-generation and economic emancipa- In southern Sudan, where a Comprehensive Peace Agreement tion, safety and security of women remains a major concern. has been signed, women should receive continual and sysWomen comprise the majority of Sudanese IDPs and refugees. tematic support for their efforts and assistance to encourage The refugee and IDP camps also do not provide safety from economic opportunities and political participation. Even gender-based violence. IDP women face additional hardship women’s needs and capacities as active partners must be condue to the inconsistent and inadequate management of IDP sidered and integrated into disarmament activities and in the camps by the Sudanese government. Reports abound of reintegration phase in the post-southern Sudan conflict. Even women being abducted and/or raped while collecting fire- in Darfur, women’s needs and capacities as active partners wood near camps. This is very much evident in Darfur where must be considered and integrated into all layers of the AU the Janjaweed militias have adopted sexual violence as a strat- mission, and their efforts to complement the mission should egy to dehumanise women and girls and humiliate and con- receive continual and systematic support. trol entire communities. Women are critical agents of peace and constructive change. Abductions, sexual slavery, rape, torture and forced dis- But unlike men, women are excluded from formal peace talks. placement have become a common feature in Darfur. But lit- Nevertheless the critical role played by women in informal tle or nothing is done to bring perpetrators to justice. As noted peace processes assumes immense significance. It provides by High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, the women with experience, knowledge and understanding of “There is no structure in place in Darfur that is able to seek, the ground situation. Therefore, women’s inclusion in the on [women’s] behalf, appropriate justice and healing. As a current peace process, especially in Darfur, would permeate consequence, there is no deterrent…” During resettlement, the talks with fresh insight and knowledge. Women are often women face specific challenges, including increased burdens able to build an appeasing, trusting atmosphere by reaching out as female heads of households, little access to healthcare and across ethnic and conflict divides. They help ensure that negoeducation, and few economic opportunities. At the same time, tiations consider issues of human security in addition to broadas the majority of refugees and IDPs, they have valuable er issues of power and control. Involvement of stakeholders knowledge about how to create safer, healthier refugee camps from civil society and women’s groups will help ensure a genand effective resettlement processes. Despite their victimisa- der-balanced future peace agreement that is accepted by the tion, women have organised as heads of NGOs and as mem- population and implemented. Creating sustainable peace is bers of networks to support refugees and IDPs. achieved best by a varied, people-driven approach. Of the varThe international community and the Sudanese govern- ious segments of society presently excluded from peace proment should bolster women’s efforts and leverage their exper- cesses, none is larger –– or more crucial to success –– than tise. Women must be fully included in the planning and women.

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S E C U R I T Y

Security challenges in POST-9/11 Africa Ruchita Beri writes about the growing strategic significance of the African continent and the emerging security challenges facing African countries in post-9/11 world.

frica is one of the most troubled and Lethal Conflicts insecure regions in the world today. Over the last four decades, Africa In so far as conflicts are concerned, West Africa has seen the has experienced some of the most maximum carnage. In Liberia some 250,000 people are violent conflicts. These conflicts believed to have died in war-related circumstances since 1989 have caused regional destabilisation — about 10 percent of the country’s three million population. and dramatically increased the Sierra Leone has suffered the catastrophe and bloodshed number of failed states in Africa. At caused by continuous conflict until it was brought under conthe same time, the continent is fac- trol after free and fair elections in 2002. Around the same time ing a development crisis of immense proportions. Over 300 conflict broke out in one of the most prosperous countries in million people live on less than $1 a day, the average life West Africa, Cote d’Ivoire, that has divided the country expectancy is 48 and falling, more than a third of all the chil- between the rebels-held north and the government-controlled dren are malnourished and over 100 million people’s lives are south. adversely affected by the conflict in Africa. In central Africa, 40 percent of the population in Rwanda However, certain developments has been killed or displaced since The implications of Africa’s have elevated the profile of the con1994; some 300,000 people have tinent. At a continental level, the cre- insecurities are not just confined been killed and about 100,000 have ation of the African Union (AU) is a to Africa, especially in the post- been displaced from their homes clear manifestation of the African each month in Burundi, as a result of 9/11 world. According to the countries’ collective demand for the fighting between the government standing together and addressing 2002 U.S. National Security and the militia. In Uganda, war with their problems in concert. the Lord’s Resistance Army has disStrategy, “failed and weak Meanwhile, the New Partnership for placed one million people since 1986. Africa’s Development (NEPAD) states are a threat to its national In Horn the war between Ethiopia holds out the promise of a dramatisecurity and that poverty, and Eritrea has cost around 100,000 cally improved relationship with aid lives. In neighbouring Somalia, with weak institutions and and trade partners, on the basis of a the limited exception of Somaliland corruption can make weak clear and sustained commitment to and the region of Puntland, there has good governance. states vulnerable to terrorist been no government since the These positive developments in abortive U.N. peace mission in networks”. the continent have been accompaSomalia ended in a failure in 1993. In nied by the altered perception of Horn of Africa the conflict has spilled Africa’s strategic significance. In the context of the new inter- over to the maritime area. Of late there is a growth of piracy national security agenda in the post-9/11 attacks scenario, off Somali and Djibouti. In the last one year there have been Africa has become increasingly relevant. As a report by the U.S. around 15 incidents of this kind.1 Most of these is being carCouncil on Foreign Affairs rightly notes: “Africa affects the ried out by local militias who have a free run over the region. G-8’s global interests in security.” There is a growing realisa- The near total absence of coastal surveillance and lack of govtion that the instability in the region has direct impact on the ernance has encouraged these attacks. The concerns have risen security of major external powers. This inter-linkage leads us mainly as of the world’s busiest maritime choke points — the to analyse the evolving challenges to the peace and security in Bab el Mandeb Straits lies off the coast of Djibouti and forms Africa. the southern gate to the Red Sea. Roughly, 5,000 ships tran-

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sit through Bab el Mandeb the state. As a result, African every day and are extremely countries’ security apparatuses, vulnerable to the attacks by particularly the police and intelthese militia. ligence services, are in dismal Southern Africa has been shape. They lack funding, have the only region in Africa that large cadres of untrained perhas been relatively stable with sonnel, rely on outdated meththe end of long-drawn conods, are tasked with repression flicts in Mozambique and and are more interested in Angola until conflict broke out extortion than detection. In fact, in the Democratic Republic of “most African police forces are Congo (DRC). In the DRC extremely weak and cannot conflict, dubbed as “Africa’s combat day-to-day crime, world war”, an estimated three much less be frontline forces in million people have died. In tackling instability”.4 Similarly, the intelligence-collection in Sudan, the recently-concludmost of the countries is often ed peace process has brought primitive, reducing the ability an end to a 20-year-old war of the leaders to assess the that has claimed the lives of changing threat environments. two million people. Recently, about 100,000 people have HIV-AIDS Crisis crossed the border into Chad Well armed Chadian rebels. Illegal small-arms trade has kept rebels to escape the conflict between like these in Chad equipped with all manner of weapons. No one can regard the rebel movements, militias and The erosion of state power HIV/AIDS pandemic that has struck the government of Sudan while an the region as anything but catasestimated one million people have in Africa is linked to the trophic. By 2005, 30 million Africans been displaced inside Darfur. weakening of the national were living with HIV/AIDS resulting security apparatuses across in more than two million deaths, Weak States three million new infections and 12 the continent. This trend is million AIDS orphans each year. In most of Africa, conflicts are of a driven by the international The disease is especially intense in regional and unregulated character. community’s decision to southern Africa, with five million in This is more so because state capacSouth Africa alone infected with the ity to regulate the amount of reduce and phase out military virus and a quarter of the total popweapons in society is virtually nonassistance, and because ulation of Botswana. According to a existent and the existence of myriad domestic financial crises have report of the U.S. National sub-state groups that increasingly are able to challenge and threaten the caused a general weakening of Intelligence Council, diseases such as HIV AIDS “will add to political authority of the state. In the absence the state. instability and slow democratic of administration and the application development in Sub Saharan of any rule of law, the nexus between the legitimate and illegitimate activities of business, govern- Africa”.5 HIV/AIDS is expected to slow economic growth and ment and criminals are often difficult to distinguish from one also have a disruptive social impact in Africa. Studies suggest another. These flow across national borders and involve that AIDS and malaria alone will reduce gross domestic prodnumerous national and international actors. Thus, insecurity uct (GDP) in several Sub Saharan Africa countries by 20 perin Africa is linked to the nature and capability of African states. cent or more by 2010. The head of the U.N. Development While there are a few collapsed or failed states in Africa, most Programme has said that AIDS could reduce Africa’s future African states are weak as governance has contracted rather GDP by one third over the next 20 years.6 What is extremely perturbing is that the disease hits active than expanded in recent years. According to an estimate, onethird of Sub Saharan African states are unable to exercise con- sections of the population heavily, more so the armed forces. trol over their rural regions or to extend control to their bor- However, statistics of the spread of the disease in the army are difficult to obtain as they are considered a national security ders.2 The erosion of state power in Africa is linked to the weak- issue. The rates of infections in African armies is very high, ening of the national security apparatuses across the continent. particularly those of the Southern African Development This trend is driven by the international community’s deci- Community (SADC). Estimated HIV prevalence in the sion to reduce and phase out military assistance,3 and because Angolan and Congo armies runs between 40-60 percent and domestic financial crises have caused a general weakening of in Tanzania at 15-30 percent, while some have suggested that

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S E C U R I T Y it is as high as 80 percent in the Bulgarians and Ukrainians have Zimbabwe.7 The incidence is also often supplied weapons to opposing high among other SADC armies. sides in the same conflict. It has supReports in the media have projected plied the MPLA government and an HIV infection rate in the SANDF Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA in Angola of between 40 percent and 90 peras well as the Burundian armed cent, although a Comprehensive forces and the Hutu-dominated forHealth Assessment exercise in mer Rwandan military. In Sierra SANDF units placed the HIV infecLeone, Ukrainian private citizens tion rate in the region of 17 to 20 persupported the RUF while the cent.8 Obviously, such high Ukrainian government sold Mi-24 HIV/AIDS prevalence rates will have attack helicopters to the Sierra Leone adverse impact on the capabilities of government. the armed forces. In Malawi, for China has also discarded ideology example, where as many as 75 perfor profit as its main objective in arms cent of the defence force is estimat- The HIV/AIDS crisis. The high prevalence of transfers to Africa.11 In recent years ed to be HIV positive, much time HIV/AIDS in the South African armed forces has it has supplied arms to Namibia, and energy is spent on arranging and affected the government’s plans to execute regional Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea and conflict resolution missions. Sudan. Africa also has a nascent arms attending funerals of soldiers. With South Africa committed to strengthening regional industry. South Africa is among the world’s top 10 arms peace and security, the South African government in recent exporters and has supplied arms to opposing forces in the years dedicated itself to the planning and execution of peace Congo. Also, some six sub-Saharan states can manufacture missions. In this regard, the SANDF would be involved in small arms while others like Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda and security projection and intervention in order to facilitate Angola have ammunition production capability mainly for regional conflict resolution. However, the high rates of HIV- small arms. The existence of informal and hidden networks that deal in AIDS in the South African armed forces have put a dampener on these plans. It has been estimated that the SANDF will the transfer of these small arms in Africa has contributed to the proliferation of these arms. Not dissimilar to Afghanistan, only be capable of deploying one brigade within five years. This will have many implications outside the country, failed or collapsed states like the Democratic Republic of including in regional contexts where South African forces Congo, Liberia and Somalia have become free-trade zones might be expected to take a leading role; for the ambitions of for the underworld where the black market in arms and in diathe AU to take on greater responsibilities, for example in the monds and also trafficking in human beings, passports, gold way that it is seeking to address the Darfur crisis in Sudan; for and narcotics connects local players to the global underworld non-regional states that may otherwise have to pick up the economy. These linkages represent a global security problem –– espeshort-fall; and hence for the ambitions of the U.N. to broaden the base of international crisis prevention, peace-enforce- cially in countries where terrorists can easily avoid customs and ment and peacekeeping.9 Moreover, the implications of expos- immigration, crime is difficult to combat and subversive activing HIV-infected individuals to health threats during opera- ity hard to detect. Various manifestations of terrorism have tional deployment abroad and the resultant strain on logisti- existed in Africa. It is of a sub-state nature that kills, maims and cal services are grave. affects millions of people. Many of the insurgent movements have adopted terror tactics. These include UNITA and RENArms: Available and deadly AMO in Angola and Mozambique, LRA in Uganda and LURD and MODEL in Liberia. These trends have been noted The availability of arms has aggravated the conflicts in for long but largely ignored by the international community Africa. The weapons trade in Africa has changed tremendously — until the events of September 11, 2001, brought the threat since the cold war. There is a decline in the state-to-state arms to their backyards. transfers involving major platforms (jet fighters, transport planes, armed personal carriers, tanks). At the same time, Linkages to Global Terrorism small-arms sales have jumped tremendously. Unlike the more visible state-to-state transfers of large equipment, the illegal The implications of Africa’s insecurities are not just conmovement of small arms is much harder to measure, moni- fined to Africa. Indeed, the events of September 11, 2001, tor and trace back to the source. Estimates vary about aggre- have underscored the linkage between weak states in Africa gate totals of small arms; the latest survey suggests that there and global terrorism. According to the 2002 U.S. National are around 100 million of such weapons in Sub-Saharan Security Strategy, “failed and weak states are a threat to its Africa.10 national security and that poverty, weak institutions and corEast European countries like Bulgaria and Ukraine and also ruption can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks”. China have been quite actively transferring arms to Africa. Similarly, the former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African

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Affairs Susan Rice said in testimony to the U.S. Congress in seriously damaged the environment and that, in turn, has November 2001 “that Africa is unfortunately the world’s soft damaged the livelihood of the oil-producing communities. underbelly for global terrorism”. Therefore, indigenous communities that are resident in the The European Security Strategy (ESS) adopted by the EU Delta, prominently the Ogini and the Ijaw, have taken up Council in December 2003 lays emphasis on these concerns. arms against the government and the oil companies.15 Similarly, oil was a crucial factor in the long-drawn conflict It identifies state failure as a key threat and observes, “state failure is an alarming phenomenon that undermines global gov- in southern Sudan. Sudan is now the seventh-biggest oil proernance and adds to regional instability” and can be associat- ducer in Africa after Nigeria, Libya, Algeria, Angola, Egypt and ed with “threats such as organised crimes and terrorism”. Equatorial Guinea. Discovery of oil in southern Sudan in 1978 Further, it underlines that states in Africa like “Somalia and greatly helped the government in the north both politically and Liberia… are the best-known recent examples”. Jack Straw, the militarily to appropriate and control the region for expanded British foreign secretary, on the eve of the anniversary of production of oil. At the same time, it marginalised the area’s September 11 attacks, devoted an entire speech on the topic traditional inhabitants.16 This was a crucial factor in the armed of “failed states”. “The dreadful events of September 11,” he struggle between the rebels of Sudan People’s Liberation Army argued, give us a vision of one possible future: “A future in (SPLA), led by the late John Garang, and the President Al which unspeakable acts of evil are committed against us, coor- Bashir-led government of Sudan. The SPLA had demanded dinated from failed states in the distant parts of the world.” The a share in the country’s oil wealth that the government conspeech specifically referred to Somalia, Liberia and the tinued to deny until the peace process was finally concluded in 2004. The all-important oil revDemocratic Republic of Congo.” East European countries like enues would be divided between Such concerns are heightened Khartoum and the SPLA-held terrigiven that more than 800 million Bulgaria and Ukraine and tory. However, another conflict in people are Muslim and given the ties also China have been quite Darfur in southern Sudan has flared between Islamic groups and terroractively transferring arms to in the last three years. ism in the continent. Yet, until Despite this instability, the energy recently, it was argued that African countries in Africa. China has security concerns of external powers Islam could not be radicalised and also discarded ideology for has led to a scramble for Africa. thus did not pose a fundamentalist profit as its main objective in “African oil is of strategic national threat. This myth was dispelled by interest to us,” declared U.S. the establishment of Sharia law in 12 arms transfers to the African of Nigeria’s northern states, the continent. In recent years it has Assistant Secretary of State Walter Kasteiner during a visit to Nigeria in branding of Sudan’s self-proclaimed supplied arms to Namibia, July 2002. Why is it so? Over the Islamic government by the U.S. as a years, the U.S. has started relying on state sponsoring terrorism (for havZimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea the African oil. Deputy Assistant ing provided home to Osama bin and Sudan. Secretary of Defence for African Laden between 1991 and 1996), and Affairs had noted in April 2002 that, alleged Al Qaeda cells in South Africa and the terror attacks by the Cape Town-based People Against “15 percent of U.S.’s oil supply comes from Sub Saharan Gangsterism and Rape (PAGAD). Such fears were exacerbat- Africa”.17 This policy change was influenced by the recomed with the August 1998 bombings in Tanzania and Kenya and mendations of Vice President Richard Cheney’s report on the the attack on an Israeli airliner in Kenya in 2002. The weak National Energy Policy.18 The Cheney report suggested to the nature of the African state and the corruptibility of the African administration that it diversify its oil supplies, primarily to reduce dependence on any single area — namely, the Persian political class has made it a soft target for terrorist groups. Gulf. With an eye on the African oil potential, China is going for Oil and Instability aggressive diplomacy in the continent. China’s engagement in Africa is in the midst of an oil boom. Sub Saharan Africa Africa is fuelled by the rising consumption of energy domesholds 7 percent of world’s oil reserves and comprises 11 per- tically. It is believed that, by 2025, China will be the largest cent of world oil production.12 A number of quantitative stud- consumer of energy, overtaking the U.S. and followed by ies in recent years have shown that the oil boom has led to India in the third position. It is at present the second-largest instability and authoritarianism in the oil-rich countries.13 importer of oil in the world. Currently, China imports 28 Collier and Hoeffler find a link between oil and civil wars, par- percent of its oil from Africa, mostly from Angola, Sudan and ticularly secessionist civil wars.14 Africa provides some prime Congo.19 However, it is active in every part of Africa, seeking examples of oil-related conflicts. In Nigeria, unrest persists in exploration rights and ownership of facilities. the Southern Niger Delta where the onshore oil production In February 2004 Chinese President Hu Jintao visited is concentrated. The Niger Delta is one of the largest wetlands Africa, mainly the oil-rich countries. Similarly, from Africa, in the world encompassing around 20,000 square kilometers. around 30 heads of state have visited China since 1997. China The available evidence does show that oil-led development has moved towards a strategic partnership with African countries

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S E C U R I T Y with the inauguration of the China -Africa Cooperation the opening of a U.S. Naval base in Sao Tome in west Forum in 2000. The China-Africa trade jumped from $6.5 bil- Africa.28 It has already established a base in Djibouti on the east coast, ostensibly to monitor the counter-terrorism operlion in 1999 to $10 billion in 2004.20 With this forum, the cooperation has concretised. It has ations in the region. also been engaged in military diplomacy with Chinese miliBesides, there is a relative increase in the military interventary peacekeepers being deployed in peacekeeping operations tions in Africa by external actors — by the British in Sierra in Liberia and Congo. It has also supplied arms to Ethiopia, Leone, the French in Côte d’Ivoire, Central African Republic Eritrea, Congo, Sierra Leone and Sudan.21 Also, apparently the and Chad for either stabilising the situation or to show the China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has sent troops to measure of influence that external actors may have in given sitprotect its energy investments in Sudan.22 Recently, China uations.29 At the multilateral level, the EU’s first out-of-area operareleased a white paper on its Africa policy. It delineates an allround enhancement of cooperation between China and the tion (Operation Artemis) was carried out in Africa in the year 2003. The mission, conducted in the civil war-stricken region African continent. In recent years, India, like the U.S. and the other major of Bunia in the east of the DRC, centred on protection of the powers, has recognised the energy potential of African coun- local civilian population against attacks by warring militias. tries.23 Currently, around 24 percent of India’s crude oil Also at the request of the U.N., the U.N. mission in the DRC imports are sourced from Africa (Mission de l’Organisation des (including the North African coun- Until recently, it was argued that Nations Unies en RDC, MONUC) African Islam could not be tries).24 The Indian oil companies was provided military support by a like the Oil and Natural Gas EU-led multinational rapidradicalised and thus did not Corporation Videsh Limited (OVL) response force. pose a fundamentalist threat. has invested in assets in Sudan, Ivory Although the African Union, the This myth was dispelled by the Economic Community of West Coast, Ghana and Nigeria. The OVL invested $750 million to acquire the African States (ECOWAS) and the establishment of Sharia law in 25 percent equity held by the Communauté Economique et 12 of Nigeria’s northern states, Monétaire d’Afrique Centrale Talisman group in the Greater Nile Petroleum Company (GNOP) in the branding of Sudan’s Islamic (CEMAC) have in the past conductSudan in March 2003. As of now, ed peace missions in Burundi, Côte government by the U.S. as a India gets 3.23 million tonnes of d’Ivoire, Liberia and the Central state sponsoring terrorism, equity oil from GNOP in Sudan. African Republic — these were relaand alleged Al Qaeda cells in Private sector companies like tively small and time-limited operaReliance have also invested in equitions. They demonstrate that African South Africa. ty oil in Sudan. They were recently organisations continue to grapple awarded two oil and gas blocks by with resource constraints (both manthe Sudanese government.25 India has recently completed a power and financial) and suggest that increased political will $200 million pipeline project to lay a pipeline from Khartoum by African organisations to develop their institutional capacito Port Sudan on the Red Sea.26 It is also negotiating with ties in crisis management should be matched by internationChad, Niger and Angola. al support. The current African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) for the Darfur crisis has been sustained due to conIncreased External Military Assistance and Presence tinuous support from the EU and the U.S., indicating the need to build the capacities of the African forces. These concerns have pushed the U.S. into building the capacity of the compliant African militaries and the border Conclusion control and police forces. The $100 million U.S.-East Africa Counter Terrorism Initiative has dedicated resources to In the post-September 11, 2001, scenario, peace and secuimprove police and judicial counter-terrorist capabilities in rity issues in the continent have elevated the profile of Africa. these countries. Similarly, in West Africa, the Pan Sahelian Although these issues were recognised in the past as urgent Initiative (PSI) has been launched to assist Mali, Mauritania, challenges facing the continent, until recently they had not Chad and Niger in protecting their borders and combating ter- gained the marked profile they are now attaining. Despite rorism. In 2005, the U.S. launched the Trans Sahara Counter efforts at conflict-resolution, conflict continues in west, cenTerrorism Initiative (TSCI) –– an ambitious five-year $500 tral Africa and Horn of Africa. million programme, similar the one covering both north and The erosion of state power and its capacity to govern, exiswest African countries. At the same time, the U.S. military has tence of a large number of weapons, the emergence of resource enhanced its presence and capability to launch an operation in wars (over oil, diamonds), impact of factors like HIV/AIDS Africa. There is the talk of an African Command to exercise have been responsible for this state of affairs. As a result of the control of U.S. forces in the region.27 The U.S. is also plan- new and greater relevance of Africa by external actors, there is ning to open up bases in west Africa. There is a possibility of an increase in their presence in the region.

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Q U A R T E R L Y

This interest in Africa is also concerned, in many respects, with the linkage of African security issues with threats faced by the major powers as well as their growing energy concerns. In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorists attacks in New York and Washington, D.C., the strategic interest of the West, particularly the U.S., has grown in the Africa continent. This has been fuelled by the concerns emanating from Africa’s weak states becoming the breeding grounds for international terrorists and radicals. It appears there has been a move towards adherence to a more radical form of Islam in the region. At the same time, there is an increase in international terrorist activity in the region and linkages to the Al Qaeda are obvious in some parts of the continent. Similarly, the discov-

ery of new hot spots of energy in Africa has been crucial to awakening the interest of the U.S. and other external powers in the region. Indeed, the African continent has become a potential area for great power rivalries, particularly in the context of the search for energy sources. There is also a rise in external military assistance and presence. To some extent this assistance and intervention is justified to avert humanitarian disasters like in Rwanda and given the fact that the African countries lack the capacity or the funds to deal with these challenges themselves. A significant step towards resolving this dilemma would be to ensure that future external interventions are coordinated with the efforts of the African Union and the other regional organisations.

Bibliography

12. U.S., Energy Information Administration @ http:// www.eia.doe.gov/ (accessed on September 18, 2005). 13. Michael L. Ross, ‘Does Oil Hinder Democracy?’ World Politics 53 April 2001, 325-61. 14. Collier, Paul & Anke Hoeffler, ‘Greed and Grievance in Civil War’, Oxford University Centre for the Study of African Economies, working paper 2002-01 @ http:// www. csae.ox.ac.uk/working papers/pdfs/2002-01text.pdf 15. Bronwen Manby, ‘The Role and Responsibility of Oil Multinationals in Nigeria’. Journal of International Affairs Fall 1999, 53, no.1 pp.281-301. 16. Paul Goldsmith, Lydia A. Abura and Jason Switzer, ‘Oil and Water in Sudan’ in Jeremy Lind and Kathryn Sturman, ed. ‘Scarcity and Surfeit: The Ecology of Africa’s Conflicts’. Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2002 pp. 220-29. 17. Kevin J Kelly, “U.S. Moves to Protect Interest in Africa’. The East African (Nairobi) September 16, 2002 @ http:// www.all Africa.com accessed on September 18, 2002. 18. Michael T. Klare and Daniel Volman, ‘Africa’s Oil and American National Security’. Current History May 2004 p.226. 19. David Zweig and Bi Jianhai, ‘China’s global hunt for energy’. Foreign Affairs Vol. 84. No. 5, Spring 2005. 20. Ibid. 21. Domingos Jardo Muekelia, ‘Africa and China’s Strategic Partnership’. African Security Review vol13, No. 1, 2004 p.8. 22. Stephen Glain n.60. 23. For details see Ruchita Beri, ‘Africa’s Energy Potential: Implications for India’. Strategic Analysis July-September 2005. 24. Ministry of Petroleum, Government of India. 25. Sudan Tribune, February 22, 2006. 26. ‘India Clears ONGC contract in Sudan’ Webindia123.com June 24, 2004 @ http:// www.webindia123.com/news/ showdetails.asp?id=41494&cat=Business accessed on July 6, 2004. 27. Smith, n.46 pp.305-315. 28. Keith Somerville, U.S. looks to Africa for “secure oil” BBC News, September 13, 2002. 29. Jean Francios Bayart, ‘Towards a New Start for Africa and Europe’. African Affairs vol.103 No. 412, p.456. 412.

1. ‘Somali piracy warning’ Mail and Guardian Online, March, 1, 2006, http://www.mg.co.za/articlepage.aspx?area=/breaking_news/breaking_news__africa/&articleid=248442. 2. Joshua Forrest, ‘State inversion and non-state politics’ in Leonardo Villalon and Phillip Huxtable, ed. ‘The African State at a Critical Juncture’ (Boulder: Lynne Reinner, 1998) p.45. 3. By 1995 most of the military grants or aid for financing purchase of weapons was phased out by powers like the U.S. and Russia. For more details on U.S. assistance see Raymond W. Copson, ‘Africa: Foreign Assistance Issues’ CRS Issues Brief (Washington, CRS February 19, 2002). 4. Jeffery Herbst and Greg Mills, ‘The Future of Africa: A New Order in Sight?’ Adelphi Paper 361 (London, IISS, 2003) p.24. 5. National Intelligence Estimate, ‘The Global Infectious Disease Threat and its Implications for the United States’ (Washington, NIC, January 2000) pp.46-53. 6. Commitment to AIDS, ABC News, February 10, 2000. 7. Greg Mills, ‘AIDS and South African Military: Time worn Cliché or Timebomb?’ at http://www.kas.org.za/ Publications/OccasionalPapers/Aids/mills.pdf. See also Elbe, Stefan ‘HIV/AIDS and the Changing Landscape of War in Africa’ International Security — Volume 27, Number 2, Fall 2002, pp. 159-177. 8. Gwyn Prins, Workshop Report Pugwash Meeting No. 297 ‘Threats Without enemies: The Security Aspects of HIV/AIDS: A Second Exploratory Workshop’ Limpopo, South Africa, June 25-28, 2004, at http://www. pugwash.org/reports/ees/south-africa-2004/sa-workshopreport.htm. 9. An HIV/AIDS test prior to deployment is mandatory U.N. deployments. Forty-nine percent of the 4,500 troops participating in SADC Blue Crane peacekeeping operation were found HIV positive. 10.Small Arms Survey, 2003. 11. Logan Wright, ‘Seizing an Opportunity: The Changing Character of Chinese Arms Sales to Africa,’ Armed Forces Journal October 2001.

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African Union and the challenge of PEACE Jamal Moosa delves deep into the causes of violent conflicts that afflict the continent and outlines the role of the African Union in promoting sustainable peace and development.

onflict in different hues has been a grievances over underlying social, economic and political recurrent feature of human society. The issues”. rise and fall of civilisations and nations It has been argued by some scholars that the inherent anihave been witness to a saga of conflicts. malistic instinct in human beings is responsible for aggressive Differences of interest or efforts to behaviour and violent conflict among them. Brute force, for restrain others from attaining their goals Freud, was the factor that determined ownership in early comoften crop up between humans. These, munities. With the passage of time, intellect began to replace consequently, lead to conflicts in soci- brute force, but the object and purpose of conflict remained ety, which at times acquire violent forms. the same. Force is used either to constrain opponents or impair Violent conflict inflicts deep wounds and scars on the soci- their strength in order to compel them to retract their claim. ety that endures it. Apart from the deaths and destruction it This salient and practical use of violence for survival contincauses, it fragments the social structure and fabric. Growth and ues to play a significant role in day-to-day decision-making. development of the society is stunted and the impact on the Another social function of violence is the creation and suseconomy is enormous. Some societies are so severely desta- tenance of a hierarchy in society. Such use of violence is genbilised by violence that they take erally aimed at maintaining the status In Africa, almost all the current quo, but sometimes disruptive oppomany generations to recover from its trauma. conflicts are of internal nature, sition overwhelms the old order and The heads of state and governforces a change or at times causes the thus making it difficult for others collapse of the old edifice. There is, ment of the African Union have statto intervene. However, their ed that the “continued prevalence of thus, a perpetual struggle in the sociarmed conflicts in Africa and the fact ety to create, sustain or change the consequences invariably that no single internal factor has conequilibrium. Groups and states use spread beyond the state’s tributed more to socio-economic violence as a means to maintain or borders. The security of the decline of the continent and the sufform new equilibrium. Rudolph fering of the civilian population than Rummel opines that conflict manientire region is often the scourge of conflicts within and fests between individuals or groups undermined. The spillover between states”. as a trial-and-error adaptation to effects include refugee flows The endeavour of this paper is to attain equilibrium. It establishes a show how this concern of the AU balance of power between what the and disruption of trade and leaders is being translated into realipeople want, can get, and strive to communication. ty and assess the viability of these pursue. Through confrontations and efforts in attaining the ends of peace violence man builds his social baland sustained development. ance and ensures cooperation from others. This understandBefore the actual analysis, a detailed theoretical discussion ing of conflict and violence is referred to as the balance of of understanding conflicts, especially violent conflicts is under- power theory. taken. Divergences and differences in society, for Hegel, are undeAn earlier generation of scholars theorised that violence was sirable and must be replaced by unity and coherence. A socia social pathology that needed treatment and deterrent pun- ety can achieve complete unity only by the complete negation ishment to return the society to normalcy. This understand- of the “other”. Hence, to achieve coherence, the dynamics of ing has been discarded as most scholars now “think of group negation is essential and violence is one of the potent tools to violence as more or less predictable congruence of real achieve this negation.

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Human needs theorists like John identity would emerge. The assumpBurton consider that the authorities, tion that modernisation would lead in an effort to hide their shortcomto the assimilation of minority ings, blame personal malevolence for groups has not been substantiated by conflict and violence. They further experience. On the contrary, in sociargue that humans have certain needs eties where there is large overlapping and requirements that are fundadisparity, the chances of violence are mental and non-malleable. These far greater in comparison to more needs must be satisfied for an indibalanced societies. vidual’s development and result in Thus, it is the simultaneous comtheir conforming social behaviour. If bination of inequality, opportunity such needs are left unfulfilled, they and justification that cause violent lead to violent and non-conforming conflicts. However, there are many behaviour. other factors like cultural ethos and Structuralists like Johan Galtung moorings of the society, the internaassume that violence, rather than tional environment and power equabeing random, is structured and contion, etc., that also influence the ditioned by external circumstances. emergence of conflict. These conditions can be manipulatViolence begets violence. Once an ed to provoke or solve violence. act of violence is perpetrated, a Besides, according to him, there are After the genocide. A picture of misery from Rwanda vicious cycle of offence and revenge different types/forms of violence. that underlines the need for a more vigilant and ensues, leading to a heightening of pro-active African Union. Apart from direct physical violence violent activities. Violence has severe there is violence incorporated into societal structures. This repercussions on the people and the society, profoundly indirect societal violence requires attention for any lasting impacting the society, fragmenting and polarising it. There is solution to conflicts. a breakdown of communications between different segments In addition to the above, violence as social action is unique of society, increasing widespread disenchantment that often in comparison to other social actions. The very use of violence result in increased flows of refugee and internally-displaced is highly visible and effective. The use of violence to an even people. Besides, conflicts do not have a linear path; often they moderate degree of effectiveness requires relatively little follow a complex and non-linear path. Thus there cannot be resource. Modern societies abound in soft targets, which can a single formula for peace. All this has to be kept in mind for easily be targeted with meagre resource. Hence, even groups an effective understanding and evolving an appropriate soluwith limited resources can highlight their cause effectively by tion. adopting violent means and draw world and international Violence also leads to the creation of stereotypes about the media attention. “other”, who is posited with all negative qualities, demonised, Historically, one of the major reasons for collective vio- and dehumanised. This legitimises and justifies violent punlence has been the central political process, i.e., the state. A ishment and retribution. Another characteristic of violent functional state possesses the capacity of allocating various val- internal conflict is the brutalisation of the civilian population. ues and privileges authoritatively. As the values available are The civilian population tends to either become a passive always limited, their distribution will always be uneven. Some observer or, at times, even an active participant in violence. groups –– invariably the supporters of the regime — will enjoy This results in the fragile institutions of governance being far more privileges than others. It is one of the roles of the state undermined. In some extreme cases, there is a complete breakto make this appear legitimate. In the event of dissent it must down of law and order or any semblance of governance. have the coercive capacity and, more importantly, the will to The dramatic changes in the international environment ensure the implementation of its writ. Thus, a major source after the collapse of Soviet Union led to the manifestation of of conflict and violence is the acceptability and legitimacy of new types of violent conflicts. The end of the super power the distribution of values. confrontation has given way to what Kumar Rupesinghe calls, No state will willingly restrain itself from this prerogative. “violent internal conflicts with diverse inter-linked and overViolence is one of the means adopted by challenging groups, lapping causes”. In many regions a feature of these conflicts is making demands on the state and the elite. Tactics of threat the end of the state’s monopoly over means of coercion and and violence are used as a part of their repertoire of actions. violence as a consequence of the easy availability of massive People trying to realign the levers of power have used collec- quantities of small arms to the opposition groups. tive violence as a potent tool of their struggle. Any great shift In Africa, almost all the current conflicts are of internal in the arrangement of power has been produced by and result- nature, thus making it difficult for others to intervene. ed in great amounts of collective violence. However, their consequences invariably spread beyond the Also, it was assumed that individual/group identities would state’s borders. The security of the entire region is often underover a period of time disintegrate and fuse, as one national mined. The spillover effects include refugee flows and dis-

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C O N F L I C T

ruption of trade and communication. and geographic separation. At times a third party intervenes to The reasons cited for these conflicts range from the impact perform peacekeeping operations. However, one of its demerand legacy of European imperialism and colonialism to the role its is that it escalates the conflict by providing space to the played by the super powers in the continent. European impe- antagonists to regroup. Though it can de-escalate conflict by rialism created artificial borders and undermined indigenous reducing contact surface, at times even to zero, it is not suffidevelopment patterns. Another factor is the persistence of cient to end the conflict. Another demerit of separation is that highly exploitative linkages between the developed and African it is not possible to keep groups physically apart for a long time countries. Some of these conflicts have also been attributed to even with external military intervention. Hence such an slavery and the resulting social structures. approach must be accompanied with suitable efforts. Contemporary African states are in a phase where the hetEfforts must be made to reduce the distance between the erogeneous population with its different identities are in the parties and bring about integration. However, this integration process of developing one national identity. The prototype to cannot be imposed from outside, although third parties can act be emulated for the African states at the time of independence as facilitators. In addition, it can only be implemented prior to was the fully evolved Western nation-state. However, the the conflict assuming a violent form or after a period when due national identity in Europe and elsewhere is a social con- to sustained and protracted conflict, people become tired or struction requiring immense resources. A state must create the weary of strife and yearn for peace in sufficiently large numsense of citizenship. It must ensure that all its subjects feel part bers. of the national community. To create this sense, the state must Linear approaches most often are not able to untangle comhave command over several kinds of resources, all of which plex conflicts, where the societies are fragmented and there is are scarce in most countries of Africa. mistrust and lack of communication amongst different secThe very formation and establishment of the nation-states tions. Thus, there is a need to develop alternatives that use has always been a violent process. many different actors and instituThe AU realised that a historic tions at different levels. Most Western nation-states came opportunity was there to end into being through massive use of Each phase in a conflict may violence and violation of rights. necessitate a different type of interthe scourge and that Nation-builders in Europe created vention by different actors or differnationalities by forcing everyone to resources are available. All that ent combinations of actors. Not only was needed was to mobilise speak the same language or worship different dimensions have to be the same saints. At another level, a addressed but also the different these resources and to use state must also build such institutions actors, especially local actors, must them effectively. But, more that are conducive to its unification. be involved so that they could help in Thus it can be said that the conflicts essentially, it also declared that strengthening and deepening the in Africa are not different in terms of process of creating peace. Africans will determine their causes and factors; rather, they are The turn of the millennium and own destiny and called on the the eventual formation of the African different types of conflicts rooted in rest of the world to complement Union (AU) saw a flurry of new ini“ordinary” causes. To resolve conflicts and antagotiatives and efforts — both internal their efforts. nisms, parties can adopt violent and external — to solve conflicts in methods, including recourse to Africa and to bring about peace. actions like subjugation, killings and genocide or forced mass Before that is discussed it is essential to understand the lager transfers, etc. Such violent solutions rarely are able to achieve context to place these efforts in proper perspective. The fall of the desired ends or terminate conflicts. Instead, they always the Soviet Union unleashed many changes spanning across the create bitterness and fear amongst the descendants of the vic- globe in almost every possible public sphere. However, the tims. Ironically, at times, these actions help consolidation of speed and the magnitude of the change in Europe took many different cleavages in the oppressed community and results in western European countries by surprise. The unification of sustained rebellion by them. Germany after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the eastward expanThus, the use of violent forms to solve conflict does not end sion of the European Union (EU) and NATO were ideas that the problem, nor does it produce a desirable outcome even if were not conceivable even a short while before they eventuthe human costs are overlooked. It only ensures the continu- ally became a reality. ation and perpetuation of violence and a continued loss of life, Another consequence of these changes was that many property and suffering. Hence, it is imperative that efforts are European states and their institutions of governance were made to evolve non-violent solutions to conflicts and these are severely stressed. While some countries felt the consequences tailored to the needs of Africa. of this strain less, for others it was enormous. Few like The classical approach is to keep the antagonists away from Yugoslavia encountered such centrifugal force that they each other. This distance is created — voluntarily or invol- imploded or descended into extreme violent civil strife. It untarily — by the threat of considerable punishment for trans- descended into chaos and this unleashed enormous violence gressors, along with social measures such as mutual prejudice and instability in the region. The impact of these events at such

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A F R I C A close quarters shook European countries and their policy priorities. Apart from this, the economic costs of reconstruction and integration of these countries into the west European economy too was enormous. A consequence of this preoccupation of Europe with its internal problems was the significant diminishing of its interests in Africa. This diminishing interest towards Africa of European powers like France, which has had, and continues to have, close military and financial ties with almost half the countries of the continent, also coincided with an adverse reaction in the United States to intervening abroad. The grand design of ushering in a New World Order with United States acting as the global watchdog suffered a severe blow as a consequence of the humiliation in Somalia. The humiliation it suffered in Somalia forced a new policy approach towards Africa. In the United Nations and other such international multilateral fora, the United States resisted any direct action and intervention in conflict situations across the globe, especially in Africa. This disengagement coincided with looming crises and violent conflicts in many African countries. The period of early 1990s saw many flare-ups along with their consequent repercussions like human loses and destruction of the economic infrastructure. Most of these conflicts also caused large refugee outflows. The human tragedy and cost due to these conflicts did not bring about any serious international concern; rather it only increased the disengagement. This crisis peaked in 1994 when most Francophone countries experienced political and economic crises and refugee outflows. In the same year, the genocide in Rwanda occurred and there was complete international indifference towards it. The enormous loss of life accompanying human suffering and the security crisis in the Great Lake Region has not yet been fully resolved. This growing instability and violence has been festering and resulting in many other countries being engulfed by it. All these factors acted as the fertile ground for galvanising new efforts and actions to promote peace and stability and sustainable development. New ideas were explored and experimented with and the absence of external powers and their disinclination helped sprout new thinking and fresh ideas. Amongst the new ideas that have their genesis in this period of crisis was the formation of the AU as the successor institution to Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Unlike the OAU, the AU undertook upon itself a far larger and broader mandate. It envisages that it is essential for sustainable peace and development of the continent through more proactive actions. The idea and the creation of a Peace and Security Council for the AU got its impetus with the enactment of Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the AU in July 2002. The continued prevalence of armed conflicts in Africa was considered to be the most important internal factor that had contributed to the socio-economic decline of Africa and the suffering of the civilian population. There was a strong sense of determination and commitment

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amongst the AU leaders to play a central role in bringing peace, security and stability on the continent and to establish an operational structure for the effective implementation of conflict-prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, and peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. The protocol envisages the establishment of a Commission, a Panel of the Wise, a Continental Early Warning System, an African Standby Force, and a Special Fund to support the Peace and Security Council. The councilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s objectives are to promote peace, security and stability in Africa. It must anticipate and prevent conflicts. In situations where conflicts have occurred, it would undertake peace-making and peace-building efforts and promote and implement post-conflict reconstruction activities to consolidate peace and prevent the resurgence of violence. The council would also try to promote and encourage democratic practices, good governance and the rule of law, protect human rights and freedom. While these continental efforts are underway, the continent is also trying to engage the rest of the world to become a partner in its efforts to attain sustainable peace and development. The New Partnership for Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Development (NEPAD), which was announced at Abuja, Nigeria, in October 2001, was the culmination of a long process towards this end. It is a vision statement by the African leaders that they want to extricate themselves from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion. The African leadership also realised that a historic opportunity was there to end the scourge and that the resources are available in abundance. All that was needed was to mobilise these resources and to use them effectively. But, more essentially, it also declared that Africans will determine their own destiny and called on the rest of the world to complement their efforts. To ensure peace and security, there is a need to build Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacity to manage all aspects of conflict, including strengthen existing regional and sub-regional institutions in four key areas, viz., (a) Prevention, management and resolution of conflict; (b) Peace-making, peacekeeping and peace enforcement; (c) Post-conflict reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction; (d) Combating the illicit proliferation of small arms, light weapons and landmines. However, these are impossible to attain in the absence of true democracy, respect for human rights, peace and good governance. Hence, the purpose of the Democracy and Political Governance Initiative is to contribute to strengthening the political and administrative framework of participating countries, in line with the principles of democracy, transparency, accountability, integrity, respect for human rights and promotion of the rule of law. Similarly, the Economic Governance Initiative is directed towards harnessing the energies of the continent towards development and the eradication of poverty. It is feared that if the international community does not complement these efforts then there is a real possibility of the collapse of more African states that would pose a threat not only to the African states, but also to global peace and security.

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TERROR and the African continent Rajeev Sharma, in his book ‘Global Jihad: Current Patterns & Future Trends’, has a chapter that focuses on the African continent and how it could emerge as a hotbed of terrorism.

n August 7, 1998, two massive war-ravaged venues across the continent. bombs exploded outside the U.S. The international community, particularly the United embassies in Dar es Salaam States, needs to deal with these threats by adopting a more (Tanzania) and Nairobi (Kenya), holistic approach to fighting terrorism in Africa. Rather than killing 224 people — including concentrate solely on shutting down existing Al Qaida cells, 12 Americans — and injuring it must also deal with the continent’s fundamental problems 5,000. Responsibility was quick- — economic distress, ethnic and religious fissures, fragile govly traced to Al Qaida. Four years ernance, weak democracy, and rampant human rights abuses later, Al Qaida operatives struck — that create an environment in which terrorists thrive. The again, killing 15 people in an Israeli-owned hotel near United States must also eliminate the obstacles to developing Mombasa, Kenya –– simultaneously firing missiles at an Israeli a coherent Africa policy that exist in Washington. The passenger jet taking off from Mombasa’s airport. An alarmed American counter-terrorism programme for the region has United States responded to these attacks with conviction. In consistently been under-financed. More than three years after addition to proposing significant 9/11, there is no U.S. diplomatic Rather than concentrate solely presence in several strategic locaincreases in development assistance and a major initiative on HIV/AIDS, tions, and long-term policy.1 on shutting down existing Al Strategic imperatives are consistentthe Bush administration has desigQaida cells, the international ly allowed to be eclipsed by shortnated the greater Horn of Africa a community must also deal with term humanitarian demands. The front-line region in its global war war on terrorism might make offiagainst terrorism and has worked to the African continent’s cials realise what they should have dismantle Al Qaida infrastructure fundamental problems — known earlier: That Africa cannot be there. economic distress, ethnic and kept at the back of the queue forever At the same time, however, the if U.S. security interests are to be United States has failed to recognise religious fissures, fragile the existence of other, less visible, governance, weak democracy, advanced. The level of interest in Africa terrorist threats elsewhere on the and rampant rights abuses — must, in fact, go higher than aid. It African continent. Countering the must go to the White House and the rise of grassroots extremism has that create an environment in National Security Council, where been a central part of U.S. strategy in which terrorists thrive. there must be recognition that Africa the Middle East, but the same has is of strategic interest to the United not generally been true for Africa. In Nigeria, for example, a potent mix of communal tensions, States, not just humanitarian as has so often been the case up radical Islamism, and anti-Americanism has produced a fer- to now. The recent Mombasa attacks are proof that there is still Al tile breeding ground for militancy and threatens to tear the country apart. South Africa has seen the emergence of a vio- Qaida infrastructure in east Africa, built on linkages with a dislent Islamist group. And in west and central Africa, criminal affected Arab-origin minority. The lingering presence of ternetworks launder cash from illicit trade in diamonds, joining rorism in the region also attests to the radicalising effects of forces with corrupt local leaders to form lawless bazaars that deep-rooted problems there. The greater Horn of Africa — are increasingly exploited by Al Qaida to shelter its an area that includes Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, assets. As the war on terrorism intensifies in Kenya and Djibouti, Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya — is home to interelsewhere, radicals might migrate to more accessible, locking conflicts, weak and failing states, pervasive corruption

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Terror strike. Rescue workers outside the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, which was the target of terror on August 7, 1998. On the same day, the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, was also targeted. As many as 224 people, including 12 Americans, were killed in the two attacks.

and extreme poverty. It is chronically susceptible to drought. Fifteeen million of Ethiopia’s 66 million citizens, for example, are at risk of famine. And it is plagued by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. After September 11, 2001, the Horn gained attention as a possible new haven for Al Qaida operatives driven from Afghanistan during Operation Enduring Freedom. Somalia did not, as feared, become the replacement operational base for Afghanistan, but it did serve as the base for the 2002 attacks in Mombasa. Al Qaida has a long-standing, indigenous infrastructure in coastal Kenya and the environs of Nairobi and the proven ability to transit in and out of Kenya via Somalia. It is suspected of having similar ease of access to Zanzibar, coastal Tanzania, and the Comoros Islands. Sudan was Osama bin Laden’s base from 1991 to 1996 and has had to bear that heavy legacy in its dealings with the United States ever since. The United States fired cruise missiles into the al-shifa aspirin factory in late August 1998, in a controversial retaliation for the Nairobi and Dar es Salaam embassy bombings. The attack focused Khartoum’s attention on its acute exposure and the possibility of further U.S. action. An intensive counter-terrorism dialogue between the two governments commenced in the spring of 2000 and accelerated dramatically after September 11, when the United States threatened additional measures — while also promising to improve relations if Sudan cooperated fully and quickly. In 2002, to combat terrorism in the Horn, the United States created the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), which involves 1,800 U.S. soldiers and is backed by the U.S. Central Command. Based in Djibouti, CJTF-HOA’s mission is to deter, pre-empt and disable terrorist threats emanating principally from Somalia, Kenya and Yemen, assisted by a multinational naval interdiction force. In

June 2003, President Bush announced a $100 million package of counter-terrorism measures to be spent in the Horn over 15 months. Half of these funds will support coastal and border security progammes administered by the U.S. Department of Defence, $10 million to be spent on the Kenyan Anti-terror Police Unit, and $14 million to support Muslim education. This leads us to a pertinent question — do financial aid and support funds take care of such a problem? Let us not forget that the problem has been brewing for decades. A continent ravaged for decades by disease, hunger, internal strife and, till recently, apartheid, was bound to become a playground for the engineers of discontent. It would sooner rather than later become a source for the volunteers of death. The social and economic aspects cannot be ignored or brushed away like the proverbial Ethiopian fly. The roots of terror and complicity to terror cannot be found in the flaky sands of the Sahara but the deep and dark mud of poverty, discontent and helplessness that pervades more than a few countries of this continent. East African governments have been largely receptive to engagement with the United States. Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda even identified themselves as U.S. coalition partners during Operation Iraqi Freedom. But the battle for public opinion is far from won. The travel alerts for Kenya and Tanzania issued by Washington and London in 2003 are a case in point. The advisories were widely unpopular — disrupting international air traffic and undermining the recovery of the region’s tourist trade — and have intensified debates in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam over the wisdom of partnering with Washington. Strong U.S. support for anti-terrorist measures under consideration by the Kenyan Parliament has also provoked anger, particularly from civil liberatarians (still reeling

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from the repressive rule of Daniel Arap Moi) and from Muslim clerics (who claim that the proposed controls are fundamentally anti-Islam). If it is to gain local support in Kenya and elsewhere, the United States must adopt a less heavy-handed approach. To achieve this, Washington needs a stronger diplomatic and intelligence presence on the ground. At present, the United States lacks a diplomatic resident in several key locations, including Mombasa, Hargeysa (in northern Somalia) and Zanzibar, and it has weak links to other Muslim areas in east Africa. For example, Washington has yet to overcome its post1993 phobia about engagement with Somalia, a country that sustains Al Qaida infrastructure inside Kenya.2 More broadly, it remains to be seen whether the Bush administration can provide sufficient political and financial leadership to back up its multiple and ambitious operations in the region given worsening budgetary pressures and competing demands in Iraq and Afghanistan.

This resurgence is partly the outcome of a debate begun in the 1960s and fueled by religious scholars funded by Saudi Arabia — over the purity of Nigerian Islam. But an equally important factor is the changed political and economic fortunes of the north. In 1999, after nine years of particularly rapacious rule by the Muslim military of politically oriented officers — the majority of whom were northern Muslims –– power passed to Olusegun Obasanjo, a southern Yoruba who was elected civilian president. Politically, militarily and economically, northerners felt their influence decline. Soon, a northern governor decided to challenge Obasanjo by introducing Islamic criminal law (shari’s) in his state. No one anticipated the tremendous popularity of this move. Shari’s offered a sense of hope to people faced with rising crime and increasing instability. Within a few months it had been adopted in 12 of Nigeria’s 36 states. The shari’s movement remains a potent force in Nigeria’s Islamic challenge Nigerian politics and society, unsetNigeria tling relations between Muslims and comes from a combination Christians and increasing tensions of religious, political and The U.S. government may have between the north and south of the economic factors. Northern recognised the need to go after Al country. Qaida infrastructure in east Africa, Northern Nigerians often conNigeria, populated by the but the potential for the growth of sider Washington to be colluding in Hausa-Fulani people, is Islamic extremism and other sources their political and economic decline. primarily Muslim and has of terrorism elsewhere on the contiMany people, for example, saw the nent has not registered sufficiently U.S.-run programme to improve the connections to both on its radar screen. By far the most influential Muslim brotherhoods military’s capacity for peacekeeping troubling case is Nigeria. With near(instituted after Obasanjo’s election in western Africa and centers ly 133 million people, about 67 milvictory) as an attempt to assist the lion of whom are Muslim, Nigeria is president in purging the northern of Islamic learning in the Africa’s most populous nation and leadership. U.S. policies in the Middle East. possesses its second-largest Muslim Middle East have also stirred antipopulation (after-Egypt). It is also a American feelings: Tens of thoucrucial economic partner of the United States, providing 7 sands of Nigerians flocked to rallies against the Iraq war. percent of its oil. To date, there is no evidence that terrorist cells have penYet, Washington has done little to check rising instability etrated northern Nigeria, nor that terrorist and criminal synthere in recent years. The country’s GDP has fallen by two- dicates have linked up. But the situation is increasingly danthirds in the past 20 years, creating a level of poverty unprece- gerous. The Bush administration singled out Nigeria as a dented in its history. Partly as a result, Nigeria has come country with significant impact and deserving of “focused under intense pressure from two disaffected minorities: attention” in its 2002 National Security Strategy.3 But the Radical Islam in the north and a collection of tribal groups in United States is poorly positioned to address the antithe southeast. Simmering communal conflict was responsi- American attitudes that create a fertile breeding ground for terrorism. The U.S. embassy lacks a single American speaker of ble for 10,000 deaths between 1999 and 2003. Nigeria’s Islamic challenge comes from a combination of Hausa, the main language of northern Nigeria; has no conreligious, political and economic factors. Northern Nigeria, sulate or other permanent representation in the north; and, populated by the Hausa-Fulani, is primarily Muslim and has until recently, possessed only a poorly staffed and unimagiconnections to both influential Muslim brotherhoods in west- native public diplomacy programme. U.S. relations with the Nigerian military are also fragile. ern Africa and centers of Islamic learning in the Middle East. After Nigeria became independent in 1960, northerners dom- On the one hand, Washington looks to Nigeria to carry much inated the political and military establishment. Throughout of the peacekeeping burden in west Africa — most recently this period, however, Nigeria retained a delicate balance in Liberia — and has provided aid for this purpose. But on between Muslims and the largely Christian population of the the other hand, the U.S. Congress has prohibited further south. That balance is being sorely tested today as a more fun- training of the Nigerian military because of human rights damentalist brand of Islam asserts itself in key areas of the concerns, thus compromising the U.S. ability to reach out to a new generation of Nigerian military officers from both country.

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the north as well as the south. Somalia The growing armed uprising in Nigeria’s delta region, the source of the country’s oil and home to the largest concentraSomalia has struggled to establish a fully functioning govtion of U.S. investment on the continent, compounds the ernment for a decade or more. There are no central governdanger to American interests. Conflict arises there from ment security organs, and the country has a long, porous borgrievances over the sharing of oil wealth, environmental dam- der. These factors make it a potential haven for some Al Qaida age and corruption. Much onshore oil activity has been shut terrorist members, including those currently trying to flee down and considerable amounts of oil have been stolen to buy Afghanistan. These conditions also make Somalia a favourable arms. Nigeria has increasingly relied on its armed forces to environment for the continuing presence of indigenous restore order, but the army’s record of indiscriminate vio- extremists, or extremists who live there. For instance, the lence often only feeds the discontent. Washington and the Somali Islamic Union, or al-Ittihaad al-Islamiya — AIAI — is developed world should be more actively engaged in helping a wide-ranging Islamic group composed of several separate facthe Nigerian government and the oil companies to address the tions in Somalia. This organisation seeks to establish an Islamic deep resentments that feed this situation. Yet — like in the state there and engages really in a wide variety of religious and north — there is no permanent U.S. embassy presence in the social activities. AIAI members number in the hundreds. Some delta region. extreme AIAI factions have denounced the Western presence The United States has also done little to help Nigeria out in Somalia and have threatened U.S. and Western aid groups. of its severe economic depression, which Further, Somali ethnic enclaves Somalia has struggled to is indirectly responsible for much of the exist in Kenya, Djibouti and tension in the country. Currently, establish a fully functioning Ethiopia –– countries in the President Obasanjo is working with the Horn of Africa. And the AIAI, government for a decade United Kingdom, the World Bank and especially the extreme factions, or more. There are no central the International Monetary Fund to may have violent members and bring transparency to the oil sector and government security organs, sympathisers in these ethnic make strategically important economic and the country has a long and enclaves. Osama bin Laden and reforms. his senior advisers have made extremely porous border. statements in the past implying South Africa These factors make it a potential that the Al Qaida has ties to some violent Somali Islamic extremhaven for some Al Qaida South Africa, meanwhile, is another ists. For instance, bin Laden terrorist members, including country that faces the threat of rising saluted Somali clan attacks Islamist extremism. In the 1990s, a small those currently trying to flee against U.S. Army personnel in radical Islamic group, the People Against October 1993. Over a dozen Afghanistan Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), U.S. servicemen were killed in emerged. PAGAD started out as a vigithese attacks. lante organisation seeking to combat the growing drug trade Since September 11, the year-and-a-half old Transitional in poor townships near Cape Town, but it was subsequently National Government in Somalia has expressed opposition to hijacked by radical elements. terrorism. It has claimed to have formed a committee purAfter PAGAD became openly critical of U.S. policies in portedly to investigate charges of terrorist influence in Somalia the Middle East and Israel, some people suspected the influ- and detained a handful of persons on terrorism-related ence of Saudi-financed imams, who accompanied new charges. Overall, however, the Transitional National mosques built in the Cape Muslim area. The group staged sev- Government controls little territory, has only small, relativeeral demonstrations against the American and Israeli embassies ly poorly trained and equipped military and policy forces, has and even threatened the life of the American consul general little influence in the countryside, and almost no real capabilin Cape Town. PAGAD is also suspected of carrying out a ity to fight terrorism.4 series of bar and nightclub bombings that took place in the late 1990s. West Africa Admittedly, there is little evidence of other terrorist sympathies among South Africa’s Muslim population which numIn the past decade, new discoveries of oil off the coast of bers less than a million. Moreover, South Africa’s intelligence west Africa have more than doubled estimates of the region’s apparatus is sophisticated and sensitive to terrorist threats, reserves to more than 60 billion barrels. By 2015, west Africa having successfully cracked down on PAGAD and extradited may provide a quarter of U.S. Oil and is likely to acquire an any suspected terrorists found hiding in the country. But the increasingly high strategic profile. The region is home to terrorist threat in South Africa still requires close monitoring. almost 130 million Muslims, yet it exhibits little grassroots And existing cooperation between FBI and the Scorpions — support for terrorism. And Middle Eastern issues do not South Africa’s aggressive police arm — must be strengthened colour relationship with the United States to the same extent and extended if terrorism is to be stamped out. as they do in countries such as Nigeria and South Africa.

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Three suicide bombers crashed a vehicle packed with explosives into the Israeli-owned Paradise resort hotel in Mombasa, on Kenya's Indian Ocean coast, on November 29, 2002, killing themselves and 12 other people. The attack, suspected to have been orchestrated by the Al Qaida, came only five minutes after two antiaircraft missiles were fired –– unsuccessfully –– at an Israeli airliner taking off for Tel Aviv with a load of homeward-bound tourists.

Senegal, Mali, and Niger –– all predominantly Muslim — have become functioning democracies with close relationships with Washington. The United States has engaged these countries (along with Chad) in the Pan Sahel Initiative, a programme to bolster security and intelligence along the Sahara’s southern border. Two west African Muslim countries, Senegal and Mauritania, even enjoy diplomatic relations with Israel. Outside of Nigeria, therefore, the terrorist threat in West and Central Africa comes less from religion and politics than from lack of sovereign control and general debility. The Bush administration acknowledged this link in its 2002 National Security Strategy, which argued that “poverty, weak institutions, and corruption can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks and drug cartels within their borders”. Both central and west Africa are exceptionally anarchic zones. Interrelated wars have occurred in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea. Nine African countries were drawn into the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, during the late 1990s. This highly unstable situation has given rise to a dangerous chaos in which criminal syndicates partner with rogue leaders (Charles Taylor in Liberia, Blaise Campaora in Burkina Faso, and Muammar al Qaddafi in Libya, for example) and Al Qaida. Al Qaida has used the region less to foment terrorism than to protect and expand its finances, a challenge for the organisation since the U.S. campaign against it went into high gear after September 11. As documented by Global Witness, The Washington Post, and the U.N., Al Qaida started marketing gems through its east Africa networks and has subsequently taken advantage of the civil war and chaos in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo to extend its activities into that mineral rich-country. With attention focused on the Middle East, the horrific war in the Congo — which took nearly three million lives — went almost unnoticed in the U.S. media and political circles. But figuring out how to take advantage of the conflict was clearly on Al Qaida’s agenda. The terrorist’s illegal trade in gems has spread to other countries in the region. Al Qaida reportedly colluded with the government of Burkina Faso and Liberia to buy diamonds marketed by rebel forces in Sierra Leone during the crippling civil war that wrecked that country and neighbouring Liberia in the late 1990s. In response, the U.N. has outlawed the marketing of so-called conflict diamonds and placed arms embargoes on Liberia and Sierra Leone. Meanwhile, diamond-producing countries such as South Africa and Botswana, together with key diamond manufactures, have established the Kimberley Process, which identifies conflict diamonds and keeps them off the market. The Clinton administration was a strong supporter of this initiative, but the Bush administration has been largely indifferent to it, having been shown to sign up to its monitoring provisions. Even more critical than combating Al Qaida’s financial manoeuvering is confronting the cause of the organisation’s regional resurgence: The anarchy and conflict engendered by west and central Africa’s failed and failing states. To date, the United States has offered neither the leadership nor the resources needed to deal with this problem properly. U.S. local diplomatic capacities remain weak, and initiatives are episodic and vulnerable to downward budgetary pressures. Each time the United States appears to offer greater commit-

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A F R I C A ment to the region, it pulls back, suggesting that the administration does not see it as a critical part of its global anti-terrorist strategy. President Bush’s trip to Africa in July 2003 affirmed the continent’s importance to the U.S. foreign policy agenda. Yet the administration still operates without an overarching framework for Africa policy that can put its multiple initiatives — the $15 billion Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the Millennium Challenge Account, the various counter-terrorism measures, and the reassessment of Africa’s place within U.S. European Command and in NATO — into their appropriate strategic context. Washington’s problem is not just one of policy substance. The administration also needs to reorganise itself internally. It is essential to overcome divided responsibility for Africa among the Department of Defence’s European, Central and Pacific commands. Africa’s nearly seamless borders, interrelated conflicts, and interconnected trafficking networks demand a unified U.S. command structure for military training, intelligence and deployment. Similarly, an empowered anti-terrorism task force is needed to overcome the internal division in the State Department separating those who deal with north Africa from those who deal with sub-Saharan Africa. The languishing Pan Sahel Initiative, for example, will not be truly effective until its participants engage with their northern neighbours — Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia — which will require better inter-departmental coordination. Today, in the absence of such a framework and internal restructuring, the Bush administration reflexively defines conflicts and crises in Africa in narrow humanitarian terms — as it did with Liberia in the summer of 2003. It allows budgetary concerns to trump vital support for multilateral peace operations and even anti-terrorism programmes. And it places crucial support for economic and social development in Africa in jeopardy. Africa may not rank with Iraq or Afghanistan as a top priority in the war on terrorism, nor with the Middle East or Southeast Asia as a primary force of U.S. anti-terrorism programmes. But if Washington continues to underplay the terrorist threat in Africa, its worldwide strategy against terrorism will falter — and the consequences may be dire indeed. The U.S. Perspective The one U.S. government agency that has taken the terrorist threat in Africa to heart has been the Defence Department, in particular the U.S. commanders in NATO, EUCOM and the CJTF. NATO Commander General James Jones has described west Africa as “where the action is”.

References 1. Foreign Affairs, January/February 2004, ‘The Terrorist Threat in Africa’, by Princeton N. Lyman and J. Stephen Morrison. 2. Ibid.

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EUCOM Deputy Commander Charles Wald has traveled across the continent several times and was instrumental in fashioning the Pan Sahel Initiative into an active action programme. DOD has undertaken HIV/AIDS awareness and control programmes with militaries throughout the continent. With additional resources, DOD is prepared to assist the oil producing countries of the west coast in establishing offshore security capability, guarding against attacks on the drilling installations springing up all along the coast. Welcome as this interest is, it is dangerous if not matched by an equivalent level of interest and capability in state and USAID in addressing the political and economic factors that make Africa worrisome. A response overly balanced to the military side will push us too close to the line of oppressive regimes, too insensitive to the political dynamics of an antiterrorism strategy, too limited in the global response to the problems of poverty that underlie every African security problem. As the U.S. prepares to staff a new embassy in Baghdad, personnel slots are being taken from all over the world, including Africa — including Nigeria! We are in danger of robbing Peter to pay Paul. The level of interest in Africa must in fact go higher than state and USAID. It must go to the White House and the National Security Council, where there must be recognition that Africa is of strategic interest to the United States, not just humanitarian as has so often been the case up to now. There was a telling moment in this regard during (the) crisis over Liberia. As rebel forces approached the capital, African and European nations alike urged the U.S. to provide troops on the ground to stabilise the situation. The U.K. had done so in neighbouring Sierra Leone, France in Cote d’Ivoire. The President sent 3,000 Marines offshore of Liberia, but after a few days and after only a few troops had gone on shore for a short while, the troop ship sailed away. The President said that his primary interest had been that food and medicine could be provided, and once that was done our job was largely done. However one judges the desirability of providing American troops in that situation, the conclusion that the civilised world’s primary interest in a failing state, where once Al Qaida had reaped fortunes in diamond trading, was humanitarian was unfortunate. The world’s interest in Africa must be seen as strategic. Once that fundamental recognition takes place, the resources that will be needed can be judged accordingly. And only then will we meet the totality of the terrorist threat on the continent. (Chapter titled ‘Terrorist Threat in Africa’ from ‘Global Jihad: Current Patterns & Future Trends’; by Rajeev Sharma; Kaveri Books, New Delhi; pp 291)

3. Ibid. 4. U.S. Department of State. 5. Testimony Before the House of Representatives Subcommittee on Africa hearing on ‘Fighting Terrorism in Africa’.

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A selection of new books on Africa and by African writers from www.africabookcentre.com Art Talk, Politics Talk: A Consideration of Categories By Michael Chapman University of Kwazulu-Natal Press, South Africa, 187pp, £18.99 Paperback

African Renaissance: Vol. 3, No. 1, January/February 2006 By Adibe, Jideofor (Ed.) Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd. U.K. £19.95, Paperback

SELF-CONTAINED essays that locate ethical and aesthetic challenges in the postcolonial era, both in South Africa and globally. What is Africa, what is the West? May the South and the North engage in new and challenging conversation? Teasing out the intricate value of literary culture in contemporary society, Chapman brings to this volume a new confidence and critical vocabulary that both energises older controversies and marks out fresh ground for debate.

THEME: Africa’s Multiple Allegiances. Contributors pose the inter-related questions of what are the impacts of the expressions of African multiple allegiances on the pattern of political and economic developments in the continent, how these augment or undermine Africa’s panAfrican unity projects and what are the impacts of the expressions of these multiple allegiances on the pattern of political and economic developments in the continent? Contributors include: Issaka Souare; Forster Bankie Forster; Amadu Jacky Kaba and Ann Talbot.

African Renaissance: Vol. 3, No. 2; March/April 2006 By Jideofor Adibe (Ed.) Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd., U.K., £19.95; Paperback THEME: Zimbabwe:s Robert Mugabe: Villain or Unjustly Vilified? Selected contents: Zimbabwe: The Limits of Influence, Princeton N. Lyman; Land Reform Revisited, Lionel Beehner; Zimbabwe, the African Union and Human Rights: A New Era Born or Just Stillborn? Franco Henwood; More Than Urban Local Governance? Warring Over Zimbabwe;s Fading Cities, Amin Y Kamete; Politics of Bitterness: 1980-2005, Norman Mlambo.

■ Editor’s Pick A Tale of Two Africas: Nigeria and South Africa as Contrasting Visions By Ali A. Mazrui, & James Karioki (Eds.) Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd., U.K., 360pp, £27.99; Paperback THE BOOK argues that Nigeria and South Africa provide the socio-economic and political contrasts in the African condition. Some of these contrasts can be demonstrated in the following: Nigeria is the Africa of human resources, South Africa is a land of mineral resources; Nigeria repels European settlement; South Africa is a magnet for such settlement; Nigeria is a mono-racial society, South Africa is a multiracial society; Nigeria is grappling with the politics of religion, South Africa is pre-occupied with the politics of secularism; Nigeria is Africa’s largest exporter of oil, South Africa is Africa’s largest consumer of oil; Nigeria is a paradigm of indigenisation, South Africa is a paragon of Westernisation. Building on these contrasts, Professor Ali Mazrui, master of the dialectical approach to socio-political analysis, demonstrates how the two most influential countries between the Niger and the Cape of Good Hope are alternative faces of Africa.

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Assessing the influence of Yoruba culture Orisa: Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora By Toyin Falola, and Ann Genova (Eds.), U.S.A. Africa World Press, 468pp, £21.99, Paperback AN EXAMINATION of the influence of Yoruba culture in the wider African Diaspora. Orisa, the Nigerian pantheistic worship tradition, is widespread over not just the African continent but much of the globe. The essays included cover a wide range of subjects, including divination; the practice of Santeria; festivals and songs; the creation of Orisa-based communities within the United States; and the globalisation of cults. Most importantly, the volume documents the survival of religious practices and their important role in rein-

Q U A R T E R L Y African Christianity: An African Story By Ogbu U. Kalu (Ed.) South Africa University of Pretoria, 631pp; £45 DESIGNED as a theological textbook for use throughout the continent, this comprehensive history is ideologically-driven by an attempt to foreground African appropriations of the Christian gospel, while not ignoring the significant contributions of European missionaries. . Images of Lamu By Javed Jafferji Gallery Publications, Zanzibar. 116pp, £24.95

forcing cultural values within a community as well as empowering its members to progress in the modern world, wherever they be.

■ Biographies Myth of Iron: Shaka in History By Dan Wylie, University of Kwazulu-Natal Press, South Africa, 615pp, Hardback, £40 OVER the decades we have heard a great deal about Shaka, the most famous (or infamous) of Zulu leaders. It may come as a surprise, therefore, that we do not know when he was born, nor what he looked like, nor precisely when or why he was assassinated. His public image, sometimes monstrous, sometimes heroic, juggernauts on, a “myth of iron” that is so intriguing, so dramatic, so archetypal, and sometimes so politically useful, that few have subjected it to proper scrutiny. This study sets out all the available evidence and decides what exactly we can know about Shaka’s reign. A meticulously researched “anti-biography”. The Cult of Rhodes: Remembering an Imperialist in Africa By Paul Maylam, David Philip, South Africa, 184pp, Paperback, £14.95 A HUNDRED years after his death, Rhodes continues to live in the form of memorials and statues, a university that bears his name, a prestigious scholarship. Rhodes features in novels, on stage, in film. He is subject of over 50 biographies and numerous articles. How did Cecil Rhodes, whose very average intellectual abilities, crude racism and dubious business practices should exclude him from the ranks of the great achieve such status? The ‘Cult of Rhodes’ takes a critical look at this paradox, examining among other issues the surprising silence from Afrikaners and Africans in Rhodes historiography and the ambiguous attitude towards Rhodes in the country that was once named after him.

Cecil Rhodes

May-July 2006

LAMU Old Town is the oldest and best-preserved Swahili settlement in East Africa, retaining its traditional functions. Built in coral stone and mangrove timber, the town is characterised by the simplicity of structural forms enriched by such features as inner courtyards, verandas, and elaborately carved wooden doors. Lamu has hosted major Muslim religious festivals since the 19th century, and has become a significant centre for the study of Islamic and Swahili cultures. Snap Judgements: New Positions in Contemporary African Photography By Okwui Enwezor Steidl Verlag, Germany, 384pp, £40, Hardback FEATURES about 250 works by 30 artists from across Africa, presenting a range of highly individual artistic responses to the unprecedented changes now taking place in the economic, social, and cultural spheres of African nations and provides new insight into the increasing role of the visual arts within the global cultural community. Organised into four main thematic groups –– landscape; urban formations; the body and identity; and history and representation –– around which Africa’s experimental artists have articulated individual artistic styles and languages.

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■ Travel and Tourism

Travel writing by Asians and Africans Other Routes: 1500 Years of African and Asian Travel Writing Tabish Khair, Justin Edwards, Martin Leer and Hanna Ziadeh (Eds.) Signal Books, U.K., 421pp, Hardback, £45 THIS ANTHOLOGY, stretching from the fifth to the nineteenth centuries, introduces an entirely different tradition of travel writing –– the work of travellers from the world beyond Europe. ‘Other Routes’ collects important primary work by travel writers from Asia and Africa in English translation. Encompassing spiritual journeys, the personal, ethnography, natural history, geography, cartography, navigation, politics, history, religion and diplomacy, it shows that Africans and Asians also travelled the world and left travel writing worth reading. An introduction by Tabish Khair discusses travel literature as a genre, the perception of travel and writing about travel as a European privilege, and the emergence of new writings that show that travel has been a human occupation that crosses time and culture. This original and significant book will interest armchair travelers and others in views of people and places away from the European traveller’s gaze. Selections include ‘The Travels of a Japanese Monk’ (c. 838), ‘Al-Abdari, the Disgruntled Traveller’ (c. 1290), ‘A Korean Official’s Account of China’ (1488), ‘The Poetry of Basho’s Road’ (1689), ‘Malabari: A Love-Hate Affair with the British’ (1890).

Morocco: The Globetrotter Travel Guide By Robin Gauldie, New Holland, U.K., 128pp, Paperback, £8.99 Combines a travel guide and pull-out travel map (scale 1: 1 100 000) in a convenient and durable plastic wallet. The handy Travel Guides are crammed with useful information, travel tips and recommendations for the traveller. Favouring essential and practical travel data over extended essays, their clearly presented, easy-tocarry format is both attractive and practical.

■ Looking Back History of the South African Department of Foreign Affairs, 1927-1993 Tom Wheeler (ed.), South African Institute of International Affairs, South Africa, 779pp, Paperback, £41.99 WITH the approval of the Director General of Foreign Affairs, the South African Institute for International Affairs (SAIIA) has published the officially prepared history of the South African Department of Foreign Affairs, covering the period from its founding to the run-up to the first democratic election. The book contains Contains 28 chapters divided into three parts. Part 1 relates the role of the Department and its officials in great and lesser events, as well as its development in the years between 1927 and 1948. Part 2 deals with 1948-1966; and Part 3 is a history of the Department itself, reflecting external events indirectly through the growth, organisation and management of the Department. The book is only available in limited supply.

May-July 2006

Evolutions and Revolutions: A Contemporary History of Militaries in Southern Africa Martin Rupiya (Ed.), South African Institute for Security Studies, 390pp, Paperback, £17.99 BY providing case studies of the 13 countries that make up the Southern African Development Community, this book aims to deliver a template of how the new African states transformed in the area of their military institutions following independence. It has three aims: To provide a military history of the southern African region; to overcome traditional reluctance among African people to put pen to paper; and, to cultivate a cadre of policymakers who are able to engage in intellectual discourse.

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Bestsellers in India It has been the talking point for some days now and not surprisingly former external affairs minister Jaswant Singh’s ‘A Call to Honour: In Service of Emergent India’ tops the non-fiction list this week, while Manju Kapur's ‘Home’ is fiction favourite. TOP 10: NON-FICTION 1. ‘A Call to Honour: In Service of Emergent India’ Author: Jaswant Singh Publisher: Rupa Price: Rs. 495 2. ‘Marley & Me’ Author: John Grogan Publisher: William Morrow Price: $10 (Rs. 468) 3. ‘The Dancing Girls of Lahore’ Author: Louise Brown Publisher: Harper Perennial Price: $9.25 (Rs. 433) 4. ‘The World is Flat: The Globalised World in the Twenty-First Century’ Author: Thomas L. Friedman Publisher: Penguin India Price: £5.99

7. ‘Iran Awakening: From Prison to Peace Prize’ Author: Shirin Ebadi Publisher: Rider Price: £8.50 (Rs. 732) 8. ‘Spy Princess: The Life of Noor Inayat Khan’ Author: Shrabani Basu Publisher: Lotus Roli Price: Rs. 395 9. ‘The War of The World: History’s Age of Hatred’ Author: Niall Ferguson Publisher: Penguin Allen Lane Price: £18.00 (Rs. 1,551) 10. ‘Temptations of The West’ Author: Pankaj Mishra Publisher: Picador Price: Rs. 525 TOP 10: FICTION 1. ‘Home’ Author: Manju Kapur Publisher: Random House India Price: Rs. 395

(Rs. 516) 5. ‘Identity and Violence’ Author: Amartya Sen Publisher: Penguin Books Price: Rs. 295 6. ‘DC Confidential’ Author: Christopher Meyer Publisher: Phoenix Price: £4.75 (Rs. 409)

2. ‘Shantaram’ Author: Gregory David Roberts Publisher: ABACUS Price: £5.50 (Rs. 474) 3. ‘The Devil Wears Prada’ Author: Lauren Weisberger Publisher: Harper Price: Rs. 250.00

4. ‘The Da Vinci Code’ Author: Dan Brown Publisher: Corgi Books Price: Rs. 265 5. ‘What Would You Do To Save The World?’ Author: Ira Trivedi Publisher: Penguin Books Price: Rs. 195 6. ‘Water’ Author: Bapsi Sidhwa Publisher: Penguin Viking Price: Rs. 325 7. ‘Blind Willow, Sleeping Woman’ Author: Haruki Murakami Publisher: Harvill Secker Price: £7.25 (Rs. 624) 8. ‘Crime Beat: True Stories of Cops and Killers’ Author: Michael Connelly Publisher: Orionbooks Price: £6.50 (Rs. 559) 9. ‘Coming Out’ Author: Danielle Steel Publisher: Bantam Press Price: £7.25 (Rs. 624) 10. ‘Malinche’ Author: Laura Esquivel Publisher: Simon & Schuster Price: $11.25 (Rs. 526)

(Source: Bahri Sons, New Delhi, www.booksatbahri.com. All the books listed above are available online)

May-July 2006

D O C U M E N T S Speech by Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma at the Accra conclave of the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) on May 25.

t is indeed a pleasure and a privilege for me to have the opportunity to address this distinguished gathering of senior ministers and government officials, diplomats, business leaders, bankers and, most important, the seasoned members of the fourth estate. Our presence in Accra today truly marks a new beginning in our efforts to forge a public-private partnership that will work to strengthen economic ties between India and Africa. We, from the Government of India, have worked closely with the Confederation of Indian Industry in organising the highly successful India-Africa Partnership Conclaves in New Delhi in March and November last year. And we are now together in Accra with a high-level business delegation and a government team that includes senior officials from our Ministries of External Affairs, Finance and Commerce and from the EXIM Bank of India. Our multi-sectoral government team and the presence of several of our leading companies in our business delegation, Ladies and Gentlemen, is our way of saying that we are serious in our desire to engage our African friends across a broad spectrum of activities. We are here to listen to you, to understand your development priorities and challenges, and to work together in creating a “win-win” partnership. Like the rest of the world, Excellencies, India has also watched with admiration the steady progress that Africa is making on the path of democracy, good governance and sustained, equitable, economic growth. We have seen the march of democracy across large parts of the African continent. We have seen the earnest efforts of the African Union to put an end to several debilitating conflicts. We are witnessing the efforts of NEPAD to create institutions like the African Peer Review Mechanism and the willingness of countries like our hosts in Ghana to subject themselves to scrutiny. We hope that the movement towards genuine multilateral debt relief will gather momentum. And we recognise the positive impact of these developments in terms of improved economic growth. Over the years, I have heard my African friends pray fervently for a new dawn and I do believe that Africa today stands on the cusp of a renaissance. And India, which stood shoulder to shoulder with Africa during its darkest days of colonialism and apartheid, now looks forward to an equally close participation in Africa’s renaissance. Ladies and Gentlemen, over the last few years, the “India story” has also caught the world’s imagination. It is the story of a country of 1.1 billion people, living in a raucous, pluralistic democracy and managing a steady GDP growth of almost 8 percent –– with plans to raise it to an even more ambitious

10 percent. Growth that relies primarily on the hard work and enterprise of our indigenous companies rather than on international aid or Foreign Direct Investment alone; growth that relies on our domestic markets more than it does on exports; growth that has seen India overtake Germany as the world’s fourth-largest economy in terms of the World Bank’s Purchasing Power Parity index; and growth that does not widen the gulf between the haves and have-nots of our society but consciously tries to address the pressing issues of social and economic inequality. In reaching this position, Ladies and Gentlemen, we do believe that we have developed products, technologies and systems that are uniquely relevant for our conditions in India and, indeed, in Africa. My business friends like to call it India’s “AAA” value proposition: Our products and technologies are Adaptable, they are Appropriate, and they are Affordable. Over the years, we have attempted to share these with our friends in Africa through our Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation programme, and through a variety of capacity-building projects such as the Ghana-India Kofi Annan Centre for Excellence in IT here in Accra and the Entrepreneurship Training and Technology Development Centre in Dakar. But we do realise that in today’s world, access to low-cost finance is the essential catalyst for joint ventures and for transfer of technology. And while we are still a fairly poor country in terms of our per capita income, sensible economic policies have allowed us to build a comfortable level of foreign exchange reserves. As a result, we are now in a position to provide modest amounts of finance through concessional lines of credit, bilaterally as well as through the TEAM-9 and NEPAD programmes. Over the last year, we have used our TEAM-9 programme to support an irrigation project in Senegal, an urban transport project in Cote d’voire, an agricultural implements project in Burkina Faso, a power generation facility in Mali, a cotton yarn plant in Chad and a rural electrification project here in Ghana. The launch of construction of the Presidential Office complex in Accra tomorrow will be another important milestone under the TEAM-9 programme. We have similarly used funds available under our $200 million line of credit to NEPAD to support an urban transport project in Kinshasa, a cement plant in Kisangani and a tractor assembly plant in the Gambia. And today, Ladies and Gentlemen, we hope to take this step further through a $250 million line of credit that EXIM Bank would provide to the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development. Now, I do recognise that my friends in the other subregions of Africa are beginning to say that we are perhaps giving too much importance to just one region of Africa at the expense of the others. I must take this opportunity to assure them that we do not see this as a zero sum game. We hope to

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Q U A R T E R L Y

enter into a similar arrangement with the Economic Community of Central African States fairly soon, even as we look at forging a closer relationship with Africa’s other subregions and, indeed, with the African Union itself. But I must also add that our lines of credit are merely instruments to enable countries in this region to meet some of their development priorities through concessional finance, and also to encourage Indian companies to participate more actively in mutually beneficial projects here. It is important that our own businessmen see these lines of credit as catalysts to encourage them to venture forth without fear and not as crutches without which they cannot move forward. The same is true for our African friends. I strongly believe that India’s value proposition provides a very strong economic argument for normal commercial ties and I am very happy that the Confederation of Indian Industry is providing a forum like this where businessmen from India and Africa can freely interact

and develop a stronger network. Without wanting to flatter our hosts, I must take this opportunity to convey our appreciation of the manner in which the Government of Ghana has created a stable and friendly business environment. This has attracted a host of Indian companies to establish a presence here, making India one of the largest overseas investors in Ghana. And I am particularly happy that this has largely happened without government support or recourse to our lines of credit. I would be delighted to see this example replicated in many other countries around the region, even as we from the government do our best to remove obstacles and act as facilitators. Before I conclude, I would like to convey my government’s sincere thanks to H.E. President Kuofor for being here today to inaugurate this conclave. I would also like to thank my friends and colleagues who have especially traveled to Accra to make this event a success. Thank you.

Speech by Minister of Local Government, Youth Affairs and Sports Mani Shankar Aiyar at the Africa Day function organised by the Indian Council of World Affairs in New Delhi on XXXXXXX

delivered by Jawaharlal Nehru, the hero of my generation and I think the hero of many Indians, when he delivered the inaugural address to African Students Congress, here in Delhi, on 26th December, 1953; what he then said was: “It is far better to look at the present, and even more so to the future, than to go back to the past all the time.” He didn’t object to going back to the past. His objection was going back to the past all the time. And, I do not believe that we can fulfil his injunction of looking at the present and even more so at the future unless we first take stock of the past and ensure continuity between the past, present and the future. So, I give myself the liberty of going back to the past, but not through all the time at my disposal. Panditji’s remark, which I have just quoted to you, came in the context of a perception which informed his thinking about Africa which he uttered in the following words in the same address; he said: “Probably no part of the earth’s surface has suffered more in the last two or three hundred years from the incursions of outsiders than Africa.” For us to understand what was the agony in the Indian heart at seeing the suffering of the African people, we probably have to go back to those indentured labourers, most of whom were illiterate and who suffered the first shock of seeing how the African people were treated in South Africa and other parts of Africa. But, because they were unlettered, we don’t, as far as I know, have written records of how they reacted to the horror they saw. But, there was a young man, who was only 23 years old, who landed in Durban, in 1893, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. And he articulated, what I think must have been the feelings of generations of Indians who had preceded him in the African continent. Gandhiji wrote: “When I went to South Africa (1893), I knew nothing about that country. Yet, within

our Excellency, Mr. Abdalmahmood Abdelhaleem, my long cherished friend and colleague, Shri Talmiz Ahmad, who has recently taken over as the head of this Council, Excellencies, and among these Excellencies I see many, many familiar faces and very old friends, Ladies and Gentlemen. I should also mention colleagues in the Foreign Service, who have turned up in alarming numbers to attend this lecture. What, you might ask yourself and that is the question which I am asking myself, is the Minister of Local Government, Youth Affairs and Sports, doing as a principal speaker at the Africa Day function? The answer apparently is, it is not the Indian Council of World Affairs which thought up this bizarre idea of asking me to deliver today’s lecture but, in fact, the Corps of African Heads of Mission as represented by your Dean, who, out of the billion Indians, chose to pick me. Can I think of a higher honour? Thank you very, very much, indeed, for recognising in me a friend and an admirer of your great continent and a profound believer in the value and importance of friendship between India and Africa, and the many, many lessons we in India have to learn from the African experience. The inspiration for my theme today, which is not quite the title that has been misprinted in your invitation card, is: ‘India and Africa –– From Yesterday to Tomorrow’. It derives in substantial measure from a phrase that I came across in a speech

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D O C U M E N T S seven days of my reaching there, I found that I had to deal with of the ambulance corps. I shall never forget the lacerated backs a situation too terrible for words. I discovered that as a man of the Zulus who had received stripes and were brought to us and an Indian I had no rights. More correctly, I discovered that for nursing because no white nurse was prepared to look after I had no rights as a man because I was an Indian.” them. Yet, those who perpetrated all these cruelties called It is the shock of this discovery that converted the shy, ret- themselves Christians. They were educated and better dressed icent, introspective and awkward young man into a national than the Zulus, but not their moral superior.” leader long before he was 30. When we wonder whether a 40And, thus, I think, it came about that in Africa, then dividyear-old Congressman should became President of the party, ed between several racial groups, and about half a century later we should remember that the freedom movement germinat- coming to suffer institutional humiliation and insults, of haved in the mind of a young boy, who was not even 25 when he ing this translated into the law and system of governance called came to be accepted as the leader of the freedom struggle, at “Apartheid”, that the Indian mind and the African mind began least by the Indians in South Africa. to come together in a common quest for freedom. All of us know that the horror he had experienced got But, the problem was that, here in India we knew very littranslated into a firm resolve to end all injustice when he was tle, next to nothing, about Africa. And so, when Jawharlal thrown out of a railway train at Pietermaritzburg, for having Nehru was imprisoned and his daughter was taking lessons the temerity to buy a first class ticket and travel in the same from him, he wrote to her a series of letters by way of educompartment as a white man. When the white man protest- cating her, and incidentally himself, about history; these leted to the guard at Gandhiji’s presence, the porter ordered ters are collected in the renowned book, Glimpses of World Gandhi off the train. Remember, this is the boy who was only History. Jawaharlal Nehru confesses, “Unfortunately, not 23 or 24 years old. And when he was thrown upon the rail- many are acquainted with the past of Africa. I confess that my way platform, he sat the whole night on that platform on a own knowledge was largely limited to the recent two to three wooden bench. He experienced many human emotions: hundred years. Gradually, I learnt something more of its preThere was fear, there was humiliation, and, ultimately, as the vious history and found, as I expected, that that history was a day dawned, there was a resolve, and it was that resolve on that rich history, rich in cultural achievements, rich in political railway station which created the greatest man of the 20th organisation and rich in forms of democracy.” century and, possibly, the greatest man that humanity has ever So, it is hardly surprising, when, in 1927, he attended the known. ‘International Congress against If Asia is to look towards But, the story I have just told is a Colonial Oppression and resurgence, then this very well known story and an oftenImperialism’ in Brussels, he particurepeated story. What is little realised, larly sought out the South African continent must take its place perhaps because it has never been delegates. Because this little nugget at the same level at which it adequately emphasised, is that it was of information has been relegated to was till 300 years ago, i.e., at a railway platform of South Africa the footnotes of the history books, I that Gandhiji learnt how to translate think it is worth retrieving and at the vanguard of the his resolve to stand up to injustice reminding the audience that the first advancement of human into a plan of action. That was when official contact between the African civilisation. This cannot he found that when the humble railliberation movement and the Indian way porters in South Africa were National Congress took place neieven begin until Asia learns insulted by the racist white men, ther in Africa nor in India, but in the from the African experience. these porters would salute the white heart of Europe! Indeed, it is the city passengers who had insulted them which is the headquarters of the and say, “My brother, God will forgive you your rudeness.” European Union. He met there Josiah Gumede, President of It was there that in Gandhiji’s mind germinated the idea the African National Congress; also, J.A. Laguma, who was a that you can be generous towards the culprit. This is the begin- coloured leader; and a White trade unionist, D. Cobarine. ning of Satyagraha of the individual. So, I would like to pay Perhaps significantly, and this is something worth investigatmy tribute to those humble railway porters in Africa who were ing, there didn’t appear to be an Indian in the South African responsible for the ethical and strategic content of our free- delegation that went to this international congress. dom struggle. Jawaharlal Nehru came back impassioned, angry about The story of Gandhi in South Africa is too well known to what he had seen and learnt. This experience placed the Indian bear repetition on this occasion and I do not want to dwell too freedom struggle within the larger canvas of the freedom much on the past. There is another passage from his story from struggle of all the oppressed people around the world, includMy Experiments with Truth of what it was that made Gandhiji ing Africa. recoil from those who were apparently engaged in missionary In a report to the Indian National Congress on the meetactivities in Africa. He writes: “I witnessed some of the hor- ing in Brussels, Nehru wrote that in the British Empire, “We rors that were perpetrated on the Zulus during the Zulu rebel- see colour and racial prejudice and the doctrine that the White lion. Because one man, Bambatta, their chief, had refused to man must be supreme even in countries where he forms a pay the tax, the whole race was made to suffer. I was in charge small minority. South Africa offers the most flagrant example

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A F R I C A of this. In Kenya and the adjacent territories it is now proposed to create a new federation or dominion with all the powers in the hands of a few White settlers, who can do what they will do to a large number of Indians and overwhelming African population. Can India as a state associate itself with this group and be a party to the colour bar legislation and the exploitation and humiliation of her own sons and the races of Africa?” This spirit got reflected in its true horror when Italy invaded Abyssinia, now called Ethiopia, and the League of Nations did nothing about Mussolini’s clear transgression of the Covenant of the League. That compounded having done nothing over Japanese incursions in Manchuria. Rabindranath Tagore, our national poet, reacted to the invasion of Ethiopia, so-called Abyssinia, by the Italians, with a poem addressed to the entire West, to those who had made imperialism their mission. It is such a beautiful poem that I want to share with you! Please remember when he wrote it: He wrote it as the League of Nations was betraying the purposes for which the “war to end all wars” had been fought, between 1914-1918. And, the betrayal in Abyssinia was going to plunge the whole of the Western world, and with it the rest of the world, into the terrible horrors of the Second World War. This was preceded by what was happening in Germany, which in many ways still haunts the European civilisation and the people, the Jewish people being targeted by a mad man who had the approbation and the approval of his people and the support of the vast majority of the establishment in the countries around Europe. It was truly a time when the last rays of civilisation were illuminating the Western sky. Taking this as a theme, Rabindranath Tagore wrote: While the last rays of Civilisation still illumine your sky, And before the approaching darkness Quite envelopes your world, Beg of Lady Africa Her forgiveness. In the midst of this clamorous cacophony of violence Let “Forgive us” be Your sacred word of parting. Part from them they did have to. The parting began in India. In India, on the eve of our becoming independent, in 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru and several of his colleagues were inducted into an Interim Cabinet of which he was the Vice President and also held the portfolio of External Affairs. In what was, perhaps, the most significant foreign policy decision of the Government of India and of Nehru, although strictly speaking he was still to be in the Government, he imposed sanctions on South Africa. He broke diplomatic relations with South Africa and, of course, there was no question of having military ties with Pretoria. He did this long before sanctions became a common word in our vocabulary or before the United Nations began thinking about sanctions. And, certainly, before individual countries around the world decided it was a legitimate form of diplomatic protest.

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The price we had to pay was pretty considerable because South Africa was among our most important trading partners, largely because of the Indian trading community that had been, by and large, indentured and taken there, and was followed by a few tradesmen and other professionals. But, this was the price not only was India willing to pay, it was also the price that Indians in South Africa were ready to pay. At that time, the African National Congress and, in particular its Youth League, had considerable reservations over any kind of partnership between the Africans and Indians in South Africa, and there was a belief, fostered somewhat assiduously by the local authorities, the ruling authorities, that Apartheid meant every racial group had to live separately. So, there is no real question of collaboration between the Indian and African communities: Each community was going to find its own destiny separate from the other community, that is what the word “Apartheid” means. Thus, South Africa became a country of separate communities –– one dominant, the others subordinate, instead of being a nation in which all the inhabitants lived and worked together. This is 1946, and Nelson Mandela , a very young member of the Youth League, reports in his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, I think it is worth listening to Mandela’s voice on the rather agonised question of the relationship between the Indian community and the African community in South Africa, and, by extension, between India and Africa at the start of our journey as an independent nation. In 1946, Nelson Mandela said: “We in the Youth League and the African National Congress witnessed the Indian people register an extraordinary protest against the colour operation in a way Africans and the ANC had not. Ismail Meer and J.N.Singh suspended their studies, said goodbye to their families and went to prison. Ahmed Kathrada , who was still a high school student, did the same thing. I often visited the home of Amina Pahad for lunch, and then, suddenly this charming women put aside her apron and went to jail for her beliefs. If I had once questioned the willingness of the Indian community to protest against oppression, I no longer could do so. “The Indian campaign became a model for the type of protest that we in the Youth League were calling for. It inspired a spirit of defiance and radicalism among people, (and) broke the fear of prison. They reminded us that the freedom struggle was not merely a question of making speeches, holding meetings, passing resolutions and sending deputations, but of meticulous organisation, militant mass action and, above all, the willingness to suffer and sacrifice.” I cannot think of a higher tribute to the role of the Indian community in the African liberation struggle than these generous words. Mandela then went on to describe how, based on the lessons learnt from Indians, the ANC and, particularly, the Youth League, brought Africans and the Indians together in what, in 1952, was called the “Defiance Campaign”. Mandela writes: “The government saw the campaign as a threat to its security and its policy of Apartheid. They were perturbed by the growing partnership between Africans and Indians. Apartheid was designed to divide racial groups and we showed that different groups could work together. The

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D O C U M E N T S prospect of a united front between Africans and Indians, between moderates and radicals, greatly worried them.” Jawaharlal Nehru in his address at the Asian Relations Conference in Delhi in March-April 1947, said: “We of Asia have a special responsibility to the people of Africa. We must help them to their rightful place in the human family.” I think that sums up the African policy of the new government which took office in 1947. And, if any further clarification were needed, then, at the International Conference on Peace and Empire, held in London, in 1948, Panditji added, “The people of Africa deserve our special attention.” However, there was a continuing problem. It looked as if the winds of change would finally blow and that Africa and African nations would, sooner rather than later, become independent. The question then arose: What should the Indians in Africa be doing? And, what relationship would India have with the Indian community in Africa, and whether this could be at the expense of the relationship India wished to cultivate with the Africans and Africa? Jawaharlal Nehru, at the same London conference, said: “I think Indians in Africa or elsewhere can be useful members of the community. But only on this basis do we welcome their remaining there –– that the interests of the people of Africa are always placed first.”

ow, this was not very welcome to all elements of the Indian community residing in different African countries. Many of them had no other homes. Many of them had suffered in the most terrible ways when, for example, laying railways in Kenya. The lion as the symbol of danger in Indian literature comes entirely from the experience of Indian labourers working on railways going through the forests in Africa when many of them were attacked and killed by these ferocious animals. It was also true that sections of the Indian community, those who belonged to the civil services and those who were in the professions, found themselves wondering what their future would be in an Africa that was struggling with itself. There was also the unspoken divide between the Indians, by and large, and Africans, by and large, on the role of violence in the struggle for liberation. Mandela himself took the position that he agreed with Gandhi’s philosophy of non- violence not as a moral principle but as an appropriate strategy. However, he found that the strategy of non-violence was not working; he was not prepared to abjure use of violence purely on the ground of moral principle. So, it was in this rather complicated situation that a new Africa was about to dawn. There was a public meeting held in Delhi on 13th April, 1953, where Jawaharlal Nehru made a statement which became highly controversial within the Indian community in Africa. This was with regard to the presence of the Mau Mau in Kenya, with Jomo Kenyata emerging as a major leader of the liberation struggle. Nehru said: “India’s sympathies are with the people of Kenya. India has already made it clear that no Indian should remain there against the wishes of the African people. No Indian should remain there either to harm the African people or to exploit them. We do not want any people to sit on the backs of the

African people. The Indian people can help Africans only as guests of the Africans in the land of the Africans.” This very strong position was contested by Indians living in Africa. They said: “We have no land other than the land of Africa. We did not come yesterday and we often did not come of our own volition.” At this stage, Indians had been in Africa over a hundred and fifty years. They were asking what their place would be in the new Africa. Jawaharlal Nehru made it clear that our relationship with Africa took precedence over our relationship with the Indians. We would support them in Africa only to the extent that Indians in Africa became good Africans. If a conflict arose between the African view of the Indians and Indian view of how they should be conducting themselves, well, there was a homeland here in India to which these Indians could return; but, we were not going to allow our ethnic bonds with Indians in Africa to take precedence over the imperatives of an outstanding relationship between India and the emerging Africa. This question has gone through many, many convoluted phases over the last 50 years, but it is not, I think, a significant or major problem any more. At this time, an English teacher, Peter Wright, who belonged to the Kenyan Civil Service and was a friend of Jomo Kenyata, and had been expelled by the British in Kenya for opposition to British colonial rule, came to India to start a Department of African Studies in Delhi University on the recommendation of High Commissioner Apa Pant. When he arrived in India, he called on the Prime Minister. This was 19th May, 1955. And as a civil servant myself and now a Minister, I’m quite amazed that the Prime Minister of India should not have had some subordinate to take notes of what was discussed and have them circulated to all and sundry. Instead, he himself, Jawaharlal Nehru himself, not only dictated the notes, but, having ordered that they should be circulated to several different authorities, also had a copy sent to his daughter, Indira Gandhi. That was part of her education and the preparation she had for becoming the Prime Minister of India. It is remarkable, really remarkable, that he found the time to provide six pages of dictation! There are a few phrases from these notes which I want to share with you because I think these phrases reflect the thinking of Jawaharlal Nehru. They are addressed really to Indians here and how they should deal with African students who come to study in India. He quotes Peter Wright as saying that what is required here in India, above all, is for the African point of view to be understood and appreciated. Panditji then wrote: “I entirely agree with him about this approach. We have to realise, first of all, that there is a definite African point of view, an African background of thought and social organisation, an African culture deep rooted in this background. “The history of Africa is the story of tragedy and a long continued agony. We have to bear this in mind and remember that the whole world, and more particularly, the Europeans and Americans, have a heavy debt to pay to Africans for the past misdeeds. We have therefore, to go out of our way to understand and be receptive to Africans. It is only then that we can gain their confidence and both learn something from them and teach them something.

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A F R I C A “I am told that some African students have started an African bureau in Delhi. I think that it is good for these Africans students to have this means of self-expression. Therefore, this should be helped and encouraged.” He ended by saying: “I have no doubt that Africa is going to play an important part in world affairs. Africa is our neighbour. The sooner we try to understand the real Africa the better it would be for us as well as for Africa.” We need to look back over the last 50 years to see to what extent we have succeeded in implementing Nehru’s direction. I don’t think we have succeeded as much as we ought to have. What we were asked to do with respect to Africa remains an incomplete agenda. I must share with you the words with which Jawaharlal Nehru welcomed the beginning of liberation in Africa, which was signalled by the independence of Ghana and Nigeria. He said to the African Students Association here in Delhi on 6th March, 1957: “Africa has had a peculiarly tragic history for hundreds of years. And to see Africa turn its face towards dawn after the dark is, indeed, something exhilarating.” We shared in that exhilaration. Jawaharlal Nehru also welcomed the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), set up just a year before his death. Under the leadership of Lal Bahadur Shastri and later of Indira Gandhi, we started the initial cultivation of our relationship with a variety of African nations. However, perhaps, from the decades of the 1980s, the Prime Minister who was most deeply involved with the Africa of today, the Africa emerging from history, was Rajiv Gandhi. It was my privilege to travel with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to nearly all the African countries. Africa was at the top of his agenda. At meetings of the Commonwealth, he battled with Mrs. Margaret Thatcher on behalf of Africa, and separately with the United States in the United Nations, and in the mobilisation of the Non Alignment Movement. By swinging through Africa to Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Angola, and going on to Harare for the NAM Summit; articulating his solidarity with South Africa, and becoming the most articulate spokesman for Africa the Commonwealth had, that the NonAlignment Movement had, that the United Nations had, on the question of ending invasion, colonialism, and Apartheid in Africa, Rajiv Gandhi has earned his permanent place in the heart of Africans. It was at the NAM summit in Harare, that I had my brief 15 seconds of brush with fame. Rajiv Gandhi had insisted on a special meeting in a close-door room with his colleagues at the NAM Summit to discuss at that highest level and approve an idea that would demonstrate in some practical manner what the countries of the NAM, the countries of the South, notwithstanding their status as developing countries, could make some gesture towards ending the unfolding tragedy in Africa. As he rushed towards the meeting, he brushed past me in the delegates’ lobby and said to me, “Think up a name for the Fund,” and went into the meeting. I sat outside, juggling with possible names to give to this Fund. And I came with the acronym ‘AFRICA’: That acronym didn’t stand for the name of the continent; it had to be spelt out in capital letters all the

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way, and it stood for: “Action For Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid (AFRICA).” When he came out of that meeting, Rajiv asked me, “Have you thought of something?” I said, “We should call it AFRICA Fund.” He said, “Can you not think of something more imaginative.” I said, “I mean the acronym, ‘AFRICA’, which stands for: Action For Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid.” He said, “Good show,” and went back into the room and that’s how the ‘AFRICA Fund’ got its name. Several months later, when Rajiv Gandhi presented in New Delhi the report of the AFRICA Fund committee, this is how he described the AFRICA Fund: “The AFRICA Fund is a fund to assist those who struggle –– whose struggle is our struggle. It is a Fund to finish Apartheid. It is a Fund to forestall bloodshed. It is a Fund for Peace. It is a Fund for the triumph of the human spirit.” That Fund made a small contribution –– ending invasion, the invasion of Mozambique; ending colonialism, which was then rampant in Namibia; and of ending apartheid in South Africa. That is how it came about that when Rajiv Gandhi ceased to be the Prime Minister, when he was defeated in elections in 1989, and Namibia became free the following year, a very special invitation was sent to the Leader of the Opposition, along with the Prime Minister of India who was then Shri V.P. Singh, at the freedom celebrations in Namibia: A great and very generous tribute to India by the last bastion of colonialism for the contribution that we had made to end this dreadful phenomenon which had made Africa a hunting ground for white hunters, not merely your jungles for wild animals, but your countries for human beings. So, I think, it is with Rajiv Gandhi that we come in a sense to the climax of India’s relationship with Africa in the past. I cannot really leave this without one last quotation: It is the message that Mr. Rajiv Gandhi sent to the African National Congress on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of its founding, when Mr. Nelson Mandela was still in jail; Rajiv wrote: “The end of Apartheid is in sight. It survives on a lung machine furnished by its powerful economic and military benefactors. Let them remember the lesson they were taught by Mahatma Gandhi, that no power is greater than the power of the soul. The victory of the soul of South Africa is assured. The annihilation of the atavism of apartheid is certain.”

e now arrive at what we need to do in the present for the future. We had built up a relationship with Africa over the better part of the century on the basis of the ground reality of our country being a colonised country and yours being a colonised continent; on the perception that freedom is indivisible and, therefore, in no way could a country like India consider itself free without all countries which were in thrall to colonialism also being liberated from colonialism. That is why freedom movements in every part of the world, whether it was in Africa, in West Asia, China, in Latin America, all became part and parcel of the Indian freedom movement. But, we cannot just go on harping on the past. We now have an Africa which is politically entirely liberated. We have an

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D O C U M E N T S India which has been liberated for sixty years or more. There are other forms of exploitation that we have encountered, that we have learned to live with, and that we have overcome. There are divisions that really belong to the past and certainly have no place in the future of any of the continents in the world. No continent is more divided than Asia. And, we are divided largely because of quarrels created by others: These are not our own quarrels; but, we have become the victims of these quarrels. If Asia is to look towards resurgence, then this continent must take its place at the same level at which it was till 300 years ago, i.e., at the vanguard of the advancement of human civilisation. This cannot even begin until Asia learns from the African experience. It was an astonishing act of political will that even before most of Africa was politically free, the OAU came to be established 43 years ago. And we, 43 years later, do not have an Organisation of Asian Unity! To set up the OAU and then to progress from that to an African Union is a political achievement which is truly unparalleled. We have not been able to do it in South Asia let alone in all of Asia. Most Indians would regard Central Asia as being more alien than they would feel in London or in San Francisco. There isn’t even the beginning of an Asian Economic Cooperation at a continental level. There are a number of regional initiatives which could one day contribute to a panAsia. But, having liberated ourselves decades before Africa was liberated, we still do not have the wisdom of Africa. It is in the evolution of the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union that we have a major lesson to learn and a major opportunity to take advantage of. We have to learn how to deal with the African Union in addition to dealing with the member-states of the African Union on a bilateral basis.

f I am permitted to return to my personal reminiscences, my career as a diplomat began in Brussels when the European Community consisted of only six memberstates. Our relationship with these six member-states was far more important than our relationship with the European Community. We have now grown to the stage where our primary relationship is with the European Union, and it is through that relationship that we have built up our ties with the 25 more states that now constitute the European Union. We, therefore, have a golden opportunity, not created by ourselves but presented to us by you, of availing of the African Union and its different initiatives. We have the honour of being nominated as a dialogue-partner of the African Union. If we are to take full advantage of the governmental arrangement of being a dialogue-partner with the African Union, then the second thing that India needs to do, and to do so in collaboration especially with Your Excellencies in your present capacity as Heads of Mission accredited to India, is to set up a Track II. We have Track II with nations like Pakistan and Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. But, we don’t really have a well-oiled Track II mechanism with African countries as a whole, not even with most countries of Africa. You cannot have the India-Africa relationship based

upon a Mission in Pretoria or another one in Dar-es-Salaam. What we need is to recognise that the totality of Africa has to be covered along with ties with different regions of Africa or with different member-states. Setting up this arrangement can be a collective effort of the African Heads of Mission, which I would urge you to pursue vigorously. We have in our country for over 40 years, Indian intellectuals who understand Africa and have made it their lifetime mission to cultivate this knowledge. I refer here to Hari Sharan Chhabra. It is because of him that I, as a probationer of the Indian Foreign Service, first started looking at Africa, and I wrote one of my two essays for the Foreign Service on Africa. One was on the Algerian freedom struggle, the other was on Vietnam. Those were perhaps the most defining events of our life from boyhood to adulthood. People like Hari Sharan Chhabra are there in India. We have a whole panoply now –– experts on Africa such as Prof. Ajay Dubey; his colleague, Dr. Bina Sharma; Dr. J.P. Sharma, Dr. Singh, people whom I have spoken to this morning, who could easily catalyse a dialogue at people-to-people level. The second thing I would derive from the existence of the African Union is a suggestion that I would throw out to all of you to consider: We also need to take advantage of the economic initiatives that have been taken at the pan-African level through the African Union. There are a number of sectors in which the India-Africa relationship has already begun to mature but still needs to come to full flower: The obvious sectors are –– agriculture and small industries; the less obvious but now increasingly important areas are the knowledge sector, the communications sector, cyber space, and, above all, the area of energy. In the quest for India’s energy security, Africa is an indispensable partner. That is why, when I was Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas, and I had as my chief lieutenant, Mr. Talmiz Ahmad , who is now presiding over this function, we worked towards setting up a grid of oil and gas pipelines in Africa; increasingly involved ourselves with Libya; we looked to South Africa for conversion of coal into oil; and we salivated in anticipation at what could be available to India off the shores of Nigeria, off the shores of Equatorial Guinea, the two Congos, areas of Africa that we hardly know. When Indians talk of Africa, I think their mind can concentrate on South Africa and the East African countries; with them we are familiar. It extends now into Sudan. We have known English-speaking Africa over many decades. Now, we are increasingly familiar with Arabic-speaking Africa. Francophone is almost a blind spot, and India is a blind spot for Francophone Africa. We should have a meaningful relationship with Francophone Africa and must give a new thrust to this area in developing our ties. We need to cultivate a broad-spectrum relationship with all of Africa. It is necessary for us to broaden our horizon, to get out of the colonial mindset. The Arabic-speaking Africans are the most polyglot people in the world: They either speak excellent English or excellent French; or, as in case of the Ambassador of Tunisia, who speaks excellent English and

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A F R I C A excellent French, and then goes home and tells jokes in excellent Arabic! I would seek a relationship between India and the African Union that goes beyond the bilateral relationship with individual member-states of the Union, a relationship that does not recognise the colonial distinction between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. But, we recognise the three broad linguistic regions –– an Africa where English is the principal language, an Africa where Arabic is the principal language, and an Africa where French is the principal language. Swahili is a language that is spoken across many parts of Africa, and it should be very easy for Indians to learn this language. My daughter, who has learnt it, tells me that 30 percent of the vocabulary of Swahili is derived from Arabic. Tragically, there are not many Swahili-speaking Indians. Notwithstanding the tribute Nelson Mandela has paid to his Indian colleagues, the general perception in India and in Africa is that Indians were not much involved with the liberation movements in Africa. Yet, recent studies would appear to indicate that this is an area which is crying out for much more detailed research. I was flipping through the index of Nelson Mandela’s autobiography, and felt immense pride to come across a whole spectrum of Indian names. That is a treasure trove which reveals that India and Indians were deeply involved in the freedom movement in Africa. I understand from my more reliable source, my daughter who studies in Harvard, that among them was the prominent Makhan Singh, the trade unionist who was apparently the oldest and the longest-serving trade unionist in the freedom movement of Kenya; Pio Gama Pinto and Fitz D’Souza, who were of Goan origin; there was Amba Patel, a close associate of Jomo Kenyata; and the two Indians who went to Africa at the time of British rule in Kenya –– Diwan Chaman Lal who was a lawyer, sent by Jawaharlal Nehru to defend Jomo Kenyata, and the High Commissioner, the colourful Apa Pant; he, too, became a part and parcel of the African liberation movement. All these people, as also members of the business community, and those who went deep into the jungles and became so completely indigenised that they had no contact at all with India or with Pakistan, I do think we need to research their role in Africa as historians, as social anthropologists, and as economists. But, most important is the political field: In the global order, India and Africa really come together; they can meaningfully stay together only through the Non-aligned Movement. As we prepare for the NAM Summit in Havana in a few months from now, I am conscious we are in a cynical world, and a large section of the Indian elite have grown completely cynical about the NAM. It is necessary to remind ourselves what NAM actually does. It doesn’t stand for equidistance between two blocs. Its name was derived from a world order where alignment was the dominant theme, and it brought together Asians and Africans in such large numbers that the Afro-Asian movement held in Bandung got subsumed into NAM. African

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countries came to constitute the vast majority of NAM countries very quickly by the Second Summit, and so remain to this day. The fundamental argument for deprecating the NAM philosophy and sidelining this movement is that, since the world no longer consists of two blocs, it makes no sense to have a foreign policy which says it aligns with neither bloc. I think the answer to that is that “NAM” was perhaps the appropriate name for the movement then but it has now become a Jurassic park. However, the reason for our coming together was never merely to keep away from the two blocs; it was because we had an alternative vision of the kind of world we wished to live in. This remains as valid today as when the movement was founded.

o underline my point, I go back to what Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, when handing over the Chairmanship of NAM to Mr. Robert Mugabe in Harare, in September 1986, said: “Non-alignment matters to the world because we are the conscience keepers of humanity. We are the voice of sanity. We are the refuge of the small states in an insecure world. We are the custodians of freedom. We offer co-existence, not co-destruction. We offer consensus not confrontation. We reject all domination and seek none ourselves. We pledge to all a word free from fear, free from hatred, free from want.” Here there is not a single word about two blocs. Whether the blocs existed then or do not exist now is irrelevant to the purpose of NAM. It is only in the NAM, with India, Africa and Latin America, that the whole of the so-called developing South has come together. I think it is essential to remind ourselves, especially on the eve of the Havana summit, that the philosophy of NAM, if not its particular nomenclature, remains not only as relevant as it ever was, but it has become even more relevant in a world that refuses to be dominated by a single bloc. Is there one single word in the quotation I read for you that does not remain valid in year 2006 as when it was pronounced 20 years ago, in 1986? This is the world we want: A world free from fear, free from hatred, and free from war. Is there any other organisation which is pledged to these objectives? So, if we move away from NAM, we also endanger Latin American, Asian and African solidarity. If we are to preserve and consolidate our independence, our freedom and our sovereignty, and become one in an economic sense, there is no alternative to hanging together. For, if we do not hang together, there are people who want to hang us. So, the basis of the relationship with the African Union, in the absence of a Asian Union, can only be through a movement which was tried and tested by us. We mean solidarity between Asia and Africa, and between Asia, Africa and Latin America, and therefore solidarity of those persons who are emerging into the 21st century to make it their 21st century. I plead, therefore, that NAM be resurrected as a principal forum for Asia, Africa and Latin America, to bring about a world of their choice, instead of having to submit to a world order that is not of their choice. Thank you.

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Idyllic CHILDHOOD in Nigeria’s north Ashish Aggarwal recalls a carefree childhood in Gindri, near Jos in Nigeria. The warmth of the people there has convinced him that only people-to-people contacts will help us truly discover Africa.

was just six when I landed in a remote part to assemble itself once every week. Yam and groundnut farmof western Africa called Kano in Nigeria. ing was the major activity and most local cuisine was based on Kano had a run-down airport and was the these two products. Meat was usually hunted for in the forest gateway to the north of the country. The and consumed by the hunter’s family. Some of my classmates southern part was taken care of by a swank- caught grasshoppers and ate them raw. On other occasions ing new airport at Lagos. From Kano it was birds and smaller animals were hunted with catapults and a longish, seven-hour drive on a nice road consumed –– after cooking, in this case. After the initial shock to the large city of Jos. The good part of Jos wore off I started associating that as a cultural thing and not as was that it was a city surrounded by moun- something which would need a comment or reaction from tains and buzzing with traffic and activity. The bad part was outsiders like me. The people were essentially friendly and that a fair fraction of the traffic was standstill. My first impres- outgoing. Never once in my three years there did I come sion of the place was that with so across a negative vibe or sarcastic I liked the house that I was many of the vehicles on the sides, i.e., remark. the ravines lining the road, how acciThe idyllic setting was somewhat to live in. A small river used to dent-prone can a city be. Road rules interrupted by a large variety of run by it and a thick forest was seemed absent and traffic police insects and reptiles. Mosquitoes nonexistent. Quite naturally, at age next door. The only school in the were a regular menace and I rememsix the only interests lie in cars and little hamlet was managed and ber eating quinine tablets by the vehicles and that is what I noticed dozen as a prophylactic. The wide provided for by Christian immediately. array of insects available were an missionaries. Gindri had From Jos we moved on to a subentomologist’s delight. Evenings urb called Gindri –– where I was began with a vibrant chirping of birds one church, one college and going to spend the next three years of and ended with some aggressive two markets. The place my life in Nigeria. The road to buzzing of insects. Lizards of a mindseemed to be a microcosm Gindri was there and not there in boggling variety –– some really quite parts and the taxi-dotted ravines conbeautiful –– used to romp around of the typical African tinued their company. Reaching the house. Snakes were in abundance way of life. Gindri was a pleasant surprise. Lush though, fortunately, I never came green foliage, tree-lined paths and a across any. The river used to be the wonderful sense of peace and quiet. At that point I could place for me. Catching tadpoles and watching fish lazily swim scarcely enjoy the peacefulness and tranquility –– hungry, by my bare legs became one of my cherished childhood memdusty and tired that I was; but, I learnt to discover its joys later ories. on. Shopping for routine household products meant a trip to I liked the house that I was to live in. A small river used to Jos, where supermarket chains were in abundance. Trips to Jos run by it and a thick forest was next door. The only school in were initially the most delightful ones for me. One, I got my the little hamlet was managed and provided for by Christian favorite brands. Secondly, whatever little social interaction missionaries. Gindri had one church, one college and two with other Indian families was possible happened in Jos. markets. The place seemed to be a microcosm of the typical Indians in Jos were limited to a few families of professors and African way of life. The population was poor and largely teachers who used to have weekend parties to catch up with dependent on agricultural produce and hunting. Commercial the latest from India. The most assiduously discussed topics activity was limited to the vegetable and fruit market that used used to be either the latest policies of the host nation which

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The backwaters that were my playground

may or may not affect them or a warm acceptance. The proxwhich dal or spice is available imity to nature that just opens in which supermarket –– so your mind to so many infinite that it could be bought in bulk questions about god’s ways. and stored for the next few The people who are so differmonths till it reappears again. ent in body and thoughts and Interaction with the locals was yet so similar in other ways. strictly professional. I do not The uniformity of human remember any locals present emotions and behavior at a Yam farming is a major occupation at any of these parties. very basic level. The ambi–– everybody farms yams Over time, my interest tions and desires which seem level in these trips waned and to dissolve distance and time. I started to enjoy my evening The economic principles that My friends –– well, games at school over the dusty are more or less consistent some of them drive to Jos. Gindri became everywhere. my own little island of fun The value of those three and leaving it even for a day or years to an impressionable two disrupted my mango six-year-old mind caanot be hunting and hen chasing sigoverstated. I felt the inhosnificantly. I quite fancied the pitable environment and little hunter that I had become managed to feel one with it. I and the catapult tucked in my studied, played and worked waistband became my with people who are so difweapon of choice. In stark ferent from me and liked contrast to the make-believe them. When I fell, they video games kids of that age play, I was a genuine hunter. By helped me, when I wept they hugged me. The world may call the time I was ready to bid adieu to my little kingdom I was them underprivileged or “different”, but they were my friends. quite the prince. I could get mangoes with a single stone and Today when I open a magazine or a travel book on Africa, get a hen to lay an egg on my palm. all I see is forests, safaris and giraffes. Today when I look back with some sense of nostalgia it is The wonderful people of the “coloured” continent do not always the little village and not Jos that tends to float in the find a mention in most such books and magazines. I think we mind. My three years there gave me a sense of wonderment need to discover them first if we want to discover Africa. Trust that refuses to fade away. The culture shock that dissolved into me, I have been there.

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KANYAKUMARI

India’s Southernmost

TIP

anyakumari, or Cape Comorin, is the southernmost point of peninsular India and the meeting point of two sea and an ocean: The Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. The sight of sunrise and sunset at Cape Comorin is an unforgettable and unique experience — the sun both rises and sets in the sea. The place is famous for its peaceful and stunning natural environment and the multicolored sand is a unique feature of the beaches here. Kanyakumari has been a great center for art, culture, civilisation, and pilgrimage for years. It has also been a famous center for commerce and trade. Little wonder that, in the past, Kanyakumari was referred to as the Alexandria of the east. The beaches are clean and the waters a clear, frothing blue. Kanyakumari is often set up as a geographical antonym to Kashmir, to suggest the span and variety of the sub continent. For the visitor, the experience would be opposite and the pleasure equal.

Gandhi Mandapam: Not far from the Kumari Amman Temple is the Gandhi Mandapam, constructed at the spot where the urn containing the ashes of Mahatma Gandhi was kept for public view before a portion of its contents was immersed in the three seas. It resembles an Oriyan temple and was designed so that on Gandhiji's birthday (October 2), the sun's rays fall on the place where his ashes were kept. Vivekananda Memorial: About 500m from the mainland, it is dedicated to Swami Vivekananda, the great social reformer. Vivekananda meditated on the rock where the Gandhi Mandapam

ATTRACTIONS Kanyakumari Temple: The temple overlooks the shoreline. It is dedicated to Parvati as Devi Kanya, the Virgin Goddess who did penance to obtain the hand of Lord Shiva. The deity, Devi Kanyakumari, is the “protector of India's shores” and has an exceptionally brilliant diamond in her nose ring, which is supposed to shine out to sea. The temple opens from 0430 to 1130 and from 1730 to 2030. NonHindus are not allowed into the sanctuary.

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memorial stands today. A meditation hall is attached to the memorial. The design of the mandapa incorporates different styles of temple architecture from across India and houses a statue of Vivekananda. A divine footprint â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Pada Parai â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of Kanya Devi is also seen here. A ferry service is available to reach the memorial. Suchindram Temple: Just 13 km from Kanyakumari, the town of Suchindram has a temple dedicated to a deity who is the representation of the combined forces of Siva, Vishnu and Brahma. It is one of the few temples in the country where the Trinity is worshipped together. The temple has a beautiful gopuram, musical pillars and an excellent statue of the Lord Hanuman, apart from a valuable collection of art from different periods. Padmanabhapuram Palace: Located about 15 km from Nagercoil, the palace has the rare distinction of being one of the most ancient monuments in South India. Known for its strategic planning and military architecture, the palace was the seat of power for the Travancore emperors till 1790, when Karthika Thirunal Maharaja, popularly known as Dharma Raja, shifted the capital to Thiruvananthapuram. Its sheer aesthetic beauty, innovative designs and timetested wooden carvings are treat to behold.

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TOURIST INFORMATION

Vivekananda Memorial

How to Get There BY AIR: Nearest airport is at Thiruvananthapuram (80 km). BY RAIL: Kanyakumari is connected by rail to Thiruvananthapuram, New Delhi, and Mumbai. BY ROAD: Kanyakumari is connected by road to Thiruvananthapuram, Rameshwaram, Kodaikanal and other important south Indian cities. CLIMATE: Due to its proximity to the sea, Kanyakumari enjoys a pleasant climate and can be visited throughout the year. BEST TIME TO VISIT: Between October and March.. WHERE TO STAY: TTDC Youth Hostel, Ashok Hotel, Cape Residency Hotel ,Hotel Tamilnadu (T.T.D.C)

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■ Contributors

■ PROFESSOR AFTAB KAMAL PASHA teaches at the Centre for West Asian and African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His area of specialisation includes West Asian political systems, foreign policy decision-making in GCC states, India’s policy towards West Asia and North Africa and Great Powers in the Gulf and West Asian region. He has published 12 books, including ‘Libya and the United States: Qadhafi’s Response to Reagan’s Challenge’, ‘Egypt’s Relations with the Soviet Union: The Nasser and Sadat Period’ and ‘Libya in the Arab World: Qadhafi’s Quest for Arab Unity’. He has also presented research papers in numerous seminars and conferences, and delivered lectures at a number of foreign universities and research institutes. ■ Dr. JAMAL M. MOOSA is a Reader in the Academy of Third World Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. His areas of specialisation include African studies, international humanitarian law, human rights, conflict and ethnic studies. Currently, he is working on issues related to child soldiers, refugees and stateless persons. ■ MANISH CHAND is editor of Africa Quarterly. He writes on foreign policy, politics, culture and literature for Indo-Asian News Service (IANS). He has worked with The Times of India, The Asian Age and Tehelka. His articles have been published in leading national and international dailies. ■ NANDINI CHOUDHURY SEN is a senior lecturer in Bharati College, Delhi University. She has presented papers, written and published articles on various aspects of gender and literature. She is a Charles Wallace Scholar and has presented a paper titled ‘Rethinking the Canon’ at the 16th Oxford Conference at Oxford University. Sen is also the member of African Studies Association and the Indian Association for Commonwealth Literature and Language Studies. ■ NIVEDITA RAY, a Ph.D. in African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, has written thesis on ‘Women’s Struggle for Liberation in Kenya: A Study of Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s Fiction’. She is presently working with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis as a researcher. She specialises in security issues in the Horn of Africa, intra-state conflict, gender and conflict, small arms/terrorism and strategic resources. She is currently working on a project on ‘Sudan’s Intra-state Conflict: Implications for India’. ■ RUCHITA BERRY is Research Officer at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ■ RAJIV SHARMA, special correspondent of The Tribune group of newspapers, has written extensively on issues related to security, defence, terrorism and strategic affairs and foreign policy. He has authored five books, including ‘Global Jihad: Current Patterns and Future Trends’, ‘Pak Proxy War: A Story of ISI, bin Laden and Kargil’, and ‘Tracking Rajiv Gandhi’s Assassination’ (1998). ■ VIDHAN PATHAK has done his Ph. D. on ‘India’s Relations with Francophone West Africa’ from the Centre for West Asian and African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He is presently Executive Joint Secretary of African Studies Association of India (ASA). He has presented a number of papers at international as well as national seminars, and has also written in research journals on international issues, including Indo-African relations, the Indian diaspora in Africa and the political economy of Africa. ■ SHIPRA TRIPATHI heads the CII Africa Desk and is responsible for creating the format for the India-Africa Project Partnership. A post graduate in international relations, Tripathi has been with CII for the past five years. ■ ASHISH AGGARWAL did his early schooling in Africa before returning to India. He went on to do an MBA from the prestigious FORE School of Management, New Delhi. He joined the Ministry of Information and Technology and is currently deployed with the Ministry of External Affairs.

May-July 2006

A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

Note to Contributors Africa Quarterly, published since 1961, is devoted to the study and objective analyses of African affairs and issues related to India-Africa relations. Contributions are invited from outstanding writers, experts and specialists in India, Africa and other countries on various political, economic, social-cultural, literary, philosophical and other themes pertaining to African affairs and India-Africa relations. Preference will be given to those articles which deal succinctly with issues that are both important and clearly defined. Articles which are purely narrative and descriptive and lacking in analytical content are not likely to be accepted. Contributions should be in a clear, concise, readable style and written in English. Articles submitted to Africa Quarterly should be original contributions and should not be under consideration by any other publication at the same time. The Editor is responsible for the selection and acceptance of articles, but responsibility for errors of facts and opinions expressed in them rests with authors. Manuscripts submitted should be accompanied with a statement that the same has not been submitted/accepted for publication elsewhere. Copyright of articles published in the Africa Quarterly will be retained by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR). Manuscripts submitted to Africa Quarterly should be typed double space on one side of the paper and two copies should be sent. A diskette (3 ½” ) MS-Dos compatible, and e-mail as an attachment should be sent along with the two hard copies. Authors should clearly indicate their full name, address, e-mail, academic status and current institutional affiliation. A brief biographical note (one paragraph) about the writer may also be sent. The length of the article should not normally exceed 7,000 to 8,000 words, or 20 to 25 ( A-4 size) typed pages in manuscript. Titles should be kept as brief as possible. Footnote numbering should be clearly marked and consecutively numbered in the text and notes placed at the end of the article and not at the bottom of the relevant page. Tables (including graphs, maps, figures) must be submitted in a form suitable for reproduction on a separate sheet of paper and not within the text. Each table should have a clear descriptive title and mention where it is to be placed in the article. Place all footnotes in a table at the end of the article. Reference numbers within the text should be placed after the punctuation mark. Footnote style: In the case of books, the author, title of the book, place of publication, publisher, date of publication and page numbers should be given in that order, e.g. Basil Davidson, ‘The Blackman’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation State’, London, James Curry, 1992, pp. 15-22. In the case of articles, the author, title of article, name of the journal, volume and issue number in brackets, the year and the page numbers should be given in that order. In addition to major articles and research papers, Africa Quarterly also publishes short articles in the section titled News & Events. They may not exceed 2,000 words in length. Contributions of short stories and poems are also welcome. Contributors to Africa Quarterly are entitled to two copies of the issue in which their article appears in addition to a modest honorarium. Contributors of major articles accepted for publication will receive up to a maximum of Rs. 5,000. Contributions may be sent by post to: The Editor Africa Quarterly Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi-110 002 Contributions may be e-mailed to: africa.quarterly@gmail.com

May-July 2006

africa Q

A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Post-9/11 Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s security challenge

AU and the challenge of peace

Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in peace-building

India and Francophone Africa

New bounce in India-Libya ties

In Conversation: Nana Akuffo-Addo

Conference on African Literature

Volume 46, No. 2 May-July 2006

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