Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in
The Dinka- Nuer Inter-Communal Conflict and Its Impacts in South Sudan. Wurok Chan Malith Ph.D. Research Scholar, Department Of Sociology, Kariavattom, Campus, University of Kerala. Abstract: Ethnic conflicts become immensely, a contentious and controversial conundrum in Africa and in the World, after the end of the Cold War era. However, the conflict conspicuously encapsulates as an explicit confrontation or struggle between groups or individuals over resources and power. Hence the conflict evinces, attests enormously, a natural process in any community and especially a process of change. Consequently, the ethnic conflicts are politically floundered and engulfed over economic or political power or over resources such as land and invaluable minerals. Additionally, internecine ethnic conflicts are politically demoed and presaged as a slant unequal distribution of resources, the struggle over leadership, inequity, and a vast economic chasm between people, the dearth of good governance, management, weak and unstable regimes and institutions, identity politics and historical woes and cataclysms. The article endeavors to enunciate briefly, and painstakingly gloss the Dinka - Nuer traditional conflict. The prima facie root causes of the traditional conflict which subsume, grazing and fishing, family matters, cattle rustling. Moreover, the traditional conflict has been punchy, transformed by power seeking elites to a humongous ethnic conflict. Unfortunately, taking the dimension of plethora mobilization by powerseeking politicians who tremendously, articulate and staunchly, use ethnicity and tribal affiliation as significant and husky means to vehemently seize power. Moreover, unscrupulous and demagogic elites who are hungry for power, politically, exacerbated and exaggerated the traditional relations between the two groups into the corrosive ethnic conflict in the leeway of the country`s independent. Furthermore, the paper endeavors to punctiliously, examine and meticulously unpack the issue of the Dinka-Nuer conflict in the youngest African country, which officially achieved the independent after the protracted and excruciating painful civil war, from Sudan in July 2011. Eventually, the country, dexterously, enmeshed and immersed in the internecine conflict which generally, construed
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and steadfastly, weighed, to be achingly, sparked by an ignominious political rivalry or sturdy vying for power and leadership in the country. Keyword: Ethnicity, Conflict, Natural resources, Politics, economic, power, tribal identity, animosity.
1.
Introduction
To thoroughly, discuss and belabor the Dinka-Nuer conflict, it necessarily warrants and certainly precipitates a need to assiduously adumbrate and vouchsafe implicit ideas and the background of the Dinka - Nuer lifestyles, their social life, and their environment. The social structure of Dinka- Nuer, the traditions, the socio-political system. Moreover, and the Dinka -Nuer life conflict is normally, characterized by their traditional way of life in their territories which are seasonally wrought and occasioned by tradition competition over natural resources and its scarcity which are very vital for their living conditions and their basic needs. The animosities in the Dinka-Nuer inter-communal relations were traditionally marked, by vigorous competition over natural resources. Moreover, the two group en masse shared the transhuman mode of production. They are Agro-pastoralists but prefer animal husbandry to crop production. However, seasonal movements and cattle raiding are integral aspects of this mode of production. Moreover, the Dinka-Nuer traditional relations are being scurrilous, transformed and politically, constructed by unscrupulous elites and politicians from intercommunal conflicts over pastures, water, cattle, etc. into struggle over leadership and power. The dramatically shift in the nature of the conflict, that broached in the leeway of the struggle for leadership in Sudan, up to the independence in 2011. Which unabatedly continued as manifested in the Juba Attempted Coup of 15th December 2013 (Malith, 2016). The Dinka-Nuer conflicts wreaked havoc and gargantuan subversion and irreversible destruction and drastically affected the population in South Sudan. The two groups demographically are the
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in largests in the country and they politically seized power in the country. The two ethnic groups are indistinguishable, culturally and physically due to the nature of their ecology and the physical environment and traditionally, religiously, and linguistically, they actually, reflect an akin culture which is tantamount in other Nilotic groups in South Sudan. However, the traditional conflict between the two groups was a resource -based conflict foisted on them by a shortage of natural resources (Malith, 2016). The current conflict is a political issue of the current situation and socially defined and unfortunately, invented in a situation of struggle over power. Tribal affiliations are as means for achieving power and material ends. Moreover, the current violence is indirect to the historical Achilles heels between the Dinka-Nuer which means the Dinka-Nuer conflict emerged in the leeway of perilous competition between politicians of the two groups and, betided or transpired in the situation of political confrontation as a defensive mechanism (Malith, 2016). 2.Methodology The article was prepared on the basis of primary and secondary sources and it is a qualitative study and argumentive in natture depending on primary and secondary sources and it is a qualitative in the way it was conducted. Also, it was based on peripheral literature and in-depth interviews with key persons in the field and direct observation. Secondary sources: include materials from libraries, books, newspapers, documents, internet web site scattered administrative reports, United Nation records, as well as other appropriate organization reports on the conflict and the land issues. 3. The Dinka people and Nuer people. Dinka people The Dinka area neighbors that of the Nuer, and is similar in character. The land is flat and with the permanent swamp, and filled with vegetation and smeared with small islands, these have provided refuge in times of invasion and raiding. However, in the west of the Dinka, the ground is higher and broaches to merge into the countryside of the ironstone plateau, changing from swamp savannah to thorn and forest Savannah. The vegetation and hydrological conditions are plainly different from those further east. The ecological cycle of the Dinka is tantamount to that of the Nuer. The land of Dinka is utterly compartmentalized by the water of the Nile and its tributaries large in numbers
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smeared in Settlement and divided by many rivers, the Dinka are about 25 mutually independent tribal groups, they are united by their physical characteristics, their ethnocentric pride and their striking cultural uniformity (Malith, 2016). The majority, of Dinka tribes, are found in Upper Nile and Bahr el-Ghazal and the Ngok Dinka in Abiey area, the contested area between South Sudan and Sudan. The Dinka consist of a congress of independent tribes permeates starkly over a vast area. In lieu, there are regional variations, all available information, structure, and beliefs. Additionally, information was drawn from Hetherington on the Reak Dinka of the Bahr el Ghazal, Bedri on the Padang Dinka of the northern areas, Seligman on the Malual Dinka. Relatively, members of the Dinka homestead consist of the enlarged family or extended family with the huts built together in a circle. The group owns a number of cattle, each member having rights in the family herd. However, the modest estimate of the Dinka in proximate is 40% of the total population of South Sudan. Dinka subsistence economy is based on cattle, goats and sheep husbandry and limited farming (Malith, 2016). Nuer people The Nuer people are found in Greater Upper Nile region which includes the States of Upper Nile, Jonglei, and Unity. Nuer people are the second largest group in South Sudan and they are about one million. The Nuer are divided into two; Western and Eastern. They comprise eleven territorial divisions. The Western Nuer live in Unity State, while the Eastern Nuer live in Jonglei and the Upper Nile States. Nuer distinguish themselves from others by the name of people (“new ti naadh”) with a unique language (“Thok”) and culture (“Cieng”). Hutchinson made the following remarks about the two groups (K.Badal, 2006 ).The Nuer land is crisscrossed by various rivers in an area where drainage is poor, rainwater and floods from River Nile state stay on the land for a period of the year. The importance of water on soil fertility is significant and agricultural activities are limited by flooding. In the “toich” and “sudd” soil agriculture is purview and they subsidize their livelihood by hunting of hippopotamuses, fishing and cattle breeding (Dhal, et al., 2005). Additionally, the Nuer people are also Nilotic similar to the Dinka people, the Nuer live in Savannah near the Nile and its attributes. They are cattle keepers and their trans-human follows the seasons. They have socially bisected into a number of tribes the largest political groups in their society
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in and these are divided into sections and subsections corresponding structurally to the segment or lineage of the clan dominant in each tribal territory. The Nuer people collectively constitute 15% of the total population in South Sudan (Evans-Pritchard, 1951).
4.
The Social Structure of the Dinka and the Nuer. First of all, the Dinka and the Nuer do not call themselves by these appellations. Both names are foreign to each community.Mony Nuer is what the Dinka call the Nuer, the Nuer call themselves (Naath) and (singular raan), people. The Nuer call the Dinka Jieng (The Dinka appellation is Mony Jang) which again means people. Furthermore, both the Dinka and the Nuer use [raan] person in the singular form. In global anthropological literature as well as in common parlance, these two Nilotic groups are known as the Dinka and the Nuer (K.Badal, 2006 ) . In the term of demographics Dinka occupies a very vast area and the scattered population over four million without a centralized authority , and comprises of the following subgroups :Reak, Bor, Ciec, Twic, Thoi, Luac, Ngok, Ruweng, Abeim, Malual ,Pandang, Aliab, Atuot, Dangjol ,Hol, Gok, Nyarweng,Nyel, Paweny and Rut. The Nuer is about one to two million broken down into tribal groups, such as Jikany, Gawaar, Lou, Gaajak, Bul, and Dok. In addition, general, the Dinka and the Nuer are tall in structure appearance, black, and slender notable for their smooth -skin feature. The Dinka is segmented into 25 factions whereas Nuer is bisected into 10 factions (Dhal, et al., 2005). 4. 1.Dinka Traditional structure: The spear-Masters are senior in a rank to the warriors, and their most successful elders act priests, arbitrators, controllers, and initiators of age –sets. They are the leaders who provide the main focus of Dinka political unity. Fishing –spear chief and warriors clans or section of them retain their special status wherever they are settled. In Dinka country, there is a fundamental difference between the leopard -skin chiefs or priests and SpearMasters. The Spear-Masters are over whole mingle dominant ritual specialists of the Dinka, and all the great masters of the fishing spear and some prophets wore leopard skin. Because Dinka Spear – Masters are the most venerated in Dinka society. Most leadership functions were invested on him. The provided both the main ritual and political focus and were pivotal to the whole social structure (K.Badal, 2006 ).
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4.2 Dinka Political system About the Dinka political system, the reach draws on the pioneering work of Dr. Geoffrey Leichardt [1958] and others which dealt with western Dinka. The Dinka political system is better explained and understood by comparing and contrasting it with the Nuer system. Also, Dinka Socio- Political system is another example of segmentary lineage system. This lineage, whether big or small have territorial bases so that the permanent settlement and cattle herding circuits of the members can be plotted on the ground. The basis of unity each segment is less the occupation of particularly settled territories then the exploitation and defense of particular pastures by their members in both dry and wet seasons (Godfrey, 1987). The tribe is the largest politically organized segment of Dinka society; it is for the Nuer as defined by Evans-Pritchard. From the point of conflict resolution, the very important remark has been that the Dinka people as a whole, as a nation have no such defined pastures known to all of them. In Dinka land, higher order political bodies frequently cut across lower orders. But there could be an advantage in the fact that the Dinka appear to be better endowed than Nuer with such crosscutting ties, especially through their age set system. Another point of difference between Dinka and Nuer is that they are, strictly speaking, aristocrats among the Dinka, as there is among the Nuer, a higher rate of compensation for the murder of one of the tribes or sub-tribal, central descent groups. 4.3 Nuer Socio-Political System. The Nuer presents a classic case of the segmentary lineage system described in Evan Pritchard’s illustrations of ethnography of the Nuer. Segmentary societies are these social systems which have centralized fragmentary political organizations. Nuer socio-political organization accords well with their innate character. EvansPrichard viewed the Nuer as an egalitarian classless society. In which no man recognize the authority or superiority of another. Evans-Prichard distinguished between the segmentary political structures and constitutes political units which constitute the smallest political decision-making processes, and the central focus of this is the grass roots layer, at the village level. The political process presents within a given village is embedded in kinship. The Kinship creates or demands reciprocal obligations to provide help to other members of the group; however, the recognition of kinship ties does not depend upon actual blood relations (Evans-Pritchard, 1951).
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in Evans-Pritchard explains further if the man is not a member of the lineage within which he lives, he makes himself a member of it by treating maternal links as though it was a paternal relationship. It is significant to observe that kinship terminology used to integrate the community namely, that an individual selectively recognizes those ties which correspond to the individual residence and interdependence with others, and the individual may be integrated into kin groups through adaptation, extra-legal marriage or genealogical fiction. The crunch of it all is that the kin group controls sufficient cattle resources to attract and hold the alliance of its members (Evans-Pritchard, 1951). Moreover, an alliance of Nuer lineages are segmentary and pyramidal in nature unlike those of Dinka, which appear more temporary and problematic in aggregates lacking the order and logical neatness of the Nuer arrangements. As noted by Lienhardt, two sub-lineages may form part of the same main lineage, but they may belong to different sub-clans, alternatively, of the sub – lineage may not belong to sub-clan at all. Expressed differently, the neat chain box order of segments among the Nuer is lacking among the Dinka. Ecological factors may account for the relatively permanent associational ties among the Nuer, in comparison to the relative autonomy of the Dinka (K.Badal, 2006 ). 4.4 Nuer Traditional structure It is often said that the Nuer is the complete democrat, implying every man is as good as his neighbor, or that Nuer vocabulary is divided of ‘command’ or “authority”. Traditional structures are distinguishable which have clearly and explicitly defined functions designated as elders, chief, priests, and prophets. Nuer women have a role too, especially in the domains of the settlement of disputes and conflict resolution. Chiefs and elders are in daily communication with the people, skilled in playing traditional roles in Particular fields. a.” The elder” of the village: are the most important individual of this level, someone can turn for advice and impartial judgment.In general, he must be of the most important family lineage in the area liable to be rich in cattle though there are exceptions to this rule. The Nuer conception of gat tuot or tut wec, the bull of head herd aptly captures its local characterization. Although his position is derived from his place in the genealogy of the dominant clan, his authority is depended largely upon his personality and prestige. The expression got tuot is used in the same sense as (diel) refers to any member of dominant or aristocratic lineage. In the colonial times, it became synonymous with
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headman (num gol in Dinka). Beside his consultative function as village headman, he may summon other elders together to discuss issues importance (K.Badal, 2006 ) b.Wut hok: “a man of cattle” is charged with responsibility and welfare of the cattle. when a disease or epidemics befall cattle, people will go to him for advice or care, with his blessing, and cattle breeding many flourishes, they increase and multiply. He is quite often someone possessed of great wisdom and his functions take increasingly religious significance. c.Kuar thoi: a man of the water and river, he has a special relationship with water and rivers. He is believed to possess supernatural powers in regard to water and rivers. One must have his blessing prior to crossing the river and bathing to avoid drawing or to be devoured by reptiles. d.Kuar bith: the fishing -spear chief is respected for making war and training warriors. Young warriors cannot go to war or carry out raids without his blessing. e.Kuar moun: “a land chief’ man of the earth or farming. His powers are derived from his association with the land and extended to mankind because it is upon the produce of the land that mankind derives its livelihood. His badge of office is the leopard skin (kuac) (K.Badal, 2006 ). f.Ruic Naath: a leader of the people, a concept which for a while remains vested in the Nuer ‘prophet’ is opposition to foreign aggressors, in particular, the colonial administration. The term ruic is relative to the social structure, depending upon where or not his influence was effective only in the segment of the tribe. Their significance was greatest during a period when political cohesion on the tribal scale was at the lowest ebb. There was no question of an institutionalized authority set at the head of a tribal segment, though there was a tendency for office to run on hereditary (K.Badal, 2006 ). 5. The Nuer conflict structure Arm conflict and battle take place in Nuer land to a verity of causes: Accident, e.g. quarrels of individuals, raids, and counter-raids to capture cattle where young men eager to marry must find the bride price and Wars to recapture girls stolen from a village or to revenge their seduction. There is such a strong sense of honor among the Nilotic peoples in general, but the Nuer bravery is an ingrained principle from the time of maternity to the hour of death and Nuer are constantly ready for the types of war. After more serious and semi-
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in permanent function amongst pastoral people generally have been over resource’s sharing pasture, water holes and grazing rights.The cattle raiding between Nuer and Dinka have been endemic, several writers asserted that the Nuer are able to use Dinka cattle as an emergency resource, that the Nuer raids against Dinka have been standard practice and remunerative.
6.3 Inter-tribal conflict: conflicts between Nuer tribes or Nuer as a tribe versus other tribes or people, then this is exclusive domain of prophet or priest whose responsibility includes among other things, the mediation, and settlement of disputes between different Nuer tribes, negotiation and reaching agreement with other people and government on behalf of the Nuer.
The Nuer as an ecological necessity must maintain a large social universe. For instant individuals from a number of villages must assemble at each at the dry season at the water holes. A Nuer is a member of a larger regularly interacting group than Dinka. This fact clearly has implication for raiding. Evan Pritchard had offered an additional sociological explanation, citing the location of Dinka cattle camps on their easier environment on the relatively unprotected savannah.This coincides with the period where Nuer food is abundant, at the end of the rainy season, and when Nuer are still protected by moats of flood water. The further vulnerability of Dinka occurred through the sociological composition. They assemble in their camps are much of the year, the tendency by younger members of the population. Older Dinka remained in scattered village practicing agriculture. He concluded that effective fighters in Dinka society are separated from effective leadership. The causes of the conflict, in this case, are both sociological and environmental, Dinka. Nuer conflict is not only cattle, the territory could be involved indirectly. A tribe, for instance, might withdraw to evade cattle raid or blood vengeance, thus allowing its former territory to be taken over by contingents of its enemies.
6.4 Blood feud: the special Nuer functionary called upon to arbitrate in the resolution of blood feud is the kuar muon , the leopard –skin chief is concern with the spiritual welfare of a killer as an individual but in doing so he equally fulfills an important social function of the conflict mediation, prevention, and even resolution (K.Badal, 2006 ).
6. The Traditional Mechanism of the Conflict Resolution 6.1 Family versus family: resort to preventive action, diplomatic y by the elders concerned. Either one of families involved or credible within the area or third party, who detected the problem, will bring up the matter to the clan-head usually the gat tuot or village head. The issue is resolved abruptly to the satisfaction of both parties, in accordance with customs. In Nuer land, the system of age group is very important and older people are greatly respected and thought of being nearer to God. If you disobey his orders, he may call a curse upon you. 6-2 Intra-Tribal conflicts: if its clan versus clan or amongst sub-lineage of the same clan and of a nonblood feud nature, it may be settled by elders from both sides.
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In recognition of the sanctity and neutrality inherent in the office of leopard –skin chief tradition requires that no spears or white weapons may be carried on his presence. The murderer may not eat or drink until his blood has been let by leopard –skin chief. The family of the killer may seek refuge with the leopard –skin chief or rely on the safety of members and group themselves around or relatives. Although the leopard -skin chief has no mechanism by which to enforce his decision upon disputes, he has sufficient moral and spiritual authority to compel obedience, in certain parts of Nuer land, the leopard -skin chief as the arbiter of disputes had considerable power embedded in tradition and supported by social sanctions. Essentially, he is a mediator who acts as assessor where cattle are involved, and who deals with the problem of taboo and spiritual observance which might arise. He is the pointed traditional third party and is theoretically impartial. This notion of neutrality in the person of the chief became inherent in the chief court in later colonial time. The leopard –skin chief is paid three or four heads of cattle for his services in the mediation of blood disputes which is quite substantial in comparison with the amount of bridewealth or compensation for murderer, forty head of cattle –Forty head of cattle are paid to the kin of the murdered individuals (K.Badal, 2006 ). 6.5 Local Traditions for Peace Building; a. b.
c.
Inter-marriage between Nuer and Dinka has had to pacify upon inter-tribal warfare. The concept of (diya), blood wealth payment or (compensations) made to the kin of a murdered person is quite usual and common to both Dinka and Nuer. The role of the leopard -skin chief, ( kuar muon), could be expanded traditionally; he
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in gives sanctuary to the murderer and thereby prevents retaliation and further conflict. He mediates blood feud and other disputes isolating them from the rest of the community by preventing the involvement of other alliances. Strong empirical evidence seems to suggest that Nuer and Dinka are in both historical and ethnological terms, one and the same people. For a short, Dinka and Nuer are indisputably more similar to one another in general cultural and institutional terms than to any other groups in South Sudan.
7. Transformation of the Dinka - Nuer Conflict The Dinka-Nuer conflict was the conflict of the traditional society and its causes are normally, related with the hydra of life and the two groups collectively, share the same transhumant mode of livelihood which could tremendously, embolden and stimulate staunch rivalry. However, the traditional conflict is due to the following issues: First: Nuer communities are located in the central floodplain their land is often subjected to more flooding and acute starvation than that of the Dinka and they had to ginormously, rely on their livestock than cereals. Additionally, acute shortages of the dry season grazing are parlous and critical for the Nuer pastoralists which some time culminated into the perilous conflict with the Dinka who seasonally, utilize the neighboring pastures, this precarious contention and disputes over the grazing areas is one of the age-old catalysts for perpetual and inevitable conflict between the Nuer and the Dinka. The second reason for conflict is raiding and rustling of cattle and tit-for-tat for killings and extortion that eventually, betided during horrendous raids (Malith, 2016) . Furthermore, the Nuer constantly raids the Dinka for cattle and for instantly compensating the extreme loss of cattle flounder and incurred due to disease and to achingly, cumulate cattle for bride wealth payment. The Dinka also raid Nuer cattle for the same reasons. However, Nuer raids on Dinka are more common and purview. Consequently, the Nuer -Dinka inter–communal animosities were naturally foisted on them by economic way of life, competition over natural resources and the need to increase each other’s livestock at the expense of the others. And that conflict was not only between the Dinka and the Nuer, but it was also was seasonal, transpired amidst the Dinkas themselves and among the Nuer. It is a resource-based conflict and very limited to their territories. However, the Dinka-Nuer traditional conflicts which were fundamentally
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inter-communal conflict have been mammoth transformed by political struggle over leadership and power between elites of the two groups. The main reasons of the traditional conflict were niggardly and parochial in its nature and repercussions, viz, grazing and fishing, family matters, cattle rustling and blood feud. However, the transformation of the Dinka – Nuer conflict steadfastly, aggravated and triggered due to utmost points: Firstly. It is obviously that political rivalry stalwartly, transforms the present conflict, not only by adding a new non-traditional cause of the conflict but also through the inclusion of literate Dinka and Nuer. Secondly, the weapons traditionally used in the fighting were spears, and a tribal man can only boast a limited number of them, nowadays automatic guns are available in the Dinka and Nuer territories and can be susceptible, acquired at affordable prices. Therefore, the conflict will inevitably result in monstrous bloodshed and will make it arduous to certainly nab the culprits, as traditional methods of peaceful settlement of disputes emphatically, precipitate. Thirdly, the fact is that the cohesion and harmony have been tarnished and execrably negated amidst the Dinka and the Nuer due to reprehensible internecine ethnic conflict. Moreover, the traditional Dinka and Nuer conflict had diametrically sullied by the two decrepit and abominable episodes of the armed conflict that had historically transpired. The first was the Sudan civil war 1955-1972 and the second was the SPLM/SPLA from 1983-untill the independence day of the country in 2011 and the third was the factional fighting in the leeway of the split in the SPLM/SPLA in 1991 the latter is substantial and more subversive due to the fierce and detrimental atrocities that were, unfortunately, claimed many lives and properties in the Dinka and Nuer`s lands and the myriad victims of the arm conflicts were utterly Dinka and Nuer (Dhal, et al., 2005). Fourthly the Nasir declaration of 1991, which led to the formation of the SSIM/A (Southern Sudan Interdependence Movement/Army); the resulting war within a war was plainly the product of struggle within the movement’s leadership and not the traditional friction between the SPLA/SPLM core ethnicities. The two high-ranking SPLA leaders adamantly launched the rebellion: Dr. Riek Machar, and Dr. Lam Akol. Machar and Akol exploited disenchantment with the movement`s authoritarian structure and systematic human rights
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in abuse to start a new movement. However, the formation of the new movement diabolically, culminated into gigantic fictionalization, creating horrible ethnic divisions. In lieu, the conflict was the hurdle of the South Sudanese military elites, it had tragic ramifications and repercussions on the ground. Though the Nasir Declaration circumvented Garang, alleged plot to eliminate dissident’s elements within the movement. Machar saw himself as inheriting the mantle of the prophet Ngundeng.The Nasir rebellion conspicuously, became a more thoroughly and exclusively Nuer affair when Machar dismissed Akol, and drove away or alienated other leaders who had joined him out of genuine disillusionment with the SPLA.The rebellion quickly grafted onto traditional ethnic hostilities. SSIM/A military presence mainly depended on rich major armed civilians and alliance of convenience with warlord factions, also being supplied with weapons by the NIF government. Machar’s illfated scheme to open a corridor to Kenya turned into a cattle-raiding affair displaced large numbers of Dinka in Bor-Jonglei region. Many smaller communities in eastern Equatoria rejoined the government. Although many Nuer chiefs refused to back Machar, some SSIM/A commanders exploited hostilities between the Lou and Jikany clans of the Nuer for personal benefit. This places Machar in an enviable to benefit from NGOs. The role food relief had assumed at this juncture is underlined by the fact that after his falling out with Machar .Dr. Akol repositioned himself in his Shilluk homeland. Drought conditions struck the region in 1995.The calamity on a larger scale the civilians suffering floundered during the evacuation of refugee camps in Ethiopia in 1999. Communities were destitute and dispossessed of their cattle and removed from their fields. Famine and displacement were vehemently triggered by factional hostilities, and the diversion of famine relief supplies deplorably culminated in the humanitarian disaster that abysmally exterminating an estimated 250,000 people. The Nasir declaration monstrously, ended with a more fissures and division among the Dinka and the Nuer, while it the potent struggle over the leadership within the movement which was, articulated to be an ethnic issue taking ethnicity animosities as means for obtaining support and mobilization, in the end, innocent citizens were the victims of such elite,s ill-intention, and despicable behaviour so tribalism was brought during the conflict and it was not a cause of the conflict but it emerged in the leeway of the conflict. (Paul Goldsmith, 2002).
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Fifthly. Moreover, the Government of Sudan policy of arming Arabs nomads and Southern, militia (mujahideen and Guot el salaam, Friendly forces, popular. Defense force etc.) The SPLM /SPLA movement likewise created a civil defense force known as “gelweng,” The split in the SPLA/SPLM movement in 1991 generously aggravated the situation. More arms were uncontrollable poured into the rural south from both the Sudan armed forces (SAF) and the SPLA /SPLM movement in the greater Upper Nile and the greater Bahr el Ghazal. Furthermore, an illicit and the hike of rifles trade had pervasively evolved in the meantime before and after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005. The government of the South Sudan (GOSS) unsuccessfully attempted to disarm the population during the interim period 2005-2010 had eluded the government. Also, disarmament after the referendum and the declaration of independence in July 2011 had not flip-flopped the situation. Sixthly. The emergency of more insurgency in Unity, Upper Nile, and Jonglei states exacerbated the situation. The proliferation of arms into pastoral communities prior to and after the 15th December coup attempt and subsequent spread of violence is a significant continuation of the traditional NuerDinka hostilities. The scale and frequency of cattle raiding, mass killings, kidnapping, looting, burning of houses and mass displacement increased tremendously. The experiences of the early 1980s and the 1991 Coup were ignited by the December 2013 which has taken an ethnic dimension. The majority of the people who support the rebellion are Nuer because the leader is the Nuer origin. The President of the state is a Dinka and commands a national army which is largely composed of the Dinka. (Malith, 2016) Seventhly, the final phase of a power struggle betided on 15th December 2013.The issue at that phase of struggle was over the leadership of the SPLM party and the 2015 presidential elections. Dr. Riek announced himself a presidential candidate for 2015 elections. The incumbent president of the party and president of the Republic Salva Kiir Mayer dit was going to contest for 2015 elections, though; he did not overtly clinch his candidature. The disagreement during the plenary discussions of SPLM-National liberation Council erupted into violent conflict with an army division, the presidential Guards. The Conflict diverted into an ethnic violence and promulgated immediately to Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu where civil populations were massacred on large scale. The massacre in Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu was committed by Nuer elements who defected from the National Army – SPLA. The militia army popularly called (Jesh
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in mabior) white army participated in Bor and Malakal massacres (Malith, 2016). The government army retaliated with heavy arms against the rebels and their communities. The majority of Nuer civilian population together with civilians from other ethnic groups sought protection in the UNMISS camps. Thousands of civilians are currently living in “UN Protection Comps” in Juba, Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu. Other civilians have crossed borders to Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Sudan as refugees. The Peace Agreement was signed on the 17th of August 2015 under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) which brought to an end to hostilities. The Peace Agreement stipulated power sharing ratio in Executive of the Transitional Government of National Unity which is meant for 30 months of the interim period and after that the general (Malith, 2016). The election will be held in the country. The shares are as follows, the Government 53%, armed opposition 33% and former detainees 7% and the government of national unity was formed in April 2016 with the opposition Dr. Riek Machar as a First Vice President in the government. But again the fighting broke out in 7th of July 2016 between bodyguards loyal to the Vice president and those for the President. The incident led to the loss of lives in Juba and led the Vice President to flee to the bush around the capital and conditioned his return to Juba with the advent the third party forces with the approval of the United Nation Council to cocoon civilians, officials, NGOs and UN bases in the country. The government condoned the forces advent and the preparation is going on for forces to be brought to the capital in order to succor and provide security and indemnify the national airport. As it is punctiliously enunciated in the alluded catalysts for the Dinka and the Nuer conflict, it seems that the conflict diametrically departed from its traditional dimension of being a conflict caused by contention over simple natural resources to the political conflict over leadership and power struggle between unscrupulous politicians and power seeking elites of the two ethnic groups (Malith, 2016) However, the current conflict has no direct links with the traditional conflict rather it is the conflict socially, constructed by unscrupulous elites using ethnic identity as means for achieving power through mobilization of ethnic groups. Moreover, the conflict was exaggerated by the dearth of good governance, poverty, inequality, underdevelopment, lack of inclusiveness, weakness of government’s institutions and law enforcement agencies, high rate of unemployment
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amid the youth and humongous corruption in the government. All these issues conditionally precipitate using of ethnic identities in a situation of unequal distribution of resources and power which led into ethnic identities for putting more pressures on the government in order to give an equal share to other ethnic groups in the country.Therefore, ethnic identity is a political game or gamble socially, defined and historically determined in a situation of confrontation and it remains a negotiable and malleable aspect depending on the situation and therefore, it is socially imagined when there is a political menace.The tribalism has been a political product in South Sudan before and after the independence, invented by power-seeking politicians and elites who could manipulate their blind and fiery ambitions and interests in form of the people’s interests and to despicably use the people as an instrument to dishonestly, achieve their interests (Malith, 2016) 8. Conclusion The Dinka and the Nuer are one people in origin and cultural orientations. The ecological nature of their lands such as floods and droughts made them adapt the semi-pastoral way of life. However, the competition over resources has created enmity between the two groups. The two groups are the majority in the country who played a leading role in the liberation struggle.The other minor tribes fear domination by the two groups who are the majority. The competition and the conflict between the two groups have made disastrous and gruesome repercussions for the nascent state because they are dominance numerically, militarily and economically. Additionally the political to incidents which negatively augment the hostile relation between the Dinka and the Nuer as alluded above the formation of the SPLA /M which was followed enormous atrocities due to the struggle for the leadership which was gruesomely culminated with plethora destruction and mass killing and the razing of the villages and the loss of lives of both the two ethnic groups. Moreover, the second was the 1991 rebellion which had contributed negatively toward the Dinka –Nuer relations, its tragedies and atrocities still deepened in the memories of both Dinka and Nuer regardless of the peace and tranquility in the country before the December attempted a coup. The December Crisis in Juba was a political struggle between the two leaders over the power which abeyance or dormant in leeway the interim period until the time of the independence of the country, its took ethnic dimension through mobilization of ethnic groups for rallying the tribal support in the conflict.
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in This is, in addition, to struggling over power and resources, unfair government`s employment, services delivery, and behaviour of leaders for putting their interests above the national interest, are they vehement and liable catalysts which are vigorously sparked ethnicity or tribalism, and staunchly made people to abhor or despise the government and resort to their tribal groups due to desperation and frustration. However, illiteracy and poverty negatively contributed to ethnicity or tribalism among South Sudanese. Also, The pervasive action of some government’s officials of favoring, securing resources and siphon off of the public fund, therefore, the social and political conundrums are the steadfast catalysts which are vehemently encapsulated in form of ethnic violence as the government is the linchpin in an ethnic violence there is utmost need of restructuring the government itself to be more inclusive, diverse and representative in order to thoroughly obtain equity, transparency, and accountability.
situation, in term of chances and privileges that are given to foreign traders without conspicuous protection from the government institutions. For the national economy to address domestic woes such as unemployment, promotion of living conditions, rural development, eradication of poverty and maintaining peace and tranquility in the country. The country should consider and take mechanism of a mixed economy where, they country take part and regulate, monitor, protect the interest of nationalists and trains nationalists to play a vital role in the economy of the country. 5. Economic development: a special short-term and long-term development programs should be prepared to improve the livelihoods of the populations living in marginal areas in the republic. Examples of such areas are the flood plains ecological, the desert foothills in eastern equatorial these areas are inhabited by pastoral groups whose means of livelihood are threatened by either droughts or floods. These areas have very low levels of literacy, health care, and urbanization.
9.Recommendations 1. There is a need for national healing and reconciliation in the entire country and for this process to be achieving the government should mobilize the resources and other organizations should contribute to this peace process which will help in achieving tranquility and certainty in South Sudan. 2. Education for change: the peace culture must reduce the gap between values, encouraging the use of means and instruments which allow for the full realization of the social value it assumes. The peace would imply the promotion of education for social change and an educational approach aimed at developing our knowledge and experiences of alternatives. The legal institutions should interpret and back the laws that will give rights to all people in the country. Under peace process, women are supposed to be given vital representatives in all peace institutions to play a role in peace building, healing, and reconciliation. 3. Respect for all tribal cultures within the national identity as a part of human values, norms, and customs of the nation. Peace culture must respect and recognize the values of different tribes and their cultural identities. The government should recognize and insulated the rights of minor tribes and allowed them to feel safe and staunchly upheld in the country. 4. An Economic system which is purely free market economy where, the foreign investors are running the country`s economy in an unfair
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6. Security: Inter -communal conflicts should be brought to an end. Any peace that will last is that brings to an end to inter-communal and intracommunal conflicts raging in many states in the country. Also massive disarmament of tribal armed groups, the disarmament should be carried out simultaneously. In addition restoring and empowering traditional authority especially intercommunal conference, special courts, the performance of traditional ritual for ending feuds and restoring peace.
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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in Elise, Boulding and Clement, Kevin. 1991. Peace, Culture and Society, Transnational Research and Dialogue. San Fransisco: West View press, 1991. Evans-Pritchard, E. 1940. Africa political systems. London: s.n., 1940. —. 1950. Kinship and Marriage among the Nuer. Oxford: Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1950. —. 1940. Kinship and Marriage amongst the Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940. —. 1962. Nuer Religion. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Oxford., 1962. Godfrey, Lienhardt. 1987. Divinity and Experience, the Religion of the Dinka. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987.
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Goldsmith, Paul. 2002. On Oil and Water in Sudan in Jeremy (eds), Scarcity and Surfeit, the ecology of African’s conflict. Nairobi: s.n., 2002.
Moulding, Elise. Peace and Society Transnational Research and Dialogue. s.l. : Westview.
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Paul Goldsmith, Lydia Abura. 2002. Oil and Water In Sudan. [book auth.] Jeremy-Linda and Kathryn. Scarcity and Surfeit. Pretoria: Institute for security Studies, South Africa. ISBN 1-919913-18-1., 2002.P: 215-217.
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—. 2007. Imperial Arcadia British Administration in Southern Sudan 1900 -1956. Khartoum: Mohamed Omer center for Sudanese Studies., 2007. Lind, Jeremy. 2002. Scarcity and Surfeit The ecology of Africa’s Conflict. Pretoria: Institute for Security studies, South Africa, 2002. Malith, Wurok C. 2016. Ethnic Conflict in South Sudan Dinka versus Nuer. 2016. December, Trivandrum, Kerala, India: Kerala Sociologist Journal of the Kerala Society, 2016, Vol. 44. 0975-8933.P:213,214, 215,216,217,218,219. _____.2016. Ethnic Identity: The Political Rivalry and Its Consequences in South Sudan.Special issue, December 2016., Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR)
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