AQ-Nov-2006-Jan-2007 by India Africa Connect

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Volume 46, No. 4 November 2006-January 2007

A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi-110 002 E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers of India Regd No. 14380/61

The Sacred and the Feminine

Indo-Eritrean economic ties

Lessons from Sudan’s peace accord

U.S. and the 1st Liberian Civil War

In Conversation: Desmond Tutu

China’s skewed African engagement

Botswana ‘looks east’ to India

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Indian Journal of African Affairs Volume 46 No. 4, November 2006-January 2007

INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS NEW DELHI

Q U A R T E R L Y

contents

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DIPLOMACY: CHINA’S STRATEGIC ENGAGEMENT WITH AFRICA

Renu Modi writes that China has made great headway in its “strategic partnership” with African nations, but argues that the partnership appears one-sided and skewed in China’s favour.

GENDER ISSUES: THE SACRED AND THE FEMININE

Nigerian literary critic, poet and feminist Molara Ogundipe provides an African response to the ‘The Feminine and the Sacred’ by Julia Kristeva and Catherine Clement.

FOREIGN POLICY: THE U.S. AND THE FIRST LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR

George Klay Kieh, Jr., argues that the United States, which sowed the seeds of the first Liberian Civil War, failed to come up with a coherent and consistent policy to deal with the situation.

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BILATERALS: LESSONS OF INDIAN EXPERIENCE FOR ERITREA

Ravinder Rena makes a comparative study of the economic development of India and Eritrea and underscores the need for capacity building strategies in Eritrean agriculture.

8 ECONOMIC TIES: Botswana looks east Botswana is keen to attract Indian investment in minerals, especially diamonds, copper and coal beneficiation. To facilitate this, it opened its High Commission in India in April 2006.

9 CLIMATE CHANGE: Environmentalists irked by ‘lacklustre’ climate talks

CRISIS AND CONFLICT: LESSONS OF SUDAN PEACE ACCORD

Suresh Kumar traces the chain of events starting from the Asmara Declaration, 1994, to the historic peace accord of 2006 that not only provides a blueprint for enduring peace in Sudan but also underlines that Africa’s problems can only be solved by Africans themselves.

The lack of urgency at the U.N. Climate Change Conference came under fire by environmentalists, who said only a few achievements were made throughout the two-week meeting in Nairobi.

36 IN CONVERSATION: Desmond Tutu Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the first black Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, Nobel Laureate and the man who created a storm in the 1980s by interpreting the Gospel to fight apartheid, on the Mahatma and more.

58 FICTION: Zvakwana Sarah Ladipo Manyika writes movingly on Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, where the value of both the national currency and the common citizen’s life stand devalued.

INCREDIBLE INDIA: GULMARG’S WHITE WINTER

Just a couple of hours by road from Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir’s summer capital, Gulmarg is easily the top destination in India for winter sports enthusiasts. And the good news is that the season’s snow has been heavy, enveloping the town and its surroundings in pristine white.

62 BOOKS & IDEAS 68 DOCUMENTS 74 TRAVEL: ZIMBABWE 78 CONTRIBUTORS

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The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR), founded in 1950 to strengthen cultural ties and promote understanding between India and other countries, functions under the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. As part of its effort, the Council publishes, apart from books, six periodicals in five languages –– English quarterlies (Indian Horizons and Africa Quarterly), Hindi Quarterly (Gagananchal), Arabic Quarterly (Thaqafat-ul-Hind), Spanish bi-annual (Papeles de la India) and French bi-annual (Recontre Avec l’Inde). Africa Quarterly (Indian Journal of African Affairs) is published every three months. The views expressed in the articles included in this journal are those of the contributors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ICCR. All rights reserved. No part of this journal may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any from or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the permission of the ICCR.

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November 2006-January 2007

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■ From the Editor’s Desk

Courting Africa

frica today is at the heart of a new global battle for resources and markets. All major world powers, including the U.S., China and India, are courting Africa and trying to entrench their presence in this 53-nation continent that holds the key to resolving many global issues like poverty-reduction and U.N. reforms. One can argue that a nation’s attitude to a resource-rich and culturally diverse Africa, which is home to debilitating problems like the AIDS epidemic, grinding poverty and chronic violence, will be a touchstone that will mark its humanity and worldview. China, whose ties with Africa, like that of India, date back to the era of anti-colonial struggles, has invigorated its diplomacy in the continent with whirlwind tours by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao over the last two years. Beijing has an ambitious long-term agenda in forging a strategic and economic partnership with Africa and has made the continent a crucial pillar of its quest for energy security. Last year, Hu, in his summit meeting with leaders of 48 of the 53 countries in Beijing, pledged a partnership based on “mutual trust, friendship and win-win economic cooperation” and announced a spate of measures to put Sino-African cooperation on a new plane. The announcements made by Hu included doubling Chinese assistance to Africa by 2009, providing $3 billion of preferential loans and $2 billion of buyer’s credit and establishing the China-Africa Development Fund which will encourage and support Chinese companies in Africa. Ambitious targets were also set to double bilateral trade from $50 billion to $100 billion by 2010. But even as China multiplied its trade with Africa and enhanced its investment in the energy sector and infrastructure development, it also left many African nations disenchanted with its profit-driven approach. In her article ‘China’s strategic engagement with Africa,’ Renu Modi, while outlining Beijing’s burgeoning strategic and economic engagement with Africa, points to “the not so benign and asymmetrical trade relationship” between the two sides. As a case study, she cites Zambia, where Beijing has pledged investments worth millions of dollars. “...Resentment against Chinese-owned companies is widespread in Zambia due to the poor working conditions, safety standards, labour laws and salaries that are below the national minimum wages,” writes Modi. Or as South African President Thabo Mbeki has been quoted in this article as saying: “China cannot just come here and dig for raw materials and then go away and sell us manufactured goods.” In comparison, India, although it’s trade and investment with Africa is much below China in quantitative terms, scores better in terms of image and spontaneous goodwill it generates owing to its extensive human resource training pro-

grammes in the continent and leadership of Afro-Asian solidarity movement. The Pan-African e-network that seeks to bring benefits of tele-education and tele-medicine to millions of Africans is a classic example of India’s developmental and humanistic approach to its relations with Africa. Agriculture is another area where Africa can learn a lot from the Indian experience in green revolution and achieving food security. Ravinder Rena makes a comparative study of the economic situation in India and Eritrea and argues that the Indian experience and expertise in agro-industry could prove to be crucial to fast economic growth and self-reliance Eritrea is seeking. In the area of human resource development, India is already contributing a lot for the development of Eritrea, writes Rena. Statistics speak for themselves: More than 800 teachers are teaching at various colleges, vocational training centres and high schools in Eritrea. About 80 percent of the faculty in the newly established Eritrea Institute of Technology is Indian. But development, whether agricultural or industrial, can take place only in a climate of peace. This is why peace-building is such a challenge in Africa where violence has found a fertile habitat. Suresh Kumar’s article on ‘Lessons of the 2006 Sudan Peace Accord’ illustrates many of the problems that afflict Africa as it searches for peace and stability. Kumar, who attended the Peace Accord Ceremony on October 14, 2006, at State Palace, Asmara, Eritrea, and shared his opinion with presidents of Eritrea and Sudan, traces the chain of events starting from the Asmara Declaration, 1994, to the historic peace accord of 2006 that not only provides a blueprint for enduring peace in Sudan but also underlines that Africa’s problems can only be solved by Africans themselves. Meddling by foreign powers like the U.S. in Africa’s internal affairs is, however, a hindrance in the way of indigenous problem-solving. In his perceptive article, George Klay Kieh Jr. analyses how the U.S. policy contributed to the “planting, nurturing and germination of the seeds of conflict” that exploded into the first Liberian Civil War in 1989 and how it failed to come up with a coherent and consistent policy to deal with the situation. Politics and power struggles that hog headlines, however, do much injustice to a culturally vigorous and vibrant place like Africa. In a seminal essay, Nigerian feminist and author Molara Ogundipe provides an African response to the writings of Julia Kristeva and Catherine Clement and shows how the concept of the sacred is “located and manifested in and by the feminine among the Yoruba, ending with the conceptualisation of the Yoruba creation myth and the role of the female deity.” We also have an interview in this issue with the iconic preacher and leader Desmond Tutu. Happy reading, and be generous in sharing your views and critiques. –– Manish Chand

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Botswana seeks Indian expertise and investment

otswana is keen to attract licenses and other hindrances would be Indian investment in sorted out shortly. The Botswana High minerals, especially diaCommission and BEDIA offices would monds, copper and coal facilitate this process, he added. beneficiation. To facilitate Indian industry spokesmen at the this, it opened its High Commission in meeting echoed the President’s sentiIndia in April 2006 and plans to shortly set ments on investing in Botswana. They up an office of the Botswana Export felt the country’s strategy to diversify its Development and Investment Authority industrial base will make it an attractive (BEDIA) in the country, according to destination for Indian business. Member Botswana’s President, Festus Mogae. He of CII’s Africa Committee, K.K. Kapila, was speaking at a business luncheon lauded the President’s announcement on meeting organised jointly by the setting up an office of BEDIA in India. Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), “Bilateral trade is extremely low but Federation of Indian Chambers of can be increased because India is the hub Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and of the diamond cutting and polishing Associated Chambers of Commerce and industry,” he said. In addition, CII sugIndustry (Assocham) in New Delhi on gests an integrated skills development Botswana’s President Festus Mogae December 8. programme for people from Botswana “We are willing to The President, who came to the event and will reciprocate the initiatives made after a meeting with Prime Minister negotiate an FTA between by the country, he added.1 Manmohan Singh, said, “We are willing Botswana figures in the Government India and the South African to negotiate a free trade agreement of India’s scheme of things as well under between India and the South African Customs Union (SACU) to its Focus Africa programme, said the Customs Union (SACU) to overcome chairman of Assocham’s Afro-Asia overcome the protective the protective tariffs that exist within Committee K.K. Jajodia. Botswana is an tariffs that exist within SACU.” influential player in southern Africa and SACU. We want to attract expediting the FTA between India and Botswana and India, he said, have agreed on a double-taxation avoidance SACU will remove obstacles to Indian Indian investment in treaty and are negotiating an investment investment there. Indians have sizeable technology as well as its protection agreement. These are just business presence in Botswana, owning a business acumen, some of the investment-boosting meathird of the trading houses in the counsure the two countries are talking about. especially in the small and try. “We want to attract Indian investment Reiterating Botswana’s regional medium enterprises in technology as well as its business acuimportance as member of SACU, L.H. sector,” he said. men, especially in the small and medium Dabi, a member of FICCI’s Africa enterprises sector,” he said. Committee, said Botswana is the largest The President said his supplier of rough diamonds Gems, jewellery exports to touch $20 bn in 2007 country offered an attractive to the world market, and investment climate. The corIndia is the world’s main pro■ Gems and jewellery exports from India are likely to porate tax rates are low, at 15 cessor of diamonds. “This touch $20 billion by 2007 with buyers from the United percent for manufacturing sector opens vast opportuniStates and European Union increasing bulk purchases of and 25 percent for non-manties for both countries to diamond studded jewellery from India because of its ufacturing industries. There increase trade and investment affordability. is a negotiable tax holiday of through joint ventures all ■ Exports of gold jewellery have increased to Rs. 170.15 up to 10 years. Botswana has along the diamond chain,” he billion in 2006 from Rs. 52.20 billion in 2001. a high credit rating, a transnoted. ■ The improved perfomance of the Indian industry is also parent governance process, Other promising sectors due to the decline suffered by its competitors like Belgium continuity of policy, rule of are pharmaceuticals, banking whose polished diamond export fell by 3.8 percent in 2005 law and respects the sanctity and finance, agricultural to 9.36 million carats. The volumes of Israel’s polished of contracts. products and equipment, diamonds also decreased by 3.2 percent in 2005 to 4.49 milPresident Mogae assured water management systems, lion carats. Indian investors that other energy, textiles, automobiles ■ India now imports close to $8 billion of rough diamonds. issues such delays in giving and tourism, Dabi said. ■

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Environmentalists irked by ‘lacklustre’ climate talks

he lack of urgency at the U.N. Climate Change Conference came under fire by environmentalists, who said only a few achievements were made throughout the two-week meeting in Nairobi, DPA reported. Delegates made some headway on helping developing nations deal with the effects of climate change, but the activists charged they only made small steps toward ensuring that post-Kyoto Protocol measures are put in place. “We have seen small, incremental steps forward in a belaboured process,” said Steve Sawyer, climate policy adviser for Greenpeace International. “These talks require a dramatic increase in political will.” Their comments echoed criticism from then U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, who had earlier that week charged that there was a “frightening lack of leadership” in climate change action around the world. Yvo de Boer, executive secretary of the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, said the conference achieved its goals of addressing the vulnerability of developing countries and continuing the discussion on the road to a post-Kyoto plan. The talks did not reflect “the reality of the urgency in the real world”, Friends of the Earth International said in a statement. The meeting ended after delegates resolved one contentious issue and referred another to more study. Delegates set 2008 as the date for a review of the Kyoto Protocol, which could lead to more stringent carbon emissions caps after the treaty expires in 2012. The Kyoto review has been controversial because if current targets and emissions caps are shown to be too weak, more stringent ones would be allowed in a post-Kyoto plan. Under the new decision, however, Kyoto signatories would not be forced to commit to new targets.

imbabwe, the first country in Africa to promote a “look East Policy” hopes to exponentially increase its trade with Asian countries. It is looking for joint ventures and technology transfer form India in areas like mineral exploration, heavy equipments, high end fertilisers, pesticides and industrial chemicals. Phineas Chihota, Zimbabwe’s Deputy Minister for Industry and International Trade, who was leading a 14member trade delegations at the ‘The Partnership Summit, 2007’ organised by the Confederation of Indian Industry

Under the Kyoto Protocol, the Nairobi talks were intended to usher in a framework for review of the 165signatory agreement before a postKyoto plan could be hashed out. Post-Kyoto talks can only begin after the 2008 review, stirring fears that there may be a gap in the commitment period between Kyoto and a new agreement. “There cannot be a gap in the commitment period. Climate change is coming at us in a wave but the negotiators at the conference don’t have the same sense of urgency that I do,” said Hans Velorme, a Dutch spokesperson for the Climate Action Network. Another issue that stalled decision was a proposal by the Russian delegation to allow developing countries to voluntarily cut their emissions but still be a part of Kyoto. The only conclusion was to refer the matter to a sub-group for more study. Some 100 ministers and more than 6,000 delegates convened in Nairobi from November 6 to 17 to tackle what was called the “all-encompassing threat” of climate change. Delegates at the high-level meetings agreed on several points, including that developing countries, at the forefront of the Nairobi talks, are the least prepared to deal with the effects of climate change. Rich nations have agreed on a plan that would help developing countries incorporate policies on the effects of climate change into their national planning, and Annan unveiled a similar U.N. plan. Delegates agreed on guidelines for an Adaptation Fund that would help developing countries deal with the effects of climate change. Negotiators gave themselves until the 2007 conference to choose a manager for the fund. Many high-level delegates were pushing for an expansion of market-based mechanisms to encourage countries to reduce their emissions, but business leaders have called for some indication of post-Kyoto commitments so that they can safely make eco-friendly investments. ■ (CII), said that his government’s efforts were to “promote and increase” business ties with Indian companies. “The main pillar of Zimbabwe’s economy is agriculture and we urgently need critical investment in this area, especially for agriculture equipment. We are looking for joint partnership in areas like extraction of minerals,” he said. “We have minerals but not the skills or technology to extract them. We want the technology. India is both technologically strong and very competitive,” the Deputy Minister said. ■

Zimbabwe looks east to India and Asia to boost trade

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Bishop Tutu asks Novartis to withdraw India case

rchbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu of South Africa has urged the drug company, Novartis, to stop its court action against patent laws in India, which he says will harm the interests of the poorest and most vulnerable in society. “People, not profits, must be at the centre of patent law for medicines,” Archbishop Tutu declared as he joined forces with South African church and health care workers in condemning the legal action. Catholic and Lutheran church leaders are among other faith groups to pledge to the cause, alongside civil society activists. Over 300,000 people worldwide have signed a petition on the issue –– including, former U.N. Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa Stephen Lewis, and Dr. Michel Kazatchkine, the new head of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The Berne Declaration, Oxfam International and the global medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) are among the major agencies involved in the campaign. Novartis is challenging the refusal of a patent for the cancer drug, Gleevec, manufactured in India, on the grounds that it is a new form of an old medicine, Health24.com reported. Health analysts say that this outcome

“People, not profits, must be at the centre of patent law for medicines,” Archbishop Tutu declared as he joined forces with South African church and health care workers in condemning the legal action by Novartis in India. would signal the start of more stringent patent laws in India and an end to the low-price trend seen up until now. Treatment Action Campaign spokesperson Nathan Geffen says that the outcome for vulnerable people in poor communities, especially, could be “devastating” –– a claim backed by Archbishop Tutu and others in the churches.

Declared Geffen: “The low cost of generic drugs in India pressurises patent holders to make their prices more reasonable.” “In Khayelitsha 17.4 percent of people on antiretroviral (ARV) treatment for five years have had to switch to secondline regimen, which costs the government over five times more than the firstline combination,” explained Doctors Without Borders South Africa head Eric Goemaere. He continued: “The only reason for this price difference is that most secondline drugs are still only available from originator companies holding patents. If Novartis succeeds in India, we won’t have alternatives to brand drugs coming from India and drug prices (will) inevitably go up.” Geffen said that the court action would not only effect ARVs, but most medications –– including those for diabetes and tuberculosis. Doctors Without Borders added that Indian courts have heard arguments regarding the constitutionality of the legislation Novartis is challenging. Novartis and 38 other pharmaceutical companies took the South African government to court in 2001 after it tried to pass legislation allowing more flexibility in the access to cheaper medicines. It abandoned its court action amid widespread civil society protests –– something Doctors Without Borders hopes will happen this time too. ■

Adopt consortium approach, says Ambassador Singh

onfederation of Indian Industry (CII) organised an Interactive session with Gurjit Singh, Indian Ambassador for Ethiopia and Djibouti, on January

12.

“Ethiopia has huge business opportunities and looks towards India to increase bilateral cooperation in agriculture, infrastructure and tourism,” Ambassador Singh said. He also invited Indian companies to invest in housing and real estate projects in Ethiopia and Djibouti. The Ambassador advised that Indian companies to adopt a consortium approach towards working in African countries. Rajiv Wahi of the CII, who is vice president of International Tractors Ltd., chaired the session welcomed the Ambassador at the event.. ■

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Sri Sri Ravi Shankar calls for peace in Africa

piritual guru Sri Sri Ravi Shankar called for a wave of peace in Africa at a function marking the end of centenary celebrations of Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha (passive resistance) in South Africa. Ravi Shankar was the Honorary Guest from India at the meet held in Robben Island where Nelson Mandela was formerly imprisoned. The event was attended by Deputy President of South Africa Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Deputy Speaker of Parliament Glen Mahlangu, former president of South Africa De Klerk, cabinet ministers, members of Parliament and diplomats, said a press release from the movement. Hailing the peaceful transformation in South Africa as a model for the rest of Africa, Ravi Shankar said South Africa could start a wave that can bring peace in Africa. He took note of Africa’s old and evolved philosophies such as Ubuntu, which means — “I am because you are. You are because I am”. “This was a heartfelt cry of an evolved human being which recognises that there is but one divinity,” he

Sri Sri Ravi Shankar

said, adding that the philosophy was identical to the ancient Indian ideal of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (The

world is one family). “To eliminate terrorism, we need to spiritualise politics, socialise business and secularise religion,” he said. Stressing that Africa’s wisdom needed to be shared with the world, he emphasised the need to amalgamate the values of Ubuntu and Gandhi with modern progress. Former political prisoners including Ahmed Kathrada, who was sentenced with Mandela to life imprisonment, also attended the event. The Satyagraha centenary celebrations were hosted by the Phoenix Settlement Trust, a government integrated project near Durban, which serves as an interpretation centre by translating Gandhian philosophy into ethnic languages. Ravi Shankar earlier visited the trust and lit the “light of hope” for peace in Africa at Sarvodaya, Gandhi’s erstwhile ashram. He said that the Gandhian trinity values of satyagraha, ahimsa (non-violence) and sarvodaya (welfare for all) cannot exist in isolation or apart from each other. Ravi Shankar was on a five-day tour of the African continent. ■

African Union backs India, G4 but needs more time

acking India’s claim for a permanent place in an expanded Security Council, the 53-nation African Union (AU) on December 20 said it was African disunity that prevented a deal between the AU and the Group of Four (G4) grouping last year. “India needs to be a member of the Security Council. Africa must be part of the Security Council,” Alpha Oumar Konare, chairman of the commission of the AU said in an address at the Indian Council for World Affairs, India’s premier think tank on foreign policy issues. Konare’s official visit to India aimed at expanding the ongoing partnership between India and Africa in diverse areas, including development, capaci-

ty building, health and education. “We don’t have any problem with G4. We have no doubt the AU will

“India needs to be a member of the Security Council. Africa must be part of the Security Council,” Alpha Oumar Konare, chairman of the commission of the African Union, said in an address. support the G4,” he said while referring to negotiations between the G4 nations comprising India, Japan, Brazil and Germany on the one hand and the AU on the other. Konare, however,

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also held out hope for a future reconciliation between the AU and G4 by stressing that the AU needed more time as it consisted of 53 countries. “We need to go step by step,” he said, emphasising that the Security Council must reflect contemporary realities. The negotiations for presenting a common resolution failed partly because there was no consensus on which two African nations will represent Africa for two seats and partly because the AU had been demanding one extra non-permanent seat in the Security Council than what was envisaged by the G4. “The problem in Africa is that we need to be united, and not disunited. We asked for two permanent seats so that we could preserve the equilibrium in Africa,” Konare said. ■

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Lessons of Sudan PEACE Accord Suresh Kumar traces the chain of events starting from the Asmara Declaration, 1994, to the historic peace accord of 2006 that not only provides a blueprint for enduring peace in Sudan but also underlines that Africa’s problems can only be solved by Africans themselves.

t is time to remember the 1994 Asmara Declaration, the foundation stone in the history of peace and development in Sudan and the open-hearted Eritrean brotherhood. The Asmara Declaration culminated in the Naivasha Peace Agreement of 2005 between the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Sudan government in Kenya. President Isaias Afwerki of the state of Eritrea eloquently expressed his commitment to peace-building in Sudan at an august gathering at the time of the peace agreement in 2006: “I believe it is imperative and timely to gauge this important agreement –– which constitutes one of the building blocks of comprehensive peace in Sudan –– in the context of the prevailing regional and international climate. The larger perspective is vital in order to appreciate the challenges and to marshal necessary efforts to ensure the effective implementation and sustainability of the agreement.” “As your excellencies will agree with me, the Naivasha Agreement did not only constitute one of the primary pillars of ‘Comprehensive Peace’ in the Sudan but also a historic achievement that laid the foundations of the whole edifice. In this perspective, I wish to underline that its full consummation at the end of the transitional period to deliver the desired result and its organic reinforcement through supplementation of the other building blocks will demand robust commitment and assiduous maintenance,” he said.1 President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir of the Republic of Sudan reaffirmed this ideal on this historic occasion. “This is the last step in the journey of peace since Naivasha and Abuja agreements and the process of

peace is completed in Asmara. This is the new fingerprint in the history of our continent, which witnesses the good news about renaissance, civilisation and appraisal of Africa. The civil war caused too much destruction and we lost every dear soul to achieve peace”2. The Asmara Declaration and “Naivasha Agreement” persuaded the academia to re-think the idea of geopolitics federalism in Sudan not in terms of separate existence but to persuade them to unite into a functioning federalism. Geopolitics Federalism in Sudan Federalism, it is true, allows diversity to co-exist. But in the course of its growth towards maturity it creates union through the real functions of the federal government and the component units of the state. As President Omar pointed out: “We refused the solution under statute 1706 and the reasons were obvious being sovereign executive, legislative and constitutional. We greet all people of east Sudan, all political parties support this historical achievement and reaffirm the commitment of the late Amir Osman Digna, the prominent leader of east Sudan. The ‘National Dialogue Conference’, September 1989, was the beginning of the peace process that covered a thorny and long way and finally it reached to Peace Agreement, Nairobi, January 2005, hosted by (IGAD) Inter Governmental Authority on Development friends.”3 President Omar also put on record his respect for the international community. “We support African Union financially, technically and logistically and appreciate the efforts of the Arab League to support the working of AU forces in Darfur. Our commitment is towards International Organisation

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(UNO) and all regional organisations but For federalism to be effective, it is absowe still maintain our rights, reserve for lutely imperative to allocate and distribute the security of our land and our people. natural resources and share earnings with We enforce our capabilities, support and different regions according to their resources for peace, rehabilitation and respective needs, failing which the neodevelopment for permanent and balcolonial forces get the chance to disturb anced development.”4 regions like Darfur and east Sudan and Keeping these points in mind, there misguide them. are two reasons why geopolitics federal“This time is not just for celebrating ism in Sudan is considered as the most the Peace Accord 2006. It sends a signal expressive form of government. for all African countries to solve their First, federalism has been described as problems themselves without trusteeship “the process by which a widening sense or under pressure of foreign powers. This of social (and political) harmony is recpeace accord is of great value and the onciled with the attachment for local practical answer to the crisis-trader and identity through the provision of dual crisis-makers,” President Omar said in a political organisation. Secondly, because conversation with me.7 President Isaias amplified this idea and of a sort of dual political organisation and developed it further. “It is important to the grant of substantial regional autonoPresident Omar Hassan Al-Bashir realise that we are passing through my, the north and east Sudan in a dangerous times which can only stir federal state, unlike in other forms of “This is the last step in the government, should be most clearly journey of peace since Naivasha our committed awareness. Few short-sighted powers are plunging recognised. The economic position and Abuja agreements and the billions of people in the world into an and lopsided development in east Sudan was the result of a sub-nationprocess of peace is completed abyss of perennial crisis and conflict in order to control and dominate alist movement. The Peace Accord in Asmara. This is the resources of our planet. These are 2006 provides greater autonomy to new fingerprint in the history indeed times of unprecedented injusthe development of east Sudan and tice to secure international dominainitiates the process of strengthening of our continent, political unity and socio-economic which witnesses the good news tion at the expense of fundamental individual and people’s rights. We development. The broad idea was to about renaissance, civilisation cannot be oblivious to the subtle fulfil the grassroot demands by purmanipulations underway to impart a suing a new path of development for and appraisal of Africa. the welfare of common people. This The civil war caused too much different connotation to the concept of the ‘international community’ by very idea of unity in diversity was disdestruction and we reducing the forum to represent the cussed during International interests of the only superpower and Geographical Congress on ‘One lost every dear soul to its ilk to the exclusion of all others.”8 Earth and Many Worlds’, August 15achieve peace”. The dubious role of neo-colonial 20, 2004, organised by the Scottish powers in distributing arms and Exhibition Conference Center, Glasgow, Scotland, United Kingdom, under the rubric ammunition is well known. These powers use the situation to ‘Geopolitics Federalism: Vision of North and South Sudan’. their advantage by concealing their motives in the name of This idea was well received and found reflection in the peace human rights in the event of official opposition, whether it is the case of Iraq, Darfur or Afghanistan or any other region or agreement in Kenya on January 10, 2005. President Isaias enunciated conditions that were required to country. Here, President Isaias was unsparing in his critique realise the larger vision of the peace accord. “The first is the of their devious modus operandi. “We observe, daily, dogged attempts to transform internaabsolute need to refrain from policies and acts that spawn internal crisis, and to seek and secure domestic solutions to tional and regional organisations into mere extensions or internal problems that may have been inherited or that may appendages of the offices of major powers and micro-manage have arisen from misguided policies. This will also involve the them through their intelligence agencies. Sadly, what is in implementation of the agreement signed, faithfully and seri- vogue today is not ‘conflict resolution’ but ‘the complication and perpetuation of conflicts’. ously.”5 Isaias also criticised the notion of separate existence. “The Fabrication of any pretext to satisfy one’s selfish interests is second is not to tread on an alley that leads to external inter- being employed without scruples under the Machiavellians vention. Because accommodation of or capitulation to exter- philosophy of the ‘end justifies the means’. It is indeed disnal pressures will only exacerbate the situation, prolong the tressing to see peace processes degenerate into forums of pubconflicts and entail sorrow and remorse.”6 lic acrimony or for financial gain instead of promoting genuine

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The Naivasha Agreement brought about a lasting peace in conflict-torn Sudan. The conflict ravaged the country for nearly 10 years.

and enduring solutions.”9 President Omar warned against the designs of these powers who want to spread what he calls “evil” in the continent. “Peace enemies want evil for our continent in general and Sudan in particular and lit (a) fire in Darfur to escape from the commitment (to the) peace process, rehabilitation and development. These evil forces spoiled the Abuja Treaty so that (the) son of the soil (does not) get the real fruits of vast rich resources and enjoy the country’s progress. They pushed the claim of international forces and (pulled) the carpet (from) under the feet of the newly-born Africa Union, which played a big role on the ground (in) Darfur and (in the) Abuja Treaty. Along with it, the (U.N.) Secretary General was forced to send an international force to Darfur under Security Council pressure. The idea was to re-colonise it again. Since Sudan was the first country to get independence in Africa, we will not allow anyone to re-colonise our country first of all.”10 Therefore, the peace accord signed on October 14, 2006, preserves the prosperity of the people belonging to East Sudan on the one hand and strengthens the idea of geopolitics federalism on the other hand. These are the major features of the Peace Accord: 1. People’s affiliation and political participation: The participation of people ensures their voice is heard by elected representatives at the block, provincial and national levels. The government of national unity stands to promote the concern of political parties that will solve their internal problems, people’s difficulties and evolve an environment of political conscious-

ness. The East Sudan people’s representatives ensure their participation in the Government of National Unity for the smooth functioning in national and regional administration, ensures genuine allocation and distribution of financial resources to their region and channelise a proper and smooth way of assimilation of the East Sudan Front (ESF) armed forces with the national army. The role of Eritrea is transparent and crystal clear. Says President Omar: “Hence, leaving aside media promotions and propaganda consumptions, the Government of Eritrea has been exerting due role as a facilitator in achieving a thoroughly discussed and openhearted solution among the brotherly people of the Sudan –– a blessed role that emanates from a friendly neighbor.”11 2. The armed forces reconciliation: The security arrangement of East Sudan is taken care of by ESF armed forces. This peace accord opens the gate of reconciliation of ESF armed troops with the Sudanese armed forces. “The role of the concerned parties in resolving the issues they face is a leading factor in every national reconciliation process. The uniqueness of the peace talks between the Sudanese Government of National Unity and the East Sudan Front is that it sends out a clear and exemplary message that “the problems of Africans can be solved by the African themselves”12 3. Setting up of a Development Fund: To ensure the geopolitics federalism of east Sudan is respected, the national government agreed to share the national budget by setting up a Development Fund for East Sudan. This is the beginning of

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sharing financial resources and their dis! Encouraging investment and job cretribution on the basis of the region’s ation. ! Protecting and enhancing the fragile need. environment. “This is thus directed towards those ! Protecting and promoting historical that consider themselves as omnipotent and cultural heritages. and seek to paralyse Africans from solv! Ensuring the return and the rehabilitaing their own affairs.”13 The Peace Accord of 2006 ensured that tion of refugees and internally displaced the 10-year-old armed conflict in East people. Sudan ultimately came to an end. As the ! Ensuring that all the development proSecretary General of ESF, Dr. Mebruk grammes address the specific needs of Mubarek Selim, pointed out: “This women”17 accord guarantees equitable economic, The programme does not incorporate political, social and cultural development. the national government development The Development Fund for reconstrucprojects that are undertaken by the tion in East Sudan represents a pioneernational government in East Sudan. In ing initiative.” And as deputy chairman of addition to the share of East Sudan in the ESF Amna Salih Dirar added: “(It) FFAMC transfers, the national governensures participation of the ESF at all levment shall allocate an amount equivalent Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki els of national and regional administo $100 million as seed money for tration.”14 “It is important to realise that we Eastern Sudan Reconstruction and “The state shall undertake effecare passing through dangerous Development Fund (ESRDF) in tive and prompt measures for affir2007; and an amount of not less than times. Few short-sighted mative action and pursue policies of $125 million per annum for the years sustained economic and social devel2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011. powers are opment. In pursuit of development “The ESRDF shall be set up and plunging billions of people in of land and natural resources, land start operating no later than 90 days the world into an abyss of management structures and instituafter the signing of the agreement and tions shall be developed and legally shall have a board chaired by the perennial crisis and conflict in supported to promote sustainable Minister of Finance and National order to control and dominate development and protect the enviEconomy and shall include the govresources of our planet. These ernors of the three eastern States, ronment. Equally, the ESPA requires all levels of government to ensure finance ministers, three nominees of are indeed times of that the people of Eastern Sudan are ESF, and two persons appointed by unprecedented injustice to provided opportunities in, and benthe President of the Republic.”18 secure international efit form, the development of the Eritrea Brotherhood in Horn of Africa nation’s coastal area, and its fish and domination at the expense of President Isaias has always emphamarine resources.”15 fundamental rights.” The chairman of the negotiating sised the role of indigenous people team form the Sudanese in resolving their problems themGovernment of National Unity in the peace dialogue and selves whether it is the case of Sudan during the Asmara Advisor of the President of the Republic of Sudan, Dr. Mustafa Declaration of 1994, the Naivasha Peace Agreement of 2005 Osman Ismail, said that “this (peace accord) attests to the great and the 2006 peace accord or resolving the Somali problem. value which not only the Sudanese National Assembly and the The people of Somalia need an honest mediator that would East Sudan Front give to Eritrea’s efforts but also all sections help them to resolve their problems themselves.19 Eritrea respects the need of Sudan’s indigenous provincial of the East Sudan population.”16 The agreement delineates the fundamental objectives of share in the allocation and distribution of financial resources, development in East Sudan: which secured an ultimate place in all the arrangements of 1994, January 2005 and October 2006. ! Rehabilitation of war-affected areas. Says President Omar: “Let us all hear that these good efforts ! Rehabilitation of social services, including health, education of the government of President Isaias and people for the soluand water. tion of East Sudan. This is the time for appreciation for all ! Rehabilitation and development of infrastructure. brothers and sister of neighboring countries to build brother! Human and institutional capacity-building. ly history. Sudan exchange love with love, dearness with dear! Eradication of poverty. ness and faithfulness with faithfulness with Eritrea. It’s just the ! Rehabilitation and development of agriculture, industry, time to not only promote bilateral relations but to promote a tourism, fisheries and other priority sectors. bond of brotherhood in the Horn of Africa and the continent

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in general.”20 He appreciated efforts by the Eritrean brotherhood and by Djibouti, Egypt, Yemen, Kuwait, Qatar, Libya, United Arab Emirates and Secretary General of Arab League and Islamic Congress. Amru Mousa of Arab League commended President Isaias for his efforts to bring a peaceful resolution of the East Sudan issue and Eritrea’s continued role to promote reconciliation in Sudan, thereby enhancing peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.”21 Mustafa Osman Ismail also lauded Eritrea’s “highly qualified mediation role free form threats and manipulation.” The dialogue was honest and balanced,” he said.22 The Eritrea government respects international law that persuades them to work for peace and development in Sudan, Somalia and other countries and expects the other brother countries to do the same. It is important to note here that President Isaias during his discussion with Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Raymond Johansen emphasised African brothers’ fair support to other countries like Somalis’ need at this juncture to resolve their differences by themselves. “As regards the Somali issue, President Isaias indicated that branding the Somali people as ‘terrorists’ because they are followers of the Muslim religion is meaningless, and stressed that Islam does not mean terrorism. He further explained that Eritrea’s sole concern in this issue is to help the Somali people to resolve their problems themselves.”23 President Omar acknowledged Eritrea’s dedication towards international law. “We thanked the Eritrean government and people for their role in the peace process” and expressed the commitment of Government of National Unity based on six objectives: ! The full implementation of the Peace Accord. Dialogue is the only way to solve disputes internally and externally.

References 1. Inaugural Address of President Isaias Afwerki, The State of Eritrea, Peace Agreement Between National Government of Sudan and East Sudan Front, State Palace, Asmara, Eritrea on 14th October 2006. 2. Inaugural Address of President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, Republic of Sudan, Peace Agreement Between National Government of Sudan and East Sudan Front, State Palace, Asmara, Eritrea on 14th October 2006. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. Interview of President Isaias Afwerki on 14th October 2006. 6. Ibid. 7. Interview of President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir on 14th October 2006. 8. Interview of President Isaias, op.cit. 9. Ibid. 10. Inaugural Address of President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir,

! Sincere hard work to emphasize the principles of democracy, consultancy, transparency, justice and peaceful change of power. ! Encouragement to all social organization and their role in rehabilitation and building human welfare. ! Protection of weaker section of society like women, children, physical disabled and people of special needs and respect of human rights. ! Emphasising our commitment to international accords, charts and the fight against terrorism, specifying comprehensive definition for the terrorism.”24 Overall, “The final part of the ESPA includes general provisions pertaining to its incorporation in the Interim National Constitution (INC) and that in the event of a dispute concerning the interpretation or application of this agreement, constitutional issues shall be referred to the constitutional court and other matters to a tripartite committee composed of representatives of government of Sudan, the East Front and the government of Eritrea that chairs the committee. The government of the state of Eritrea shall register ESPA with the Secretary-General of United Nations.”25 The Peace Accord 2006 is the Eritrean brotherhood’s initiative to carry forward the torch of peace and development in Africa. President Isaias received hearty congratulations on this occasion and appreciated the sentiments of the ‘beginning of the peace march’ and an enlightened bright future for the people of Africa in general and the Horn of Africa in particular. This peace accord once again proves that indigenous problems can be resolved by indigenous people of Africa. Today, Africa undoubtedly demonstrates the affirmative role of international communities but at the same time it has made clear that global help will not be encouraged at the cost of its own sovereignty.

op.cit. 11. Eritrea Profile, News Paper, vol.13, No.63. 14th October 2006. 12. Eritrea Profile, No.63. 13. Eritrea Profile, No.63. 14. Eritrea Profile, No.63. 15. East Sudan Peace Agreement: An Overview, 14th October 2006. 16. Eritrea Profile, No.63. 17. East Sudan Peace Agreement, op.cit. 18. Ibid. 19. Eritrea Profile, No.63. 20. Eritrea Profile, No. 64, 18th October 2006. 21. Interview of President Isaias Afwerki, op.cit. 22. Eritrea Profile, No.63, op.cit. 23. Ibid. 24. East Sudan Peace Agreement, op.cit. 25. Ibid.

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Sudan: Factfile

udan is situated in North East Africa. It is the largest country in Africa and the Middle-East. It shares common borders with Egypt and Libya in the North, Chad and Central African Republic in the West, Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Kenya in the South, Ethiopia and Eritrea in the East. It also neighbours the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia across the Red Sea. With an area of one million square miles, Sudan is among the 10 largest countries in the world. Its capital, Khartoum, lies at the confluence of two great rivers, the Blue Nile and the White Nile. The country is within the African tropical zone and its climate varies from equatorial in its most southern parts, Savanna in the centre, and continental in the northern parts. March-June is the hottest part of the year with temperatures rising up to 42 degrees Celsius. The temperature gradually declines when it starts raining from July to October. From November to February, which is the best time of the year in the country, temperatures range between 16 to 30 degrees Celsius with beautiful warm sunshine during the day. Geography ! Location: Northern Africa, bordering the Red Sea, between Egypt and Eritrea ! Geographic coordinates: 15 00 N, 30 00 E ! Total area: 2,505,810 sq km ! Land: 2.376 million sq km ! Water: 129,810 sq km ! Total land boundaries: 7,687 km ! Border countries: Central African Republic 1,165 km, Chad 1,360 km, Democratic Republic of the Congo 628 km, Egypt 1,273 km, Eritrea 605 km, Ethiopia 1,606 km, Kenya 232 km, Libya 383 km, Uganda 435 km ! Coastline: 853 km ! Maritime claims: territorial sea: 12 nautical miles ! Land use: arable land: 6.78 percent ! Permanent crops: 0.17 percent ! Population: 41,236,378 (July 2006 estimated) ! Population growth rate: 2.55percent (2006 estimated) ! Birth rate: 34.53 births/1,000 population (2006 estimated) ! Death rate: 8.97 deaths/1,000 population (2006 estimated) ! Infant mortality rate: total: 61.05 deaths/1,000 live births ! Life expectancy at birth: total population: 58.92 years ! Total fertility rate: 4.72 children born/woman (2006 estimated) ! HIV/AIDS - adult prevalence rate: 2.3percent (2001 estimated) ! HIV/AIDS - people living with HIV/AIDS: 400,000 (2001 estimated) ! HIV/AIDS - deaths: 23,000 (2003 estimated) ! Ethnic groups: black 52 percent, Arab 39 percent, Beja 6 per-

cent, foreigners 2 percent, others 1 percent. ! Religions: Sunni Muslim 70 percent (in the north), indige-

nous beliefs 25 percent, Christian 5 percent (mostly in south and in Khartoum) ! Languages: Arabic (official), Nubian, Ta Bedawie, diverse dialects of Nilotic, Nilo-Hamitic, Sudanic languages, English ! Literacy: definition: age 15 and over can read and write ! Total population: 61.1 percent ! Male: 71.8 percent ! Female: 50.5 percent (2003 estimated) Government ! Government type: Government of National Unity (GNU) — the National Congress Party (NCP) and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) formed a power-sharing government under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA); the NCP, which came to power by military coup in 1989, is the majority partner; the agreement stipulates national elections for the 2008- 2009 timeframe. ! Independence: January 1, 1956 (from Egypt and U.K.) ! Executive branch: chief of state: President Field Marshal Umar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir (since October 16, 1993); First Vice President Salva Kiir (since August 4, 2005), Vice President Ali Osman Taha (since September 20, 2005); The president is both the chief of state and head of government. Political parties and leaders ! Political parties in the Government of National Unity

include: National Congress Party or NCP (Ibrahim Ahmed Omar); Sudan People’s Liberation Movement or SPLM (Salva Mayardit Kiir); and elements of the National Democratic Alliance or NDA including factions of the Democratic Union Party (Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghani) and Umma Party (Sadiq Siddiq al-Mahdi) Economy ! GDP (purchasing power parity): $84.93 billion (2005 esti-

mated) ! GDP - real growth rate: 7.7 percent (2005 estimated) ! GDP - per capita (PPP): $2,100 (2005 estimated) ! GDP - composition by sector: agriculture: 38.7 percent ! Industry: 20.3 percent ! Services: 41 percent (2003 estimated) ! Unemployment rate: 18.7 percent (2002 estimated) ! Population below poverty line: 40 percent (2004 estimated) ! Budget: revenues: $6.182 billion

Industries: oil, cotton ginning, textiles, cement, edible oils, sugar, soap distilling, shoes, petroleum refining, etc. (Information gathered from the Sudan Embassy and The Business Traveller Report)

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Lessons of Indian experience for ERITREA Ravinder Rena makes a comparative study of the economic development of India and Eritrea and underscores the need for capacity building strategies in Eritrean agriculture.

oth India and Eritrea are developing countries. India, as a leader of the Third World, has made huge strides in human resource development and agricultural development, whereas Eritrea is a young nation still striving hard to develop these areas and thus achieve self-reliance. In line with this, Eritrea has been using Indian human resources to build capacity in education, agricultural and other related areas. An attempt is made in this article to compare the Eritrean situation and with some of the Indian experiences and also provide some implications for policy development in Eritrea. INTRODUCTION India is a developing country and focuses on the areas of human resource development and capacity-building. Eritreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s main aim is to achieve fast economic growth and self-reliance. India became self-sufficient in food in the late 1970s. By the time India introduced its policies of economic reform in 1991, it had a huge human resources pool. It is absolutely imperative to have human resources in order to manage technology, agricultural machines, scientific applications, etc. Even the use of foreign aid needs human resources. It is to be noted that within the developing world, India is a good model and

many developing countries, particularly from Africa, can learn a lot to from its rich and varied experiences. India was agriculturally backward on the eve of independence. The countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first Five-year Plan (1951-1956) was more focused on agriculture and power projects. The second Five-year Plan (1956-1961) laid great emphasis on industrialisation (Ahluwalia, 1985). India wanted to be self-reliant, achieve rapid economic growth and dispense social and economic justice to the people. The successive colonisers before its independence controlled the economy of Eritrea till 1991. Eritrea achieved independence in1991 and gradually adopted a market economy but this was interrupted due to the border conflict (Rena, 2004). The fact is that Eritrea has a large population living below the poverty line. It is estimated that the level of poverty in rural Eritrea has increased as compared to India, where the rate is less than 25 percent. (Note: The poverty Line is Nacfa 240 per capita/month; Extreme Poverty Line: Nacfa 150 per capita/month.) The vast potential of the agriculture sector in Eritrea will be realised only with infrastructure development, with the development of agro-industry and by putting in place a food security system, including a buffer stock. Building of buffer stocks helps to protect unnecessary consumption and to ensure that the food is well distributed during an emergency among the poor of society. India has a public distribution system (PDS) which involves procurement at a minimum support price from farmers and a distribution system. The public

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A F R I C A distribution system provides foodgrains at a minimum support price. In fact, under the system of fair price shops in India, a third of the trading is in foodgrain. The public distribution system also includes the “food for work” programmes, under which 80 million people are covered. According to 2004-2005 data, India produces about 210 million tonnes of foodgrain and it has 50 million tonnes of buffer stock. India regularly faces natural calamities such as droughts and floods. There are many other challenges; for example, 70 percent of India’s land, like Eritrea’s, is dry land, which is important to focus on. But that does not mean that one neglects industries. Eritrea has some potential resources like minerals, oil, salt, fish, etc., that can be exploited. Eritrea is exploring the exploitation of its resources, particularly in the mining sector. By 2008, Eritrea would venture into mining operations in a major way. Concentration on areas of competence is very important to overcome problems like poverty and drought (Rena, 2006a).

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more to the national economy due to competition from large industries within the country as well as competition from foreign trade. The trade relations between India and Eritrea have been growing gradually since Eritrea’s independence. Thus, Eritrea appointed its first Ambassador to India in 2003. Although the trade balance is in India’s favour, there is a lot of emphasis on the promotion of trade relations, in view of the potential of both countries. Agriculture and Need of Sustainable Development

It is important to note that when a senior official from Andhra Pradesh (a southern province of India) visited East Africa in 2004, where some governments are ready to welcome Indian farmers to till vacant fertile lands, he received a favourable response. Kenya and Uganda have already expressed their consent to receive Indian farmers. Tanzania is also likely to give a positive response. African leaders underTrade Relations Between India and Eritrea stood that India’s skilled and innovative farmers can contribute to the prosperity of those countries and the Africans can learn The trade relations between India and Eritrea are very old. and benefit from these skills. Historically, there were strong trade ties during the Axumite In line with this, the Andhra Pradesh state government is kingdom. Agriculture is very important in both these coun- enthusiastic about the project, which is expected to bring hope tries. It is to be noted that more than 70 percent of Eritreans to the lives of more than half a million poverty-stricken farm and 60 percent of Indians depend on agriculture as their main- families in the drought-prone west of the state. It is noteworstay and hence there is a need to re-focus on this sector. Both thy that the Indian farmers have been suffering from drought the countries have the required resources –– good climate and while some African countries have excellent infrastructure and water resources. The concentration on agriculture along with land, but do not have people to farm it productively. This is a industries requires a sustainable policy in Eritrea. Agriculture business opportunity for Indian farmers, who are well versed was the main focus of the Five-year Plans in India. Even after in tropical and arid-area farming. 15 years of independence, Eritrea has not adopted Five-year Analysts say the rash of suicides by farmers in Andhra Plan strategies, therefore it can learn from the Indian experi- Pradesh is rooted in the state’s neglect of the agriculture secence. Naturally, the state has to play an important role to pro- tor. It is observed that the lack of irrigation facilities and institect Eritrean industries from foreign competition as there are tutional loans to farmers and their consequent dependence on so many imported goods that had become a threat to domes- private moneylenders has led to the worsening situation in the tic industries (Rena, 2006a). Indian agriculture arena. Many opposition leaders and other It is worth noting that, after the introduction of the liberal- activists say neglect of the farm sector is nationwide, and this isation policy in 1991, the private sector in India has emerged is why suicides by farmers have been reported from most of as an important force driving the economy and has become the India’s states and Union territories over the past seven years. backbone of Indian economy, accounting for 70 percent of the Most of the suicides were blamed on mounting debts and GDP. Agriculture, horticulture, floriculture, sea food indus- crop failure from drought (The Washington Post, 2004). tries, agro-industries, agro-based industries and food industries India would also provide much-needed technical support to are in the private sector and they include small- as well as the cooperative farms involved in the Africa migration project. large-scale industries. India has almost 3.57 million units in the It is reported that the Andhra Pradesh government agreed to small-scale sector. They pay for the travel and cost of employ more than 20 million rehabilitation of the farmers Table 1. Incidence of Poverty (Head Count) in Eritrea people and contribute $165 in Africa. Farmers would be % of % of BPL % of Extreme billion to the Indian econo- Rural/ allowed to send their earnPopulation Population Poverty my. The role the of private Urban ings to families in India with(Out of total BPL sector is substantial in the out any hindrance. Population) growth of sustainable eco- RURAL Eritrea, therefore, can 68.80 64.64 38.90 nomic development in India. URBAN 31.20 think on the lines of Uganda 70.32 32.65 Eritrea has also experi- TOTAL and Tanzania to develop its 100.00 66.40 36.97 enced the same situation its land and agricultural producsmall-scale industries, but Source: Household Living Standards Measurement Survey (LSMS) and Dimension tivity and thus achieve food they could not contribute of Poverty, National Statistics and Evolution Office, 2003 security.

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B I L A T E R A L S Eritrean peasants normally collect their main harvest in keting operations. The local and international partners of September-October. However, a major and long-standing development should be committed to poverty reduction, food challenge to the survival and livelihood of the Eritrean peas- security and the development of Eritrea. They should play a antry has surfaced not only in years of drought and famine, but key role in supporting the development of a properly funcalso in years of bumper harvest or relatively above-average tioning national integrated agricultural production and marproduction. The reason is that the markets are seen as repeat- keting system. Their coordinated effort in this regard is quite edly penalising poor peasants. Although the Government of invaluable as it significantly contributes towards meeting the Eritrea has intervened to correct the widespread imperfections challenging tasks of food self-sufficiency and food security in of the domestic agricultural market, the results seems to be the country and relieves donors of their continued humaniineffective. tarian responsibility of providing food aid to Eritrea. Apart Therefore, extensive poverty amongst the Eritrean peas- from the current practice, Eritrean peasants require to be given antry has increased and a consequent erosion of the asset base the necessary support and advice to produce crops suitable to of farm households has been observed. The majority of those geographical areas and generate demand for the proEritreans, both urban and rural, face malnutrition and hunger duce in the local or export market. due to the lack of alternative livelihood options and periods of Thus, the concerned government bodies, in cooperation poor agricultural harvest or drought. with local and international partners of development, should In Eritrea’s economy, one major and critical problem of the demonstrate high commitment and practical deeds by workdysfunctional nature of agricultural markets is the lack of phys- ing towards enhancing the crucial role of well-functioning ical infrastructure such as storage facilities and major and feed- agricultural markets in Eritrea. It will act as an incentive to a er roads.1 sustainable increase in agricultural production and making its Another problem is the lack of traditional roles in facilitating nationThe Government of Eritrea marketing information infrastructure al economic development. It is, on local and global markets, includtherefore, mandatory to point out should lay down a clear ing the training and management and stress the area where the governagricultural marketing policy and ment and the other partners of develexpertise and dissemination mechathe associated intervention nisms among the various actors, i.e., opment should focus upon is buildpeasants and buyers, in the market. ing a dynamic agricultural marketing mechanisms, including the Thus, major impetus needs to be system. In line with this, many agrodesignation of a public given to: based projects have been impleorganisation like Eritrean Grain mented at the zoba and sub-zoba lev■ Building the major roads of the country and also feeder roads in proels like the construction of microBoard that could play the ducing regions. dams, medium dams and some economically and socially ■ Developing the human capital. major dams, etc. desirable task of absorbing, ■ Developing marketing information tools from village to regional places. storing and properly utilising the India’s Offer to Africa in the ■ Building central markets to enable Agriculture Sector available surplus production. better and quicker local and international market information, analysis There is a need to safeguard the With a view to significantly and dissemination. enhancing India’s trade with Africa, poor peasants from facing falls ■ And integrating local markets with the Government of India launched in their producer prices. global market penetration for better an integrated programme called results. ‘Focus Africa’ in the year 2002-03. The main objective of the programme is to increase interacEfforts for Sustainable Development tion between the two regions by identifying areas of bilateral trade and investment. The Government of Eritrea should lay down a clear agriThe ‘Focus Africa’ programme emphasised on major tradcultural marketing policy and the associated intervention ing partners of the region, namely Eritrea, Ethiopia, Nigeria, mechanisms, including the designation of a public organisa- South Africa, Mauritius, Kenya, Tanzania and Ghana, which tion like Eritrean Grain Board that could play the economi- together account for around 69 percent of India’s total bilatcally and socially desirable task of absorbing, storing and prop- eral trade with the sub-Saharan Africa region (Confederation erly utilising the available surplus production. There is a need of Indian Industries’ [CII] India-Africa Project Partnership, to safeguard the poor peasants from facing drastic falls in their 2005: 22-26). The CII Africa Committee has the mandate to producer prices. further business cooperation that helps establish a symbiotic The government should study and reform its business relationship between India and emerging African economies. licensing procedures, control unhealthy regulations and pro- The committee undertakes wide ranging activities like: vide basic requirements and contribute to better and highly ■ Developing strategies to enhance economic, industrial and efficient marketing channels in local and international mar- trade relations.

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A team of agriculturalists from the United States carrying out a survey of Eritrean farms.

kets.

■ Identifying areas of mutual cooperation. ■ Highlighting issues of concern and evolving suitable policy

■ Organising seminars and workshops on export opportuni-

recommendations. ■ Framing guidelines and checklists for different forms of industrial cooperation. ■ And representing industry sectors seeking greater mutual cooperation (CII India-Africa Project Partnership, 2005: 11). CII has Institutional Agreements with 32 counterpart organisations in 18 African countries, including Eritrea, with the objective of facilitating an exchange of information and promoting the business interests of Indian and African Industry. The committee pursues a three point agenda that aims to: ■ Focus on core issues to industry. ■ Interact with African Missions in India and Indian Missions in Africa. ■ And partner and assist the Government of India in its specific Africa-related initiatives (CII India-Africa Project Partnership, 2005: 24-25). A bi-monthly electronic newsletter is widely circulated to Indian industry, CII’s MoU partners in Africa, Indian Missions in Africa, African Missions in India, key policymakers in India and Africa to update information on economic, industrial and political scenario in Africa, sectoral information for industrial and trade cooperation, business opportunities for both African and Indian companies and Indo-African trade and investment data. CII has developed an integrated strategy for promoting Indian exports into Africa, to supplement the ‘Focus Africa’ programme of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry. This strategy involves: ■ Identifying focus markets in Africa. ■ Identifying products with potential for export to focus mar-

ties. ■ Sending trade delegations to focus countries. ■ Participating in sector-specific fairs in focus countries. ■ Organising Made in India/Enterprise Shows. (CII IndiaAfrica Project Partnership, 2005: 26). The Export-Import Bank of India (EXIM India) operates a number of financing and support programmes to facilitate and promote India’s trade and investment in the African region. The EXIM Bank operates a programme to support overseas investment by Indian promoters through joint ventures/ wholly-owned subsidiaries. Such support includes finance in selected cases or direct participation in equity along with the Indian promoter to set up such ventures overseas(CII India-Africa Project Partnership, 2005: 24-26). With a view to enhancing the competitiveness of Indian exporters, as also identifying potential targets of Indian trade and investment, EXIM India periodically conducts research studies on countries, regions, sectors, and industries and on macro-economic issues relating to international trade and finance. EXIM India has also come out with a bilingual (English and French) magazine titled ‘Indo-African Business’ which focuses on bilateral trade and investment between India and Africa. The magazine addresses the business information needs of companies that are interested in trade with the African region. With a view to promoting and facilitating bilateral trade with the countries in the Africa region, EXIM India works closely with Government of India. It has a representative office in Johannesburg, South Africa,

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B I L A T E R A L S which plays a role in facilitating economic cooperation with the African region, and is closely associated with several other of the bank’s initiatives.

pool of unskilled labor, agricultural development can relieve the growing unemployment problem on the one hand and increase agricultural income on the other hand. Role of India in Eritrean A “poverty focused” economic Development development policy has best chance of success if it is agricultural-led, or if India is doing a lot for the develit is based on increasing agricultural opment of Eritrea. The Eritrean productivity that results in food secuMinistry of Education is hiring a rity and the reduction in absolute great number of professors, associate poverty. professors, assistant professors, lecSince food security contains both turers and teachers from India to supply (production) and demand teach in colleges, institutions at the (income) dimensions, there is a need tertiary level and schools. More than to focus on food production. The 800 teachers are teaching at various prime movers of agricultural develcolleges, vocational training centers opment (public and private investand high schools in Eritrea. About 80 ment) need to be involved in agripercent of the faculty in the newlycultural production and supply to Much of Eritrean farmland is dry. established Eritrea Institute of ensure food availability. It includes Technology is Indian. And there are agricultural scientists and Indo-Eritrea investments in: other technical experts in different domains who have been ■ New technology and agricultural research. working in Eritrea for many years. There are some Eritrean ■ Human capital and managerial skills produced by investstudents studying in India for their B.A., MA/MSc., Ph.D. ments in schools, training, and on-the-job experience. ■ Physical capital investments in rural infrastructure such as degrees. All this should help a lot in human resource development irrigation, dams and roads. of Eritrea. And, of course, many Indian teachers have been ■ And farmer support institutions such as marketing, credit, involved in Eritrea since the 1960s, even before its indepen- and extension services. Eritrea can stage a trade exhibition in India and allow India dence. It is to be noted that Indian teachers have educated many leaders of Eritrea, including President Isaias Afwerki to do the same in Eritrea to strengthen trade and agricultural ties. These trade fairs would allow businesses in both counand some ministers. India has been focusing on human resource development tries to participate and exchange their profiles. They would also since independence and this is one of its main strengths which, get the opportunities to interact with members of the Indian one hopes, would rub off on Eritrea through this collabora- business community and vice versa. India has been participating regularly in some of the African tion. In 2006, Minister of Eritrean Education Osman Saleh visited India and signed agreements with the Indian government countries’ trade fair like Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda, etc., and focuses on mostly on iron and steel products, machinery, in human capacity-building. The Indian community also promotes goodwill and under- drugs, pharmaceuticals, plastics, leather, cotton and pulses. standing among people in Eritrea. They are the bridge that Indian industries are keen to invest more in the field of elecmakes the two countries come together. The role of the Indian tronics, food processing, agro-industries and agro-based induscommunity is very important as it contributes a lot to the tries, etc. Eritrea adopted an agriculture- and rural-centered developeconomy of the country. Large numbers of Eritreans are comment strategy recently to achieve food security. This policy ing to India for education, business, tourism, etc. This contact between the two peoples is a great contributor mainly focuses on the development of small-holder farm protoward the enhancement of relations between the two coun- ductivity and the expansion of commercial farms. Although tries. India has managed to develop a modern agricultural sec- some degree of cooperative farming has been noticed in tor within a short period of time after the advent of the Green Eritrea, it can be suggested that the structure of cooperative farming as in the West and South India and Kenya may be Revolution in mid-1960s. implemented in Eritrea on a large scale. If successfully implemented, it has the potential to reduce Implications food insecurity, absolute poverty and environmental degradaThe critical need of moving agriculture forward in Eritrea tion. Conceptually, an agricultural- and employment-based is underlined by the need to increase food supply to feed a economic growth strategy has three basic elements. rapidly-growing population, to provide employment, income ■ Agricultural growth requires an appropriate land-saving growth, to reduce absolute poverty and food insecurity in a technology in the form of biological and chemical technolopredominantly rural-based population. Since Eritrea has a large gies.

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A F R I C A ■ The growth in food demand occurs through accelerated

growth in rural employment (or increased demand for labor), made possible through scientific agriculture. ■ And increase demand for goods and services produce. Like Indian agriculture, it is important to transform subsistence agriculture to science-based, intensive agriculture by adopting promising indigenous practices combined with selective use of improved technologies such as the use of inorganic fertilisers, better equipment, improved seeds, and improved soil conservation and agro-forestry practices. Improved technologies and the use of farm capital is the most promising path to achieve the goals of greater productivity, food security and sustainability in most agro-climate zones. The capacity of farmers in Eritrea to pursue alternative technologies requires investments in rural infrastructure, input and output, market improvements, land markets, credit policy and promotion of non-farm enterprises such as agro-industries. The challenge is to develop innovative, cost-effective, public-private and public institutions, including non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that support agriculture under a favourable and macro-economic and institutional environment. CONCLUSION In conclusion, the challenge of eradicating absolute poverty in Eritrea is best achieved by pursuing an economic growth strategy that transforms the currently low-produc-

NOTES 1. Despite the rapid road constructions under the Warsay Yikealo Development Campaign that launched in May 2002 many agricultural, farmers, however face basic infrastructure problems. REFERENCES 1. Ahluwalia, I.J. (1985) industrial Growth in India: Stagnation Since the Mid-sixties, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. CII India-Africa Project Partnership 2005, Background paper, New Delhi, p.26. Ministry of Agriculture (2002a) The National Action Programme for Eritrea to Combat Desertification and Mitigate the Effects of Drought, Asmara: Ministry of Agriculture, The State of Eritrea (January). Ministry of Agriculture (2002b) Agricultural Sector Policy and Strategy Framework: Background and Context Development and Management, Asmara: Ministry of Agriculture, The Government of State of Eritrea (November). Rena, Ravinder (2004) Green Revolution: Indian Agricultural Experience –– A Paradigm for Eritrea. New Jersey, USA: Eritrean Studies Review, 4(1), 103-130. Rena, Ravinder (2005). Challenges for Food Security in

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tivity agricultural sector. This challenge can be met by developing relevant institutions that promote the four prime movers of agricultural development identified earlier. These are: ■ Production of appropriate technologies –– produces through public and private investments in agricultural research. ■ Human capital investments and vocational skills of poor people by investment in private and public schools, training programmes, on-the-job experience and health. ■ Investment in infrastructure like dams, irrigation facilities, telecommunications and roads. ■ And investments in farmer-support institutions such as marketing, credit, fertilisers and seed distribution systems. Each of the above movers is important and complementary. The analysis of this paper underscores the need to develop capacity-building strategies in agriculture and education, specific technologies to raise crop productivity, investment in infrastructure and in agricultural-support institutions, marketing and credit in order to overcome problems of productivity and remove weak linkages within the rural economy. The paper also implies that success in transforming agriculture along these lines can reduce natural resource degradation, and thereby enable Eritrea to break out of the absolute poverty-environmental degradation-food insecurity trap and strengthen its human resource development and agricultural policy.

Eritrea: A Descriptive and Qualitative Analysis. African Development Review, 17(2), 193-212. Rena, Ravinder (2006a) Hand Book on the Eritrean Economy: Problems and Prospects for Development, Dar Es Salaam (Tanzania): New Africa Press. Rena, Ravinder (2006b) Financial Institutions in Eritrea, Dar Es Salaam (Tanzania): New Africa Press. Roy, Sumit (1990) Agriculture and Technology in Developing Countries: India and Nigeria, London: Sage Publications. Sarma, J.S. (1981) “Growth and Equity: Policies and Implementation in Indian Agriculture”, Research Report No.28. Washington, D.C.: IFPRI, (November). The Washington Post November 13, 2004. World Bank Document (1994) Eritrea: Options and Strategies for Growth, Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Author’s bio: Ravinder Rena have been working as Asst. Professor of Economics, under Ministry of Education, Government of the State of Eritrea, since August 1997. He has held different positions and involved in numerous research projects. Rena got his Ph.D. from Dept. of Economics, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India, and was awarded University Gold Medal for the Best Ph.D. candidates/ thesis in the field of Economics/ Commerce/ Business Management.

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The U.S. and the first LIBERIAN civil war George Klay Kieh, Jr., argues that the United States, which sowed the seeds of the first Liberian Civil War, failed to come up with a coherent and consistent policy to deal with the situation.

O Introduction

ne of the major challenges facing American foreign policymakers in the “post-Cold War era” is the formulation of the appropriate response to the burgeoning wave of civil wars in the international system. Unlike the “Cold War Period” during which the United States’ policy towards civil conflicts and wars was undergirded by the dominant “rule of thumb” of supporting the anti-Soviet and anti-communist factions in the various civil conflicts, it is now difficult to make such “easy choices” in the new global environment. The absence of the proverbial “Soviet bear” has, and continues to compel American foreign policymakers to engage in more thorough, rigorous and comprehensive assessment of the dynamics of the various civil conflicts and their attendant ramifications of American interests. The first Liberian Civil War was a major example of the aforementioned challenge confronting American foreign policymakers. Having played a major role in planting and nurturing the “seeds of civil war,” by supporting the various repressive regimes in Liberia, from Tubman to Doe, the United States failed to develop and implement a clear, coherent and consistent policy towards the first Liberian Civil War. Against this backdrop, the purpose of this article is threefold. First, it will examine the ways in which United States policy contributed to the planting, nurturing and germination

of the seeds of conflict that exploded into the first Liberian Civil War in 1989. Second, it will discuss the contours of American policy towards the first Liberian Civil War. Third, it will evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the policy. In other words, what were the elements of the United States’ policy? And what were the effects of the policy of the first Liberian Civil War? The Realpolitik Foreign Policy Model During the “Cold War” and its associated superpower rivalry, the realpolitik model served as the compass for navigating United States foreign policy. The resultant policy framework and its Weltanschauung were anchored on certain basic assumptions about international affairs. At the base of the “Cold War” policy framework was the overarching caveat that the post-World War II international system was on the verge of being overwhelmed by the onslaught of Soviet expansionism.1 From this base assumption, several derivatives can be delineated. First, the United States foreign policymakers dichotomised the world into a “free world or democratic bloc” led by the United States, and the “communist or totalitarian bloc” under the leadership of the Soviet Union. The ideological architecture of the American-led bloc was depicted as the terra firma for ensuring global freedom, respect for human rights and economic prosperity. Second, virtually every international issue was situated in the context of the “Cold War”. In other words, various issues, especially regional and single country-based, were viewed as extensions of the superpower rivalry. Accordingly, based on the

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A scene on a street during the first Liberian Civil War that broke out in December 1989.

zero-sum notion of superpower relaeither American or Soviet neo-coloConsistent with the realpolitik tions, the United States was pressed nial patronage. modus operandi of the “ends to impose its solutions on these Third, although American policyissues, without taking into considermakers considered human rights and justify the means,” the United ation the historical crucible and the other moral and ethical issues as states employed a variety of attendant specific context of these important, nevertheless, they were methods ostensibly to serve its subordinated to the “communist issues. For example, civil conflicts in interests. As has been argued, containment crusade”. In the classic Third World countries were subMachiavellian tradition, the central the United States supported sumed under two categories: There concern was the primacy of some of the most brutal and were those conflicts that involved a American interests, even at the struggle between pro-American oppressive regimes in the world, expense of sacrificing ethics and regimes — for example, the Tolbert morality. For example, the United as long as they remained regime in Liberia –– and anti-regime States supported some of the most supportive of American forces like the The Movement for repressive regimes in the world –– Justice in Africa, Alpha Fanga and the Doe (Liberia), Mobutu (Zaire, now interests: These regimes Student Unification Party of the received economic and military the Democratic Republic of the University of Liberia, among others. Congo), Niamery (Sudan), the The former, even the most repressive assistance and political support. White minority regimes in South ones, were characterised as being Africa, Pinochet (Chile) and the Shah supportive of democracy, and the latter as “Soviet puppets”, (Iran), among others. even if they had no linkage to the Soviet Union. The underConsistent with the realpolitik modus operandi of the “ends lying belief was that any group that opposed an American justify the means”, the United States employed a variety of client regime was instigated and supported by the Soviet methods ostensibly to serve its interests. As has been argued, Union. Accordingly, American foreign policymakers gave vir- the United States supported some of the most brutal and tually no attention to the nature of these anti-government oppressive regimes in the world, as long as they remain supgroups and the validity of their grievances. portive of American interests: These regimes received ecoThe other type of civil conflicts was the one in which pro- nomic and military assistance and political support. In those American movements — for example, UNITA in Angola — cases in which the determination was made that these client fought against “pro-Soviet regimes” like the government of regimes had outlived their usefulness to the United States, they Angola. Interestingly, in those cases where the ideological lean- were abandoned — for examples, Marcos (Philippines) and ings of the various parties to these conflicts were not apparent, Noriega (Panama). Similarly, the United States supported varthe United States used an interesting litmus test: Which party ious anti-democratic movements — UNITA in Angola, etc.— or parties espoused a commitment to capitalism or demon- by providing them with money, guns and intelligence. strated opposition to the Soviet Union? One of the major consequences of the pursuance of a In other words, the parties were forced into either the realpolitik-based foreign policy was the United States’ employAmerican or the Soviet box; hence, there was no room for ment of double-standards in addressing the political, ecogroups or regimes to pursue an independent policy, devoid of nomic, social and moral precipitants of civil conflicts in Africa

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and the rest of the Third World. On the one hand, in cases where human rights abuses were perpetrated by anti-American and nationalist and pro-Soviet regimes and movements, the United States was quite vocal in its condemnation, and recitation of various ethical doctrines — Angola, Mozambique, etc. On the other hand, in those cases in which the abuses were carried out by proAmerican regimes and movements, the United States either remained silent or provided various justifications –– the cases of Egypt, Kenya, Liberia, Somalia, South Africa and Roberts International Airport that was built by the United States in Liberia. Sudan are quite instructive. United States-Liberia Relations Finally, by reducing the taproots With the advent of the “Cold In Perspective of civil conflicts in Third World states War” and the geo-strategic and to the vagaries of superpower rivalry, military-security importance of The United States played a pivotal the United States contributed both role in the establishment of the moddirectly and indirectly to the planting Liberia firmly established, the ern Liberian state: It provided the and the nurturing of the seeds of United States increased its American Colonisation Society, the some of the civil conflicts in various assets in Liberia… Liberia’s organisation that repatriated freed developing states. For example, in African-Americans to Liberia, with Liberia, the United States was the strategic Roberts International $100,000 and military escorts.2 The chief patron of the regime of MasterAirport, built by the United repatriation crusade was ostensibly Sergeant turned President Samuel States, served as a major designed to help resolve the probDoe. From 1980-1989, the United States provided the Doe regime with launching pad for the American lems associated race relations between African-Americans and more than $500 million in foreign Rapid Deployment Force, as Euro-Americans. aid. well as a major arms shipment Particularly, the disintegration of The munitions and weapons the the slave system beginning in the aspects of the American aid proconduit to UNITA. 1800s, and the subsequent emancigramme were used by the Doe pation of some African-Americans, regime to perpetrate vitriolic human rights abuses, including the “scorch the earth cam- precipitated a sense of grave concern in the majority Europaign” in Nimba County in 1985, following an abortive American community. As Robert Smith aptly argues: “The coup against the Doe regime. With absolutely no regards for United States government believed that the ‘subsequent’ human life, the Doe regime summarily executed hundreds emancipation and education of blacks coupled with their fast of Nimbians. Their only crime was that the General birth rate would in due course enable them to dominate the Thomas Quiwonkpa, the leader of the failed military coup, U.S.”3 Interestingly, after the African-Americans were repatriated was from their region. Interestingly, despite the end of the “Cold War”, the to Liberia, the United States government showed no interest. realpolitik model has remained both the philosophical and The major reason was the Liberia was of no economic and operational base of United States foreign policy. For example, strategic value to the United States at the time. Moreover, American policymakers are still using so-called “tangible eco- even after Liberia declared its independence in 1847, it took nomic, social, political and geo-strategic interests” as the yard- the United States 15 years to grant recognition to the new state. sticks for American engagement and involvement in helping However, despite the lack of official American interest, a group to address various issues, especially civil conflicts in Africa and of African-Americans fought valiantly to help sustain Liberia. By 1900, a major shift in United States foreign policy the rest of the Third World. In other words, from the first Liberian Civil war (1989- towards Liberia occurred: With the discovery of gold in Liberia, 1997) to the current Ivorian civil war (2002-present), the the United States developed an interest in Liberia. refrain from American foreign policymakers was, and remains Characteristically, the incipient interest was propelled by whether these conflicts affected American interests –– access American economic needs; gold was a valuable resource to the to strategic minerals and resources like oil, etc., trade routes and emergent American industrial complex. Accordingly, by establishing friendly relations with the Liberian government, the military-security assets.

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A F R I C A United States could have access to the gold. Similarly, World War II witnessed a phenomenal increase in American interest in Liberia. Three major factors accounted for the “new American attitude”. First, Liberia had two important resources — rubber and iron ore — that were germane to the American war effort.4 Second, Liberia was the only African state that was not under European colonial domination.5 Third, Liberia’s location on the Western bulge of the African continent made it crucial to the conduct of trade, particularly to the south.6 Consequently, the United States financed the construction of two major geo-strategic facilities in Liberia, initially to support its war time efforts.7 The Roberts International Airport was built to provide access to the South Atlantic coast, especially the movement of raw materials critical to the American war efforts. Correspondingly, the Free Port of Monrovia, a deep water port, was constructed to protect American strategic interest, particularly in the South Atlantic. With the advent of the “Cold War”, and the geo-strategic and military-security importance of Liberia firmly established, the United States increased its assets in the country. In 1950, a Voice of America transmission site was constructed outside of Monrovia, the capital city. The facility was indispensable to the conduct of America’s propaganda warfare against the former Soviet Union. It remained operational until the outbreak of the Liberian Civil War in 1989. In the late 1970s, the United States established an Omega Navigational Station in Liberia. The facility, one of five American installations in the world, was used to track shipping activities, gather intelligence data and facilitate American diplomatic communications. Around the same period, the United States moved the hub of the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), from Ethiopia to Liberia, following the overthrow of the regime of Emperor Haile Selassie. Also, Liberia’s strategic Roberts International Airport served as a major launching pad for the American Rapid Deployment Force, as well as a major arms shipment conduit to UNITA in Angola and other pro-American insurgency movements around the world. In overall economic terms, Liberia was of minimal importance to American interest. For example, in 1970, the peak period, America private investment in Liberia stood at only $350 million.8 Similarly, in the area of trade, by 1980, Liberia’s total exports to the United States were $125.6 million, while imports amounted to $121.8 million.9 However, Liberia’s central economic usefulness to the United States rested upon its role as the supplier of rubber and iron ore, to feed the American industrial-manufacturing complex. In order to maintain its influence in Liberia, the United States, as it did in Africa and the rest of the Third World, supported the various suppressive regimes of Liberia and the ruling class whose interests they served. For example, during the tyrannical Doe regime (1980-1989), the United States gave over $500 million in economic and military aid. Amid imminent economic collapse in 1987, the United States sent seventeen economic experts to rescue the Doe regime from the deepening abyss.

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Clearly, American foreign aid was used to enrich Doe and his coterie of advisors, and to provide the regime with the instruments of coercion, which it used to commit some of the most vitriolic human rights abuses. For example, the United States General Accounting Office reported that American food aid to Liberia was sold and the proceeds pocketed by Doe.10 In rationalising its policy towards Liberia, the United States claimed that its aid programme would help lay the basis for the establishment of democracy in Liberia. The evidence pointed to the fact that American policy, to the contrary, was sustaining a repressive regime that had lost its legitimacy and was thus reliant on the use of force. For example, the American government continued providing the Doe regime with aid, amid human rights abuses. Even after the Doe regime rigged the 1985 general elections, the last hope for peaceful constitutional change in Liberia, the United States defended the fraud: By all accounts, both from opposition Liberian political parties and international observers, the elections were plagued by fraud. In his testimony before the United States Senate Sub-Committee on African Affairs, on December 10, 1985, the then Assistant Secretary of State, Chester Crocker, maintained that “the elections portended well for the development of democracy in Liberia”, because of Doe’s claim that he won only by a narrow 51 percent election victory –– virtually unheard of in the rest of Africa where incumbent rulers normally claimed victories of 95 to 100 percent.11 The position of the United States underscored the duplicity and double standards that characterised its foreign policy during the “cold war”. On the one hand, the United States claimed that, as the “champion of democracy”, it was committed to pursuing a policy that helped promote human rights, freedom and justice. According, it strongly criticised the former Soviet Union and its allies for their “authoritarian and totalitarian systems”. But, on the other hand, the United States supported regimes in Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), among others, that committed very egregious human rights abuses, similar to the ones for which the United States was accusing the Soviet Union and its allies. Certainly, by supporting dictatorship in Liberia politically, economically and militarily, especially since the end of World War II, the United States government contributed to the sowing and the nurturing of the seeds of repression and exploitation that eventually bore the “fruits of civil conflict and war”. In other words, the United States provided successful repressive Liberian regimes with the “oxygen” that ensured their survival, while undercutting and undermining the efforts designed to occasion peaceful change.12 For example, over a period of eight years (1980-1988), the Doe regime received more than $500 million in military and economic assistance from the United States, while violating human rights. But, both the Reagan and the Bush administrations gave no attention to the protest and plight of the Liberian people. This was because the United States was the chief patron of the Doe regime.

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The First Liberian Civil War

Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Organisation of African Unity (now the African Union), the United Nations, and some countries including the United States to peacefully resolve the conflict. Over 13 peace agreements were signed and four transitional governments were organised. The first 12 agreements failed to end the civil war, principally because the Taylor-led NPFL refused to abide by terms of the agreements that it had signed. Similarly, the Interim Government of National Unity (INGNU), the Liberian Transitional Government I and the Liberian Transitional Government II were ineffective in terms of shepherding the transition process. Again, this was because given the fact that over 90 percent of Liberia’s territory was under the control of the NPFL, it was impossible for the various transitional governments to have effective control against the backdrop of the NPFL’s intransigence and non-cooperation. In essence, the initial three transitional governments were akin to a “municipal arrangement”. This was because these governments’ jurisdiction and authority were limited to Monrovia, the capital city, and its environs. Finally, it was the Abuja II Peace Accord of 1996 that ended the first Liberian Civil War.

Contrary to the prevailing perspective that the first Liberian Civil War was the by-product of ethnic antagonisms and their attendant rivalries, an assessment of the evidence points to the crises in the political economy as the major precipitants of the civil war.13 That is, under Liberia’s peripheral capitalist economy, a small, local, pan-ethnic ruling class encompassing both state managers and entrepreneurs in collaboration with their foreign patrons –– Firstone, Bong Mines and LAMCO, among others –– owned and controlled a disproportionate amount of the country’s wealth and income. In order to keep the relations of proPresident Ronald Reagan and Samuel Doe at the White House. duction and its class system intact, the ruling class used the instruments When the first civil war erupted of the state to suffocate civil society, in Liberia in 1989, the Bush thereby keeping the vast majority shackled by the levers of repression, Administration initially decided oppression and exploitation. to maintain American support for The ascendancy of Sergeant Samuel K. Doe to leadership the repressive Doe regime. Two through the April 12, 1980, coup kinmajor factors influenced the dled a sense of hope among the Bush Administration’s decision. Liberian masses: They saw the coup First, despite his horrendous d’ etat that brought Sergeant Doe to power as panacea to more than 70 human rights record, President years of political repression and Doe had been a loyal client of socio-economic malaise.14 Unfortunately, the Doe regime the United States… Second, the decided to continue the system that Bush Administration believed it inherited.15 Significantly, the disthat the Taylor-led NPFL was United States’ Poilcy mal performance of the Doe regime instigated by Libya. created a crisis of legitimacy.16 Thus, The United States’ policy towards the Liberian people were willing to support any group that would dislodge the Doe junta from the first Liberian Civil War consisted of various elements: The power.17 Amid the crisis of legitimacy, the Charles Taylor-led cycles of the policy and the dimensions of the policy –– the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) decided to launch ECOWAS Peace Plan, mediation, humanitarian assistance an armed rebellion on December 24, 1989, to overthrow the and immigration assistance. The Policy Cycles: United States’ Policy towards the first Doe government.18 The war that ensued engulfed all of Liberia and spilled over Liberian Civil War went through three major cycles: Support into neighboring Sierra Leone. More than 150,000 people for the status quo, cynical disengagement and re-engagement. The Support for the Status quo Cycle: When the first were killed, and scores of others became internal and external refugees: Some of the displaced people lived in various camps civil war erupted in Liberia in 1989, the Bush Administration in Liberia, while the others were housed in refugee camps in initially decided to maintain American support for the represSierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana and Nigeria. Also, the sive Doe regime. Two major factors influenced the Bush country’s perennial underdeveloped infrastructure experi- Administration’s decision. First, despite his horrendous enced further degeneration: Roads, schools, hospitals, water human rights record, President Doe had been a loyal client of plants, power stations, public buildings and communications the United States. For example, during the meeting of the Non-aligned Movement in Harare, Zimbabwe, in 1987, facilities were destroyed. Amid the conflict, several efforts were made by the President Doe strongly defended the United States against its

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critics. Upon his return to 1992, after which he would Liberia, President Doe opennot seek a second term. With ly boasted that he was even the collapse of the Doe prepared to engaged in a fist regime imminent, the fight with Libyan President United States offered to Ghaddafi, over his harsh critevacuate Doe and his famiicism of the United States.19 ly.22 Again, Doe insisted that Second, the Bush he had to take along several Administration believed that of his soldiers. the armed rebellion initiated Consequently, the United by the Taylor-led NPFL was States abandoned the evacuinstigated by Libya. This ation option. belief was based on the fact Interestingly, when it that the core of the NPFL’s became apparent that Doe’s military force –– about 150 junta was about to fall, and –– received their training that the regime was unsalfrom Libya. Accordingly, vageable, the United States given the adversarial relathen abandoned Doe. tionship between the United Consistent with the tradiCharles Taylor States and Libya, the Bush tional contour of hoisting Administration decided that it was American interests on the “lamp post When it became apparent that important to oppose the spread of of great men”, the Bush Doe’s junta was about to fall... Libra’s brand of radicalism and antiAdministration began to search for a the United States... began to Americanism to Liberia, West Africa new client, who could “take charge, and the African continent in general. and resolve the civil war”. The detersearch for a new client... The Against this background, the mination was made then that Charles determination was made then United States Embassy in Liberia Taylor, the leader of the NPFL, the supplied Doe and his loyalists with that Charles Taylor, the leader of principal insurgency movement, was food and water for an appreciable not the choice for several reasons. the NPFL, the principal insuramount of time, even after it became First, Taylor had links to Libya, the gency movement, was not the clear that the Doe regime had lost United States’ arch enemy. control over the country. Also, dur- choice for several reasons. First, Accordingly, in the eyes of American ing the early phase of the civil war, foreign policymakers, he was unreliTaylor had links to Libya, the United States military advisors went able. Second, Taylor’s penchant for United States’ arch enemy. to Nimba Country, ostensibly to wealth made him vulnerable to Second, Taylor’s penchant for advise Doe’s troops during the accepting bribes from the enemies of bloody attempt to depopulate the wealth made him vulnerable to the United States. Third, Taylor was area in 1990.20 a fugitive from justice in the United accepting bribes. Disappointingly, hundreds of States: He escaped from a prison in Liberians who fled to the compound Massachusetts, while awaiting extraof the United States Embassy in Monrovia in search of safe- dition to Liberia, in order to face the charges of the embezty from the wanton and indiscriminate killings were turned zlement of public funds to the tune of $2 million, during his away by embassy officials. Consequently, scores of them were tenure as Director-General of the General Service Agency, the killed by pursuing combatants, especially from the Doe-sup- lucrative procurement hub of the Liberian government. ported Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL). Besides the concern With Taylor eliminated as an option, the United States about safety and security, the embassy officials did not want turned its attention to Prince Johnson, the leader of the to convey to Doe the sense that they were harboring “sup- Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL), the porters of the rebels”. breakaway faction from the NPFL. After a tour of West Africa, When it became apparent that the Taylor-led NPFL was including a visit to Liberia in 1990, during which he met with poised to take control of the country, the United States Johnson and Taylor, the Bush Administration’s Assistant searched frantically for ways to give its client, Doe, a graceful Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman Cohen referred and safe exit, akin to the treatment other quintessential clients to Prince Johnson as a “democrat.” As a demonstration of its like Jean Claude Duvalier of Haiti had received. Specifically, support for its new client, American marines trained the fightthe United States pressured Doe to reschedule the date of the ers of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia and delivered scheduled presidential election from November 1991 to an arms and other supplies to them.23 Also, eyewitness accounts earlier date.21 Sergeant Doe countered by maintaining that he indicated that the United States provided Prince Johnson’s should stay in power until the expiration of his term in January INPFL with helicopters to airlift his troops closer to Doe’s

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in Liberia. George Moose, the then presidential palace.24 The rationale was Assistant Secretary of State, summarises to give the Prince Johnson-led INPFL a the basic tenets of the current American distinct advantage over Taylor’s NPFL, policy towards the Liberian civil war in terms of capturing Doe and seizing 25 thus: power. Also, several sources indicate “U.S. policy towards Liberia has been that American intelligence organisations clear and consistent. We seek a negotiatprovided the INPFL with the informaed settlement of the conflict with the tion on Doe’s visit to Freeport, the headassistance of the U.N. and Liberia’s quarters of ECOMOG, the West African neighbors in ECOWAS. We believe that peacekeeping force. Subsequently, such a settlement should include proviSergeant Doe was ambushed by the sions for full disarmament of all Liberian INPFL, tortured and killed. warring factions, the return home of When it became apparent to American more than a million Liberian refugees Prince Johnson officials that Prince Johnson had engaged and displaced persons, credible in the commission of various vitriolic When it became apparent to democratic elections, and the estabhuman rights abuses, and thus he American officials that Prince lishment of a unified government was an “excess baggage”, the United based on respect for human rights, States summarily abandoned Prince Johnson had engaged in the democratic principles, and economJohnson and withdrew from helping commission of various vitriolic ic accountability.”28 to find a peaceful resolution to the human rights abuses, and thus conflict. As expected, Prince Johnson The Dimensions of the Policy was enraged by what he perceived as he was an “excess baggage”, “American betrayal”. the United States summarily American policy consisted of three The Cynical Disengagement abandoned Prince Johnson and major dimensions: The ECOWAS Cycle: After being convinced that Peace Plan, American Mediation and neither Charles Taylor nor Prince withdrew from helping to find a American Immigration Assistance to Johnson could provide leadership in peaceful resolution to the Liberians who fled to the United helping to peacefully resolve the first conflict. As expected, Prince States as a result of the civil war. In Liberian Civil War, and adequately this part of the article, each of these serve American interest, the United Johnson was enraged by what elements will be examined. States disengaged from Liberia. he perceived as “American Humanitarian Assistance: In Specifically, the United States betrayal”. the area of humanitarian assistance, assumed a cavalier attitude towards the government of the United States Liberia: The Liberian Civil War was made more contributions than any other country. For examtreated like a “war among various ‘tribes’ with competing ple, between 1990 and 1993, the United States provided over agendas”. $320 million in assistance to the victims of the civil war. The As the civil war intensified, and Prince Johnson continued money was used to purchase much-needed food, clothing to issue various threats about kidnapping Americans and other and medical items. By mid-1994, the United States conforeign nationals as the deus ex machina for triggering intertributed $4.1 million in grants-in-aid to various non-governnational intervention, the Bush Administration sent 2,000 marines and two warships to Liberia to evacuate its citizens and mental relief organisations operating in Liberia –– Catholic their dependents. As ordered, the U.S. marines did not inter- Relief Services, etc. Cumulatively, the American humanitarian assistance has vene in the war. Instead, they sat by while the various warring helped reduce the level of starvation and the incidence of illfactions exacted death and destruction on the Liberia people. ness. Also, it has helped to provide temporary housing for Many Liberians, especially those who believed in the “special scores of Liberians residing in various refugees camps both relationship” between the two countries, were disappointed. within Liberian and in neighboring states. Bill Frank summarises the state of frustration thus: “To many The ECOWAS Peace Plan: Generally, the United States Liberians, it remained inconceivable that the trust they had in supported the efforts of the ECOWAS to peacefully resolve America to come their rescue in times of such crises could be 26 the first Liberian Civil War through the use of peacekeeping clearly betrayed.” To make matters worse, in May 1991, the and peacemaking. For example, from 1991 and 1993, the then United States Ambassador to Liberia referred to “the United States provided $28.7 million to assist with the varinotion of a special relationship between Liberia and America 27 ous ECOWAS peacemaking efforts concerning the resolution as nothing more than a figment of Liberians’ imagination”. of the first Liberian Civil War. The Re-engagement Cycle: Amid the internal pressure Similarly, by 1993, the United States contributed about $20 for the United States to play a more active role in Liberia, and million to the United Nations’ Trust Fund for Peacekeeping having reassessed the continual geo-strategic, military and in Liberia. However, the contribution was restricted to prosecurity importance, the United States decided to re-engage

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viding assistance to the ing council of state and in contingents from counthe cabinet, yet, charactertries outside of the West istically, Taylor did not African sub-region, which lend his support to the contributed troops to the LNTGI’s effort to impleexpanded ECOWAS ment its mandate.29 Given the United States’ belief Peacekeeping Force that Taylor was indispens(ECOMOG) in Liberia. able to the resolution of the The troops from Uganda civil war, it accordingly and Tanzania benefited went to great lengths to from the contribution. accommodate his various However, the restriction demands and to encourage imposed on the use of the ECOWAS to do likewise. funds was a source of tenThe American position sion: The countries which about the importance of contributed troops to the the NPFL leader to the original ECOWAS resolution of the first civil Peacekeeping Force Liberian women calling for an end to the civil war. war was stressed by the argued that some of the funds should be used for their troops as well, considering the then Liberian Desk Officer at the United States’ State economic burden their participation imposed on their respec- Department at the 1993 Conference of the Liberian Studies tive public coffers and given the inadequacy of the United Association. Immigration Assistance: In order to assist Liberians who States financial contribution to the ECOWAS peace efforts. Unfortunately, the United States remained adamant in its took residence in the United States during the outbreak of the insistence that its contribution to the special fund be allocat- first Liberian Civil War, the United States government established a Temporary Protective Status (TPS). Under this staed exclusively to the troops from Tanzania and Uganda. Mediation Efforts: While supporting the peace efforts of tus, these non-permanent residents could work and live in the the ECOWAS, the United States undertook its own media- United States legally. The status was renewed once every six tion efforts. For example, several American officials met with months. On the other hand, the United States Embassy in Liberia the leaders of the various factions and those of the countries in the West African region. In the case of the former, for exam- permitted several of the former government officials of the ple, in 1990, Herman Cohen and Don Petterson, the then Doe regime to visit, and reside in, the United States. However, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs and the then the American Embassy made it difficult for ordinary Liberians, Director of the U.S.-Liberia Task Force, respectively met with the principal victims of the war, to visit relatives in the United Charles Taylor, the leader of the NPFL; Prince Johnson, the States. The embassy’s position was that those ordinary leader of INPFL; and David Nimely, the Commander of the Liberians would not return to Liberia, after their visit; instead, Armed Forces of Liberia. Similar meetings were held in 1994 they would have wanted to permanently live in the United between George Moose, the then Assistant Secretary of State States. But, the same criterion was not applied to the former for African Affairs, his deputy Prudence Bushnell, and the officials of the Doe regime. leaders of the various Liberian warring factions. Beyond these meetings, the United States kept in regular An Assessment of United States Policy contact with the leaders of the various warring factions, as The United States’ foreign policy towards the first Liberian well as officials of the various interim governments of Liberia. The rationale was that as a “neutral party”, it was crucial for Civil War had some strengths and weaknesses. Accordingly, the United States to maintain an open line for communica- the assessment of the policy will discuss both areas. In terms tion with all sides. Also, this orientation was at the base of the of the strengths of the policy, one area was the humanitarian United States’ decision not to recognise any of the interim assistance programme for Liberian refugees and other disgovernments in Liberia, unless they comprised representatives placed persons. The programme was quite useful in helping of all of the warring factions. Interestingly, the United States the victims of the war to meet some of their basic human was not consistent in its adherence to this stance. For exam- needs –– food, shelter, etc. The financial assistance given to the ECOWAS Peace Plan ple, after the formation of the unity government representing all of the factions under the Cotonou Accord in 1993, the helped to underwrite the enormous expenses that were assoUnited States failed to recognise the first Liberian National ciated with the operation of ECOMOG, the peacekeeping Transitional Government (LNTGI). In part, the action was force. In short, although the American financial support was designed to appease Charles Taylor, the leader of the NPFL, inadequate, it helped to cover the cost of ECOWAS’ Peace the main warring faction. Although Taylor’s NPFL had signed Plan. Another area of American policy that contributed to the the Contonou Accord and had representatives both on the rul- efforts to resolve the first Liberian Civil War was the American

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mediation effort. and reconstruction, American mediation which was held in helped to pressure the December 1995, various warring facunderscored its tions to end the war. unwillingness to For example, the devote substantial meetings in 1992 financial resources between State to the process. The Department officials, United States on the one hand, and pledged $75 milthe leaders of the lion. That sounded interim government like an impressive and the warring facfigure.31 But, that number was only tions, on the other some $25 million hand, were pivotal to above what the the signing of the United States Cotonou Accord and would have spent in the subsequent seatTroops of the peacekeeping ECOMOG in Liberia. Liberia notwithing of the LNTG in early 1993. Also, the immigration assistance programme was standing the peace accord.32 Timothy Trenkle, the then helpful in terms of granting qualified Liberians temporary Legislative Director in the office of former United States legal status and the associated opportunity to seek employ- Senator Nancy Kassabaum, provides an excellent summation ment. This helped the affected Liberians to support themselves of the United States half-hearted commitment to the Liberian peace process: and their relatives in Liberia financially. “While the budget is clearly tight, a $25 million investment In terms of weaknesses, the policy had several. One of the major areas was the failure of American policy to seriously in Liberia –– a country which received upwards of $100 miladdress the egregious human rights abuses that occurred in lion a year during the Doe regime –– is less than impressive. Liberia immediately prior to, and during the civil war. For While one should not fixate on a number as a sign of engageexample, while making it difficult for ordinary Liberians to ment, it raises a question about the level of U.S. investment visit the United States, in some cases to seek medical atten- in the process.”33 Another major weakness of the policy was the lack of full tion, the United States government provided sanctuary for former officials of the Doe government, who had engaged in diplomatic engagement. For example, President Clinton did gross human rights abuses — e.g. General Robert Smith, who not make any official statement on the first Liberian Civil along with General Charles Jurlue, “the butcher of Nimba”, War. Also, Dean Smith, the first Special Presidential Envoy to carried out the massacre of innocent people in Nimba Liberia, served on a part-time basis. The other half of his time Country; and G. Alvin Jones, the Minister of State for was devoted to the performance of his functions as the Presidential Affairs during the Doe regime, among others, Director of the West African Section of the African Affairs were granted asylum in the United States. Also, all of the war- Bureau of the United States Department of State. Similarly, ring factions committed sundry human rights abuses. But, Ambassador Howard Jeter, the second Special Presidential the United States did not go beyond its rhetorical condemna- Envoy to Liberia, also served on a half-time basis. Interestingly, tion of these human rights abuses. For instance, the United it was mind-boggling that the United States made humaniStates did not make any effort to help bring the violators of tarian assistance the linchpin of its diplomatic engagement in human rights to justice, as it did in both Bosnia and Rwanda. the first Liberian Civil War, while it invested comparatively less Janet Fleischman of Africa Watch, the human rights group, in the peacemaking, peacekeeping, disarmament, encampputs the case this way: “The U.S. should have made it clear to ment and demobilisation efforts. For example, from 1990all the warring factions that human rights issue would direct- 1996, the United States spent over $400 million on humanily impact U.S. foreign assistance to any future government, tarian assistance. In essence, it is difficult to comprehend the and the U.S. would distance itself from any force that con- rationale for the United States preference to invest the bulk of its assistance in the provision of “band aid” than efforts to tinued to violate human rights and international law.”30 In the area of supporting the ECOWAS peace initiatives, the end the civil war. level of American economic support was inadequate. That is, American mediation efforts had some adverse consequences the size of the American financial contribution was not suffi- as well. For example, by dealing directly with the various warcient to seriously help offset the enormous costs that impov- lords, the United States gave them undeserved legitimacy. erished West African states bore in order to help resolve a Although the various warring factions had roles to play in conflict, including a civil war, that the United States helped to helping resolve the civil war, however, they should not have nurture. For example, the amount of money pledged by the been treated by American policymakers as the sole players in United States during the donor conference on disarmament the first Liberian Civil War. This was because each of the war-

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ring factions recurrently demonstrated that it was nothing American policy created the view among the existing and more than a marauding band of armed robbers, thugs and would-be warlords that since the United States did not recogmurderers, who simply maimed and killed innocent men, nise all of the three transitional governments — IGNU to women and children, and destroyed millions of dollars worth LNTGII — it meant that the United States was amenable to of property, in the selfish quest for power and wealth. conducting business with the various armed gangs. Unfortunately, United States policy accorded central roles to Accordingly, all one needed to do was to get some money, the very armed groups the rained terror on innocent Liberians. recruit thugs, organise an armed gang and take a piece of terA major case in point was the United States’ endorsement of ritory, and legitimacy was automatically bestowed by the the Ghanaian-engineered Akosombo, Accra and Abuja Peace United States. In other words, the United States’ insistence Accords that assigned the responsibility of governing Liberia, that all of the various armed gangs be included in a transitional during the interim period, to a council of state, consisting of government of national unity had the counter effect of engenthe major warlords. dering the mushrooming of new armed gangs. The danger of this measure was reflected in the fact that the In the same vein, by pandering to the machinations of transitional process was stymied by factional squabbles over Charles Taylor of the NPFL from time to time, and pressurpositions in the state bureaucracy and ing the ECOWAS to do likewise, the The United States contributed continual fighting among the variUnited States undermined the ous armed gangs over the remaining about $20 million to the United resolve that was so desperately needlittle natural resources. Moreover, it ed to deal with Taylor and his assoNations’ Trust Fund for was clear that the warlords had no ciates’ various schemes, especially Peacekeeping in Liberia. interest in Liberia, but in their pertheir established tendency to renege sonal political and economic aggranHowever, the contribution was on agreements they had signed. For disement. This was not surprising example, while the United States was restricted to providing since all of the major warlords were forthright in condemning those who assistance to the contingents seasoned political opportunists and had committed mass killing in “men of all political seasons”. Bosnia and Rwanda, it was reticent from countries outside of the Charles Taylor (NPFL) served as on the similar genocidal acts that West African sub-region, which were committed by all of the armed Director-General of the lucrative contributed troops to the General Services Agency under the gangs. The long-term negative effect Doe regime; Alhaji Kromah could be that since these acts went expanded ECOWAS (ULIMO-K) served as Press unpunished by the international Secretary to Bennie Warner, the Vice Peacekeeping Force (ECOMOG) community, others will be encourin Liberia. The troops from President of Liberia during the aged to commit acts of genocide in Tolbert regime and Assistant Uganda and Tanzania benefited the future, as a means of acquiring Minister of Information for Public power. from the contribution. However, Affairs during the Tolbert era, and On the issue of immigration assisthe restriction imposed on the Director-General for the Liberian tance, while the temporary protecBroadcasting System and Minister of tive status was a helpful first step, it use of the funds was a source Information under the Doe junta; was not adequate to address the longof tension. George Boley (Liberian Peace term legal status problems of Council) served as Assistant Minister Liberians, who are not permanent of Education for Administration during the Tolbert regime, residents, and many of whom had well-founded fears of perand Minister of State for Presidential Affairs, Minister of secution if they had returned to Liberia prior to October 2003. Education, Minister of Post and Telecommunications and The best approach for addressing this matter would have Chairman of the National Investment Commission, during been for the United States’ Immigration Service to have the Doe era; Roosevelt Johnson (ULIM-J) served as a customs reviewed the various political asylum cases thoroughly, in light officer during the Doe period; Francois Massaquoi (Lofa of the continuing precarious state of affairs in Liberia at that Defense Force) served in the civil service during the Doe era; time. But, instead of reviewing the various cases for asylum, and Prince Johnson (INPFL), whose militia was disbanded the United States Immigration Service made the troubling after his ill-fated collusion with Charles Taylor to take over argument that the signing of the various peace accords attestLiberia in late 1992, served in the Doe military. Eventually, ed to the fact that Liberia was safe and stable; hence, the appliJohnson was taken to Nigeria by ECOMOG, where he was cants for political asylum needed to return to Liberia. granted asylum. So, how could those who had served in When it became clear that the various warring factions were repressive regimes, and had presided over the wanton abuse not abiding by the peace accords, the United States governof human rights, have served as the contrifugal forces in the ment then decided to review and renew the TPS programme transition from civil war to democracy in Liberia? for Liberia. However, this did not address the fundamental Similarly, the United States policy contributed indirectly to question of the long-term status of those Liberians, who fled the proliferation of various armed factions. This was because the war, came to the United States and became well estab-

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lished. Interestingly, the Bush Administration had decided to had committed human rights abuses during the first Liberian terminate the TPS programme for Liberia, effective October Civil War, but were never held accountable. 1, 2007. Unless the issue of permanent resident status for Accordingly, both LURD and MODEL were fully aware affected Liberians is addressed, more than 100,000 Liberians that, like other warlordist militias did during the first civil war, could become illegal immigrants in the United States after the they too could commit human rights abuses with impunity. deadline. Also, the United States failed to use its leverage to So, LURD and MODEL did commit human rights violations get the warring factions, especially the NPFL, to abide by the during the second Liberian Civil War. Characteristically, the terms of the various peace accords. Beyond pressuring the United States made no effort to help bring human rights viowarring factions during various meetings to abide by the terms lators to justice. of the peace agreements, the United States failed to take any concrete action to mobilise international support to induce Conclusion compliance from the belligerents. Similarly, the United States failed to provide ECOMOG with logistical assistance during The overarching premise of the article is that the United the demobilisation phase. Clearly, since the United States had States contributed to the planting, nurturing and germination a wealth of experience in the area of demobilisation — for of the seeds that led to the first Liberian Civil war in 1989. example, it helped the United Based on this foundation, the article The failure of the U.S. to push Nations with logistical support durhas attempted to address three ing the disarmament process during research questions: First, how did the for the establishment of a war the Angolan Civil War. United States contribute to the crimes tribunal for Liberia as it Another weakness was the United occurrence to the first Liberian Civil State’s failure to help mobilise the had done in the cases of Bosnia War? Second, what were the coninternational community in raising and Rwanda constituted one of tours of the United States’ foreign funds to establish various incentives policy towards the first Liberian Civil the major failures of its policy. programmes that would have War? Third, what was the impact of encouraged the combatatants to turn Specifically, U.S. policy failed to the policy on the civil war? In the in their weapons. For example, a help bring to justice those who case of the first question, the United “gun buy-back program” could have States contributed to the first had committed human rights been established, under which comLiberian Civil War by supporting the abuses. American involvement country’s various authoritarian batants could have been offered $25$50 as inducement to turn in their in this area could have taken two regimes politically, economically and weapons. In turn, the combatants militarily, including helping to major forms. First, the U.S. could have been encouraged to use asphyxiate the struggle for could have provided leadership democratisation in the country. For the cash to set up small retail businesses. This could have helped to example, during the Doe regime, the in setting up a war crime ease the unemployment crunch in United States provided the junta tribunal. Second, the U.S. could with $500 million in economic and Liberia during the post-first civil war have helped to provide the order. The failure of the United military aid. Additionally, when States to push for the establishment expertise in the establishment of Sergeant Doe rigged the 1985 presiof a war crimes tribunal for Liberia as dential election, he was vigorously the required judicial modalities. supported by the United States. it had done in the cases of Bosnia and Rwanda constituted one of the major Second, as for the contours of the failures of its policy. Specifically, United States policy failed to policy, it was pursued through three cycles: Support for the help bring to justice those who had committed human rights status quo, cynical disengagement and re-engagement. In the abuses. American involvement in this area could have taken case of support for the status quo, at the onset of the civil war two major forms. First, the United States could have provid- on December 24, 1989, the United States initially supported ed leadership in setting up a war crime tribunal. Second, the its client, the Doe regime. However, characteristically, as it United States could have helped to provide the requisite exper- became evident that the Doe regime was on the verge of coltise in the establishment of the required judicial modalities. lapse, given the rapid spread and success for the Taylor-led Clearly, the failure by the United States to help bring the insurgency, the United States abandoned the Doe regime. human rights violators during Liberia’s first Civil War to jus- Alternatively, the United States engaged in a search for a new tice helped emboldened the leaders of the Liberian United For client that it could support in Liberia. In the case of Charles Reconstruction and Democracy (LURD) to launch an insur- Taylor, the United States made the determination that given gency against the Taylor regime, beginning in 1999, and for his ties to Libya, he could not be a reliable client. the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) to joint Ultimately, the United States chose Prince Johnson, the the rebellion in 2003. leader of the INPFL, the breakaway faction from Taylor’s Significantly, the leaderships of both LURD and MODEL NPFL, as the new client. Among other things, Johnson’s warconsisted of former warlords and warlordist supporters, who lordist militia was supplied with weapons, intelligence and

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logistics by the United States. However, when Johnson began committing human rights violations, the United States became embarrassed; consequently, Johnson was abandoned. Having made the determination that it could not find a reliable client to support in Liberia, the United States cynically disengaged from Liberia and its civil war. However, under pressure from both internal forces in the United States and external ones, including its allies, the United States then got re-engaged in Liberia. The resultant policy revolved around the ECOWAS Peace Plan, American mediation, humanitarian assistance and immigration assistance for Liberians, who fled to the United States when the civil war broke out. In terms of the impact of the policy, it had both positive and negative effects on the first Liberian Civil War. On the positive side, for example, the humanitarian assistance programme helped to provide some of the basic human needs –– food, shelter, etc. — for Liberians. On the negative side, the overall weakness of the policy was

its half-hearted approach. This approach was reflected in the inadequate financial support the Untied States provided for the ECOWAS Peace Plan; the failure of the American government to help pressure the bellingerents to abide by the various peace accords; the unwillingness of the American government to help ECOMOG with the disarmament, encampment and demobilisation of the combatants; and the failure of the United States to help mobilise international support for the establishment of a war crimes tribunal as it had previously done in the cases of Bosnia and Rwanda. Finally, on balance, United States foreign policy towards the first Liberian Civil War was a failure. And this contributed to the development and implementation of the fundaments of the post-civil war peace-building project that was flawed from its inception. Ultimately, the flawed fundaments provided the Taylor regime with the opportunity to undermine the peacebuilding project, thereby plunging Liberia into a second civil war (1999-2003).

Notes

16. bid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid 19. Interview with a former confidante of Sergeant Samuel K. Doe, President of Liberia, 1986-1990. 20. See ‘Africa Watch, Liberia: Human Rights Disaster’, October 1990, 15-16. 21. See Herman Cohen, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Testimony on the Liberian Civil War Before the United States Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa, November 17, 1990,1. 22. Cohen, Op.cit., 2. 23. See ‘America Involved’, West Africa, August 20-26, 1990, 2330. 24. Kieh, ‘Combatants, Patrons, Peacemakers and the Liberian Civil Conflict’, Op. cit., 134. 25. Ibid. 26. Bill Frank Enoanyi, ‘Behold Uncle Sam’s Stepchild’, Sacramento, California: San Mar Publications, 1991), 1. 27. Enoanyi, Op.cit., 7. 28. George Moose, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Testimony on U.S. Policy Towards Liberia, Before the U.S. House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, May 18, 1994, 1. 29. Charles Taylor, leader of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia, has gained notoriety for signing peace accords, and then reneging on them later. 30. See Janet Fleischman, Testimony on Human Rights in Liberia, Before the U.S. House of representatives Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, May 19, 1994, 7. 31. Timothy Trenkle, Legislative Director, Office of U.S. Senator Nancy Kassabaum, ‘The Congressional View on United States Policy Towards the Liberian Civil War’, a reaction paper presented at the Policy Dialogue sponsored by TransAfrica, December 7, 1995, 3. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid.

1. See James A. Nathan and James K. Oliver, ‘United States Foreign Policy and World Order’, 4th ed., (Boston: Scott, Foresman and Co., 19890, 55. 2. For a detailed discussion of the establishment of the “modern Liberian state”, see Geroge Klay Kieh, Jr., ‘Dependency and the Foreign Policy of a Small Power: the Liberian Case’, (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 19920, 25-37. 3. Robert Smith, ‘The American Foreign Policy in Liberia, 1822-1971’, (Monrovia: Providence Publications, (172), 3. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. After World War II, Roberts International Airport and the Freeport of Monrovia located in Liberia became major “Cold War” military-security assets of the United States in the African region. 8. Ibid. 9. Kieh, Op. cit., 119-122. 10. United States General Accounting Office, Report on United States Aid to Liberia, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1987). 11. Chester Crocker, Testimony on the Liberian Elections Before the United States’ Senate Sub-committee on African Affairs, Washington, D.C., December 10, 1985, 3. 12. George Klay Kieh, Jr., ‘The Reagan Administration’s Policy Towards Liberia: A Critical Analysis’, Bulletin of Concerned African Scholars, No. 25, Fall 1988, 8-11. 13. For a detailed assessment of the roots of the Liberian Civil War, see George Klay Kieh, Jr., ‘The Taproots of the Liberian Civil War’, 21st Century Afro-Review: Journal of Opinion in the Afro Community (Forthcoming). 14. George Klay Kieh, Jr., ‘Combatants, Patrons, Peacemakers and the Liberian Civil Conflict’. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Vol. 15, 1992, 128. 15. Ibid.

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‘Thank God for the MAHATMA’

n February 11, 1989, he danced through the streets of Cape Town to celebrate the release of his compatriot Nelson Mandela. Later, he coined the term “Rainbow Nation” to describe post-apartheid South Africa. At 75, Archbishop Desmond Mpilo Tutu is still the spiritual figurehead of South Africa’s journey towards reconciliation and forgiveness. The first black Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, Archbishop Tutu took the 1980s by storm by interpreting the gospel to fight apartheid. An ardent admirer of Mahatma Gandhi, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984 and chaired the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which looked into apartheid-era atrocities. Like Mandela, Archbishop Tutu, too has been honoured with the Gandhi Peace Prize. The award was presented to him by President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam on January 31, at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. Excerpts from an interview with Devaki Jain: Q. You background was good: Your father was a teacher, you went to school and eventually married the smartest girl in school... A. In my town, I was the only boy with a bicycle. My father bought it so that he could send me to town to buy the daily newspaper. Nevertheless, there were occasions when I saw black kids scavenging the dust bins of schools where whites studied. The government was feeding white kids whose parents could afford to feed them. That was the mad logic of racism. But, we did not go around feeling sorry for ourselves. I certainly did not.

Q. What triggered mass participation in the anti-apartheid movement? A. Dr. Pieter Willem Botha, who was the minister of native affairs, came to be regarded as a high priest of apartheid. We were the natives. He stopped the programme which provided food to students in certain schools for blacks. His argument was, if you cannot feed all of them, don’t feed them at all. If you use that argument, you cannot cure everybody who suffers from tuberculosis, so you will not cure any and let them die! Almost all the schools in black areas were run by the church. Many of us are alive today because the church also provided health care, which the government was not providing.

There have been discussions about the “clash of civilisations” proposed by Samuel Huntington and it has caused considerable difficulty and apprehension. We have to realise that our hope for survival is in our recognition that we belong to one family. You are not going to win the so-called war against terror when there are conditions that make some of (God’s) children desperate.

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Q. When did you first meet Nelson Mandela? A. I was in a teachers’ training college when I first met him. I was in a debating team in South Africa and was participating in a contest in the Mayo School of Social Work. Mandela was the adjudicator –– tall, dressed in a smart suit and very debonair. That was in the 1950s. That was mor or less his last public appearance before he went underground. The next time I met him was when he was released from prison. He spent his first night of freedom with us in the archbishop’s official residence in Cape Town. Q. Did Mandela change after his imprisonment? A. When Mandela went to jail after the Rivonia trial, he was an angry young man and was the head of the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC). He endorsed the use of violence and he believed, as most people did, that there was a miscarriage of justice in the trial. Then, the crucible of suffering took place.

A F R I C A Black prisoners were treated differently from the Indian, the coloured and the white. But the crucible of suffering enabled him to become magnanimous. He got to understand the views of the Afrikaana –– their fears and concerns. That is one of the attributes of suffering; it can ennoble. Yes, it can be bitter. He could have come out of prison hungry for revenge. Mercifully, it was not so. Q. You said it was divide and rule, even in the jails. A. Sometimes we romanticise Robben Island. It was hell for the prisoners. In the beginning, they did not have beds or even mattresses. Mandela and other blacks wore shorts and were not allowed to wear shoes. Even the diet was set in such a way that the black prisoners got the worst diet. They whites got the best.

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funny and make people laugh. That helped when things got rough. Q. Mandela and Tutu represent a re-invocation of the idealism that pervaded India during the freedom struggle. A. It is important for the world to know how much we owe to the support that we got from the international anti-apartheid movement. But I admire the young people for believing that this world can become a better place. When they protest against war and poverty, they make me feel good about being human.

Q. Are you currently involved in any movement with similar concerns? A. The most recent initiative in which I am involved is to set up something called the Alliance of Civilisation. It is backed by the U.N. There have been discussions about the “clash of Q. You have often humorously called yourself a rabble rouser. civilisations” proposed by Samuel Huntington and it has But it is said that the Soweto (South caused considerable difficulty and Western Township) riots and the apprehension. I get worried when we easily Regina Mundi Church there bore witWe have to realise that our hope characterise the religious ness to your leadership. [The Soweto for survival is in our recognition that fundamentalism, Islamic or riots of June 16, 1976, were a protest we belong to one family. We have against the African Medium Decree, seen what happened during the riots whatever. I wish we could which made Afrikaans a compulsory remember that there is Christian in France and Britain. God is telling subject for all black students. Over 500 us, I created you to be members of fundamentalism, too. In the U.S., the human family. You are not going students were killed in the riots.] A. I became a leader by default. Our to win the so-called war against teryou have people who oppose real leaders were underground or abortions, killing doctors who do ror when there are conditions that serving penal order. I was the Dean make some of my children desperate. abortions. Others drag black of Johannesburg, which gave me a platform to voice concerns. The Q. There has been a rise in religious people behind trucks to their media also gave me considerable death and claim the sanction of fundamentalism. space. A. I get worried when we easily chartheir faith. Religion in itself is I had divine burden that I should acterise the religious fundamentalwrite a letter to the prime minister neither good nor bad. It is what ism, Islamic or whatever. I wish we [Balthazar J. Vorster] voicing my it has made you become. It has could remember that there is concerns. I wrote that I had nightChristian fundamentalism, too. In produced people like the Dalai the U.S., you have people who marish fear that an outburst of violence was coming, unless something oppose abortions, killing doctors Lama. It has produced the was done to reassure our people that who do abortions. Others drag black opposite, too. the government was going to do people behind trucks to their death something about apartheid. One and claim the sanction of their faith. newspaper published it. It was probably an error because it was Religion in itself is neither good nor bad. It is what it has made published before the prime minister responded. you become. It has produced people like the Dalai Lama. It Two weeks later, when Soweto went up in flames, people has produced the opposite, too. thought that maybe I had Christian power. The Regina Mundi Roman Catholic church played a major role in rallying the Q. What you would like to say to the youth in India? people. I was not the leading figure. The person to whom we A. I would want to thank the people of this great country for owe a great deal is Dr [Nthato] Motlana. He was a physician having helped make us free. India was the first country to and chairperson of the Soweto Committee of Teens. If they raise the issue of apartheid in the U.N. and, by that action, had not been around, our community would have disinte- placed apartheid on the agenda of the international commugrated. nity. But more than that, we have been greatly influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and we want to give thanks to God for him Q. You have extraordinary charisma and your spirituality and all the others who influenced us. You can and should attracts the media. become a standing symbol for the world that tends so easily A. I think I evolved. I am not projecting a sort of false mod- to be polarised. ■ esty. Perhaps one of the gifts that I got was the ability to act (Courtesy: The Week)

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D I P L O M A C Y

CHINA’s strategic engagement with Africa Renu Modi writes that China has made great headway in its “strategic partnership” with African nations, but argues that the partnership appears one-sided and skewed in China’s favour.

The Tan-Zam railway station, constructed with Chinese aid, provides an alternative route for copper from Zambia through Tanzanian sea ports.

frica-China relations have been the Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in October 2000. subject of China claims that there is nothing In the 1960s and 1970s, China new about its Africa engagement and much debate, the Beijing Summit of the FOCAC sought to win ideological interest was organised on the November 4-5, competition with the Soviet and con2006, merely to mark the 50th Union and the United States troversy anniversary of the inauguration of in the through diplomatic and military diplomatic ties between China and recent Africa. support to anti-colonial past among the academia, media and At the summit’s opening ceremomovements in southern Africa. ny, Chinese President Hu Jintao governmental and international organisations. China’s renewed made a brief reference to the past The Tan-Zam railroad was interest in Africa can be traced to the five decades of friendship between meant to overshadow the 1990s, more specifically to 1996, China and Africa. He talked about, gigantic Soviet-funded Aswan when the former Chinese President inter-alia, medical teams and peaceJiang Zemin went on a tour to six keepers sent to Africa and support Dam in Egypt. In gratitude for African countries. for several infrastructural projects, Chinese support, the African The process of increased interacmost significantly, the 1,860 kilostates supported its claim for a meters long Tanzania-Zambia tion paved the way for Sino-African friendship and cooperation and the (Tan-Zam) railroad built in the seat at the UNSC. setting up of the Forum on China1970s.

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A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

China Africa Relations: A Brief Historical Background

! Provide $3 billion of preferential loans and $2 billion of preferential buyer’s credit to Africa. In 1970, at the height of the apartheid years, the Tan-Zam ! Establish the China-Africa development fund which will railroad was launched with the help of experts from the reach $5 billion to encourage and support Chinese companies People’s Republic of China (PRC) to provide an alternative to invest in Africa. route for the transportation of copper from the landlocked state ! Build a conference centre for the African Union. of Zambia through Tanzanian sea ports. The rail line was ! Cancel all interest-free government loans that matured at the completed in 1976, two years ahead of schedule, at a total cost end of 2005, owed by the heavily-indebted poor countries (HIPC) and the least developed countries (LDCs) that have of $500 million, free of interest charges.1 Africa watchers are quick to point out that Chinese assis- diplomatic relations with China, tance to Africa in the earlier decades was not without reason. ! Open up China market’s markets to African exports from In the 1960s and 1970s, China sought to win ideological com- LDCs by increasing the number of tariff-free products from petition with the Soviet Union and the United States through 190 to over 440. diplomatic and military support to anti-colonial movements ! Establish three to five trade and economic cooperation zones in Africa. And... in southern Africa. The Tan-Zam railroad was meant to overshadow the gigan- ! Train 15,000 African professionals; send 100 senior agritic Soviet-funded Aswan Dam in Egypt. In gratitude for cultural exports to Africa; set up 10 special agriculture techChinese support, the African states recognised Mao Tse nology demonstration centers; build 30 hospitals in the conTung’s, PRC and supported its claim for a seat at the United tinent; built 30 malaria prevention and treatment centers; send 300 youth volunteers to Africa; build Nations Security Council (UNSC). The nascent African states did wel- With the dissolution of the Soviet 100 rural schools in Africa; and come China’s investments and supUnion into its independent con- increase the number of Chinese government scholarships to African stuport but the new ideological and stituents in 1991, the Cold War dents from the current 2,000 per year diplomatic scramble for Africa and the scramble for to 4,000 per year.3 between the Soviet and the Chinese An action plan was also adopted to were “... less appealing to the Africans “ideological influence” give concrete shape to the pledges as the Chinese were more anti-Soviet effectively came to an end. The made at the summit. rather than pro-African”.2 With the dissolution of the Soviet concerns of African states in the Action Plan for 2007- 2009 Union into its independent con1990s were mainly economic. stituents in 1991, the Cold War and Most of the states desperately The action plan adopted at the the scramble for “ideological influneeded to diversify their source FOCAC, 2006, details the roadmap ence” effectively came to an end. The for increased trade and commerce concerns of African states in the of funding to run their between the two partners. To further 1990s were mainly economic. Most beleaguered economies and the objectives, the steps, inter-alia, of the states desperately needed to come out of poverty and that have been taken are; diversify their source of funding to ! The establishment of a Chinarun their beleaguered economies and stagnation. Africa Joint Chamber of Commerce come out of poverty and stagnation. and Industry to facilitate “trade, comThe Beijing summit pledged a “new type of strategic partnership” and a package of aid, invest- munication and coordination”. ments, debt cancellations, technical trainings and scholarships ! The conclusion of 14 commercial agreements worth $1.9 billion with 11 African nations that cover operations in infrasfor Africans to meet the continent’s requirements. tructure, communications, technology and equipment, energy and resources development, finance and insurance. The Contemporary Phase: FOCAC 2006 ! The setting up of, “joint energy exploration and exploitation The Beijing summit was the largest and highest-level under the principle of reciprocity”. China has pledged to “help gathering of Chinese leaders and heads of states/representa- African countries turn their advantage in energy and resources tives of 48 out of the 53 African countries that have diplo- into development strengths” and accord “high priority to conmatic relations with China. At the opening ceremony, cerns over protecting the local environment and sustainable President Hu Jintao pledged a partnership based on, inter- development of the continent”. alia, “mutual trust”, “friendship” and a “win-win economic ! Lobbying with the United Nations to pay more attention to economic development of Africa and to promote South-South cooperation”. In his inaugural speech, he announced the eight steps that cooperation.4 the Chinese government will take over the next three years to ! The extension of the “Approved Destination Status” (ADS) to a total of 26 African countries that would facilitate increased further Sino-Africa cooperation. These include; tourist traffic from China and provide African countries with ! Double the 2006 assistance to Africa by 2009.

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D I P L O M A C Y such as the modernisation of telecommunications. China also agreed to provide Angola with more development aid funds worth about $6.3 million in interest free loans.12 China is now Angola’s largest export market after the United States. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), oil is Angola’s sole export, while oil accounts for 99 percent of Sudan’s exports. China now accounts for 65 percent of total Sudanese exports and 35 percent of the Angolan products sold abroad.13 China- Africa Trade Relations To ensure energy security for its booming economy, China The surge in trade has been mainly due to China’s import National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), a stateof oil and other commodities from Africa and the sale of low- owned Chinese company, acquired a 45 percent stake in offcost manufactured products such as textiles, electronics and shore oil mining license ‘OML 130’ in Nigeria for $2.268 billion in cash.14 machines to the African markets. Today, China is the second-largest Raw materials from Africa: consumer of energy and has been China purchases copper and cobalt responsible for 40 percent of the from the Democratic Republic of global increase in oil demand Congo and Zambia, iron ore and between 2000 and 2004. With platinum from South Africa, timber increased instability in the Middle from Gabon, Cameroon and CongoEast, China needs to tap newer Brazzaville, and raw cotton for the sources to maintain a steady supply of Chinese textile industry from the energy resources. According to west and central African states. But China’s statistics, it has invested China’s main business interest lies in $900million in Africa in 2004, out of exploration and development of the $15 billion the continent Africa’s oilfields.7 received, a large proportion of which Access to African oil and natuhas been in the oil-producing counral gas: In the early 1990s, the tries.15 Chinese government projected that it Chinese President Hu Jintao in Kenya in 2006. In addition to the cases mentioned could have a shortfall of about 50 million tonnes of crude oil (30 percent of its oil needs) in 2000, above, China has invested in the oil fields of Equatorial Guinea, while its domestic crude output would remain static at 160 mil- Gabon, Congo Brazzaville and Chad. lion tonnes. China therefore needed oil and gas supplies from Reactions to China's Africa Engagement reserves abroad.8 In its efforts to access secure oil deliveries, China has entered China’s increased economic forays into Africa are being into trade agreements with several oil-producing countries on the continent. In Sudan, the China National Petroleum monitored closely by the developed nations. Western critics Corporation (CNPC), China’s state-owned conglomerate, point out that Chinese investments are guided by political and invested in 40 percent shares of the Greater Nile Petroleum economic objectives. The main political objective, inter-alia, Operating Company (GNPOC) conglomerate as early as is to garner valuable diplomatic support at multilateral forums like the United Nations where African nations constitute a December 16, 1996. Two years later, China Petroleum Engineering & powerful voting bloc. The country’s economic strategy is geared towards the proConstruction (Group) Corporation (CPECC), the construction arm of CNPC, built an oil refinery near Khartoum and vision of energy security and raw materials for its booming the 1,500 kilometer pipeline to Port Sudan on the Red Sea, economy and to gain access to African markets for its manuwhere a tanker terminal has also been constructed.9 CNPC factured goods and weapons. The sale of arms to oil/mineral stepped in when American and Canadian oil companies sev- producing countries helps China offset its huge import costs. At the Beijing summit, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao conered ties with Sudan in 2004, and invested almost $150 milsidered the above mentioned Western criticism as groundless lion, thrice as much as in any other single country!10 In Angola, the second-largest oil producing country in sub- and clarified: “Better information sharing and pragmatic coSaharan Africa, China has extended a $4 billion line of low operation serves the long-term interest of both sides, which are interest credit for infrastructural products such as bridges, highly complementary to each other in energy and resource roads and railways to help reconstruct Angola’s war-ravaged sectors.”16 China has maintained all along that its partnership economy. Angola will repay the debt through the export of with Africa is based on “mutual trust”, “equality” and a “winoil.11 In March 2006, China and Angola signed a total of nine win economic cooperation”. Today, many African countries, such as Kenya, Angola, cooperation agreements that include the development of oil and natural gas, financial aid and infrastructure development Sierra Leone, Zambia, Tanzania and Zimbabwe, amongst othan avenue for employment generation.5 Over the past five years, China-Africa bilateral trade has registered an annual average rise of more than 30 percent. “The figure is expected to reach $50 billion this year and top $100 billion by 2010.”6 Based on the promise of a “win-win economic cooperation”, China has succeeded in courting several bilateral trade agreements with Africa.

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A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

ers, have welcomed Chinese investments and aid. A shift to the east, Africa feels, is a “pragmatic” option and the Chinese model of development and the “Beijing Consensus” could serve as a viable alternative to the “Washington Consensus”.17

products such as clocks, watches, radios and garments in Lusaka’s Kamawala market have stifled the sale of locally manufactured products.23 In Tanzania, China will build the Julius Nyerere National Stadium, upgrade the country’s sewage lines and help Tanzania manufacture generic anti-retroviral Africa’s Look East Policy medicines with cheap chemicals for as little as $11.5 per patient per month! In return, China has access to the Tanzanian marAfrica’s “look east” policy can be best illustrated with the case kets and on the Kariokoo street in Dar es Salaam, garments, of Kenya, currently the biggest single recipient of overseas wedge heels, sequins, buckles, etc., manufactured in China, development assistance in Africa from the Far East,18 since sold for really low prices have hurt the sale of locally-made President Mwai Kibaki came to power in 2002. “Kenya’s strate- products.24 China also has trade relations with Zimbabwe, gic location on the eastern gateway of Africa, political stabili- considered a pariah state by the West. The country has been ty, communication hub, and infrastructure and as a vital link in the spotlight due to President Robert Mugabe’s controverto the Eastern African Community (EAC) and the Common sial seizure of land from white commercial farmers for redisMarket for Southern and Eastern Africa (COMESA), home tribution among the blacks and the much-criticised slum clearto 400 million people makes it an attractive destination for ance exercise of 2005, officially termed as “Operation Murambatsvina”, (“Restore Order”) during which governChina.” ment bulldozers razed the homes and In the last two years, China and Kenya have signed 12 bilateral Chinese investments in Zambia livelihoods of over three million peoaccords that cover economy, techwere a major campaign issue in ple in and around Harare. Denied funding by the IMF and nology, energy, tourism, health, avithe presidential elections of the West, Zimbabwe has traded mination, media, infrastructure, archeoleral concessions in platinum and 40 ogy and education.19 September 2006. Opposition According to Raphael Tuju, other minerals to China and, in leader, Michael Sata, stated: Kenya’s Foreign Minister: “The eastreturn, gained “political capital, “Chinese investments have not weapons and backing at the United ward-looking strategy is not a policy to be debated, but a pragmatic and added any value to the lives of Nations”.25 Aid with no strings attached: fundamental decision that Kenya the people of Zambia. We want Unconditional aid from China is an must make.” Kenya is upset with the investors, local investors, attractive alternative to receiving West due to the non-cancellation of funds from the Western donors that its debts in 2005 at the G-8 countries foreign investors — who add are hedged in with stringent condimeet. It maintains that it paid $195 value.” The Chinese tionalities about human rights, good million out of a total debt of $6.3 bilambassador threatened to cut governance, democracy, corruption, lion in 2005 and while other counetc. “Two-way trade between China tries who did not service their debts aid if Sata won, but he lost the and Africa has increased ten-fold got their debts cancelled, Kenya was elections. since 1995”.26 The sale of commodidenied this exemption. Besides, ties to China has led to a surge in their Kenya does not agree with the sermons given by diplomats from the United Kingdom and the prices and provided the African economies with much-needUnited States of America, on corruption, good governance and ed revenue. Win-Win Cooperation: Rhetoric or Reality? human rights.20 China is welcome in Angola too because it eschews the IMF’s ideological and condescending attitude. Is the China-Africa trade relation mutually beneficial for the “For them,” states Jose` Cerqueira, an Angolan economist, two partners? An assessment of trade relations between the “we should have ears, but no mouth.”21 new partners points to the not-entirely benign and asymmetSierra Leone loves China because Britain has denied aid to rical relationship. This can be substantiated with the help of its former colony and stated that future aid to the country case studies from mainly Zambia, Tanzania and South Africa depends on its progress towards democracy. In Freetown, the and Sudan. capital city of the war-ravaged country, a privately-owned At the Beijing summit President Hu Jintao wrote off $211 Chinese company, Henan Guoji, has converted an abandoned million owed by Zambia as a part of three-year aid package to centre for disabled refugees into a small complex of workshops Africa. The package also announced that one of the five ecoand factories. In the city centre the Chinese have built a new nomic zones would be set up in Zambia and pledged investgovernment office bloc, military headquarters and a refur- ments worth millions of dollars. “The spin-offs for Zambia, bished stadium.22 with a population of about 10 million and only about 400,000 Encouraged by the pro-market economic policies of formal-sector jobs, would be enormous.”27 But resentment against Chinese-owned companies is Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, the Chinese have invested in the mining, construction, agriculture and manu- widespread in Zambia due to the poor working conditions, facturing sectors of Zambia. The sale of cheap “made in China” safety standards, labour laws and salaries that are below the

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D I P L O M A C Y national minimum wages. At the BRIGMM explosives factoEthiopia, Eritrea, Burundi and Zimbabwe are among some ry, a subsidiary of the Chinese-owned Non-Ferrous Metals of the other countries that are said to have received shipments Corporation (NFC), located on the premises of the of ammunitions, weapons, etc., from China.37 There is asymmetry in the volume of trade as well between Chambishi mines, over 50 Zambian workers died in a blast on April 20, 2005, allegedly due to violations of safety standards. the African countries and China. To illustrate, “China’s In July 2006, six workers were shot dead at the NFC copper exports to Kenya were worth $457 million in 2005, but imports mine in Chambishi, as they were part of a protest against their from Kenya were worth only $7.6 million”! This asymmetry exploitative Chinese employers.28 Chinese investments in in the “strategic partnership” has raised concern in Nairobi, Zambia were a major campaign issue in the presidential elec- and Kenya is demanding more equal trade relations.38 Trade with South Africa too has been lopsided. Since tions of September 2006. Opposition leader, Michael Sata, stated: “Chinese investments have not added any value to the 2003, there has been a 480 percent increase in the import of lives of the people of Zambia. We want investors, local clothing from China to South Africa. For the same period, investors, foreign investors –– who add value.” The Chinese 62,000 jobs have been lost in the textile industry. According ambassador threatened to cut aid if Sata won, but he lost the to the Congress of South African Trade Union (COSATU), China made a profit of at least 40 billion rands from the trade elections.29 The dumping of low-cost “made in China” goods in the deals in 2005.39 The case of asymmetrical trade African markets too has been a cause There is an urgent need for a relations of South Africa and Kenya of concern for several African counwith China can be generalised to tries. The influx of cheap electronics, more balanced approach that explain the catch 22 situation that textiles, shoes and fashion accessories focuses on investments of African countries are trapped in. have forced the local manufacturers profits in the labour-intensive, China’s trade with Africa would cerout of business. In Tanzania, local tainly bring some advantage to the companies that have suffered losses job-creating sectors. The continent only if Africa could rectiallege that “Chinese companies can Organisation for Economic fy the unequal trade relations and sell at less than the cost of material Cooperation and Development leverage the dragon. due to government subsidies, tariff policies and because they dodge (OECD) has argued that African Leveraging the Dragon imports and customs by shipping countries that export oil to their wares in diplomatic containChina may be disadvantaged by African countries have an abuners”!30 Textile factories in Mauritius, dance of natural resources and this their increased reliance on oil Nigeria, South Africa and Lesotho advantage could be used in leveragexports as it prevents too have been badly hit. In Lesotho, ing the dragon. But so far, Chinadiversification into more where making clothes for the Africa trade has meant the export of American markets is the only indusraw materials/commodities from labour-intensive sectors. try, imports of cheap textiles has been capital-intensive industries and the “devastating”.31 In South Africa, import of finished products from clothing retailer Woolworth “may see a fall in their earnings labour-intensive manufacturing industries, which means that due to restrictions imposed on cheap imported goods from Africa is exporting jobs to China. China which will force the company to buy more expensive There is an urgent need for a more balanced approach that local products”.32 focuses on investments of profits in the labour-intensive jobChina also sells military hardware and weapons on the creating sectors. The Organisation for Economic African continent. Sudan has purchased more than $100 mil- Cooperation and Development (OECD) has argued that lion worth of Shenyang fighter planes, including 12 super- African countries that export oil to China may be disadvansonic F7 jets and several helicopter gunships used in taged by their increased reliance on oil exports as it prevents Darfur.33 diversification into more labour-intensive sectors like manDespite the peace agreement with the Sudanese People’s ufacturing and agro-business. It has also cautioned about the Liberation Army (SPLA), Omar- al-Bashir’s regime has con- increased risk of corruption as the small elite that controls the tinued atrocities in the Darfur region through the Janjaweed access to exportable commodities can corner all the windfall Arab militia that has been accused of genocide of at least gains.40 Trade unions, academics and human rights activists in 200,000 people and internal displacement of about two million people during the three-year conflict.34 According to Africa, amongst others, have rightly said that trade agreements President Bashir, “…The number of deaths has not reached between China and African countries must include a clause 9,000.”35 The buoyant Sudanese economy due to oil exports that commits the parties to adopt fair trade practices, improve to China and Beijing’s support at the United Nations, activists accountability and transparency, use aid to tackle conflict and feel, have led Sudan to avoid U.N. sanctions over Darfur and invest in people in order to work towards growth and povercontinue with the ethnic cleansing.36 ty-reduction in Africa.

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A F R I C A States like Kenya and South Africa have already articulated their concern about the disparity in their trade relations with the dragon. South African President Thabo Mbeki has stated that “China cannot only just come here and dig for raw materials and then go away

and sell us manufactured goods,” and that Africa must guard against sinking into a “colonial relationship” with China.41 The Africa Union (AU) Commission’s President, Alpha Oumar Konare, has said that “resource-hungry economies that desire to extract the con-

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tinent’s resources will have to commit themselves to real investment that benefits Africa”.42 Konare’s assertion that “the terms and conditions should be set by us”,43 is critical for a meaningful South-South “strategic partnership” between Africa and the dragon.

Notes and References 1. At <http://www.tazara.co.tz/level0 /profile/main.html> 2. George Ayittey, at http://www.ekosso.com/2006/11/dr_george_ayitt.html Washington, D.C. 3. President Hu Jintao’s speech at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Summit, 4 November, 2006, Xinhua (People’s Daily) online at < http://www. english1.people.com.cn/200611/04/engli sh20061104_318372.html> 4. Xinhua online at <http://www. english1.people.com.cn/200611/06/eng2 0061106_318588.html> 5. Xinhua online at <http://english1.people.com.cn/200611/06/eng20061106_31 8577.html> 6 Premier Wen Jiabao, at the High-Level Dialogue and Second Conference of Chinese and African Entrepreneurs at the FOCAC summit, Xinhua online at <http://english1.people.com.cn/200611 /06/eng20061106_318588.html> 7. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, November 30, 2006 at < http://www.ecomonist.com/opinion/dis play story> 8. ‘CNPC Plans to Raise Investment Cash with Share Sale’, Bloomberg (New York), Hong Kong, April 1, 1999; Xu Yihe, ‘China CNPC’s Pursuit for Foreign Oil Fuels Competition’, Dow Jones Energy Service (New York), Singapore, June 3, 1999, cited in Human Rights Watch Report, 2003, at <http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/sud an1103/26.htm> 9. ‘China’s Involvement in Sudan: Arms and Oil’, Human Rights Watch Report, 2003. 10. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, November 30, 2006. 11. Ibid. 12. Afrol News, 7 March 2006 at < http://www.afrol.com/articles> 13. BBC News online, 26 June, 2006, at

<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/5114980.stm> 14. ‘CNOOC Limited Acquires 45% Stake in Offshore Nigerian OML 130’ at <www.gulfoilandgas.com 1/9/2006> 15. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, November 30, 2006. 16. Xinhua online at <http://english1. people.com.cn/200611/04/eng20061104 _318588.html> 17. ‘Wrong Model, Right Continent’, The Economist, 26 October, 2006 at <<http://www.ecomonist.com/opinion/display story> 18. The countries of China, Japan, Indonesia and Thailand. 19. Wanjohi Kabukuru, ‘Look East My Son’, New African, July 2006 p. 25. 20. Ibid 21. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, Nov 30, 2006. 22. Lindsey Hilsum, ‘We Love China’, at <http://www.granta.com/extracts/2616 > 23. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, Nov 30, 2006. 24. Mark Ashurst, ‘China’s Ambition in Africa’, BBC Radio 4, 25 November 2006 at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/low/ programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/6180310.stm 25. Africa Confidential, 3 November, Volume 47, no.22, p.8. 26. ‘Trade to Top China Africa Summit’, BBC News, 3 Nov, 2006 at < http://news.bbc.co.uk> 27. Zambians Wary of ‘Exploitative Chinese Employers’, Nov 23, 2006 at < http://www.irinnews.org/report> 28. BBC News 21 April, 2005. 29. Isabel Chimangeni, ‘China’s Growing Presence Met With Resistance’, Inter Press News Agency at < www.irnnews.org> 30. Mark Ashurst, ‘China’s Ambition in Africa’, BBC Radio 4, November

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25, 2006. 31. ‘Never Too Late to Scramble’, The Economist, Nov 30, 2006. 32. Elizabeth Sidiropoulous, ‘Into Africa’, World Today, Royal Institute of International Affairs, Vol 62 (10), Chatham House, United Kingdom, October 2006, p. 7. 33. Africa Confidential, 3 November 2006, Vol 47, no. 22, p. 8. 34. BBC News online, 27 November, 2006, at <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/ world/africa/6188982.stm> 35. BBC News, 28 November 2006 at < www.news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/ 6190148. stm> 36. ‘Wrong Model, Right Continent’, The Economist, 28 November, 2006, at <http://www.economist.com/opinion/ displaystory 37. Esther Pan, ‘China, Africa, and Oil’, January 12, 2006, at < http://www.cfr. org/publications/9557> 38. Wanjohi Kabukuru, ‘Look East My Son’, New African, July 2006, p. 24 39. South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), April 13, 2006, at <http://www.bilaterals.org/article> 40. 'China defends its African Relations' BBC News 26 June, 2006 at < http://news.bbc.co.uk> 41. Thabo Mbeki, ‘Africa Must Prevent “Colonial” China Links SABC News, 13 December, 2006, at <http:// sabcnes.com/politics/government 42. Speech at the U.N. University, Tokyo cited in Steve Herman, ‘African Leader Cautions India, China on Terms of Strategic Partnership’, Voice of America, 24 July, 2006, at <http://www.voanews. com/english/archive> 43. Cited in Elizabeth Sidiropoulous, World Today, Royal Institute of International Affairs, Vol 62, no. 10, Chatham House, U.K., October 2006, p. 8.

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The sacred and the FEMININE Nigerian literary critic, poet and feminist Molara Ogundipe provides an African response to the ‘The Feminine and the Sacred’ by Julia Kristeva and Catherine Clement

he title of the Kristeva and Clement use the feminine to refer to the biologically female person, for book, ‘The Feminine and the Sacred’ the use of the word “woman” to mean exclusively the femi(1998; 2001) implies and states the nine in Africa and in Yorubaland would be problematic since objectives of the conversation of the womanhood sometimes crosses physical and gender borders. two scholars as “women and the Womanhood is determined and defined by gender roles, not sacred”, emphasising women and only by the female body among the Yoruba and other African their relation to the sacred. To title groups; that is, womanhood is not tied to the female body. As this paper in a reverse form as ‘The in other African cultures, a woman can be socially constructSacred and the Feminine’ can be read ed and defined as a man after menopause; a sangoma (endogeas emphasising the sacred and how it nous doctor) can be greeted and typecast relates to women, appertains to women, as a man; the male healer in the or how it is located in the feminine. Here Senegalese rite is visually represented as lies an important distinction, which will woman in the N’Deup rite discussed by make this paper focus on the concept of Catherine Clement in the text in questhe sacred from an African point of view, tion here; and the Rain Queen of the and then delineate how the sacred is Lovedu in South Africa can have official located and manifested in and by the femwives. Furthermore, women are in the inine among the Yoruba, ending with the status of husbands to women married conceptualisation of the Yoruba creation into their patrilineage, such as the wives myth and the role of the female deity or of their brothers. In the Luganda lanorisha, Osun. Even though African culguage of Uganda spoken by the Baganda, tures are not monolithic, similar patterns the wives refer to their sisters-in-law as of thought can still be traced in the “my husband who wears ‘petticoats’” endogenous religions that an African (more correctly, the under wraps that woman theologian has named “primal” Baganda women wear). religions, and I have called in other places, A response from an African scholar, “indigenous” in West Africa. cultural critic, and feminist is almost The Yoruba conception of Osun called for by ‘The Feminine and the shows that the feminine is not always Sacred’, put together by a “ecstatic”, “hysteric” or mentally French/Bulgarian feminist, Julia Kristeva, deranged as often theorised in the whose experience, ideas and examWest. Evidently women all over the ples are clearly and admittedly locatworld are “not one”, to borrow the ed in Europe from which she theosyntax of Luce Irigaray, for as we now rises exclusively, and by a French say and as articulated by Simone de anthropologist, Catherine Clement, Beauvoir, “we are born female but who has clearly traveled in Africa and we become women”, therefore strives valiantly to be universalistic in womanhood is culturally deterher thinking. Kristeva asks in the mined. Consequently, when we book “if the ancestral division speak of the feminine, what do we between ‘those who give life’ Catherine Clement, left, and Julia Kristeva mean? Throughout this paper, I will (women) and ‘those who give mean-

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ing’ (men) were in the process of disin Africa at the time of her writing is To title this paper in a reverse appearing” (p. 13), as if the distinction noted by her to Kristeva. In connecform as ‘The Sacred and the were viable, accepted and acceptable tion with their theme of women and Feminine’ can be read as in the first place. Then both Kristeva the sacred, she reminds Kristeva of and Clement proceed to use this view Freud’s comparison of femininity in emphasising the sacred and of life as a basis for their own theogeneral to “the dark continent”. This how it relates to women... or rising, as a given, which could now be perhaps explains why in their discusbeing undermined by “technology” how it is located in the feminine. sion they continually refer to the “id” in Kristeva’s letter and “life bearing in relation to the feminine, a very Here lies an important meaning” in “this third millennium”, problematic concatenation for me. distinction, which will make this She then attempts to identify the no longer “dominated by the sacredpaper focus on the concept of ness of the Baby Jesus”. They do not sacred from her description of a scene challenge the dichotomy and the the- the sacred from an African point of possession at a Catholic mass in ory in itself which is then generalised Senegal. The black Senegalese of view, and then delineate how women of the laity went into screamto the world at large. the sacred is located and mani- ing possession that she identifies as a We shall ignore here the historical fact that much of the world has not “trance”. She says this event took fested in and by the feminine been dominated by the sacredness of place in Popenguine, 20 miles from among the Yoruba, ending with Dakar; “the women are black and the Baby Jesus. Julia Kristeva, despite the conceptualisation of the her brilliance and careful thinking Catholic” and “born on the coast of seems to be very limited to “the West Africa where the first Yoruba creation myth and world as Europe”, presenting theses Portuguese colonisers and the first the role of the female deity or that are very arguable because Muslim preachers arrived at the same orisha, Osun. Eurocentric and not borne out by the time in the fifteenth century. The lives of all women and in all world introduction of Islam and African cultures. Much as I share some of her views on motherhood Catholicism, she says, dates from that era” (p.6). and life from African perspectives, the allegedly “ancestral” For the sake of informing the world correctly about Africa, view that she traces back to the Greeks and forward to Hannah about which not enough is known, even among scholars, and Arendt is meaningless in most African and African Diaspora in the interest of transnational feminism, good research, and cosmologies as well as in the particular cosmology I am going the intercultural women’s discourse that both Kristeva and to present in this paper: The West African Yoruba one. In Clement called for in their introduction to their book, it will these African and Africana systems of thought, life and mean- be necessary to make the following corrections here. ing cannot be separated nor ascribed separately to one sex or Popenguine is more than 20 miles from Dakar; it is at least two the other as I shall make clear later. and a half hours and about 75 kilometers by car. It therefore The interpellation of the book by my response can again be represents a different milieu from the highly urban and intersaid to be demanded by the very interesting fact that the two national city of Dakar, capital of Senegal. The Portuguese did scholars begin their intellectual inquiry of women and the first arrive at that West African coast in the fifteenth century sacred with a wide ranging discussion of what Kristeva but were not colonisers then. They were merely traders and describes as “the three enigmas: the feminine, the sacred and frustrated sailors looking for a way to reach India by going east, the various fates of Africanness’. She writes: unlike Christopher Columbus. …-but here we find ourselves fixed on a “sacred” that is increasIslam was introduced into West Africa well before the fifingly “black”! Black women, black religions: our journey contin- teenth century. In fact, documented presence of Islam in the ues to link the three enigmas –– the feminine, the sacred, and the region can be dated back to the 8th century AD. Eminent Arab various fates of Africanness –– in a metaphor that becomes more sub- historians have written about the epoch, notable among whom stantial as we write, and which further complicates, if need be, what are Al-Bakri, Al-Masudi, Ibn Batutah and Ibn Khaldun. Freud in his time called the “dark” –– that is, the black continent Besides these scholars, we can also cite local scholars whose (p. 21). works have come down to us, for example, ‘Tarikh al-Sudan’ Shades of Conrad and ‘Heart of Darkness’! Kristeva’s dis- (‘The History of the Sudan’) by Al-Sadi and ‘Tarikh al-Fattash’ course, in a regrettable way for the years 1998/2001 (the dates by Muhammad al-Kati. Such misreading of the history of of the first edition of the book and its translation), links bru- Islam in West Africa, that often occurs in the works of tality and blood-thirstiness to Africa even when she is dis- Africanists and others, has often been attributed to the burncussing Proust (p. 22). ing of Kumbi-Saleh, the capital of the medieval African kingFor the reason that the first 27 pages of the book discuss dom of Ghana by the Muslim fundamentalist, Abdullah Ibn Africa substantially, I shall begin my response there, includ- Yasin and his followers, named “El morabetin”, (the men of ing necessary corrections of important factual, historical, and the monastery), but in the West called the “Almoravid”. He interpretative errors. The first letter of the book is from waged a 30 year jihad, a holy war, on Ghana ending with the Clement to Kristeva. The former’s presence in Dakar, Senegal, fall of Kumbi in 1067. However, Islam was already in Africa

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well before then, at least as far back as 250 AD. The Ghana the cultural universes that have survived in its integrity in empire flourished from 750 -1076 AD. Africans in the Senegal, despite all the waves of other cultures. It is therefore Mandingo zone had been writing and setting up madrassa viewed as still very strong and powerful in modern times, seen schools before the fall of the Ghana capital and the arrival of as having no tension in contemporary Senegalese society. the Arab Almoravids. It is also generally known that Muslim Women are also very powerful in Serer culture and religion, indigenous preachers were all over West Africa before the both of which they totally control as women and priestesses. arrival of the Arabs; in fact, West Africans were mainly They are the healers, as Clement correctly tells us, and they Islamised by other West Africans. Notably, the arrival of writ- use various ritual procedures, but what they spit over the posing in Arabic in the Mandingo zone is often dated as between sessed woman is not saliva as Clement reports. It is water prothe tenth and eleventh century. jected from the mouth in a process the Wolof call boussou (the Catherine Clement is right to have dismissed the naming verb, to spread, meaning “that which is spread”), water that the of the trance as hysteria by the middle class, Gallicised Senegal woman healer absorbs and keeps in her mouth. She now ritofficial sitting next to her at the ceremony, who snobbishly dis- ually “spreads” the water over the possessed woman to purify sociates himself from the event by the naming, probably to her spiritual body as a patient. Since the water has come impress Clement by such dissociation. Furthermore, he was through the mouth of the initiated healer/priestess, which probably trying to show her that he is also of the culture of the mouth is now sacred, the water also is considered to have metropole, as often happens with the colonised and post-colo- become sacred too from having gained power and force nial middle classes who are also referred to in Francophone through the healer. We shall address later definitions of the Africa as Negropolitain, a play on cosmopolitain. Clement is sacred. right in her reading of him and her The Serer are a matrilineal people It may be admirable in a linking of the possession to its manlike the Wolof and other peoples in ifestation in Brazil. However, the humanist vein to be universalist the Mandingo zone of the West Senegalese would call the event “spirAfrican Sahel, who now have to proin one’s approaches as Clement cess the overlays of androcentric and it possession”, not a trance. There is usually is. Yet in making paral- patriarchal religions in their world, also a significant difference between the Senegalese event and the lels in her insights, as between namely the Abrahamic religions, one Brazilian possession of the Yoruba of which is Christianity that Kristeva the Serer women, the Ethiopian describes as “a paternal cult” and a tradition of the candomble to which and Egyptian zar, the N’Deup in “cult of the father and son” (p. 64). she refers, as I will indicate later. Nonetheless, it is not the term Very perceptively she disquisites at Dakar, and the Brazilian can“trance” or “possession” that is length on Mariology, the cult of the domble Santeria women, for important but the concept that is Virgin Mary, and shows that the instance, we must be careful behind the observed behavior. Virgin Mary is constructed in such a Regarding this, Clement makes seriway by the Church that she is finally not to generalise practices ous errors about the reasons for the not a woman at all, despite her mothwhose manifestations and goals erhood, and not a human as well, due behavior and her theory about its etiare different. ology. The event is forced on to the to her ascension in Catholic doctrine. grid of her theory that the possessed As the Virgin Mary does not experistate of the women is caused by a psyence sex or death, she is beyond being chological revolt against their class origin. It is probably diffi- human. Due to the vital survival of Serer religious culture cult for her as an etic observer to know without close and where women are actual, human women, however, the detailed research that the phenomenon of possession is not an women at a Roman Catholic mass still try to worship their expression of the class oppression of the women whom she Supreme deity, Rokh, as they express their humanity in incanassumes are all maids. Though she puts a finger correctly on tations, screaming and possession, if that state of consciousness the event when she says “the African trance” emerges from is attained. under the glaze of the foreign religions (p. 7) that have come What transpires therefore is that the Serer women superinto the area from “the Marranos, Jews, Protestants and impose their Rokh consciousness over the Catholic liturgy; Catholics” (Islam should have been in her list too), her factu- similarly to the process that can be observed in voodoo –– the al guess does not fully apprehend the events happening before African Diaspora indigenous religion of Haiti in which the her. African deities are superimposed on Christian saints as was also Indeed the Serer religious expression of the encounter with done in Brazil. The superimposition in Senegal is done in a the sacred or accession to the level of possession is not a patho- way that raises the women to the level of possession. For logical expression of a reaction to class oppression. Rather, the instance, the Lord’s Prayer in the Christian service may be traditional energy of the Serer religion breaks through and chanted in the tones present and used only in the liturgy for perverts the Catholic liturgy but to a different end than is Rokh worship and then raised to decibels where possession problematised by Clement. It is explained and known by emic takes place. It is as subtle as this –– expressing a Serer religious members of Senegalese society that the Serer culture is one of consciousness over Catholic substance, and not necessarily

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about being maids, through the adaptation of the intonation Clement also discusses in another connection and who are of a Serer liturgy to a foreign one, in a manner that may appear both matrilineal peoples, form the highest number of as screaming to an outsider, which the French Senegalese offi- Senegalese in the modern administrative class with regard to cial himself might well be. That is, he may not be a Serer him- their percentage in the Senegalese general population. Such self. social placing contradicts Clement’s picture of the Serer as This brings us to the question of ethnicity that Clement her- being disempowered and “not one of the powerful”. In addiself proceeds to raise in relation to class (p. 9). She says the tion, the Serer in the past were a self-sufficient agricultural peowomen were villagers and servants after which she says that ple who, following the economic travails of the post-inde“in Africa what is so easily called ‘ethnic group’ also depends pendent history of the country, had to migrate into the cities, on the caste system –– very concealed but still extremely pre- like the Wolof of Joloff, Walo and Baol for specific jobs. They sent –– as well as on social roles” (p. 9). To say that what is so are nationally known to prefer only temporary jobs which will easily called ethnic groups in Africa depends on caste systems permit them to return to their farms in the rainy season. They is a mystifying sociological statement. There may be caste sys- choose domestic labor in the cities where they have no urban tems in Senegal but they do not define ethnic groups because skills, education or non-agricultural work to do. The Serer are different castes are found in the same ethnic group, i.e. the con- said to have pioneered in Senegal the temporary job situation cept of gnegno (low caste that includes all workers such as gri- that provided them with mobility, working four months in the ots, poets and chroniclers who service families and aristocrat- dry season in the cities as house servants after which they ic lines, blacksmiths, carpenters, jewelers, and leatherworkers, return to their farms. etc.) and gueer or bueer (the royal or kingly line) among the Sembene Ousmane dramatises this experience through the Wolof can also be found among the illiterate Serer housemaid taken to The science of N’Deup is Toucouleur and other ethnic groups. France by her French employers in In a discussion of caste in Senegal, his early film, ‘The Black Girl’. Not developed by women and several levels of the caste system were having the mentality of a slave and is completely in their hands. identified as common to various ethfeeling devalued, the maid commits The N’Deup is a space for nic groups: The bueer or gueer honorific suicide in Paris to protest which is the king/ruler and relatives, how she was being used by her women and for women as the garmi who are noble men and employers. She was only doing in the healers. Only the drum players city the temporary work characteriswomen, the commoners who are and the killer of animals are freeborn known as the baadoolo, tic of rural girls. The temporary job below which come the gnegno, who situation pioneered by the Serer is men. That is why the male work with their hands thereby said to have crossed ethnic lines these healer has to be dressed as a including musicians, verbal and plasdays. As such, it is no longer the tic artists (as stated before) and at the woman, as noted by Clement. It monopoly of one ethnic group lowest level, the jaam who are of slave is not about the “bi-sexuality of because people born and raised in the ancestry, consisting of family slaves cities dedicate themselves to these therapists” in the Western or nobles who lost rank as captives in activities. One of my interviewees, sense, as she says. war. Babacar Mbow, further reminded Others of my interviewees conme that there are no interethnic firm the sociological fact that Serer problems in Senegal of a kind commaids are frequent in the country today but this is not to say parable or similar to what obtains in countries like Nigeria and that all Serer are therefore in the servant class. However, Cote D’Ivoire today. Marieme Gueye confirms that there is a popular notion among It may be admirable in a humanist vein to be universalist in the Senegalese that the Serer make the best maids because one’s approaches as Clement usually is. Both Kristeva and they are hardworking and are therefore preferred. Gueye also Clement after all identify themselves as daughters of the indicates that the image of the maid is a Serer among the European Enlightenment. Yet in making parallels in her Senegalese themselves, but not, in my deduction, for the rea- insights, as between the Serer women, the Ethiopian and sons that Clement adduces in her text. In fact, in this letter and Egyptian zar, the N’Deup in Dakar, Mother Teresa and the section of her observations, Catherine Clement makes some Brazilian candomble Santeria women, for instance, we must of her most incorrect statements about the Serer, their sociol- be careful not to generalise practices whose manifestations and ogy in modern Senegal, the reasons for their existence as ser- goals are different. For instance, Brazilian macumba in Rio or vants and their possible psychological states, considering what the candomble rites, though deriving from Yoruba religious is generally known about their culture and sociological roles, heritage and consequently African, as rightly noted by ambitions, and achievements. Clement, have different objectives. The Brazilian rites are not Contrary to Clement’s supposition that the Serer are a dis- psychiatric in intent as is the secular N’Deup rite of Dakar that advantaged group in Senegal, the world-renowned Leopold Clement describes at length and parallels to the divine and Senghor, president of the country for half of its independent non-secular rite of the Serer possession. The macumba rite in life, was a Serer. Moreover, the Serer and the Lebou, whom Rio, because intended to obtain good deeds from the gods, is

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directed towards a encounters, dependdifferent and spirituing on one’s locality, al end. This explains the powerful spirit of the difference in the Raap or Mame manifestation of the Coumba Lambaye rite. For instance, no among the Lebou of possession is used for Rufisque Senegal healing. It is not the (that became patient who gets posMakumba in Brazil). sessed as in the Serer Raap are powerful ritual; the priest in spirits of the sea and Rio gets possessed as waters; second, when the transmitter of one is caught by divine power, for “deum”, the consebeing the one who quence of which is propitiates the gods. the loss of a state of In the Senegalese consciousness which Lebou psychiatric is being possessed or healing rites of a status of insanity N’Deup, the priest from the shock and does not get postrauma of meeting sessed; rather the the malevolent, priest as healer chanmaleficent and supernels the sacred enernatural powers. This gy directly to the is when the Lebou patient who may get N’Deup is required. possessed as she or he It is a therapeutic struggles with his/her practice designed to demons or psychosis. address the psychiIn the interest of atric mental status of researchers of Africa an individual who has and medical profesencountered the situsionals who might ation described benefit from a better above. Possession in understanding, I shall itself here is not discuss further here designed to cure. of postcards by Gil Abelha that depict the Yoruba Orishas the N’Deup, A selection from a collectionfrom Singing songs of the Candomblé perspective described as “a specacclamation of new tacular therapeutic rite” of the Lebou by Catherine Clement. spirits alone can cause one to be possessed. It takes 11 years of It is a therapeutic rite, I am told, for secular and psychiatric apprenticeship to learn all the hymns to be sung to a Raap. healing, not a sacred rite. It is also confusing that Clement uses Participation is not voluntary and the singing of one’s family terms such as “genie” or “jinns” that are Arabic terms borrowed songs can lead one into possession during which one is conthrough Islam to refer to Lebou concepts. The “jinn” is not sidered to have released one’s troubling spirit. One appeases maleficent in both Islam and Senegalese culture, but the spir- the spirit and re-establishes one’s status as a woman and a perit “deum” in Lebou thought, that is being exorcised, is malef- son with sacrifices. That this important medical practice, which icent and malevolent. The “jinn” in the Q’uran and Islam are might interest Julia Kristeva because of her profession as a otherworldly creatures of the spirit world in general that can psychoanalyst entailing the most complex form of knowledge, be good or bad. In the Q’uran it is written that Allah created is concentrated in the hands of women is very significant. The three sets of creatures: Humans, jinns and animals. The word science of N’Deup is developed by women and is completely “jinn” therefore is a floating concept in Senegalese culture. in their hands. The N’Deup is a space for women and for Jinns are phantasmagoric personages transported in language women as healers. Only the drum players and the killer of anifrom Islamic concepts but who do not play a particular role in mals are men. That is why the male healer has to be dressed the Wolof cosmogony that includes the Lebou. In contrast, the as a woman, as noted by Clement. It is not about the “bi-sexterm “deum” is definite. It refers to a living person with malef- uality of therapists” in the Western sense, as she says. It is icent and supernatural powers who could be your neighbor or about the recognition that the male healer is in feminine teryour boss. ritory, the territory of women, and he, therefore, has to The N’Deup is enacted for two reasons: First, when one acknowledge and fit into its imperative by dressing as a woman.

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The highest priestess of this profane and secular science of psy- tual version of the same person that may be invisible without chology, developed by women as N’Deup, lives in Rufisque. being necessarily absent. Toni Morrison says it well in She is named Adia Fatou Seck commonly referred to as Fatou ‘Beloved’ when she makes one of her narrators say: “Invisible Seck “N’Deupkat-N’Deup practitioner”. things are not necessarily not here.” Therefore, the sacred is If the Serer possession event is sacred and N’Deup is secu- that which has demonstrated itself as able to manifest itself at lar and profane, what then constitutes the sacred in this part these two levels and enclose in itself the power that resides in of Africa? The commonalities in African religions and the sim- the Supreme Being, the final source of all that is sacred. ilarities in their undergirding epistemologies have been well All power is considered resident in God; therefore, all realestablished in the scholarship of African theology. These sim- ity, including so-called deities, are merely manifestations and ilarities, to be found in the cosmogonies of African cultures in patrons of aspects of the power of God. God or God-ness, so general and West African cultures in particular, make it possi- to speak, infuses everything in the universe. This is why ble for me to also intervene from a Yoruba perspective. I begin African theologians today and scholars in the past have tried my articulations on the sacred from a definition of the sacred to make the world and the West (the Western intellectually that tries to examine the word itself from its Latin root of sacer, central tradition or intellectual grand narrative), that loves which means “held apart or set apart”. It was necessary to point dichotomies, understand that African religions were monotheout from the onset that to be set apart in the African and Yoruba istic basically with patrons or representatives of aspects of the spiritual sense was not a factor of inferiorisation, contempt or power of God abounding in the universe and relating to rejection. Rather, it is a distancing, born of respect and vener- humankind. It is actually a vision of a polytheistic monotheation in the sense of that which is ism. Unfortunately, the Western holy. The African “apartness” is in Brazilian macumba in Rio or the scholarly tradition in this domain marked contrast to the biblical tradiseeks parallels with their own expecandomble rites, though tion set forth in Leviticus about varrience or history as usual rather than deriving from Yoruba religious try to understand the new, the difious aversions and prescribed reacheritage, have different tions to what were considered ferent, and the Other–– the much “unclean” or unholy such as illnesstheorised but elusive Other. objectives. The Brazilian rites es and discharges from both men and The parallel the West makes here women. Obviously one of these dis- are not psychiatric in intent as is is with the Greek experience and the secular N’Deup rite and charges is the woman’s monthly their own Nordic or Celtic traditions. flow, her menses, regarding which parallels to the divine and non- It is assumed that if there were polybeing set apart is firmly enjoined for theisms there, surely there must have the woman in that condition. This secular rite of the Serer posses- been polytheisms in pre-Jewish, sion. The macumba rite, matter will be taken up later. Christian or Islamic Africa and they The concept of the sacred pertiintended to obtain good deeds have to be of the same kind or they nent to the Serer women in the do not and cannot exist. Yet somefrom the gods, is directed Clement text derives from African how the existence of the Christian towards a different and concepts that have also survived in concept of the Trinity, Satan, Lucifer, the African Diaspora, namely, that angels and genies in these religions spiritual end. there are two levels of reality that does not seem to interfere with the determine the universe and its conrationality of naming these tents, including the human person. The two levels consist of Abrahamic religions monotheistic. I also think that a simplifithe physical and the spiritual or the numinous, the visible and cation derives from a Christian consciousness that denigrates the invisible. This double reality is also present in practice, African and most other pre-Christian cultures by making parspace and objects, for instance, the passed-down clothes of allels between them and the religions and gods of the biblical departed elders that become sacred heirlooms; the elders Canaanites who were reproached for and said to have worthemselves rendered sacred from wisdom, experience and suf- shipped gods of wood and stone in the Bible. Wood and stone fering –– surviving this vale of tears –– and being close in time may be considered sacred in African cultures because they to joining the ancestors; babies from being newly arrived from represented the power and force of divinity, but they were not the spiritual world of the ancestors, which fact makes their fetal worshipped in themselves, even when rites and rituals were hair sacred as is the umbilical cord binding the child to its performed on or around them in what constitutes symbolic mother and also binding the baby to the spiritual world; beads enactments. Symbolic behavior sometimes seems very diffibeing sacred because worn by priests and priestesses, etc. cult for some interlocutors to grasp, not to speak of grasping The Yoruba believe that each person has a dual being too, a the abstract and the numinous. spiritual second that follows that person through life, death and As has been described ad nauseam by African culture workreincarnation. This means living beings who are themselves ers, theologians and scholars, there was always the idea of an sacred can confer sacredness on objects. Everything has its omniscient and omnipotent God, a Supreme Spiritual Being, double in the spiritual world. The person is double, being the in many African cosmologies. Often that presence was neither material creature we see in constant conjunction with a spiri- male nor female, was the force of justice and good, and con-

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trolled everything in the universe. This Being had the power also because humans are sacred that they were sacrificed, not to do and undo, and created everything –– so It is also a Creator for blood-thirstiness as believed and depicted by foreigners, but God. Being good and concerned with making everything right from the positive belief that only the most sacred and precious and successful, that Presence does not undo; h/she leaves things and beings should be given to God and his/her deities. events and actions to be products of choices made by humans, The nearest to the world feeling described here for Westerners leaves events as outcomes of human choice, human error or is probably that of the Native American. Chance, which is also an aspect of the numinous that has to It is this idea of a sacred that permeates everything that is be placated and sometimes deified for its power and effect on misunderstood as animism. The word “animism” comes from existence. All reality is managed by lower-level deities who the Latin “animus”, meaning “mind”. Animism assumes a carry out the intentions of God. The Supreme Being is con- belief that there is a mind in nature. Africans do not believe sidered too vast and awesome to relate to us, therefore relat- that there is a mind in nature. The mind is in the human ing is done through his/her representatives who are myriad. beings who think about nature and construct it as sacred. This is probably why the argument is made that such a cos- African spiritual thought does not think that wood and stone mology cannot be monotheistic. and everything else have life or are alive; rather it conceptuTo return to the question of the Supreme Being, it is argued alises a sense of the numinous in space, objects and practice that his/her awesomeness is a reason the Presence is not rep- without worshipping the space, the tree or the river in itself. resented or worshipped in shrines or temples. No shrines and The river is a symbol of the spiritual that infuses it and resides temples are built to the Creator/Supreme Being who is very there. The sacred infuses the river; that does not make the river present in many African epics, folktales and other oral tradi- alive in itself. tions. However, contending arguThe patrons or embodiments of Animism assumes a belief that the divine power that makes rivers ments also exist from some opposing African scholars who think the prepossible and do what rivers do –– and there is a mind in nature. occupation with Supreme Being is a the same goes for other aspects of Africans do not believe that predilection of the mentally God –– have been translated as there is a mind in nature. The colonised and their anxiety to equate deities; the word in Yoruba is orisa, African religions with Christianity. sometimes spelt orisha, the name for mind is in the human beings Certainly among the Yoruba Olorun these patrons, representatives or who think about nature and or Olodumare was this sacred and embodiment of aspects of spiritual construct it as sacred. African supreme power in the universe that power who are accessed and propitiencompassed everything. Mercy spiritual thought does not think ated through prayer, song and dance, Oduyoye, the feminist theologian, the arts, and sacrificial offerings. that wood and stone have life... They are not nature gods but gods of also describes similar conceptions in other West African religions. Olorun rather it conceptualises a sense aspects of human functioning in the is not just a sky god as some anthrouniverse –– e.g., the art of drumming, of the numinous in space, pologists believe; to respond to their medicine, dance, the achievement of objects without worshipping the wealth, the protection and maturasuggestion from the fact that literally space or the tree in itself. the word translates as “the owner of tion of youth, that power and beauty Orun”. Orun means the sky, as well of nature’s functioning expressed as where the dead go to live –– the through animals and plants, the sciplace accessed by those who have transitioned to the other exis- ence of knowledges, etc. tence since death in the Yoruba cosmology was not a tragedy. These orisa, named deities, are sacred for being venerated. Death was a transition to become an ancestor who will be Manifestations of aspects of God, they can also be anthroporeincarnated as a living baby at any time, in the permanent morphic, as well as be former extraordinary and outstanding cyclical movement of life between the spiritual and the mate- persons in history and society, but God, the Supreme Being, rial world. Death is only tragic if one dies young and does not in this universe, is never anthropomorphic. fulfill one’s potential. That is why funerals are celebrated The idea of the invisible world being a physical world that among the Yoruba and most West African cultures. can be accessed through prayer, propitiation, ritual, the arts and Everything is philosophically sacred for being objects of the even magic, is one that eludes and confounds postCreator of the universe; humans are sacred for being life bear- Enlightenment Europe such that primal African religions are ers possessing their double that is in spirit, and the essence of reduced to animism, or as Kristeva says in this text, “endogethe spiritual infuses everything. That does not mean that every- nous animism”. This reductionism may also flow from the thing has to be worshipped, though it means everything has covert idea that the autochthonous African is incapable of to be treated with the respect due to its essence. That is why abstraction. in the endogenous way of life, trees were propitiated before At this point, we may ask what is sacred about women. What they were hurt by felling, why hunters have rites and poetry constitutes the sacred and the feminine in and consequently chanted about and to animals, why human blood is sacred as from endogenous African and Yoruba thought today? Women the earth herself is, for being our mother. Unfortunately, it is were empowered to carry and manage the most important

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rites and rituals either as priestesses or as deities or orisa them- lage. She interprets the meaning of life to her village. selves. To reiterate, an orisa is more like a sacred patron of some It is a common belief as well as a social and political pracaspect of existence, all within God’s power, and there are tice among the Yoruba that whatever is not blessed by a woman female orisha. will not succeed. History, oral and written, bears witness to sitMoreover women are considered sacred because they pos- uations as important as prosecuting war, offering initiating ritsess that which is considered the highest power, that is, the uals and practices in the town or in the king’s palace, engagpower to give life, which only God, the Creator and Supreme ing the family in events and issues that needed the sanctifying Being has, whether that presence is Olodumare, Amma decision or prayer of the womenfolk. A woman is in this way (Dogon), Nyame (Akan) or Rokh (Serer). At this point I find too both a giver of life and a giver of meaning. Finally, giving a coincidence with the thought and position of Julia Kristeva life and giving meaning are not antagonistic in the African in her text with Clement, when she relates the sacred in world of primal religions. There is no life without meaning and women to the power to give life. Ogotommeli, in his narra- no meaning without life. The dichotomy is again another tive of the ancient Dogon religion of Mali, informs us that example of a Western grid and love of self-exclusionary there were no male priests allowed to serve in the ancient reli- dichotomies. gions built around the Supreme Being, Amma, who is a Yet in view of this touted sacredness of the woman in Yoruba woman among the Dogon of West Africa. As women are and other African cultures, one may ask why women are not endowed with the ability of God through their power to give visibly powerful in modern day Africa and Nigeria. Perhaps life, they are considered sacred. They become more so, when their conditions are due to perversions caused by the they produce twins or more in some cultures and especially Abrahamic religions, the insertions and distortions of the among the Yoruba who are said by Victorian and patriarchal colonial reliable sources to produce the high- As women are endowed with the powers, and the modern-day gender est number of twins in the world. A politics of struggle between men and ability of God through their materialist rejoinder often is that men women over power in the new conpower to give life, they are also produce children, but the pragstructions of the family, the adminconsidered sacred. They matic position at the back of this istration of the society and the nation African thought is that only the idenstate. Sometimes this gender politics become more so, when they tity of a child’s mother is sure. is attributed to a deep-seated fear of produce twins among the Furthermore, the visible creation women; at other times to a desire by Yoruba who are said... to of the child in her body for nine men to continue endogenous ideas months is also found more impresproduce the highest number of of the subordination that is most sive and awe-inspiring than the male prominent in marriage only in comtwins in the world. A rejoinder contribution to reproduction. The bination with the androcentric colooften is that men also produce nial heritage that is more in the intermother is therefore also accorded the sacred power of absorbing or divert- children, but the pragmatic idea ests of the male population. Still at ing the malevolent forces unleashed other times we name as cause the colbehind this thought is that only lapse or distortion of primal or against her progeny without her suffering from it. Such extraordinary the identity of the mother is sure. endogenous cultures or their rejecspiritual power that demonstrates tion and suppression due to a sense of that the mother figure, for instance, shame and embarrassment about lives powerfully at both levels of the spiritual and the this- those cultures. These reasons could all be coincident and are worldly, and can use and embody power in both worlds effec- certainly not exhaustive. tively, is called the sacred. Regarding space, there can be sacred As the woman is sacred in endogenous thought, her body forests, groves, houses, etc., but the sine qua non in the African is also sacred. Similarly to her body being the house of life, parts concept of the sacred is the giving of life. of her body such as her hair and nail clippings (the sacredness The woman or the feminine is also considered sacred of which became problematic for Clement and Kristeva due because of her direct connection with spirits and the spiritual to their ever materialist reactions in their book), women’s disworld. For this reason, she predominates in priestly roles and charges such as her milk, menses, tears, sweat, and even saliother basic existential rituals, domestic and public, social and va are considered sacred. They can and are used as blessings, political. This fact explains my rejection of the initially dis- curses, and potions for power –– social, material and supercussed ancestral tradition from the Greeks that Kristeva evokes: natural. It is notable that analysts of the Jewish proscription on That women give life and men give meaning. Woman is con- menstruation do not discuss it in the context in which it was sidered among the Yoruba and other Africans as both a giver advocated in the Bible –– that of forbidding all human disof life and a giver of meaning through doing. In fact, she is con- charges, including male ones. Apparently these caveats were sidered primarily a doer because the spirits do not come down not done against women as such in Leviticus, but in the health without the power and blessing of the woman. As priestess, in interest of a nomadic and mainly illiterate group of religionsome West African cultures, the woman blesses and interprets ists marching through deserts on pilgrimage to their Promised the code of the spirits and thus interprets existence to the vil- Land.

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I have written at some length about the vagina in a scene that was quite the sacredness of the woman’s body Achebe-esque, as I thought at the –– her body, her nakedness, breasts, time. Invoking the uterus, they sang vagina and discharges –– in Nigeria about the power of the vagina that and among the Yoruba in my book, links families and blood. My former‘Recreating Ourselves: African ly fuming father, a retired Christian Women and Critical bishop, a church-planting and Transformations’. Menstruation is school-founding missionary, broke considered sacred and powerful, into tears, there and then, and wept believed to have the power to interabout his deceased sisters, presumrupt, interfere with and cause to hapably because he was linked to them pen. This conception of menses is thorough the power of the uterus. prevalent in West Africa, if not in the He went on to say his hands were whole of the continent. The Soce of tied for he had been reminded of the Senegambia, another Mandingo unshakeable sacred laws –– and that subgroup, hold that the highest point was the end of the dispute. He of a woman’s power is during her declared that the young men could go menstruation. No matter the mystiahead to use the land. cal power of a man, it is crossed and It is this sacred concept of the body disempowered by the woman. That of the woman that is found potent in is why men in Africa generally avoid political struggle all over Africa and sexual interactions with women in has been recorded by political scienthat period. In the medieval epic of tists. Not only do I write about it in Sundiata, a protagonist and invincible my cited book, Griselda Pollock in a A depiction of Osun hero, Susamgoro Keita, was said to be personal communication reminded only conquerable if the beak of a cock me of the use of the female body in a Seventeen orisa were sent from was put in the vagina of a menstruatfilm by some American film makers heaven with instructions on ing woman for some time, to be seain 1990. In an episode, in the film, soned in sacred power, before attach- “how to make the young earth a African women protesting the demoing the beak to the arrow that will be lition of their home by the apartheid pleasant place to live”. They pointed, just pointed, at the invincistate removed their clothes to stop ostracise Osun, “carrying out ble Susamgoro to achieve his the soldiers and bulldozers. Among inevitable death. Therefore the vagithe Yoruba, stripping and the threat their instructions without na is not simply a place of pleasure for of it were used effectively by the involving Osun”. Resultantly most African men but a site of power women of Abeokuta protesting taxanothing is achievable by them; tion in the 1940s, a struggle that finaland good luck, consequently an explanation for some of the fear of rain does not fall while “illness, ly led to the exiling of the king. women. Women used the same invocation of bitterness and restlessness” It is also believed in contemporary the sacredness of women against milprevail for their exclusion of times that if a merchant woman puts itary governments in Nigeria and as her hand in her vagina and then both threat and actual happening, as Osun who was taking care of touches her goods before she goes to recently as the 1990s and thereafter, them and all things. market, she will sell every item. The in protests in the Nigerian Niger uterus is also considered sacred. As delta against the oil companies polrecently as the 1980s, my family had some land dispute in luting and destroying the environment, without any care for which the men of the woman’s line began to farm the land. In the surrounding population. the basically male-administered inheritance system of the Such remembrances of the sacredness of the woman’s body Ijebu, my subgroup of the Yoruba, this was not done, though are positive; regrettably, this concept can and has led to the women could inherit directly from their patrilineage if a male unfortunate murders of women and their mutilation in the member wills the possession to them in his lifetime, as my pursuit of using their bodies for powerful magic and potions, father did with me regarding some land. It was considered even in contemporary times. improper that this nephew took the use of land as of right. My We shall now consider motherhood that makes women father was outraged and, breathing fire and smoke, summoned sacred and implicates the sine qua non of sacredness which is a family meeting urgently. the giving of life. Mother love is just as sacred too for it is also The young men, his nephews through his sisters, however, creative, implying another life-giving power of the mother in had a plan for him. As soon as the meeting began, they broke action –– the ability to create the other, through mother love. into song about the children of the vagina and the power of Considering that these ancient African ideas occur also in

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Kristeva’s text, it underlines for us that the world is more inter- Nigeria have also been noted for their economically active and connected than we wish to think sometimes. It behooves us independent women with traditions of authority and autonoto promote intercultural studies, for concepts considered deep my that predate colonisation or encounter with the West. The and brilliant emerge or have existed for millennia in the so- strong and respected positions of the women and their self called Third World. Even when we misread, we can unlearn assured attitudes are partly traced to the sacredness of the femour findings and attain correct understandings. The Yoruba inine in that culture. These in turn can be located back to the iconize their ideas of motherhood in the legend of Osun, a culture’s metaphysique; to the cosmology that places being female orisa who appears in the creation myth of the people. female and motherhood at the very beginning of time where, She is the only woman member of the pantheon of gods who without them, creation and life itself would have been imposwere sent by the Supreme Being to sible. Wande Abimbola, a scholar in effect the creation of the world. In a In one of the myths of origin pretrend that needs to be critiqued and served in one of its versions in the Ifa the science of Ifa, makes the discouraged, some pre-eminent and related systems of divination claim that Osun has much more poetry or corpus, 17 deities were sent Yoruba scholars are wittingly or to do with the origins of Ifa unwittingly creating a tradition of a to the earth to effect the creation of male pantheon or a central triumvithe world, 16 men and one woman, divination than the babalawo rate of three male gods in a way that Osun. She is supposed to have (Ifa priests) are ready to admit. invented and taught the knowledge smacks of the Christian Trinity. Says he: “I will indeed put The Yoruba in Western Nigeria and science of divination to the male are about 30 million people who had god, Orunmila, who is now rememforward the hypothesis that an empire spreading to modern-day bered as its architect, depending on the entire divination system Benin and Togo, an empire that is one’s source and the gender politics of Ifa started from Osun theorised to have collapsed with the of the raconteur or the context. The slave trade in the 18th century. The Ifa corpus is introduced by Wande from whom it got to Orunmila culture of the Yoruba has survived in Abimbola as “an important system of and not the other Brazil, Cuba, Trinidad, Guyana and divination found in many cultures of way around.” the United States of America. The West Africa. In Yorubaland where Ifa political centre of the Yoruba Empire is a major divinity, this fascinating was in Old Oyo which was more of system of divination has been closea Sahelian or savannah culture while ly identified with Yoruba history, much of modern-day Yorubaland is mythology, religion and folkin the rain forest. Due to political medicine. The Yoruba regard Ifa as strife, the Yoruba capital is believed to the repository of their beliefs and have moved down to the southern moral values. The Ifa divination sysand forest area city of Ile-Ife that tem and the extensive poetic chants became its spiritual and cultural cenassociated with it are used by the tre and has been carbon-dated to the Yoruba to validate important aspects 9th Century A.D. Historians have of their culture. Ifa divination is also tried to establish, through oral therefore performed by the Yoruba history, dramatised rituals, festivals during their important rites of pasand traditions of conquered kings sage such as naming and marriage being reduced to priestly functions, ceremonies, funeral rites and the the hypothesis of an immigrating installation of kings. In traditional group of Yoruba who found and inteYoruba society, the authority of Ifa grated with an indigenous people. permeated every aspect of life Contemporary Yoruba are pribecause the Yoruba regard Ifa as the mal/endogenous religionists, voice of the divinities and the wisMuslims and Christians. Islam came dom of the ancestors”. into Nigeria among southerners In the interest of African Diasporic before Christianity. Religions and research and archeology of knowltheir supporting arts are very often edge, it is important to note here that syncretised today. A powerful midthe Ifa worship and studies are more dle-class elite that is adjudged to be welcome and promoted in the economically and politically domi- The female figure wears a decorative hair attachment worldwide African Diaspora counshaped like a tassel. The kneeling pose identifies her as nant in Nigeria today is said to be a supplicant or a devotee of Orunmila, the divination tries than in Yorubaland that is locked constituted by majority Yoruba men deity. The child on her back sports two braided osu, into fundamentalisms of the and women. The Yoruba cultures in suggesting either that it was born through the inter- Abrahamic religions. In the United cession of the deity or had been initiated into its cult.

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States and among African Americans Ifa Divination poetry, being oral in particular, Ifa enjoys much respect, and memorised, is not monolithic followership and engagement. Ifa and does not proceed through time describes the origin of the world and seamlessly as was raised at the conhow the world was created among ference. As the various priest/priestother contents. It sings the coming of ess narrators include or exclude the deities to create that world. I say items from their repertoire, basic stoit “sings” because the verses of Ifa are ries, adages and philosophical bents often chanted, that is, performed and remain, though gendered perspecincantated by the priest/priestess in a tives may be affected by the politics manner that can rise to song, very of the narrator. The myths of Ifa have evocative for me of the style and traalways had variants depending on dition of the African American serfactors such as cult interests, as well mon. Perhaps this is a cultural suras the social and power interests of vival, for the Ifa priest was/is a relithe context of the narration. gious and community and knowlThe corpus or corpi, to be more edge leader as the preacher was in the exact with a plural term, also incordays of the plantation and slavery porates new wisdoms and insights as when the church was also a site of the Yoruba encounter other cultural knowledge and the consolidation of influences such as Islam and the community ethos. Christianity, such wisdoms and The preacher was, after all, at that insights that are often integrated into time also a kind of transatlantic the texts or into the use of language babalawo/Ifa priest, healer, spiritual and metaphor and tropes as the Yoruba priestess diviner, doctor, cultural leader and Yoruba language itself evolves in Women were empowered to community psychologist/psychiatime, as all languages do. Therefore trist. the Ifa corpi themselves move in carry and manage the most As one of the most erudite scholtime with a moving Yoruba culture ars in the science of Ifa, and perhaps important rites and rituals either that includes encounters with other as priestesses or as deities or the most published in Anglopeoples such as other Africans, Arabs Western terms, Wande Abimbola and Europeans. It is still, however, a orisa themselves. Moreover, strongly attempts to recuperate the knowledge system of the Yoruba and women are considered sacred a philosophical record, testimony rightful position of Osun in the oribecause they possess that gins of the Ifa Divination and as a and encyclopedia of their culture as “bag of wisdom”. He writes in the it evolves. which is considered the same chapter that “his purpose in the Abimbola proceeds to discuss highest power, that is, the essay is to examine the intimate converses that are relevant to his project, power to give life, which only nection of Osun with Ifa divinashowing verses of how Osun saved tion…in her own right as a perGod, the Creator and Supreme the life of Orunmila when all the son…”. deities were summoned there by Being has, whether that He starts with “the popular God, Olodumare, and then threatview...that she got to know about Ifa presence is Olodumare, Amma, ened by the female power of women through Orunmila, her husband”. In named “aje”, whose cannibalising Nyame or Rokh. later pages of the essay, he makes the tendency and ability derive from claim that Osun has much more to their choice to pervert for negative do with the origins of Ifa divination than the babalawo (Ifa uses the power of women described earlier. One may give life priests) are ready to admit. Says he: “I will indeed put forward or destroy it; the aje are given to destroying when they please. the hypothesis that the entire divination system of Ifa started The cosmology recognises that good can become evil, and from Osun from whom it got to Orunmila and not the other power can be used perversely. After Osun saved Orunmila, on way around.” A bold and self-redemptive position for a Yoruba their return to earth, they become closer than before. They male scholar to take! become lovers and a marital couple that did not live together, From my studies of Ifa, I had encountered versions of Ifa “because it was not the custom to live together at the time” –– verses and stories that acclaim Osun for inventing the Ifa sci- a pre-feminist recognition of the possible independence of ence and from whom her husband stole or plagiarised it. What women in Yoruba originary vision. is new considering modern revelations about the role of wives Other verses from other sources of Abimbola tell of a bag and women friends in the work of acclaimed geniuses across of wisdom that was thrown down from heaven by Olodumare the centuries! for the use of humankind. All the orisa were required to look

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for it with the promise that whoever found it would be the wis- knowledge”. est of them all. Osun and Orunmila being intimate decided A fi imo jo t’Osun o to look for it together. Osun found it, put it in her pocket but (Must resemble Osun in knowledge). (My translation) “the bag slipped through the broken pocket of her garment”, “Imo” is the Yoruba word for knowledge, dissatisfactorily described as an “agbada”, a male and huge garment. Notably, translated as “deliberations” in Abimbola’s recorded text here, these deities were not conceived of as naked. “Orunmila acci- and a rather half-hearted way of acknowledging what is dentally stumbled on it and kept it.” Sound familiar? ascribed to Osun. It is knowledge as opposed to wisdom, Plagiarisms and the appropriation of the work of women? which is “ogbon” that is ascribed to her; wisdom was the issue Finally, an Ifa story that I find pertinent is that of the first in the story of the lost bag. arrival of the deities on earth. Seventeen orisa had been sent Knowledge, wisdom and wealth therefore were ascribed to from heaven by Olodumare with instructions on “how to Osun, this originary female archetype in the Edenic days, in make the young earth a pleasant place to live”. They ostracise the imaginary of the culture. She could also be a fierce warOsun, “carrying out their instrucrior as well as a benevolent mother of In one of the myths of origin tions without involving Osun in any the Yoruba people/humanity. of their activities”. This sounds like Osun worship is one of the few in the Ifa and related systems modern practices of governance and religious activities that have survived of divination poetry or corpus, development in Africa today. in modern Nigeria while the Osun 17 deities were sent to the Resultantly nothing is achievable by festival in Osogbo is one of the them; rain does not fall while “illbiggest and the most modernised and earth to effect the creation ness, bitterness and restlessness” accepted despite inroads of of the world, 16 men and one occupy the earth for their exclusion Christianity, Islam and other aggreswoman, Osun. She is of Osun who has been taking care of sive cultural and religious conflicts them and all things. “Everything they to suppress the worship because it is supposed to have did came to naught. considered “heathen”, “gentile” –– a invented and taught the Osun ni i si ma toju won favourite word of the born-agains in knowledge and science of (Osun it was who took care of Nigeria –– and “ungodly”. Other them) opposition comes from internalised divination to the male god, Lonje, niwa, leyin cultural colonialism in Nigerians Orunmila, who is now (For food, in all matters pertinent) themselves in their own despisal of remembered as its architect. Gbogbo ohun ti won se, ko gun.’ and shame about their indigenous (All that they did came out wrong) cultures. (My translation) Regarding Osun, her motherhood So in desperation, they send tends to be more emphasised in male Orunmila back to Olodumare to ask patriarchal reportages and analyses of where and how they went wrong her. Both male and female in since they had carried out his instrucYorubaland and perhaps all Africa tions to the letter. Olodumare then accept the sacrality of motherhood. asks them if they involved the only No cult of matricide exists in woman among them in every action Yorubaland and other West African of theirs to which they say no. cultures, contrary to the generalisaOlodumare then responds in verses tion that Kristeva and Clement make that say he/she is a “creator who does about its universal existence. Where not make people twice”. matricide occurs as an event in folkOrunmila is told to return to earth tales, it is not in approval but as an and make sure that Osun has a hand ironical statement of extreme absurin everything they do, in which case dity, extreme evil and perversion of everything they do would be succharacter, underlined as that which is cessful. Later, after the resolution, in unthinkable and not done. Osun’s which the story turns interestingly significance touches other areas of patriarchal and cleverly makes Osun existence and practice in addition to institute the patriarchal laws binding motherhood; it, in fact, appertains to women in repressive rites, Osun still the female principle cosmologically. ends her final proclamation chanting The woman or the female princithat in everything else apart from the ple is seen, represented and articulatwomen-controlling rites of men, ed as a symbol and icon of all life as “anyone who tries to do anything, An 18th century Yoruba bronze ritual vessel, well as all that which is good. In the must imitate/resemble Osun in probably for Ifa divination. language, we say something is female

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meaning it is good; male, meaning that which is hard and given to bad luck. The woman or female principle also symbolises the whole town, city and people. These symbols, for instance, populate the visual manifestation and representation of kingship in Yoruba culture, patriarchal or androgynous as that culture has been claimed to be. The paraphernalia of the king/ruler called “Oba” in many forms represents the female principle. It is, in fact, inadequate to translate “king” as oba because Oba in Yoruba is genderless; it does not refer to the sex of the person but to his/her role. Where you have female kingship or female regency, the person in the role could be male or female and still be called an Oba. There have been female kings (a contradiction necessitated by the very patriarchal nature of the English language itself that forces one to translate Oba as king), in ancient times of Ile-Ife. A female king is said to have paved the streets of IleIfe with potsherds. The paraphernalia of the Oba of Owo, similar to that of the Oba of Benin, has been analysed, as follows, by a distinguished African and Yoruba artist and art historian. The parrot feathers in the Oba’s crown represents the power of women because they also have the power of transmigration and flying if they choose to have recourse to it, and the Oba needs the support of women for his/her reign to succeed. Hence the feathers are on his/her head. The Oba’s blouse that is white recalls water which is also female because it is the source and sustainer of life. His huge white skirt moves like the waves of the sea (okun aragbarigbi), making his waist pregnant-looking, because, as Oba, h/she is also pregnant with the town and its people –– he carries them inside him like a mother. The Oba is full of children as the plantain or banana bunch is covered with plantains/bananas (ogede so to to), in this manner again identified with the female principle in nature and life. The water imagery recurs throughout the culture just as the bowl shape does, evoking pregnancy, protection and the stability gained from a mother –– in the shape of the Ifa bowl and many other votive utensils and iconography. The very language in which the Oba is greeted encodes female symbolism for not being gender specific. Hailed as Kabiyesi, the Oba is greeted in a word that is an elision of Ka bi o, ko si –– that means “Questioning you does not occur/cannot exist”. The titular and boundless power of the king is thus being hailed even when, in reality, the kingmakers actually rule and his/her life depends on them and on the population who could ask him to abdicate by committing honorific suicide that is part of the Yoruba constitution. Osun is portrayed variously as the mother of knowledge (thus meaning-giver), power, creativity and wealth as well as female independence. As a female deity, she has liaisons with the different gods, said to have married some or left them as need be in various tales of the gods, showing that marriage and divorce were known and accepted among the Yoruba before Western colonisation. This point also relates to the one I emphasise in my writing on the status of African women –– that women are gen-

erally adored or divinised as mothers, but oppressed only as wives or within marriage. Needless to say, the wife is somebody else’s daughter. Furthermore, the independent and selfsufficient woman was also conceived in the ethnic imaginary well before the feminist movements of the 20th century. That is why an Africanist scholar, Deidre Badejo, has rightly and, in a very original and insightful move, suggested her as the archetype and symbol for African feminism. Does the woman in Yoruba culture come into the subject area as sacred? Evidently, she can, from the foregoing. Is there anything sacred that can be considered strictly feminine as Catherine Clement and Julia Kristeva ask? Definitely, yes, from the argument and examples given in this paper. Is the Yoruba culture itself a male construct? Are the myths and verses of Ifa Divination Poetry produced by men or women? The jury is still out on these two questions while they offer themselves as very interesting and imperative areas of research. To what extent have women as subjects constructed Ifa concepts and texts? There is a tendency to assume or even affirm that women are not babalawo (priests) of Ifa though much evidence supports the fact that women are and can be and some corrections of such phallocentricity are recently being made by male scholars in the area. Is the conceptualisation of God and the Yoruba pantheon, and so Osun, the product of male minds? I cannot answer this question here; I can only hope that more research will be done on the issue for it will also partially answer the question of the construction of Yoruba culture solely by men or not. Whether or not this is the case, the versions of culture that we have indicate that the woman as a feminine person is given not just an important role, but a central one in the Yoruba cosmogony and imagination, in the culture and self-defining Ifa Divination Poetry where she originates knowledge, wealth, and wisdom in general. She is also present as one of the deities to whom creation on earth has been delegated. The woman, life-giver and meaning-giver to life, also embodies life and is therefore sacred both ideationally and corporeally. What does this say of a culture like the Yoruba one that is read as being outwardly patriarchal? Yoruba culture may be patriarchal and male dominant in certain practices and ideological statements but it also emphasises very frequently and importantly the androgyny of reality and existence, making central the importance of the female principle as life’s mainstay. Yoruba culture tends to be integrative of the sexes and gender roles. Such conceptualisation makes the culture balanced, at least at the conceptual level, while it puts age, seniority, status and gender roles before sex in the question of status between men and women, succeeding in making Yoruba culture one of the human cultures that respect women outside their physicality and the sexual act. The failure to punish women for sex and coitus in the Yoruba ontology may be related to the important fact that there is no concept of original sin in the culture, as there is also none in most indigenous cultures of Africa. There was no serpent in a garden to give rise to a femininity that is the mother of all evil and, by that token, definitely not sacred anymore.

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A F R I C A NOTES Clement, Catherine and Kristeva, Julia, ‘The Feminine and the Sacred’ (New York, 2001). Trans. Jane Marie Todd. Le féminin et le sacre. 1998 Editions Stock. Oduyoye, Mercy Amba, 'The African Experience of God through the Eyes of an Akan Woman. <http://www.aril.org/african.html> pp. 1 - 9. Mercy Amba Oduyoye is a widely known African woman theologian, author of several books and articles and the initiator of The Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians, <info@icwt.org> that was conceived to enable African women to contribute to the theological literature being developed by Africans. Since its inauguration in October 1989, The Circle has published pan-African books and regional African ones. I first presented this theory at an AAWORD (Association of African Women for Research and Development) in 1981, proceedings of which were published as Women and Rural Development in Africa in 1986. A longer discussion of the concept appears in another paper, 'The Feminist Writer and Her Commitment', first published in the Nigerian Guardian, 21 December 1983 and later in Eldred Jones and Eustace Palmer (eds.) Women in African Literature Today (London, Heinemann, 1986). Both essays can be found in my collection of essays, Recreating Ourselves: African Women and Critical Transformations (Trenton, 1994). Mbow, Babacar, Personal Communication (4 October, 2005). Mbow, op. cit. Mbow, op. cit. Mbow, op. cit. Gueye, Marieme, Personal Communication ( 1 November, 2005) Babacar Mbow, Personal Communication (3 November, 2005). Sougou, Omar, Personal Communication (30 December, 2004). Kane, Aissatou, Personal Communication (31, December, 2004). Mbow, 3 November, 2005. Mbow, 4 October 2005 Gueye, op. cit. Gueye, op. cit Mbow, 4 October Oduyoye, op. cit. Griaule, Marcel, Conversations with Ogotommeli (London, 1976). Ogotommeli, a sage of the Dogon of Mali, West Africa discusses at length the Dogon balance of gender and the body and the important place of menstruation in the creation of the world.

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Ogundipe-Leslie, Molara, Recreating Ourselves: African Women and Critical Transformations (Trenton, 1994), pp. 212 - 214. Mbow, 3 November, 2005 Griselda Pollock, Personal Communication, (12 October 2005). I was told by a very reliable source who would wish to be anonymous that Mrs. Funlayo Ransome-Kuti, the great fighter for women's rights in Nigeria and the mother or the legendary musician, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, stripped in the palace at the king's throne, before the king at the time, the Alake of Abeokuta. Akintoye, Stephen A, 'Yoruba History from Early Times to the 20th Century', in Nike Lawal et al. (eds), Understanding Yoruba Life and Culture (Trenton; Asmara, 2004), pp. 4 - 5. See Abimbola, Wande, Ifa Divination Poetry (New York, 1977). Perhaps the habit of insisting on one lone female member in government cabinets and other administrative groups is an atavistic echo in modern Nigeria from the deep unconscious memory or the imaginary of the ethnic group! Abimbola: Ifa Divination, p. v. Abimbola, Wande, 'The Bag of Wisdom: Osun and the Origins of Ifa Divination', in Joseph M. Murphy & Mei-Mei Sanford (eds), Osun Across the Waters: A Yoruba Goddess in Africa and the Americas (Bloomington, 2001), p. 141 Abimbola: 'The Bag of Wisdom', p.149. Abimbola: 'The Bag of Wisdom', p. 144.

See for instance a discussion of such modern day religious conflicts and competitions for the mind of the contemporary Nigerian in Jacob Olupona, 'Orisa Osun: Yoruba Sacred Kinship and Civil Religion in Osogbo, Nigeria, in Murphy & Sanford, Osun Across the Waters, pp. 46 - 67. Abiodun, Rowland, Personal Communication, (2 January 2005). See also his 'Hidden Power: Osun, the Seventeenth Odu' in Murphy & Sanford, Osun Across the Waters, pp. 10 - 33. Abiodun, Rowland, Personal Communication, op. cit. Badejo, Deirdre. L., 'The Goddess Osun as a Paradigm for African Feminist Criticism'. Sage 6.1 (1989), pp. 27-31. Abiodun, Rowland, Personal Communication, (2 January 2005). See also his 'Hidden Power: Osun, the Seventeenth Odu' in Murphy & Sanford, Osun Across the Waters, pp. 10 - 33. 32. Abiodun, Rowland, Personal Communication, op. cit. 33. Badejo, Deirdre. L., 'The Goddess Osun as a Paradigm for African Feminist Criticism'. Sage 6.1 (1989), pp. 27-32.

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Zvakwana Sarah Ladipo Manyika writes movingly on Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, where the value of both the national currency and the common citizen’s life stand devalued.

man has come to stand by Sampson’s car. He lifts up an arm so that Sampson can see the bag of oranges that dangle from his strong middle finger. Then he raises his other hand to reveal a second bag. Sampson shakes his head, and the trader lowers his arms from the car window, and slowly moves away –– one torn trouser leg flapping in the wind. Sampson wonders how much the man makes each day. Fifty maybe, or perhaps even as much as one hundred in this popular suburban shopping centre. Just then a gleaming white Mitsubishi Pajero arrives and the orange seller whistles to a friend who joins him in a dash towards the car. Sampson remembers a time when hundreds of these traders used to circle Harare’s car parks, but that was before Operation Murambatsvina, which swept all the traders off the streets. Sampson used to think the government’s clean-up policy was a good idea, until the police and army came with their bulldozers and started tearing down people’s homes. That was too much. Sampson is still watching the Pajero as it cautiously rides the speed bumps and swings into a vacant spot in front of TM supermarket. He remembers the old days when TM was spelt in full –– Thomas Meikles. Funny how some things change while others do not. Out of the Pajero clambers a white woman driver who waves the men away. “Ah-ah, not interested,” she insists as she helps her children from the back seats and they, like her, wave dismissively at the men still hovering in hope of a sale. The woman slams the doors shut, and with a straight arm points the key to the car. Bleep bleep, and the family disappear into the supermarket. Sampson leans back in his driver’s seat where he has been sitting for the past hour and gazes in front of him. He has parked the doctor’s car outside Nandos where a steady stream of afternoon customers come and go, clutching small brown paper bags that he knows to be warm on the outside and hot inside. Some look like ordinary workers, and Sampson wonders how they afford it. $500 for chicken. $290 for burger and chips. $100 for rice. Nobody bothers to say 290 thousand dollars or 100 thousand dollars for burger and rice, and nobody says half a million Zimbabwe dollars for one charcoal grilled, piri-piri chicken. It is simply too much to say and too much to pay, and this is only today’s price. Tomorrow will be more. The joke these days is that everyone in Zimbabwe, even drivers like him, are millionaires, but what does that mean? Yesterday the doctor said that one million Zim dollars made

10 U.S. Remember the time, Mukoma Sampson, when our dollar used to fetch 2 U.S. dollars? But Sampson doesn’t remember, nor would he have known about U.S. dollars back in those days. It is only now, in 2006, that people are speaking about U.S. dollars as though U.S. dollars are Zimbabwe’s currency. Before, nobody used foreign currency to buy fuel and other luxury goods. Zvakwana, everyone whispers, and the young and reckless write the word like graffiti on walls and signposts. Zvakwana. Enough is enough. But what happens next? Sampson fears for the future of his country, and even though he will never starve while employed by the doctor, he cannot be sure the doctor will stay in Zimbabwe. In fact he is puzzled by the fact that his boss has remained so long when many doctors have already left. Perhaps it is because of this new woman of his. Sampson has worked for the doctor since 1980 –– the year of independence. This was when the doctor returned home to Zimbabwe from exile and hired Sampson to do odd jobs around the house. Sampson was a quick learner, and soon the doctor taught him to drive. Sampson began running errands for the clinic as well as taking the children back and forth from school. In those years most of his job was spent driving, but now he finds himself doing less driving and more sitting, more waiting, more sweating mainly in petrol queues or at the bank where the doctor sends him almost every day to collect cash –– cash that he must carry in suitcases because so many notes are needed to buy even the smallest things. Sampson is pleased that the doctor trusts him with all this money. It shows that he has truly become part of the family. There is a suitcase full of Zimbabwe dollars in the car right now from which the doctor helps himself whenever he goes out to eat and drink. The doctor took a few packets just an hour ago before spraying his mouth and eyeing himself in the rear view mirror which is his routine before meeting his lady friend up there at the Italian Bakery. Sampson does not like this lady friend who seems only interested in the doctor’s money, and he would like the meetings between the doctor and lady to end. The best thing, he thinks, would be for the doctor to catch the woman flirting with other men, but Sampson has noticed that the woman is careful in the doctor’s presence, and the doctor is blinded by his urges. Sampson winds down his window. It is getting hot just sitting in the car. There is little breeze, but the smell of car fumes and Nandos chicken hangs heavy in the early evening air. More cars roll in, a few thumping with music. Sampson recognises one of the tunes as ‘Ladysmith Black Mambazo’ and smiles. How pleasant to hear such an old and beautiful song

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A F R I C A when most of the things he hears these days are such nonsense. Hello my baby, hello my sweetie, he sings along until the car and its song disappear. Sampson wants to listen to more music, but the cassette player is broken. Still, he gives the dashboard a few hopeful taps, which works on occasion, but not this time, so he leaves it and picks up a cloth to wipe dust from the dashboard and front seats. The car is twelve years old, but the engine is still strong. He reaches over to the back seats and flaps the cloth back and forth there too. The doctor has left the day’s newspapers in a messy pile with the Daily News on top. When Sampson tidies up, he places The Herald on top as a precaution –– always better to be seen reading the government paper rather than the independent one whose offices were recently burned. The doctor is reckless with things like this just as he is reckless with this new woman of his. Sampson shakes his head and sighs as he scans the paper. The headline reads: 100 illegally enter South Africa daily. To think that only a few years ago it was South Africans fleeing apartheid to come to Zimbabwe, but now it is Zimbabweans running away to South Africa. All these people risking their lives in perilous border crossings through the crocodile infested Limpopo. Sampson turns back to the front seat and rests his hand on the steering wheel. Patience. Perhaps he and all Zimbabweans are just too patient. He wishes sometimes that he were more educated so he could do something to fix things in his country, but at the same time he wonders if it is too much education that has spoilt the leaders in the first place. Who, after all, could be more intelligent than those in government? Sampson shakes his head and thinks of his boss who also has degrees and yet is seeing a woman who never completed ‘O’ levels. Sampson leans against the window and spits out the last few soggy shreds of a toothpick. He has missed lunch to save money and finds that chewing these bits of wood staves off hunger. He reaches over to open the glove compartment in search of his Bible, but discovers that he has left it at the doctor’s surgery, so he shuts the compartment and pulls out a crumpled sheet of paper from his shirt pocket. He has been trying to make his numbers work but something seems wrong with his arithmetic. He begins again with his salary. $5,000,000. It looks like a lot on paper. And in a sense it is, because it is more than what other drivers earn. But it is still not enough. Living in the doctor’s servant’s quarters he is spared from having to pay the water and ZESA bills, but he still must buy food. This leaves nothing extra to send to fam-

Q U A R T E R L Y

ily in the rural areas or to buy clothes and textbooks for Tendai and Farai, his grandchildren, who have come to live with him. His son, Ezekiel, and his beloved daughter-in-law, Joy, died of a disease that Sampson prefers not to mention by name. He says, in the vague way of others, that his children were sick, killed by the terrible disease taking the young and leaving only the grandparents –– the gogos and the sekurus like him to care for the children. His only other son was killed long ago in the liberation struggle. Nevertheless, Sampson feels lucky to work for a doctor who assures him that the young boys are safe and not infected by the disease that took their parents. The doctor and his wife, Mama, give the boys some clothes and medicines as well as extra food. It is a great help, but still, not enough. Sampson hears the faint rattle of wheels against asphalt and looks up. The woman has finished her shopping and returns to her Pajero with a trolley piled high with food. She ignores the blacks around her until she needs help, which is the sort of thing that always reminds Sampson of his first employer. He thinks about Mr. and Mrs. Macaulay sometimes, and wonders if they ever received the letter he wrote to them when they moved from Zimbabwe to South Africa. He remembers taking his time to compose the words in good English, on expensive writing paper. He even asked Sisi Mary to type it for him, but he never heard back. He concludes that he was just another black kaffir to them, the way this woman, having done her shopping, now treats those around her. She tries to wheel the trolley by herself, but the thing proves too hard to maneuver because of rusty wheels. She stops for a moment and looks in the direction of one of the vendors who sits idly by the pavement. If this were still Rhodesia the woman might have ordered the man to push the trolley for her, but she doesn’t say anything and he does not move. Instead, other fruit sellers surround her; persistent this time because it is their last chance before she drives away. “Madam, Madam, some oranges, Madam!” “How about some tomatoes, Madam, good ones!” Sampson suspects she will not buy anything more, but he has better things to do than to sit and watch. He gets out of his car, the doctor’s car, the act of which automatically summons more traders who quickly drift away when they recognise his face. Sampson circles the trusty Range Rover making sure all is in order –– the windows closed, the doors properly locked. He returns to the front and discards some squashed jacaranda blossoms caught up in the windscreen wipers. Satisfied that all

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F I C T I O N is as it should be, he pushes the button. Bleep bleep. even notice what remains of the blood and puts his Willards Mama has given him two million to do her shopping. She Corn Flakes in the middle of a red smudge. He takes a large wants six cartons of Ceres fruit juice –– 3 litchi and 3 mango wad of pink notes from his pocket and pays for the box of cereif they have them, and they do. The juices are imported from al and a bar of blue soap. It is now Sampson’s turn and he wonSouth Africa and more expensive than Mazoe, which is already ders what those around him are thinking. They might assume pricey, but Ceres is what Mama wants, so this is what Mama he is rich from the way he buys this expensive stuff and perwill have. Mama does not ask him to compare prices between haps he might have been rich had life been kinder to him. After TM and OK, but Sampson does it anyway to save her money, all, he and the doctor come from the same village and had his and takes his time wandering the aisles. He looks first at the parents been able to send him to secondary school the way the soaps and detergents and then at the fancy teas, thinking he doctor’s parents did, he too might have become a doctor. would like to buy something for his wife, Mai Blessing, but Nevertheless, he is proud of having taught himself everything. he has no money. Soon though, he will find something for her Sampson stands straight and nonchalantly hands the cashier a on the trip to South Africa. He is to drive there at the end of fat stack of notes as though he does this everyday, as though the month with the doctor’s son. Thomas will take care of the he doesn’t think twice about spending money. He enjoys pre1,000 Rand visa requirement so there tending to be a doctor and feels will be no difficulties in crossing the Sampson hears the faint rattle of pleased to have saved Mama 200. If wheels against asphalt and border. Once in South Africa, they she would only let him buy the local will buy medical supplies for the docjuices instead of the South African looks up. The woman has tor’s surgery as well as household ones, he could have saved even more. finished her shopping and items that have become scarce or too Sampson walks back to the car, returns to her Pajero with a expensive in Zimbabwe. They will feeling a strain in his back from the stay in a Johannesburg hotel and trolley piled high with food. She weight of the bags. Mai we, he sighs. Thomas will give him precious rands What a terrible thing to be growing ignores the blacks around her to enjoy three meals a day and buy old. The doctor has been asking him some things for Mai Blessing and the until she needs help, which is an about his health, maybe noticing that boys. The boys are clever, and attitude that reminds Sampson he is not as strong as before, but Sampson thinks of them fondly as he Sampson cannot tell him what has of his first employer. He thinks been bothering him lately, for fear stands in line, wondering what to buy about the Macaulays them as he waits to pay. that he might lose his job. He has Ahead of him a man is purchasing sometimes, and wonders if they never told the doctor his true age, large quantities of meat. Sampson having simply gone along with what wonders if this man in the tight-fit- ever received the letter he wrote the doctor first assumed, and as a to them when they moved from result Sampson himself finds it hard ting Rhodie shorts and dusty velt skoens used to be a farmer. Perhaps to believe that he is no longer in his Zimbabwe to South Africa. He his farm was confiscated; the way fifties. Besides, he tells himself, the even got Sisi Mary to type it for feelings of dizziness are probably most white farmers have had their him, but he never heard back. farms taken by government in recent only caused by skipping meals and years. Sampson doesn’t feel sorry for This means he was just another not by disease or weakness in his these farmers because he knows they body. The doctor has told him many black kaffir to the Macaulays. had no right to so much land in the times that he cannot catch the AIDS first place. It is good, he thinks, that disease by sitting next to those who the land is being redistributed, but bad that squatters instead have had it or by shaking their hands, but Sampson is not of trained black farmers are seizing the land. The squatters call wholly convinced. He straightens his back not wishing any themselves “war vets” which makes Sampson angry because young man to come and help him, but he stops for a moment most are not war vets. They are too young to have fought in to catch his breath outside the 7 Arts cinema where people have the war of liberation and when they call themselves war vets, gathered for an evening show. He finds himself staring at the Sampson takes this as an insult to the memory of his eldest son. poster of a beautiful young woman, a real sponono, in the The squatters also know little about farming, which is why arms of her man. He dreams of a woman like her sometimes. Sampson is not surprised that large-scale farming has largely He has even fantasised about taking a girlfriend, someone ceased and people are starving. Again, Sampson asks himself younger than Mai Blessing, but he will never actually do such what good is an education, if these are the mistakes the edu- a thing. Besides, he is scared of diseases –– especially the AIDS cated make. one. The doctor once gave him those things to protect –– a The man in front is now paying millions of dollars for meat, Durex, but he doesn’t like the way they look or feel. He saves which is badly wrapped because cellophane wrapping is scarce them instead, in a discreet place, for the boys. And now he passand expensive. The cashier wipes the blood from the counter es in front of the bakery where the doctor is sitting somewhere –– most of it, but not all. Sampson is glad he is not next in line, with the young mistress. Sampson sucks his teeth in irritation but the man who goes before him does not seem to care or and looks the other way. While he understands the doctor

November 2006-January 2007

A F R I C A having desires (for it is also true that Mama has let herself go and grown quite fat these days), he believes the doctor should control himself. Mama is a good woman and does not deserve this kind of treatment. It is nearly 7:00 p.m. when the doctor returns and Sampson has been drifting in and out of sleep. “Mukoma Sampson, endai munozvitengera Nandos,” the doctor says, passing a wad of notes. “Go quickly and buy yourself some Nandos chicken before we go home.” “Maita, Baba,” Sampson nods his thanks, knowing that the doctor is feeling guilty, guilty for being late, guilty for deceiving his wife. It is dark as they drive out of Avondale and onto the main road, taking the long way home for at this time of night all roads around the President’s House are closed. Often on their journeys together, Sampson and the doctor discuss politics, but tonight the doctor sits in the backseat talking in English on his mobile phone. He is complaining about the shortage of syringes. Last week it was insulin, next week it will be something else. Sampson drives smoothly, knowing from memory how to maneuver his way around potholes –– the old familiar ones at least. Back home, Sampson walks quickly to his rooms behind the main house. He hands the chicken to Mai Blessing who is stirring the pot of evening sadza. He leans over her, tickling the back of her neck with his beard, and whispers in her ear, hello my baby, hello my sweetie. She laughs and tells him he’s being naughty but sways her hips as he sings until the boys come in from outside to greet him. He wishes it were Thursday, the one night in the week that he is able to stay with them, bathe, and then relax with his wife before sleeping, but he is not yet done for the day. He must hurry back to the house to take Mama to her church meeting. He is to drive her there and then guard the vehicle, but it is safe at Mama’s Borrowdale church. The car park is always well lit at night and there are security guards because this is a rich people’s church with American pastors from Texas. They preach prosperity at Mama’s church, prosperity to those who can afford to give generously to the church. Sampson has even heard that the congregation gave the pastor’s wife millions of dollars to celebrate her birthday as well as a car, dishwasher, and other luxuries. He thinks it is U.S. dollars they gave her, but perhaps it was only Zimbabwe dollars. Either way, Sampson thinks it is wrong for pastors to be taking so much money when others are starving. It reminds him of the time before independence when the whites used to preach to the blacks about what was right and wrong while at the same time robbing Zimbabweans of their land and money. It makes no sense to Sampson that people –– educated ones even –– are falling for this sort of trickery all over again. Sampson closes his eyes and thinks of next week’s trip to

Q U A R T E R L Y South Africa. He will buy Mai Blessing some perfume and the rollers she wants for her hair, but he would like to find more than this, much more than what she has asked for. He will deprive himself of meals so that he can save more rands to pay for some new pots and pans, a hair wig (the type that all the rich ladies are wearing), and some fancy brassieres. He will buy his wife a beautiful dress like the woman in the cinema, and chocolates and maybe even some jewellery. “Sampson, Sampson.” Sampson awakes with a start and finds Mama tapping on the driver’s

window. “Eee, Mukoma Sampson, you work too hard, handiti? Tomorrow you must rest.” “Aiwa Mama, it’s okay,” he says, smiling as he starts the engine. He hears Mama humming in the backseat and knows that God will bless this lady for her kind and saintly spirit. And now he thinks that if Mama does give him the day off, he will use it to talk to the boys about their future schooling. Perhaps it is also time to introduce them to Durex. He will walk with Mai Blessing in the morning to where she works in the beauty parlor and since tomorrow is Thursday he will surprise her in the evening by returning to her place of work. Hello my baby, hello my sweetie, he hums in his head while swerving to avoid a brick in the middle of the road. The roads are dangerous tonight. He must be careful. Streetlights are not working and drunkards like the one in front of them are zigzagging from left to right, left to right. They are now on Second Street extension straddling Mount Pleasant and Marlborough, close to Lomagundi Road. Sampson is worrying about the man in front. Will he arrive home safely? Mama is asking him a question and Sampson turns his head to hear what she says. He blinks from dizziness and jumps when Mama screams. A thunderous smack of metal bursts out of nowhere and Sampson is snatched from his seat and flung through the windscreen. He lands with a thud, almost silently except for the shards of glass that shatter angrily all around his head. He waits, then tries to crawl with fingers half clenched, but something pins him down and squeezes, pressing him like an orange so that he cannot breathe. Yet he must try and stand up strong like his name. He can think only of Mama who is hovering somewhere above him, waving her hands as though mosquitoes are attacking and she is trying to kill them all. It is cold, very cold out here and she must get back into the car. He must find a way to help her, except that now his eyes are playing tricks and he cannot see, cannot see a thing, even though he knows his eyes are open. He prays and then pushes with all his might, willing his knuckles to form fists so that he might stand. The fingers tremble with strength for one long moment. “Mai we,” he gasps.

November 2006-January 2007

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A selection of new books on Africa and by African writers from www.africabookcentre.com Attacking Africa’s Poverty: Experience from the Ground Edited by Louise Fox & Robert Liebenthal; World Bank Publication; 389pp; Paperback; £26.99 DRAWING ON the findings from 12 case studies, this publication sets out examples of successful poverty-reduction strategies in Africa, in order to learn from these experiences and to highlight the reasons why they succeeded and ways in which they can be reproduced and enlarged. The publication is organised into three sections: An integrated overview of Uganda’s experience over the last decade; issues relating to improving the investment climate with examples from Rwanda, Senegal, Kenya, Botswana, Mauritius and Tanzania; and strategies to tackle social exclusion and deliver services to poor people in Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Uganda, Ghana, South Africa and Zambia. Grasping Africa: A Tale of Tragedy and Achievement By Stephen Chan; Tauris, UK.; 185pp; Paperback; £16.99 AFRICA IS huge, vital, potentially rich and powerful yet mired in failure –– political, economic, social and even cultural. Yet the story of contemporary Africa is not just one of global tragedy but also of enormous hope. This stimulating book on Africa today and its relationship with the West explores the many complex reasons behind Africa’s failure to fulfil its potential –– it is a continent blighted by colonialism, exploitation and the interference of great powers in the international relations of the region –– and offers some genuinely original and well-argued suggestions for ways forward.

The Enemy Within: Southern African Militaries’ Quarter-Century Battle with HIV and AIDS Edited by Martin Rupiya; Institute for Security Studies, South Africa; 218pp; Paperback; £14.99 THIS BOOK is the product of an action research focusing on the phenomena of HIV and AIDS and how these relate to the Armed Forces of a number of key African states. The findings have been extrapolated from an assessment of the situation in the militaries of five Southern African countries. These are Botswana, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. It looks at how HIV and AIDS have impacted the militaries in these nations.

■ Editor’s Pick House of Stone: The True Story of a Family Divided in War-Torn Zimbabwe By Christina Lamb; Harper Perennial, U.K., 290pp; Paperback; £8.99 NEW IN paperback. A powerful and intensely human insight into the civil war in Zimbabwe, focusing on a white farmer and his maid who find themselves on opposing sides. By tracing the intertwining lives of the Nigel and Akwe –– rich and poor, white and black, master and maid –– Christina Lamb not only presents both sides of the Zimbabwean dilemma, but captures in achingly intimate terms her own uplifting conviction that, although savaged, there is still hope for one of Africa’s most beautiful countries.

Unbowed: One Woman’s Story By Wangari Maathai; William Heinemann, U.K.; 314pp; Hardback; £17.99 BORN IN a rural Kenyan village in 1940, Wangari Maathai was already an iconoclast as a child, determined to get an education even though most African girls then were uneducated. In her remarkable and inspiring autobiography, she tells of her studies with Catholic missionaries, earning bachelor’s and master’s degrees in the United States, and becoming the first woman both to earn a Ph.D. and to head a university department in Kenya.

November 2006-January 2007

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Of African Refugees and British society From Outside in: Refugees and British Society Edited by Nushin Arbabzadah; Arcadia, U.K.; 256pp; Paperback; £11.99 This book is both a personal and social history of the migratory tracks that have gone into creating the contemporary identities that form our –– British –– society today and an unflinching reminder of what it is to be an outsider. The narratives in the book poignantly depict the twin mechanism of loss and hope faced by newcomers to the British shores, as they simultaneously search for ways to hold onto memories of lives no longer lived and in turn inhabit new ways of being. Importantly the refugee experience is shown to be multifarious, not simply in its involvement of different races and nationalities but in the attitudes and reactions of those involved.

Q U A R T E R L Y Farming Systems in Namibia By John Mendelsohn; Research and Information Services of Namibia; 80pp; Paperback; £14.99 The Namibia National Farmers Union (NNFU) commissioned this book with several aims in mind: to describe and emphasize the variety of farming systems in the country; to better inform decision-makers, development specialists, agriculturalists, and resource managers about the diversity of farming practices; to improve awareness of environmental, historical and economic features that affect farming.

Gratitude and admiration for British democracy and cultural diversity is mixed with pain at the racism and ignorance encountered while integrating into the country. Includes essays by people from Uganda, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone and Somalia.

■ Photography David Goldblatt: Photographs By David Goldblatt; Contrasto Productions, Italy; 256pp; Hardback; £40 The long-awaited anthology of David Goldblatt’s works, published on the occasion of the 2006 exhibition in Arles. Goldblatt is South Africa’s most important photographer. He has produced a body of work that is an original and extensive study of South Africa during and after apartheid. Goldblatt’s photographs are in the collections of The Museum of Modern Art, New York; The South African National Gallery, Cape Town; the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; and in The Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Mother and child

November 2006-January 2007

The Southern Development Community: The organisation, its policies and prospects By Gabriel Oosthuizen; Institute for Global Dialogue, South Africa; 402pp; Paperback; £36.99 Complements the burgeoning literature on regional integration in Africa. It is the most up-to-date guide to SADC's history and institutions, its policies and programmes, legal underpinnings and position in unfolding continental and global affairs. It offers a frank analysis of SADC's shortcomings, achievements and prospects and reviews its extensive restructuring. Trade Liberalisation and Environmental Linkages: Implications for sustainable development By Michelle Pressend; Institute for Global Dialogue, South Africa; 206pp; Paperback; £35.99 This book presents a compilation of papers summarising the discussions that took place at a workshop that considered the implications of sustainable development in relation to trade and environmental linkages. The papers offer a wide range of views and perspectives on the impacts of trade liberalisation and the WTO rules on the environment and natural resources citing both threats and opportunities.

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■ Fiction/Biography

New Fiction emerging from Africa Measuring Time By Helon Habila; Hamish Hamilton, U.K.; 383pp; Hardback; £16.99 MAMO AND LaMamo are twin brothers living in a small Nigerian village, where their domineering father controls their lives. With high hopes the twins attempt to flee home, but only LaMamo escapes to live their dream of becoming a soldier. Mamo, the awkward, sickly twin, is doomed to remain in the village. Gradually, he comes out of his father’s shadow and gains local fame as a historian, embarking on a “true” history of his people. But when the rains fail and famine rages, religious zealots incite the people to violence –– and LaMamo returns to fight the enemy at home. Miss Kwa Kwa By Stephen Simm; Jacana Media, South Africa; 246pp; Paperback; £8.99 MISS KWA Kwa (or MK) is learning that in a country supposedly so black-andwhite, there are a million shades of grey: ‘Coconuts’, ‘Wiggas’ and ‘Buppies’ are a few examples. But behind the simple facade of the rural, charming Miss Kwa Kwa lies a mind as sharp as a panga and just as deadly –– and somewhere in this Rainbow Nation is a pot of gold with her name on it. Unaware that several people are chasing her, MK begins stalking a politician who has just checked his wife into rehab. Utterly charmed by MK, he takes her to the top-secret Studio 94 with its exclusive clientele. Throw in coincidence/fate, skulduggery, a crazed prostitute named Leeyann, a terrifying thunderstorm and a blackout, and it’s a recipe for disaster.

Africa in 1814: A 36-year-old German missionary exploring what is now southern Namibia marries the 20year-old Zara, a Nama woman, whom he had baptised. She helps him with translations and in transcribing her language into a written form, bears him four children, and dies in 1831. Those are the bare bones of a story that Ursula Trueper has fleshed out with the results of her research into this fascinating account about the African woman and her German husband. The missionary, Johann Hinrich Schmelen, was sent to South Africa in 1811 by the London Missionary Society. He is recognised today as a pioneer in the study of Khoekhoekowab, the Nama language, as well as for his evangelisation of southern Namibia.

■ Health

■ Faith and Politics The Caged Virgin: A Muslim Woman’s Cry for Reason By Ayaan Hirsi Ali; Pocket, U.K.; 187pp; Paperback; £7.99 Raised a Somali Muslim but increasingly outraged by her culture and religion’s hostility towards women, Ayaan Hirsi Ali has now become one of the most admired and controversial political figures in the Netherlands. Now available in English for the first time, this collection of essays brings together some of her most passionate and compelling writing on a wide range of issues concerning Islam. Between Faith & History: A Biography of J.A. Kufuor By Ivor Agyeman-Duah; Ayebia, U.K.; 394pp; Hardback; £25 An account of John Kufuor's journey from Oxford-educated lawyer to Ghana's Deputy Foreign Minister at 30, detention, emergence as leader of the Opposition's New Patriotic Party and subsequent election as President in the first democratic elections in nearly 40 years of military intervention and dictatorships.

The Invisible Woman: Zara Schmelen African Mission Assistant at the Cape and in Namaland By Ursula Trueper; Basler Afrika Bibliograhien, Switzerland; 118pp; Paperback; £23.50

November 2006-January 2007

The Politics of HIV/AIDS and Implications for Democracy in Kenya By Henry Kiragu Wambuii; Edwin Mellen Press, U.S.; 260pp; Hardback; £74.95 Taking the responses against HIV / AIDS as a political arena for the interaction between the state and civil society in Kenya, this book explores the relationship between the resulting mobilisation against the pandemic and the ongoing process of democratic consolidation in Kenya. Evidence from the country's mobilization against HIV/AIDS in the early part of the 21st century reveals an explicit positive impact on the build-up of democracy in that country.

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Q U A R T E R L Y

Bestsellers in India Delhi University professor Navnita Chadha Behra tops the list of best-selling authors in the non-fiction category with ‘Demystifying Kashmir’, while Man Booker Prize winner Kiran Desai’s ‘The Inheritance of Loss’ is the fiction favourite this season. TOP 10: NON-FICTION 1. ‘Demystifying Kashmir’ Author: Navnita Chadha Behera Publisher: Longman Price: Rs. 425 2. ‘The Last Mughal: The fall of a Dynasty, Delhi 1857’ Author: William Dalrymple Publisher: Penguin Viking Price: Rs. 695 3. ‘The Indians: Portrait of a People’ Author: Sudhir & Katharina Kakar Publisher: Penguin Viking Price: Rs. 395 4. ‘Partition and The South Asian Diaspora: Extending the Subcontinent’ Author: Papiya Ghosh Publisher: Routledge Pric : Rs. 650

Works for Everyone’ Author: P. Chidambaram Publisher: Penguin Portfolio (The Express Group) Price: Rs. 495 7. ‘Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam’ Author: Zahid Hussain Publisher: Penguin Viking Price: Rs. 395 8. ‘Making Globalisation Work: The Next Steps to Global Justice’ Autho : Joseph Stiglitz Publisher: Penguin Allen Lane Price: Rs. 595 9. ‘Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India’ Author: Stanley Wolpert Publisher: Oxford Price: Rs. 495 10. ‘The Oxford Companion to Economics in India’ Author: Kaushik Basu Publisher: Oxford Price: Rs. 2,750 TOP 10: FICTION

5. ‘Gulbadan: Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court’ Author: Rumer Godden Publisher: Tara Press Price: Rs. 650

1. ‘The Inheritance of Loss’ Author: Kiran Desai Publisher: Penguin Books Price: Rs. 395

6. ‘A View From the Outside: Why good Economics

2. ‘The Barn Owl’s Wondrous Capers’ Author: Sarnath Banerjee

Publisher: Penguin Books Price: Rs. 395 3. ‘Love in Torn Land’ Author: Jean Sasson Publisher: Doubleday Price: Rs. 660 4. ‘Shantaram’ Author: Gregory David Robert Publisher: Abacus Price: Rs. 470 5. ‘Conspiracy of Calaspia’ Author: Suresh & Jyoti Guptara; Publisher: Tara Press; Price: Rs. 495 6. ‘The Bancroft Strategy’ Author: Robert Ludlum Publisher: Orion Books Price: Rs. 255 7. ‘Shopaholic & Baby’ Author: Sophie Kinsella Publisher: Bantam Press Price: Rs. 620 8. ‘Motor Mouth’ Author: Janet Evanovich Publisher: Harper Collins Price: Rs. 680 9. ‘Sisters’ Author: Danielle Steel Publisher: Bantam Press Price: Rs. 980 10. ‘Ishq and Mushq’ Author: Priya Basil Publisher: Doubleday Price: Rs. 95

(Source: Bahri Sons, New Delhi, www.booksatbahri.com. All the books listed above are available online)

November 2006-January 2007

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‘India can play bridgebuilder, CHINA can’t’

hina may be rising, but it is India which is uniquely poised to play a bridge-building role in an Asian century, says Kishore Mahbubani, Singapore’s former envoy to the United Nations whose next book unravels the meaning of the rise of Asia. In his ‘Beyond The Age of Innocence’, Mahbubani, one of Asia’s leading thinkers, searchingly probes the paradox of America’s relations with the world that has changed from one of benefactor to one whose flawed policies have alienated 1.2 billion Muslims the world over. Subtitled ‘Rebuilding Trust Between America and the World’, the book, in the words of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. “summons the better angels of our nature in order to save America from itself”. Mahbubani, dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, was born to an immigrant Indian family in the then British colony of Singapore. He has also written a defining book on the Asian value systems called ‘Can Asians Think?’ (1998). His next book maps out the rise of Asia and resistance it may face from the world’s leading powers, including the U.S. Described by The Economist as “an Asian Toynbee preoccupied with the rise and fall of civilisations, Mahbubani, who has served with the Singapore Foreign Service for 33 years, including two stints in the U.N., triggered the Asian values debate of the 1990s with his incisive essay ‘The West and the Rest’. Manish Chand caught up with Mahbubani on a recent visit to India. Excerpts from the interview: Q. From what one hears, you are writing a book on the rise of Asia. A. Yes, my next book is about the rise of Asia. Asia will soon have three of the largest economies of the world. In the last two centuries only, Europe took over the global stage. The preceding 18 centuries were dominated by Asian powers. As I wrote in an article in Time magazine last year, at the end of this century historians would want to know why Asian societies succeeded so late, taking centuries to catch up with a Europe that they had outperformed for millennia. Q. Do you expect resistance to the rise of Asia? A. There will be a resistance to the rise of Asia. The European domination of the world is unnatural. They will find it difficult to give up power after all these centuries of uninterrupted dominance. Look at the multilateral institutions like the U.N. and the World Bank. There is an unwritten rule that the head of the

IMF must be a European and that of the World Bank an American. It disqualifies 3.5 billion Asian people from holding top posts in leading multilateral institutions. Let’s not forget that Asian powers have trillion dollars in foreign reserves. The total population of the world, including Western Europe and North America, may be roughly around 700 million. That’s about 12 percent of the world’s population. Now, this 12 percent cannot be making all the big decisions and setting the global agenda. It’s time for other civilisations and powers to play an equally important role. Resistance is natural. However, in order to change things, the rising Asian powers need to apply psychological pressure on them. In the last few post-Cold War years, the Asian countries have benefited from peace. It’s time to capitalise on it and have a greater say in world affairs. Moreover, the U.N. should represent powers of today and not yesterday. The U.N. must be reformed to reflect contemporary realities. Q. Where do you think the Western powers, most importantly the US, have failed? A. The Americans have shown incompetence in the Iraq and in the Middle East. There is clearly a need for change, for a larger say of Asian powers in the world. But for that to happen, Asians need to present a coherent vision of the world. Until now, the West has been having a free ride. At a recent London School of Economics conference, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said most participants agreed that the world order must change to accommodate the rise of Asia. The international media did not report it. But when Tony Blair gave a speech on the Middle East, all leading Western publications reported it extensively. The bias is there. That’s because the international media is controlled by the West and they see the glass always half empty in Asia. Q. How much of this rise of Asia is hype and how much of it is for real? A. Some of this is hype. But the hype is good. Hype about the rise of India is very positive. At the same time, you must balance hype with realism. If you want to exercise leadership, you have to be bold and realistic. Q. How do you see the rise of China? The West, most prominently the U.S., sees it as a threat. On the other hand, top Chinese leadership never tire of projecting China’s rise as peaceful. A. Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of powers: Status quo powers and revisionist powers. China is a status quo power. The present world order is benefiting China. Why should they disrupt it? Q. Some say the U.S. is using India as a counterweight to rising China. Do you share this perception?

November 2006-January 2007

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Q U A R T E R L Y

A. Why should India be somebody ten more. The capacity of the West to else’s card? For a huge country like listen to others is very poor. The India, it makes equal sense for India point is that the present global system to use the U.S. as a card. India should can’t survive if you carry on as before. have an independent foreign policy, Q. You have served as Singapore’s which it has. The big mistake for Permanent Representative to the U.N. India will be to behave like the U.K. and seen all that politicking and quibThe moral of the story is: Don’t be bling up close. How do you see India’s somebody’s card. bid for a permanent seat in the U.N. Q. You have written perceptively Security Council? about the West’s relationship with A. If India can present a comprehenIslam in your book. Post 9/11, do you sive vision of the U.N. reforms, it’s think the so-called clash of civilisapossible. But you just can’t go and tions has sharpened? ask to be given a veto. The G-4 proA. The West says it’s not responsible cess is not working. They need to for problems in the Muslim world. take a fresh approach. Now, there is But the American policies in the an increasing web of interdepenworld, especially in the Middle East, dence among nations in the world. have completely alienated the The problem is that all 193 countries Muslim world. There is a real sense are sailing in the same boat with each Kishore Mahbubani of grievance among the Muslims. one looking after its own cabin but no Over 1.2 billion Muslims of the Why should India be somebody one is looking after the boat. India world feel humiliated that they can’t else’s card? For a huge country should present a vision on how to defend four million Palestinians. manage the global boat. There is also lack of development in like India, it makes equal sense Q. Has the clash of civilisations the Muslim world. The West should become sharper in the world after 9/11? for India to use the U.S. as a have some kind of Marshall plan for What role do you see for India in what card. India should have an the Muslim world. Bin Laden is also looks like an Asian century? independent foreign policy, a beneficiary of globalisation. He runs A. I believe in a fusion of the East a multi-national jihad network and and West. Doubtless, there will be which it has. The big mistake he is taking advantage of modern for India will be to behave like differences between the East and the technology. That’s why the response West. India has a tremendous the U.K. The moral of the story responsibility to play a bridge-buildto Osama bin Laden and the forces he represents has to be global. You must is: Don’t be somebody’s card. ing role in this new world. China build consensus with moderate can’t be a bridge-builder. Japan tried Muslims on your side. Many modand failed. India can succeed. erate Muslims rejoiced when the WTC fell. There is an under- Q. You have written perceptively about the Asiatic value system. current of sympathy for radicalism and extremism represent- What kind of value system you see emerging in Asia after Asian ed by bin Laden. powers like India and China take over the global stage? Will it Q. In your book ‘Beyond the Age of Innocence’, you have tried be largely imitative of the West? to portray ambivalence of the West and America towards the A. A new system of values will emerge after the rise of Asia. Muslim world. Is there a subliminal schizophrenia in the West’s For the last two centuries, we have had an artificial situation attitude towards the Muslim world? where global values were essentially set by one civilisation: the A. I try to present a balanced view. America has done more Western civilisation. With the rise of China and India, new valgood for the world than any country has. The lapse occurred ues will surface. Amartya Sen’s book, ‘The Argumentative towards the end of the Cold War. Unless they change their Indian’, describes how the values of tolerance and consensuspolicies, they won’t be able to change the perceptions of building are deeply ingrained in Asian societies. America in the Muslim world. America is hated because of its Q. What kind of power do you think India will become in this policies. If America can create two independent states –– Asian century? Palestine and Israel –– this would succeed in removing a root A. I recently gave a lecture on the question ‘Will India Emerge cause of the Muslim discontent. The dialogue so far has been as an Eastern or Western Power?’ at U Penn. Japan emerged a one-way street. The West does all the talking and Asians do as a Western power. China will emerge as an Eastern power. all the listening. This dialogue should be a two-way street. India will bring together the best of the East and the West, if Now, Asians should do more talking and the West should lis- it succeeds in its current modernisation efforts.

November 2006-January 2007

D O C U M E N T S Remarks by Union External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee on ‘Peace, Non-Violence and Empowerment Gandhian Philosophy in the 21st Century’, Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi. January 29, 2007

Shri Gokhale, Gandhiji set out on his travels to understand and identify with the masses in India. It was during this period that Gandhiji metamorphosed into a true Indian. He adopted the austere lifestyle of a common man and learnt to empathise with his struggles, sufferings, simple joys and sor1. It is indeed a proud moment for me as a Congressman rows. With his keen intuition and sensitive heart, he underto be here with you today to share my thoughts on peace, stood the psyche of the nation. His great quality of first pracnon-violence, empowerment and Gandhian philosophy in ticing in his own life what he preached to others made him the 21st Century. “Mahatma”. The great strength of the Mahatma was total and 2. What greater validation does one need on the relevance implicit confidence of masses in him. It was his crusade of Gandhiji in the 21st Century than the presence of leaders against communalism in Noakhali which inspired Lord from 88 nations who have gathered here to celebrate Mountbatten to say “fifty thousand soldiers cannot maintain Satyagraha Centenary and share thoughts on Gandhiji? It peace on the western frontier and prevent communal elewas exactly one hundred years ago when the mighty mind of ments from reckless violence while on the Eastern sector Gandhiji forged the instrument of Satyagraha based on truth, there is no ripple of violence because of one man boundary non-violence and the power of self-suffering. This instru- force”. He appealed both to the intellect and the heart of the ment helped India shake off colonialism and showed the masses. He again epitomized the aspirations of 400 million path to many other countries suffering under the oppressive people of India when he uttered the two words “Quit India” rule of colonial powers to march towards independence. which started the movement that finally lead to “Poorna 3. Gandhiji launched Satyagraha Swaraj”. The five principles of on 11th September, 1906, at a mass 7. Gandhiji evolved with time and peaceful co-existence are, meeting in the Empire Theatre in his ideas changed but there were “three Johannesburg in South Africa to constants” in his life and these were respect for each other’s resist the ordinance which the Truth, Non-violence and Self-sacriterritorial integrity, apartheid regime in South Africa fice. His ideas and his way of life pernon-aggression, non-intersought to impose upon the Indian meated the collective conscience of immigrants. India and found expression in all the ference in each other’s 4. For Gandhiji, Satyagraha was democratic institutions that we have internal affairs, equality the supremacy of moral force over built over the years. and peaceful co-exisphysical force. He called it the “Soul 8. When we drew up our Force”. Satyagraha, Gandhiji said, is Constitution, concepts such as funtence. These principles a “vindication of truth not by inflicdamental rights, directive principles, have now become tion of suffering on the opponent abolition of untouchability, rights for accepted norms of relabut on one’s own self. That requires the under privileged and the self-control. The weapons of marginalised, were all inspired by tions between nations and Satyagrahi are within him”. For Gandhian thought and philosophy. have been recognized Gandhiji, the cause was as impor9. Our Foreign Policy, which is throughout the world. tant as the process. The issue had to based on “Panchsheel” propounded be just, true and substantial. Driven by Pandit Nehru, was itself drawn by this conviction, Gandhiji stepped forward to take on the from the Gandhian philosophy of peace and non-violence. collective might of the State. He was the first “Satyagrahi” The five principles of peaceful co-existence are, respect for in the world to go to jail for upholding human rights. In his each other’s territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interown words, Gandhiji described the evolution of Satyagraha ference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and peaceas “I am myself daily growing in the knowledge of ful co-existence. These principles have now become acceptSatyagraha. I have no text books to consult in time of ed norms of relations between nations and have been recogneed...” This struggle in South Africa lasted for 8 years from nised throughout the world. 1906 to 1914 and ended with General Smuts accepting 10. The power of Gandhian thought is there to see in our Gandhiji’s proposals. Panchayati Raj institutions. Gandhiji visualised five hundred 5. After his return to India in 1914, Gandhiji used thousand village parliaments which would take power to the Satyagraha on a number of occasions from the very local people. We are presently engaged in giving this vision a pracissue of Virangam customs to Indian Immigration Act, tical shape. Champaran struggle, struggle of mill hands of Ahmedabad, 11. In India, globalisation is now a fact of life but we have Kheda Struggle, Rowlatt Act and Khilafat Movement. Over followed a path of reforms with a human face . Never for a the years, Satyagraha evolved as a powerful expression of the moment have we forgotten what Gandhiji taught us, that “the will and aspirations of the people of India to win “swaraj”. human being” has to be at the centre of all planning and 6. When Gandhiji returned to Indian in 1914, the Indian future development. Our development paradigm is linked to National Congress was almost 30 years old. On the advice of this philosophy. ■

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Q U A R T E R L Y

Address by External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee on the occasion of national launch of Global India Foundation — ‘India and the Global Balance of Power.’ January 16, 2007. 1. It is with a feeling of expectation and pleasure that I am here today to participate in the national launch of the Global India Foundation, an initiative which is conceptualised and premised on promoting national resilience, economic prosperity and liberal values and the principal of social commitment in national life. That the Foundation would exemplify these values in its policies, priorities and programmes is important in today’s age of globalisation, closer interaction between governments and non-government bodies and institutions. The inputs that we receive from such initiatives to complement those taken by official and government channels are welcome. 2. Think tanks for policy formulation draw upon experience of specialists from diverse fields and provide for long-term perspective planning and research. It is with such expectation that I endorse the objectives and scope of the Global India Foundation and it is my hope that the Foundation will undertake activities ranging from analytical research to informal bridge-building among diverse views as well as provide a platform for informal debate. 3. Friends, the international landscape today is significantly different from what existed even 15 years ago. How do we look at India’s vision for the future? Our foreign policy since the time of independence has essentially been to expand India’s strategic space. Our policy of non-alignment is our ability to judge and to act on our own judgment on the basis of enlightened self-interest. We do not wish to be passive observers and recipients of the actions of others, but would like to be one of the powers contributing to the shape of a global order which emerges and which allows us to pursue our vital interests. It also encompasses the policy of nurturing and increasing our activism in traditional constituencies in the developing world. 4. As we approach the sixtieth anniversary of our independence, India’s international prospects have never looked better. The new optimism about India’s future, within the nation and the wider world, is not necessarily an irrational exuberance. It is based on sustained high economic growth rates that have touched eight per cent and more per annum in recent years. It recognises that for the first time in the last sixty years, India’s relations with all the major powers are improving simultaneously. Our engagement with our extended neighbourhood — from South East Asia to Southern Africa — has become at once intense and broad ranging. India’s ties with countries as far apart as Latin America and East Asia are rapidly expanding. Our relations with our neighbours, including China and Pakistan, are poised for a positive transformation. 5. Today, I wish to share with you my assessment of the international situation and the many foreign policy

External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee opportunities that beckon India. Any survey of the global situation today must deal with a simple fact. More than sixty years after the Second World War, the structure of international power bears no resemblance to that which obtained amidst the Yalta settlement. The defeated powers, Germany and Japan, which had to accept many imposed conditions on them are today fully integrated into the international system. The once warring European states have integrated themselves into an economically powerful Union. The victorious powers of the Second World War, America and Russia, which went through a Cold War for 40 years, now confront a vastly altered global landscape, which has multiple power centres. 6. Much of the developing world has liberated itself from colonial rule and imperial oppression. Many developing nations have turned in an impressive economic performance in the last few decades. And some of them, especially China and India, are now poised to break the old paradigms that animated us so much in the past: developed versus developing countries, North versus the South, and East versus the West. The new wave of globalisation has begun to accelerate the redistribution of power in the international system. The unfolding rise of China and India has resulted in more than a resurgence of Asia. The consequences of rapid growth in China and India are being felt in Africa and Latin America.

November 2006-January 2007

D O C U M E N T S 7. Yet, the global institutions — for the maintenance interests of the rich and poor, privileged and under-privof international peace and security and the promotion of ileged cutting across national boundaries. economic prosperity — designed at the end of the Second 11. In our immediate neighbourhood, Indian policy World War continue to dominate our thinking. has often been misconstrued as a search for hegemony. Resistance to change is natural in all institutions. But We have also often been accused of treating South Asia change is inevitable. In the current debate on reforming as an Indian sphere of influence. India’s primacy in the United Nations, India has repeatedly underlined the South Asia is based on demography and geography. We urgency of restructuring global institutions — both polit- have borders with all the other South Asian countries, ical and economic — to reflect the new power realities on while only Pakistan and Afghanistan among the SAARC the ground. The potential for failed states, terrorism and states share a frontier with each other. That reality will religious extremism, and the spread of weapons of mass not change. India’s commitment to develop political destruction demand a new global consensus on a num- relations with its South Asian neighbours on the basis ber of issues. These include when and where to use force of sovereign equality and mutual respect is underlined against new security threats, the norms for international by our recent decision to upgrade the 1949 friendship legitimacy, and the relationship between national treaty with Bhutan and our willingness to review the sovereignty and external intervention. For now, there is 1950 treaty with Nepal. Amidst the increasing globalino international agreement on the very definition of new sation of South Asian economies and polities, there is no threats, let alone on the means to deal with them. question of India pursuing the outdated idea of an 8. Where does India stand in the unfolding global exclusive sphere of influence. India’s strong support to order? And what should be our foreign policy priorities the entry of China and Japan into the SAARC as in a world that is changing in so observers underlines India’s Where does India stand in the commitment to open regionalism many different ways? The biggest challenge for our foreign policy, in the Subcontinent. unfolding global order? And however, lies in changing our own 12. The real opportunity in what should be our foreign pol- South Asia today is the prospect mindsets. The Indian strategic icy priorities in a world that is for shared prosperity between community must come to terms with our increasing weight in the changing in so many different India and her neighbours. For international system. Today’s too long we in South Asia had litways? The biggest challenge India is not a bystander to the tle to share but poverty. Today, actions of other powers. The for our foreign policy, however, amidst high growth rates across choices India makes today have lies in changing our own mind- the Subcontinent, we are in a the potential to change outcomes position to advance together sets. The Indian strategic com- through free trade, open borders, on issues ranging from global munity must come to terms environment to multiple balances. and regional economic integra9. From a practical reading of tion. Trans-border transport and with our increasing weight in the current world situation, it is energy corridors would not only the international system. not impossible to see that balance link the Subcontinent within of power politics of the kind seen itself but also with the abutting in 19th century Europe makes little sense in today’s glob- regions of South East Asia, Central Asia and the Persian alising world. Today, there is unprecedented engagement Gulf. On its part, India is determined to open its marand cooperation among major powers. The prospect of a kets to the neighbours. India is conscious that no South war — either cold or hot — between the great powers is Asian nation can succeed on its own. We must create a rather remote. Their economies are ever more inter- stake for every nation in the economic success of the twined and there is unprecedented political cooperation other. As we prepare to host the next SAARC summit among great powers that were once rivals. in New Delhi, India will take the initiative in accelerat10. What the world needs, then, is not old style bal- ing regional economic and political cooperation. We will ance of power but a well-crafted system to promote a also play a positive role in the deepening Asian eco“balance of interests” among the major powers. No struc- nomic integration as well as the establishment of new ture of international security will endure if it does not trans-border transport networks and energy pipelines take into account the interests of all the major powers. with our eastern neighbours. In this context, the “Look That is also true of regional security arrangements. To be East” policy has become central to our new strategy to credible, such a structure must also ensure a balance of intensify the development of our North Eastern region. interest among states in different regions. Above all, 13. We hope to replicate our success in the east with a amidst the breakdown of traditional territorial barriers similar diplomatic thrust towards our western neighbours. and the growing impact of the information revolution, Developing liberal trading regimes, better connectivity and diplomacy is no longer limited to states. To be success- economic integration with our north-western neighbours, ful in the modern age, we need a balanced approach to the Pakistan and Afghanistan, Central Asia, West Asia, and

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Africa are now high priorities for my government. Africa has always enjoyed a special place in our foreign policy since independence. India is determined to become a long-term partner in African growth and is ready to contribute to more enduring capacity building on the continent. 14. As West Asia confronts dangerous turbulence and political fragmentation, India is prepared to contribute fully to the peaceful resolution of various conflicts in the region. Finding a balance between divergent interests of regional forces has become more urgent than ever in West Asia. We know from our own experience that stability and prosperity to our west accelerates our own economic growth. India has a long record of contributing to peacekeeping missions in this region. We would like to build on this record and help structure a cooperative security order with our many friends and partners in this region. 15. The end of the Cold War has liberated India to simultaneously deepen our relations with all the major power centres. We are no longer bound by the Today, amidst high growth rates across the Cold War paradigm where good relations with one power automatically Subcontinent, we are in a position to advance together entailed negative consequences with its through free trade, open borders, and regional rivals. No great power today pursues exclusive cooperation with others. Nor economic integration. Trans-border transport and eneris any one great power asking us to limit gy corridors would not only link the Subcontinent withties with others. India has learnt that in itself but also with the abutting regions of South East increased cooperation with one power Asia, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf. On its part, opens the doors further with others. For the first time in India’s indepenIndia is determined to open its markets to the neighdent history, it is now on an upward bours. India is conscious that no South Asian nation spiral of improving relations with all can succeed on its own. the great powers. For all the gains we have made in recent years, our relations with the U.S., China, Russia, Japan, and Europe are all way We are ready to share our experience with others to probelow their full potential. It is our task in the coming years mote diversity and tolerance in the world. 17. We are in the middle of an extraordinary techto deepen cooperation with them all. We will endeavour to inject real political content into the strategic partnerships nological revolution that promises to radically improve the human condition and accelerate the redistribution that we now have with all the major powers. 16. As a confluence of many civilisations, it is only nat- of power among states. States that are capable of adaptural that India has consistently rejected the notion of a ing to the new technological revolution and are in a “clash of civilisations”. Unfortunately, the idea of a “civil- position to contribute to the new knowledge economy isational war” has, however, gained some salience in recent will prosper in the new age. India, with its favourable years. India, on its part, is ready to join the various inter- demographic profile and recognised strengths in the national efforts to promote a more intensive engagement emerging knowledge industries, must take full advanamong different civil societies, religions and civilisations. tage of the new opportunities to reposition itself in the Located at the cross-roads of different civilisations, India global order. Our efforts, impressive as they have been has for centuries been home to many religions and cultures. so far, have run into a whole range of high technology

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D O C U M E N T S

I would like to assure this august gathering that our government will not fall short of the expectations from our own nation as well as the world. Whether it is in addressing the new global challenges — from trade to environment to international security — or in the new regional opportunities for peace and prosperity, India is ready to fulfill its obligations. sanctions imposed on India collectively by the advanced countries since the mid 1970s. Removing these restrictions, set up in the name of non-proliferation, and the associated “catch-all” provisions barring the sale of most advanced technologies in the areas of space, computing, communication, etc., has been a major objective of Indian foreign policy for decades. Success is finally at hand with the on-going implementation of our nuclear agreement with the United States signed in July 2005. We are now on the verge of liberating ourselves from this high technology blockade. The prolonged scientific isolation coupled with political scare-mongering has whipped up much confusion on the provisions of the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal. The initiative of the U.S., backed by other major powers including Russia, France, Great Britain, as well

as our partners in the developing world, including Brazil and South Africa, acknowledges the importance of resuming civilian nuclear cooperation with India and the centrality of India in the construction of a credible non-proliferation system. Our track record on this issue has been accepted and vindicated. 18. As the world comes to terms with a rising India, we must, in turn, bear the burdens that come with being an important power. I would like to assure this august gathering that our government will not fall short of the expectations from our own nation as well as the world. Whether it is in addressing the new global challenges — from trade to environment to international security — or in the new regional opportunities for peace and prosperity, India is ready to fulfill its obligations.

November 2006-January 2007

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Q U A R T E R L Y

Draft Communiqué of the Bilateral Meeting between the Government of the Republic of India and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, October, 2006. The Government of the Republic of India and the (COMESA) Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (hereinafter referred jointly as “the parties”) held a bilateral meeting in the City of New Delhi, India on October 6, 2006, on enhancing cooperation towards the consolidation of their partnership established through a Memorandum of Understanding that was concluded between the two parties. The Indian delegation was led by Anand Sharma, Minister of State for External Affairs, Republic of India. The Delegation of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa was led by the Chairperson of the COMESA Council of Ministers. A list of all participants is at Annexure-I. At the end of the meeting the two parties: Anand Sharma, Minister of State for External Affairs ■ Recognized the cooperation in the political, economic, culture, and social The two parties appreciated the conclusion of a economic fields between the Memorandum of Understanding between the COMESA Government of India and COMESA Member States dates back to the pre Business Council and the Indian Chamber of Commerce colonial period; and Industry to establish cooperation in the sharing of ■ Noted the role India played in the experiences with a view to increasing the volume of liberation struggle of the people of trade between India and COMESA Member States. Africa and in particular the COMESA Region; ■ Appreciated that the people of India and the people of Leather Products Institute and COMESA Metallurgical the COMESA Region share vision and principles regarding Industry Association (COMESAMIA); ■ Acknowledged the need to intensify efforts for the cooperation as a basis of a just and equitable political, social development of Infrastructure in the COMESA Region so and economic global system; ■ Noted and appreciated the ongoing support extended as to make the COMESA Region attractive for investment; ■ Agreed to cooperate in the development of common to the Eastern and Southern Africa (PTA) by Exim Bank of India through the provision of credit lines to the private sec- positions on issues of common interests to both parties in multilateral negotiations; tor in the COMESA Region; ■ Agreed to study the possibilities and mutual benefits ■ Noted with appreciation the conclusion of a Memorandum of Understanding between the COMESA that could be desired from having a Preferential Trade Business Council and the Indian Chamber of Commerce Agreement (PTA) between India and COMESA Member and Industry to establish cooperation in the sharing of expe- States and different forms of cooperation in the economic riences with a view to increasing the volume of trade field; ■ Acknowledged the need for continued support by India between India and COMESA Member States; ■ Agreed on the need for India to continue supporting the to COMESA Member States in the development of low cost building materials; pharmaceutical Industry of COMESA Member States; ■ Agreed to have meetings on cooperation issues at ■ Agreed to explore ways through which the Government of India and the Indian Private Sector can par- Ministerial level annually; ■ Agreed to set up committees to study specific areas of ticipate in business activities of COMESA Institutions such ■ as the COMESA Re-insurance Company, the Leather and cooperation to be identified.

November 2006-January 2007

T R A V E L :

Z I M B A B W E

Land of the Smoke that THUNDERS

have lived 16 years in three world capitals –– Washington, D.C., Brussels and now New Delhi –– and in each capital, I was confronted with the pleasant question, “What is Zimbabwe like?” Where does one begin when talking about the land of one’s birth, when there is so much to tell? Blessed with one of the finest climates in the world, Beautiful Zimbabwe has long been dubbed Africa’s paradise, and her capital, Harare, the sunshine city. This gem of a country, with a surface area of just less than 400,000 square kilometers that is couched in the heart of Southern Africa, is generously clothed with natural wonders and spectacular beauty, and well endowed with minerals, arable land and amazing wildlife. Home to the Victoria Falls Zimbabwe is home to the legendary and magical Victoria Falls –– one of the Seven Wonders of the World, of which the British explorer David Livingstone wrote, “Scenes like these must have been gazed upon by angels in their flight.” Billowing white smoke rises from the thundering waters and can be seen in the sky from as far as 70 km away. Enchanting forests in their natural state confidently surround the falls, which our people call mosioa tunya, the smoke that thunders. Towering trees of bewildering variety have stood guard through the centuries over this phenomenon of overwhelming mystique and beauty. Four World Heritage Sites Zimbabwe, where some of the oldest rocks in the world are adorned with pre-historic rock paintings, and where mazes of underground caves harbor bottomless pools of the brightest blue colour, has four World Heritage Sites, including the Victoria Falls. Two are the preserved ruins of great medieval African cities, one in the west of Zimbabwe, and the other –– the most significant ancient monument south of the Sahara dating back to the 12th century –– is the Great Zimbabwe, after which the state is named. Legend chronicles how the ancients built the majestic conical tower at Great Zimbabwe (Great House of Stone) in a brave effort to reach the moon and possess its brightness. (Many young Zimbabweans believe those were the country’s early efforts at achieving a space programme.) Then, the Great

Zimbabwe was the bustling center of the glorious precolonial Munhumutapa kingdom, which spanned most of southern Africa. Today the Great Zimbabwe is a symbol of national pride and aspirations. A Paradise for Wildlife Zimbabwe’s fourth World Heritage Site is Mana Pools, a paradise for wildlife, but only one of many in Zimbabwe, where the ancient and timeless beauty of unspoiled landscapes haunts the memory and tugs at us to come back again and again. In western Zimbabwe, Hwange with 35 large mammal species, including the big five, and over 400 bird species, with the park’s 500 kilometre network of viewing roads, attracts visitors from all over the world. Much to see and do, coupled with the clearest blue skies, glorious sunsets and sunrises, exotic blooms that line the streets in sculptured suburbs, and scenic hills and valleys, beckons many to visit, and others to adopt Zimbabwe as a second home, a business destination, and for some, a desirable retirement home. The sights and sounds of Zimbabwe engage the memory long after the experience. A Bustling Society Harare, the name of Zimbabwe’s capital, literally means “they never sleep”. Harare tells the story of Zimbabwe’s people, alert and innovative, always stretching toward the next milestone. A warm and hospitable people, Zimbabweans have retained the luster of their rich heritage throughout the nation’s history –– the glories of the dominant medieval Mutapa State, the ripening fields of maize, groundnuts and sorghum, the great indaba where the chiefs and the village wise ones consult on the weighty issues of the day… The Arts and Entertainment A unique phenomenon has been causing a buzz on the global art scene. That phenomenon is the world famous Shona sculpture with its depiction of life and culture at the social, physical and spiritual levels. While exclusive to Zimbabwe, this unique sculpture appeals to most cultures and is very popular all over the world. Culturally, Zimbabweans are a musical people with a song for every day and every occasion. The melodious drum beats night and day to mark the joys and pains of life. The music, fashion and cinema industries are growing fast, city life offers

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first class shopping, African bazaars, gourmet restaurants, vibrant evening entertainment, art galleries, museums, and in city environs outdoor activities thrive, such as championship golf, cricket, soccer, sailing and water skiing, among others. In recent years, the Harare International Festival of the Arts (HIFA), held every April, attracts visitors from all over the world. A walk in the city’s central business district will show that style-conscious Zimbabweans pay particular attention to their wardrobe on any day. Their attire is a delightful mix of the traditional Zimbabwean look with any one of the world’s dress codes from parts of Africa, Asia and the West, often peppered with the honeycomb design of our national dress. Food and Drink In good seasons, Zimbabwe is recognised as the breadbasket of Africa. We grow most cereals and vegetables in use all over the world, as well as spices, tropical fruits and flowers. Cattle are a symbol of family wealth, and our people rear them alongside poultry and ostriches. Zimbabwean meats, a popular export, as well as game, are a sta-

Q U A R T E R L Y

ple on tourist menus, so is crocodile tail! Zimbabweans like to relax at any of the numerous good restaurants, which the country is blessed with, ranging from traditional to Continental, Indian, Chinese, American and Middle Eastern. The Zimbabwean traditional cuisine emphasises natural grains such as corn, rice, wheat, rapoko and millet, fresh and dried vegetables, a wide variety of pulses, legumes as well as fruits. Food is served with Zimbabwean or international wines, or any of the world famous local brews such as Chibuku or Mahewu. The Dish to Try Sadza (thick corn porridge), with nyama (savoury meat stew), and muriwo (a variety of leaf vegetables or lentils prepared in a delicious sauce of choice). Next time you are in Zimbabwe, ask for seasonal exotic wild fruits such as mazhanje, matamba, mawuyu, matohwe, tsambatsi, nzviro, nhengeni, to mention just a few. –– Shuvai Wutawunashe (From a publication of the Association of Wives of African Heads of Mission)

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TOURIST INFORMATION

DRIVING IN ZIMBABWE International driving permits and valid driving licences issued in Zambia, Malawi, South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland are valid in Zimbabwe. A visitor from any other country may, for 90 days or more, use a valid driving licence, issued by the competent authority in that country. TRANSPORT AND TOURS By plane: Harare International Airport has a number of international flights, mainly to other African countries. By car: Zimbabwe is accessible by road from the countries that surround it. The N1 highway from South Africa will take you from Cape Town via Bloemfontein and Johannesburg/ Pretoria right to Harare. By bus: Regular deluxe bus services operate from Johannesburg to Harare. A number of buses also travel from Johannesburg to Bulawayo.

I N C R E D I B L E

I N D I A

Gulmarg’s

White winter

place of legendary beauty, just a couple of hours by road from Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir's summer capital, Gulmarg is easily the top destination in India for winter sports enthusiasts. And the good news is that the season’s first snow has already fallen, enveloping the town and its surroundings

in pristine white. At an altitude of 2,650 metres, Gulmarg may not be India’s highest winter resort, but it is certainly the most popular. An estimated 2,000 tourists flock to the this town every day during winter, filling up its many quaint hotels and trying their hand at everything from skiing and toboganning to snow scooter rides and yak walks. For the professionals, there are challenges galore. Heliskiing is one of them, or they can take a shot at Gulmarg’s Poma-designed 1,330 metre vertical gondola (that is apparently more vertical than anything in the U.S.). The longest ski run in Gulmarg is provided by the Gondola Cable Car, where skiers can swoosh down unspoilt slopes. The slopes are already under four to five feet of snow, just perfect for the ultimate skiing experience. One can practically drive into Gulmarg unprepared for winter sports, and yet enjoy oneself. That’s because all kinds of skiing equipment and attire –– like snow boots, parkhas –– are available on hire. Most hotels and resorts also have in-house instructors who are trained to help novices and amateurs find their feet on the slopes. The name Gulmarg, which literally means “meadow of Flowers”, was first given to this town in the 16th century by Sultan Yusuf Shah, who was clearly inspired by the grassy slopes of the meadow here that is bedecked with wild flowers of all hues in summer. The town was later a favourite haunt of the Mughal Emperor Jehangir who is once said to counted 21 different varieties of flowers here –– among them, Bluebells, Daisies, Forget Me Nots and Buttercups. In summer, the journey to Gulmarg is itself enchanting. The roads are bordered by avenues of poplar beyond which are flat expanses of paddy fields.

Depending on the season, nature’s colours change here: From the translucent green of spring, to summer’s rich emerald, or autumn’s golden hues. And, of course, an unspoilt white in winter after the first snowfall. OTHER ATTRACTIONS Srinagar: At 1,730 metres, the city is famous for its canals, houseboats and the Mughal gardens.

Skiing for both amateurs and professionals

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Gulmarg Biosphere Reserves: Located 48 kms from Srinagar, to its southwest. It is famous for retaining several rare and endangered species such as the musk deer, and a rich and varied avifauna. Alpather Lake: Beyond Khilanmarg, 13 km from Gulmarg at the foot of the twin 4,511 metre Apharwat peaks, this lake, at 3,843 metres, is frozen until mid-June, and even later in the year one can see lumps of ice floating in its cold waters. The journey can be made by horses in winter and is an exciting day’s excursion. Ferozpore Nallah: This mountain stream meets the Bahan River at a popular picnic spot known as “Waters Meet”. The stream is, in summer, particularly good for trout fishing; it’s about five km down the valley from Gulmarg but quite close to Tangmarg. Khilanmarg: This smaller valley is about 6 kms from the Gulmarg bus stop. Carpeted with flowers in the spring, it is the site for Gulmarg’s winter ski runs and offers a fine view of the surrounding peaks and over the Kashmir Valley. It’s a 600-metre ascent from Gulmarg to Khilanmarg and during the early spring, as the snow melts, it can be a very muddy hour’s climb up the hill. The effort is rewarded, if it’s clear, with a sweeping view of the great Himalayas from Nanga Parbat to the twin 7,100-metre peaks of Nun and Kun.

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TOURIST INFORMATION HOW TO GET THERE BY AIR: The nearest major airport is Srinagar, which is 56 kms away. BY RAIL: The nearest railhead is Jammu. BY ROAD: Gulmarg is a two-hour bus journey from Srinagar (56 kms). Various modes of transport including chartered conveyance are available from Srinagar bus stand at Batmallo. BEST TIME TO VISIT: As it is both a popular summer as well as winter destination, one can visit Gulmarg around the year. WHERE TO STAY: Gulmarg’s hotels offer accommodation and meals to suit all budgets. A luxurious chalet-type hotel is available. JKTDC has huts on offer at Gulmarg. All these properties require advance booking from Srinagar.

November 2006-January 2007

A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

■ Contributors ! MOLARA OGUNDIPE has been described as one of the leading critical thinkers in Africa. A scholar in English and diaspora interdisciplinary studies, including pioneering work in feminist and gender studies, she is also an acclaimed poet, media columnist, fiction writer and social activist. The first Nigerian to take a first class honours degree in English from the University of London, she received her doctorate from the University of Leiden. Dr. Ogundipe’s international laurels include an endowed chair at Rutgers University (U.S.A.) and, most recently, a distinguished Leverhulme Professorship at Leeds University, U. K. ! GEORGE KLAY KIEH, Jr., is Professor of Political Science and African Studies at the Grand Valley State University, Michigan, U.S. ! DR. SURESH KUMAR is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, College of Social Sciences, Eritrea Institute of Technology, Mai Nefhi. The author attended the Peace Accord Ceremony on October 14, 2006, at State Palace, Asmara, Eritrea, and shared his views with Presidents of Eritrea and Sudan and the Chairman of the East Sudan Front (ESF), Mousa Mohammed Ahmed. Kumar and Dr. Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem Mohammed (Former Ambassador of Sudan in India, who is currently Sudan’s Representative in the United Nations) are Principal Investigator and Co-Investigator in a Major Research Project of the University Grants Commission of India on ‘Geopolitics Federalism: Vision of North and South Sudan from March 2006 to 2009’. ! RENU MODI is lecturer at the Centre for African Studies, University of Mumbai. ! RAVINDER RENA has been working as Assistant Professor of Economics, the Ministry of Education, Government of the State of Eritrea, since August 1997. He has been involved in numerous Africa-related research projects. Rena got his Ph.D. from the Department of Economics, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India, and was awarded University Gold Medal for the Best Ph.D. candidates/thesis in the field of Economics/Commerce/Business Management. ! SARAH LADIPO MANYIKA is a Nigerian writer currently living in America. She has just completed her first novel, ‘In Dependence’, and is working on a second book of short stories entitled ‘African Winters’ from which ‘Zvakwana’ is taken. Sarah teaches post colonial literature at San Francisco State University. She is an editor on the Weaverbird Collective for new Nigerian writings, and a long-time judge for the African Studies Association Children’s Book Award. She completed her undergraduate studies at the University of Birmingham, England, and the University of Bordeaux, France. She holds a Master’s and Ph.D. in education from the University of California, Berkeley, where she looked closely at questions of identity for African students studying abroad. ! MANISH CHAND is Editor of Africa Quarterly. He writes on foreign policy, politics, culture and books. He has also worked with The Times of India, The Asian Age and Tehelka. His articles have been published in leading national and international dailies. He has reported extensively from within India and abroad.

November 2006-January 2007

A F R I C A

Q U A R T E R L Y

Note to Contributors Africa Quarterly, published since 1961, is devoted to the study and objective analyses of African affairs and issues related to India-Africa relations. Contributions are invited from outstanding writers, experts and specialists in India, Africa and other countries on various political, economic, social-cultural, literary, philosophical and other themes pertaining to African affairs and India-Africa relations. Preference will be given to those articles which deal succinctly with issues that are both important and clearly defined. Articles which are purely narrative and descriptive and lacking in analytical content are not likely to be accepted. Contributions should be in a clear, concise, readable style and written in English. Articles submitted to Africa Quarterly should be original contributions and should not be under consideration by any other publication at the same time. The Editor is responsible for the selection and acceptance of articles, but responsibility for errors of facts and opinions expressed in them rests with authors. Manuscripts submitted should be accompanied with a statement that the same has not been submitted/accepted for publication elsewhere. Copyright of articles published in the Africa Quarterly will be retained by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR). Manuscripts submitted to Africa Quarterly should be typed double space on one side of the paper and two copies should be sent. A diskette (3 ½” ) MS-Dos compatible, and e-mail as an attachment should be sent along with the two hard copies. Authors should clearly indicate their full name, address, e-mail, academic status and current institutional affiliation. A brief biographical note (one paragraph) about the writer may also be sent. The length of the article should not normally exceed 7,000 to 8,000 words, or 20 to 25 ( A-4 size) typed pages in manuscript. Titles should be kept as brief as possible. Footnote numbering should be clearly marked and consecutively numbered in the text and notes placed at the end of the article and not at the bottom of the relevant page. Tables (including graphs, maps, figures) must be submitted in a form suitable for reproduction on a separate sheet of paper and not within the text. Each table should have a clear descriptive title and mention where it is to be placed in the article. Place all footnotes in a table at the end of the article. Reference numbers within the text should be placed after the punctuation mark. Footnote style: In the case of books, the author, title of the book, place of publication, publisher, date of publication and page numbers should be given in that order, e.g. Basil Davidson, ‘The Blackman’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation State’, London, James Curry, 1992, pp. 15-22. In the case of articles, the author, title of article, name of the journal, volume and issue number in brackets, the year and the page numbers should be given in that order. In addition to major articles and research papers, Africa Quarterly also publishes short articles in the section titled News & Events. They may not exceed 2,000 words in length. Contributions of short stories and poems are also welcome. Contributors to Africa Quarterly are entitled to two copies of the issue in which their article appears in addition to a modest honorarium. Contributors of major articles accepted for publication will receive up to a maximum of Rs. 5,000. Contributions may be sent by post to: The Editor Africa Quarterly Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi-110 002 Contributions may be e-mailed to: africa.quarterly@gmail.com

November 2006-January 2007

africa Q

Volume 46, No. 4 November 2006-January 2007

A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Indian Council for Cultural Relations Azad Bhavan Indraprastha Estate New Delhi-110 002 E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers of India Regd No. 14380/61

The Sacred and the Feminine

Indo-Eritrean economic ties

Lessons from Sudan’s peace accord

U.S. and the 1st Liberian Civil War

In Conversation: Desmond Tutu

China’s skewed African engagement

Botswana ‘looks east’ to India

N D I A N

O U N C I L

F O R

U LT U R A L

E L A T I O N S