May 1-15, 2022 - Vol 2, Issue 20
INDIA NEWS
SPECIAL COVERAGE
Look at Europe, not India when it comes to Russian oil European allies of the US that buy far more oil. Blinken pointed out, “When it comes to oil purchases, sanctions, et cetera, I’d just note that there are carve outs for energy purchases.”
New York, April 12 (IANS): External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has given a resounding retort to an Al-Jazeera reporter asking her to look at Europe when she said India risked sanctions for currency arrangements for energy purchases. “If you are looking at energy purchases from Russia, I would suggest that your attention should be focused on Europe,” he said, and after pausing dramatically as if making a mental calculation, he added, “Probably our total purchases for the month would be
less than what Europe does in an afternoon. So you might want to think about that.” Many reporters were obsessed with India’s oil purchases from Russia, asking questions about it at the three briefings on April 11 after the 2+2 meeting of Jaishankar, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin, as they have at earlier briefings. Yet, they haven’t raised the possibility of sanctions against
The exception for energy purchases was made to accommodate the interests of European countries. Earlier, answering a question on India’s oil purchases, President Joe Biden’s Spokesperson Jen Psaki noted that it was only 1 to 2 per cent, while India bought about 10 percent of its energy needs from the US. The Qatar government TV network’s reporter lobbed a question in a hectoring tone, “Why not condemn Russia’s invasion? Wouldn’t this best reflect India’s foreign policy goals and international standing?” Jaishankar replied sarcastically, “So first of all, thank you for the advice and suggestions in your question. I prefer to do it my way and articulate it my way.” “Now, as Secretary Blinken has pointed out, we have made a number of statements which outline our position in the UN,
in our Parliament, and in other forums. And briefly, what those positions state is that we’re against the conflict; we are for dialogue and diplomacy; we are for an urgent cessation of violence, and we are prepared to contribute in multiple ways to these objectives,” he said. While Qatar voted on one General Assembly resolution condemning Russia, it abstained alongside India on the resolution to suspend Moscow from the UN Human Rights Council. A reporter for the Japanese Nikkei news service asked Jaishankar that with concerns over Russia aligning closely with China, “do you think India has to reduce reliance on Russia economically and militarily as soon as possible?” Jaishankar gave an answer dripping with sarcasm: “This seems to be my day to get a lot of advice and suggestions from the press, so thank you for joining that.” Speaking up for diplomats and strategists, Jaishankar told the reporter, “The world will keep changing. What we have to do in our profession is to watch it and
see how your interests are best advanced in that.” He said, “We watch what’s happening in the world, like any country does, and we draw our conclusions and make our assessments. And believe me, we have a decent sense of what is in our interest and know how to protect it and advance it.” “What has changed is we have more options than we did before,” he said. “We are standing here for a 2+2 with a substantial defence collaboration which has happened in the last decade, which we have been discussing how to take forward. And this wasn’t an option which was there for 40 years before that,” he explained. Blinken also said, “Times have changed. Today we are able and willing to be a partner of choice with India across virtually every realm - commerce, technology, education, and security.”. “India’s relationship with Russia has developed over decades at a time when the United States was not able to be a partner to India,” he noted.
Are India and France destined to become soul-mates after Macron’s victory? The Hindustan Times is reporting that PM Modi is expected to meet Macron between May 2-6 when he visits Europe, including Germany, the other European heavyweight. Already special partners in the tech sphere, Modi’s visit is likely to impart urgency to transfer to India Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) technology, which allows conventional submarines to stay underwater for a long duration, greatly enhancing their lethality. The transfers will be part of India’s refurbished 30-year plan for modernising its submarine fleet.
New Delhi, April 26: President Emmanuel Macron’s victory in France, carved out in exceptionally difficult circumstances, has triggered quiet celebrations in India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi quickly tweeted a message of congratulations to Macron, with whom he shares a treasured personal chemistry. “Congratulations to my friend @EmmanuelMacron on being re-elected as the President of France! I look forward to continuing working together to deepen the India-France Strategic Partnership,” tweeted the Prime Minister. Two points stand out in the tweet. PM Modi called President Macron his “friend” spotlighting the special personal bond between the two leaders. Second, the PM made it plain that India wanted to “deepen the IndiaFrance Strategic Partnership”,
www.indianews.com.au
underscoring a vision of elevating India-France ties to an altogether new level, which will count on the global stage. There are real reasons why India-France ties can together touch the sky. Both countries have an extensive and growing partnership in the arena of cutting-edge technology, which will count in making advanced weapons. The two share a deep and abiding geopolitical interest in the Indian Ocean. Besides, the two countries are merely scratching the surface in their collaboration in Africa where they can leverage each other’s comparative strengths. Grasping the moment, PM Modi is heading to Paris to personally convey his good wishes to Macron - a special gesture that is meant to tunnel the India-France relationship to unchartered territory and, possibly, help it attain escape-velocity.
The key to updated deterrence are the changes that have been made to the 30-year submarine plan, which was first approved in July 1999 under the leadership of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The original plan approved in July 1999, had envisaged induction of 24 diesel attack submarines. But in view of China’s military rise and aggressive posturing, the Indian navy, instead, now wants to induct 18 conventional diesel attack submarines including those with AIP technology, of which, France is arguably a market leader. The transfer of AIP technology will be part of PM Modi’s signature Atmanirbhar Bharat project. France is also expected to build high thrust aircraft engines in India apart from working with New Delhi on mapping the Indian Ocean bed. On nuclear technology, French energy group EDF intends to build six, third-generation EPR reactors in Jaitapur, western
facebook.com/indianewsaustralia
India. Once complete they will generate 10 gigawatts (GW) of electricity, sufficient to light up 70 million households. In the geopolitical space, France is already helping India to extend its reach in the Indian Ocean. In 2018 the two countries signed an agreement to provide reciprocal access to each other’s military facilities. The document is similar to the LEMOA accord that New Delhi had signed with Washington. Following the Indo-French agreement, the Indian Navy could extend its reach in the western Indian Ocean. India can potentially take advantage of French military facilities at the island of La Reunion, Mayotte, and even the French Southern and Atlantic Lands. India and France can further cement their strategic ties after the formation of the Australia -UK-US (AUKUS) anti-China security alliance - essentially a white English-speaking club that leaves out a badly miffed France and any other Asian power including India and Japan. Unsurprisingly, Macron offered to elevate ties with India to an altogether new level, soon after AUKUS was signed. In a seminal telephonic conversation with Modi in September last year, the two leaders vowed to “act jointly in an open and inclusive Indo-Pacific area”. That could imply anything from intelligence sharing, coordinated patrolling, to sharing of naval bases in the Indian Ocean Region, where, for historical reasons, France has a significant presence.
Second, the French President pointedly asserted that Paris respected India’s “strategic autonomy” - a phrase that implies that New Delhi, as a significant power following the 1998 nuclear tests, was free to bond with other players of the global multipolar system. In other words, France was not expecting any zero-sum strategic commitments from New Delhi. Third, France was ready to open the floodgates of its world class technology to India. A statement from Macron’s office said that Paris was ready to strengthen India’s “industry and technology base, as part of a close relationship based on trust and mutual respect”. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, the French were saying that they could become the vanguard of a special security relationship between India and Europe. The commitment to stability in the Indo-Pacific region would be under “the framework of the Europe-India relationship and European initiatives in the IndoPacific”, said a statement released by the French embassy in New Delhi. Macron’s offers have been substantiated by the transfer of Rafale fighter jets, especially at time of India’s need - when New Delhi was engaged in a tight standoff with the Chinese in Eastern Ladakh. The French have also gone out of their way to back India in the UN Security Council - a position that has not gone unnoticed by India’s power elite.
11
