Mentors: Birgit Hausleitner | Saline Verhoeven
Anca Ioana Ionescu [4420136]
Towards a Territorial City
P5
The case of an Eastern European mid-size city and its surrounding territory
“The land, so heavily charged with traces and with past readings, seems very similar to a palimpsest. To set up new developments, to exploit more rationally certain lands, it is often necessary to modify their substance in an irreversible manner. But the land is not a throw-away wrapper or a consumer product which can be replaced. Every land is unique, whence the need to “recycle”, [...] to make it available again so that it meets today’s needs before being done away with in its turn.” (Andre Corboz, 1983)
Towards a Territorial City The case of an Eastern European mid-size city and its surrounding territory
Anca Ioana Ionescu
Colophon
Master Thesis | Delft | November 2016 Anca Ioana Ionescu Master of Urbanism TU Delft- Faculty of Architecture
This thesis has been produced under the guidance of:
Ir. B, Phd., Birgit Hausleitner Urban Design – Urban Compositions Ir. C.T.M., Phd., Saline Verhoeven Van Eesteren Chair
Contents
Introduction
I Motivation II Hypothesis III On Territory
Territory Definition
Territorial Cities
IV Context and Problem Analysis
Craiova city Territory
Jiu Valley Territory
The Rural Territory
V Problem Statement VI Research Question VII Methodology VIII Framing The Territorial City
Territory in Urbanism
The Scaffolding
The Principles
IX Societal and Scientific Relevance
Strategy for a territorial city
X Research by design Common grounds between the three territories Projects and actors A collective journal Interviews
Collective photo map
Site visit research Research by design
The scales of the strategy
Exploring the limits and drosscapes
Four Images Scenarios
XI From Hypothesis to Vision XII The Strategy The principles applied The strategic module The territorial strategy Four images Projects in Different Images
Reflection Bibliography and references Appendix
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Towards a Territorial City
Acknowledgments
First, I would like to thank my mentors Birgit Hausleitner and
Saline Verhoeven for their dedication, knowledge and challenging
guidance. In addition, I must mention a couple of previous mentors
and professors whose impact upon my formation as a designer indirectly influenced this project, thank you: Marco Lub, Egbert Stolk, Frits Palmboom, Han Meyer and Diego Sepulveda.
Further, I thank Claudiu Forgaci and Maria Alexandrescu for
the energy and knowledge I gained while working together. This
thesis was inspired by our previous design and theoretical explora-
tions. Moreover, I would like to thank Claudiu for his constructive feedback towards my thesis. His research, projects and advice have impassioned and cultivated my quests in Urbanism.
Moreover, I am very grateful to the local actors and experts. Their
involvement was motivating and helpful. I would like to think that the present thesis could open the path towards more collaborative and collective design projects.
Last, but definitely not least, I thank my sister for support and
encouragement in the last weeks of my thesis and my father who joined me for the long trips in the territory.
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fig.1 Craiova City perceived from the opposite hill, first field trip, November 2015.
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Aerial image source: google maps.com
Towards a Territorial City
Introduction
This thesis explores methods to design socio-ecologically integrated territories by using existing
altered systems on site (dross), natural and social dynamics in face of local challenges. The process emphasizes and questions the future relation between urban, rural and natural territories, focusing on the case study of a mid-size Eastern European city, Craiova. A series of qualitative and
quantitative methods are used to read the context through scales. Further, the design framework is based upon a series of research by design exercises, such as exploratory mapping, narrative mapping, images and scenarios. The design process is overall guided and inspired by a series
of design principles and tools derived from ecological approaches in urbanism (mainly in the
work of Bernardo Secchi and Paola Vigano), ecology and landscape urbanism. On the side, the
methods are coupled with the author’s continuous explorations regarding the links between such principles and planning or the use of several exploratory methods aimed to understand the site,
such as the method of the ‘journal’. Working on existing on-site patterns and processes played a
central role in the project, and became a condition embedded in the proposed integrated system. The project started at city scale and turned into a view of the city as architecture (Viganò 2012),
while zooming out into the broader territory where the city was rooted. Further, it poses a direct
but difficult question: how to restore and design synergic links between the city of Craiova (fig.2, A) and its surrounding rural and natural territory? Before attempting to answer that question it is important to understand the cause of separation between natural and cultural structures,
between urban and rural, and the reason why social and ecological structures are degraded within the larger territory surrounding the city of Craiova. The research isn’t limited to a historical or
political narrative, but it uses this perspective to better understand the complexity of the context
and reflect on the diagnosis. Craiova (fig.2, A) is sited in the lower part of Jiu River valley, a nat-
ural corridor. Around the valley, the land is fertile, so the area has a rich ecological and economic potential. However, Jiu valley (fig.2, B) is a cumulation of drosscapes (Berger 2006) and in the
villages the ageing population sometimes lives in severe poverty (INSSE 2014). The statistics on living standards depict extreme differences between city and rural at the county level.
The research on ecology inspires the design by selected methods and analysis extracted from the rich contemporary discourse of ecological urbanism. The thesis sets the scale of context to the
territory of the county, thus opening the territory of the city to new grounds and potential. An open redefinition of the territory based on the logic of social and ecological systems requires a
holistic approach that has to carefully reduce the information without reducing its complexity.
The case study is not only a site, but a conceptual field of methodological explorations. Secondly, it challenges the ‘uninteresting’ case of an Eastern European mid-size city (Dehaene, Havik, Notteboom 2012) in an Eastern European context.
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â—€
N
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B
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Towards a Territorial City 50 km
Craiova City [krajina: the city at the border]
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fig.2 Craiova city (A) within its larger territorial context: the Jiu River Valley (B), the rural territory (C) and the Danube (D); Map processed in ArcGIS with data from openstreetmap.org and SRTM elevation data.
10 km
5 km
0
Jiu River meets The Danube
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I Motivation
The graduation thesis was to me an opportunity for an extensive theoretical exploration as well as a challenge to construct upon theories a design project relevant to its context, a project grounded both in theory and reality.
The context was to me a great challenge and a source of motivation at the same time. My image
of Craiova city was limited to a few fixed trajectories that I used to transit. Thinking ‘outside the
city’, I remembered the trips in the village placed opposite the city, across Jiu river valley. As the region has very fertile soils, my mother decided to buy a piece of land at the edge between this
village and the surrounding forest. I never had relatives in the countryside, I grew up in an apartment, in a collective ‘communist’ building. So, my parents thought that gardening in a beautiful
natural area could be a source of good food, quality time and education. Buying land at the edge between village and nature was a common practice for city people at that time (around 1995),
since the area was beautiful and the land price low. During high-school I stopped going to the
garden and as my parents became more busy at work, the garden gradually turned into a wasteful land. It has been a common practice for youngsters to go by car with friends or lovers on the top
of the valley hill and look back to the city (fig.3) at day or at night. The topography of the valley is fascinating, but the river does not exist in anybody’s mind, except the villagers, frightened by
floods but passive to the valley that brings no benefit. The water of Jiu river is ‘dirty and polluted’, ‘the sand is not proper for building’ and the bridges are only transit pipes few and far from each other.
Today, returning to Craiova city, I find it as ‘a boring place that lacks identity’ and sometimes
‘erases its historical structures and history’ (interviews). There is a general confusion about the
contemporary values and the cultural identity of Craiova city. Since the crisis in 2008, the whole
region has been degrading: economically, socially (mass external migration of young people), and ecologically (park destruction inside the city, land grabbing in the rural areas, and landfill near
river Jiu). Taking a great challenge, I have decided to choose my graduation site in this place and continue my research project from my previous master thesis in architecture. At that time, the
site was the city and the project developed was a public library accommodated in a 19th century factory on a site of 5000m2. The design was an exploration on the notions of limit, types and
morphology using the cultural context of the site to set up the final design. Now that I am back
on site, the vision is to open the city towards its surrounding rural and natural territory as it used to be before the communist era. In the future, this vision could lead to more balanced social and
ecological territories. This graduation project was to me an exercise to discover, couple and design imagined and maybe not yet imagined territorial relations and projects.
Additionally, this thesis prepares an older personal goal of being a researcher in practice or a
practitioner involved in research. As a consequence, the integration between research and design 16
Towards a Territorial City has been carefully followed along the design process. My desire to refine methods used along the project, to reflect and explore relevant literature, and to set up further design projects in relation to the thesis content leaves this chapter open towards future expectations.
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fig.3 Picture taken from the hill, towards the city during the first field trip in November 2015.
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II Hypothesis
The Jiu River Valley could be an economically attractive, inhabited, natural park, a designed territory that brings nature, Craiova city and villages together. The Valley could be a common ground, which would bring and exchange benefits between the three territories.
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Towards a Territorial City
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fig.4 Conceptual sketch of the triangle formed by Craiova and the Danube. Jiu River Valley (red) is the side of the triangle that could link Craiova to its larger territory.
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III On Territory
III.1 Territory definition For the designer ‘the site has become a territory of action’ and designers currently tend to change from site to ‘territory’ (Sheppard 2013). The notion of territory [Middle English and Latin: territorium, terra, ters- (dry)] is a multi-scalar notion which keeps its fundamental meaning at different scales, different theoretical, political contexts and fields: it refers to a belonged land and ground. Key elements of a territory as defined from a social, ecological, geography and political perspective seem to be the core, the boundaries and the key main elements that bridge and connect the core and the boundary. Primary definitions of territory describe its fundamental administrative meaning as well as the condition of the territory to be connected to an agent, to be a field of action and to belong. The first two definitions come from middle age English and from Latin (15 th.c) and refer to land around a town, a district, a domain equivalent to terr(a) [land]. In US (1799), territory refers to a self-organising region not yet a state. In parallel, in geography and ecology, the territory indicates an area marked by an animal or a land of which an agent is responsible, for example a dog’s territory (dictionary.com). Theoretical and scientific definitions that elaborate on the notion of territory, indicate different types, such as (1) social territory, (2) administrative territory as perceived in law and politics, and (3) territory in ecology and geography. Definitions of territory coming from design fields focus on reiterating the basic definition, mostly for defining common territories and design definitions in-between. In relation to the thesis project, the exploration of these definitions provides a framework to describe the site’s territory: Craiova city, the Jiu River Valley and the Rural territory. Types of Territories Social territory is defined as a “lived-in space” (Lippard, 2008), “by acts of occupation” (Habraken, 2000), a cognitive space of all the known and meaningful places of an individual or a community. A novel perspective from political theories about the definition of the territory points to the importance of linking the political definition to environmental stewardship (Kolers 2009) using the social territory as a bound. The link between administrative and ecological territories depends on how people use and interact with their territory (ibid.). An analogy between the notion of territory and property is indicated. Designing a relation based on responsibility and sovereignty between people (as one collective agent) and their territory could determine stable territories, avoid territorial deterioration and turn territories into a public good (Rawls 1999 in Kolers 2009). “When people take responsibility for their territory and its environmental integrity [...] this responsibility engenders political maturation”, which eventually supports a territory as a public good, where the people are aware of the environmental values. Such a territory is fundamentally determined through eligibility and attachment (Kolers 2009). The administrative and legal territory is a geographical domain under political jurisdiction. In Romanian planning, the territory is divided into Territorial Administrative Units (TAUs), often determined by geographical territories such as hydrographic basins. In city administration, territories are defined in terms of land ownership. Strategies and development programmes can also determine new types of territories as in the case of the new regional grid applied on top of 20
Towards a Territorial City
the current Romania’s territorial division in counties, cities and communes. New forms of territoriality due to strategic projects are: Natura 2000 areas, the metropolitan area or cross-border programmes. A river’s territory is a topographically and geologically defined territory: the valley. On a geomorphological (time)scale, both the boundary (the valley edge) and the centre (the river) are constantly negotiating their position. Reflection and the discovery of new territories The territory definitions raise questions when in search of common grounds between different types of territories as well as between different actors. “What are the limits of a site when engaging questions of ecology”; “what are the site’s boundaries with respect to hydrology, species migration” (Sheppard, 2013) and how do these ecological edges, administrative limits relate to the people’s territory of action? Finally, is there a link between all the different limits, boundaries, edges? Sometimes the limits overlap, while other times the action of surpassing a territory’s limit seems to design a new territory of action. The superimposition of different types of territories and the discovery of their superimposition and in-betweenness seem to provide novel possibilites for future territorial development. The common grounds between the administrative territory, the social lived-in territory, and the ecological and geographic territory can become physical common grounds, that is, sites to design new territorial relations. On site there are physical connections between the different types of territories and in the case of Jiu Valley Territory they are waste connections or connections which will become waste soon. The types of connections are not prescribed and have to be discovered regardless of the specific context. Finally, which are the morphological structures which facilitate these connections? Should they disappear gradually or are they a valuable palimpsest (Corboz 1983) and should they be reused and introduced to the future?
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fig.5 Image of Dogville, a city built as a parable of a socially and spatially rigid territory. Dogville is a movie directed by Lars von Trier in 2003. Image source: sevvalcansu.wordpress.com
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III.2 Territorial Cities A series of abstract and concrete projects were briefly explored in order to understand the principles and elements that design the territorial project. Many projects since 1960 to present were concerned with the redefinition of the city territory. These ‘redefinition projects’ were designed as critique and manifesto images, such as the 1960-1977 Utopias (spatialagency.com), or as a necessity to explore the future, such as the use of images and scenarios in the work of Bernardo Secchi and Paola Viganò. The exploration of territorial cities’ projects approached from an ecological urbanism perspective inspired the theoretical framework of this thesis, mainly learning from the work of Bernardo Secchi and Paola Viganò, but also from the Landscape Urbanism discourse on territory (Waldheim 2006). Additionally, other methods and tools concerned with the condition of the territorial city inspired the project: the valley section (Geddes in Welter and Whyte 2002), the social condition explored with Space Syntax (Hillier 2014), an integrated socio-morphological condition designed with the Two Networks Strategy (Tjallingii 2015) or Drossscapes, the waste space condition revealed as a negative socio-economic consequence, but also as a territorial resource (Berger 2007). All these examples are in search of methods to integrate the social and ecological aspects through design. The design principles and methods identified within these examples are analysed in a sketched table by the typology of their main spatial elements: lines, points and surfaces (fig.7). This abstraction was an experimental exercise to understand properties of the tools they use in relation to types of morphological elements. The notion of porosity, and its types (Viganò 2013), the permeability and the dynamics it generates (Viganò 2010), the effects when intertwining natural systems and slow mobility systems (Tjallingii 2015), the place identity that generates mixité and diversity, or residual space as a resource to restart the territory (Berger and Shane in Waldheim 2006), they all design dynamic territories, able to adapt to unknown social and ecological conditions of the future. Another way to analyze the notion of territorial cities and territorialism was to return to the basic definition of territory and have a second critical view on territorial cities projects. Many of the city projects which challenged the territory definition as a critique envisioned a paradoxical picture: territories without territories. In Branzi’s No-Stop City the limits and the core are not recognizable, Superstudio’s critical images depict cores of one’s territory that are caught in an infinite repetitive grid of networks that surpasses the city limits and takes over the landscape, while F. L. Wright’s Broadacre City (1932) also shows a city homogeneously dissolved in its landscape relying on large scale production systems. These projects display territorial cities whose primary defining elements are conceptually and experimentally modified creating territories with extreme limits’ condition: surpassed or restricted. The structure of such cities is supported by the new technological possibilities or production systems of their time. In this respect, an invitation for the present designers to reflect at present is Andreea Branzi’ image of the territorial city displayed within the discourse of the current ecological urbanism (Branzi 2015), indicating that a new image and new questions regarding the territorial city emerges with the advances of technology now. At the opposite pole of continuous territorial cities, there are cities enclosed from their surrounding territory. For the welfare of their inhabitants, just like in the smaller scale example of the gated communities, they do not let nature in and there is poor support between this society and the surrounding social context. In this case, the designer might better look outside the walls of the enclave, and see what occurs in their immediate surrounding rather than inside. (Pope in Berger 2007).
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d. Narrative itineraries on the coast, Salento (Viganò 2009)
Towards a Territorial City
◀ ◀
b. Andreea Branzi in Landscape Urbanism (Waldheim 2016)
c. Examples of infiltration of actions into the territory and infrastructure lines used as collectors in the project for Salento region (Secchi, Viganò 2012) (in Viganò 2012, p.50, 53)
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a. Ecology, Valley section (Geddes 1909)
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fig.6 Territorial projects in literature
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To Conclude, the project of the territory can be designed as a process that needs a project to anchor on and that is not necessarily a large scale project (Vigano 2010). The territorial project can describe a certain territorial opportunity and ‘worlds of projects’, such as the one done by Secchi at European scale, where gaps waiting to be filled are identified (Vigano 2010) or Allan Berger’s drosscapes perceived as a territorial resource. In the work of Secchi and Vigano the project is described as a knowledge producer, and in this process images and scenarios become powerful tools to research by design, to play future instances and to reflect on the project’s relevance and impact. Such methods seem to train critical and grounded approaches to more rigid and abstract positions regarding the territorial project.
Reflection While the manifestos concerned with the notion of territory take more political positions, the ecological approach reffers to more grounded territorial conditions and this aspect represented a great interest for this thesis. Secondly, this project is not concerned whether specific design or habitation trends are good or bad or how can we as designers opress negative trends, but rather with how to embrace reality and to design sustainable territories taking both negative and positive trends into account.
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Towards a Territorial City
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fig.7 Classification of approaches and how they construct the territorial cities.
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Towards a Territorial City
IV Context
The context chapter briefly describes the (1) administrative, (2) morphological, and (3) social territorial structure of Craiova city (Section IV.1), Jiu River Valley (Section IV.2) and their surrounding rural territory (Section IV.3), which together define the territory of the valley and the site of action.
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IV.1 Craiova City Territory
(1) The Administrative Territory The project takes as a case study the broader territorial context of Craiova, a mid-size city in Eastern European Romania. Craiova is the capital of Dolj county [Slavonic language: Dole= down] meaning: the lower part of Jiu river. Back in XIII-XV centuries, Jiu trajectory is thought to have been a county in itself and Craiova is stated to have been its capital. Dolj is part of the historical region Valahia, where the first counties were formed having as a central organisational unit the village and the family structure. The first regions, later described as counties were organised along rivers valleys and were named after them. At present Craiova is second largest city in the South of Romania after Bucharest, aiming to develop as a ‘metropolis’ (metropolacraiova.ro, 2001) (fig.10). (2) The territory morphology: territorial lines, the core, the edges It is considered that the name of the city comes from old Slavonic ‘krajina’ which means boarder or edge (Georgescu et all. 1977). The city sits at the intersection of two perpendicular natural edges: a horizontal contact line between hills and flat land, which is perpendicularly crossed by the line of Jiu River, a Danube affluent (fig.8). Craiova city does not directly relate to the river, but the presence of the river is felt in the city topography (fig.12). These two major natural lines were historically followed by two main commercial axes: the Danube Road (crossing NorthSouth) and the Bucharest Road (crossing West-East) (fig.12). On a radius of 50 km distance along these main roads, the city connects to the Carpathian Mountains (North) and to the small ports on Danube (West, South) (fig. 8b). At present, within a distance of 100 km no highway approaches the city and statistically Dolj is the county with the least kilometres of train lines (Eurostat 2016) with only one major railway line crossing the site from North, going East towards Bucharest. The streets intersecting at the city core changed their initial significance and mainly the road to Bucharest brings and attracts economic development (fig.9). The roads towards the Danube are degrading socially and ecologically, having no economic future perspective. In addition, on the Danube Road, which follows the Jiu River, the municipality placed an ecological garbage landfill, a project financed in 2002 through EU funding. Until 1945 these favourable regional connections determined a successful territorial economic setup, which was based on a synergy relation between rural, natural and urban (Ciobotea, Zarzara 2005). At present, there is no exchange between these territories and statistics reveal the extreme welfare difference between city and its surrounding rural territory. The two main economic axis intersect at the city core, which developed in the 18th century into a complex system of markets (fig.12). In the early days, these main economic routes connected Craiova city to the villages and to European cities, such as Leipzig. The core was a spatial system of public spaces determined by flows of products. In Craiova’s center there were two main markets (‘The Old Market’ and the ‘The New Market’) and in-between there were commercial streets called ‘Liscani’ from ‘Lipsca’ [Leipzig]. The crossings along the Lipsca streets had a special identity according to the type of traded products: ‘the fish crossroad’, ‘the tanners crossroad’, etc. Attached to the market zones, there were Inns and Knans , where foreign or village merchants used to stop. At larger scales the two road axis continue into the territory and pass through the rural markets and production points, such as the estate farms, house farms, the small 1900 factories and the latter 1960/1970 Cooperative Agriculture Points (CAP). Back then, Craiova was ranked the second most developed city in the Southern lands, after Bucharest, the capital of the 28
[: the lower part of Jiu Valley]
Craiova city
[: city at the border]
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fig. 8b Craiova Bucharest, capital Dolj county boader contact line between hills and plain ports main roads: 29
Towards a Territorial City
Dolj County
Territorial lines: changes in the routes network between 1945 and 2015.
Craiova City, administrative contour (a)
City’ main historical road trajectories (b)
COUNTY ROAD STRUCTURE 1945, 2015 100 Km
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Meaningful social and economic paths (c) 30
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â&#x20AC;&#x153; These favourable regional connections determined a successful territorial economic setup, which was based on a synergy relation between rural, natural and urban (Ciobotea, Zarzara 2005). At present, there is no exchange between these territories and statistics reveal the welfare extreme difference between city and its surrounding rural territory.â&#x20AC;&#x153;
fig.9 diagram showing the changing importance along time of the main roads crossing the core of Craiova city.
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Regional routes and their importance for the present economic structures 2015
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m
fig.10 The Metropolitan Area Craiova was founded in 2001 and started to enlarge in 2008. Its size concentrates 20% of the county total area and 54% of its population. This agreement creates a common administrative ground between Craiova and other 23 communes surrounding it. (http://www.metropolacraiova.ro) .
50 km
10 km
To prepare for future, the administrative boders gradually change, reiterating how the territory is inhabited and lived in.
county border main regional routes waters
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the metropolis border Craiova border rural border
Towards a Territorial City 1790
1916
1931
The main routes of the town core are visible.
The road network starts to change, but the main E-W and N-S flows remain the same.
Large parks act as buffer elements between city and its countryside. These Parks were located on the main routes, at the city edge.
1900, 1982, 2016 Main Road connections Main road connections in at 1900 overlapped with the road map in 1982 and connections in 2016 (red).
Main Reagional connections_2016 Main city arteries_1982- 2016
city
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reconditioned city parks abandoned parks: dross areas
fig.11
image souces: Peter Derrer in study in Arhitectura Magazine 1982
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The City Core
City primary rout structure
Leipzig route
Danube route
italian workers neighbourhood ‘mahala’ structure
Bucharest route
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Craiova in the 18th c. The two perpendicular territorial lines are visible in the city structure.
Danube route The New market
middle class and boyard houses economic residential core
the travellers Inn the church The Old Market Elca Market
Danube route
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Bucharest route
Danube ro ute 2
te 1
Danube rou
The Old market
Bucharest route
The city core is an intersection of regional commercial routes. This core used to be a complex market structure, a logistic point and an efervescent public space. Historical basemaps and photographs source in Croitoru, 2011;
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fig.12 Collage of maps, pictures and diagrams explaining the story of the city core back in the 18th century. The core functioned as a complex economic and social system. The main historical directions, the routes linking the city core to the rural territory at larger scales are still visible in the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s morphology.
The New market
The New market
Peasants at The Old market,
image souces: Croitoru 2005 (maps), Zazara and Ciobotea (2005), Buce Radut(2008); 35
country (Croitoru 2011). In addition, the smaller scale relations created a synergic economic and social relation between rural, natural and urban (Ciobotea, Zarzara 2005). This former economic and social systems which determined in XVIII and XIX century a spatially open territory was completely erased after the communist political take over in 1945-1947. During communist times part of the historical core of Craiova was demolished, using as a pretext the 7.7 magnitude earthquake, which happened in 1977. The core as a socio-economic system, an essential support structure of the complex territorial system, gradually lost its significance while the attention focused on the new industrial platforms being built at the city margin. Secondly, the core as a public space was replaced by the ‘civic center’ 1 built over the partly demolished old core. After 1990, the old core was informally occupied by Roma families as it remained empty after the property nationalization done in communism. In 2015 the refurbishment (2008-2015) of the core was completed. Both the civic center and the old fabric were transformed into a lively pedestrian public space with a new economic start.
1 The civic center as defined in Romania during communism referred to an ensemble of buildings and public spaces accommodating administrative and cultural buildings, large enough to provide facilities to all inhabitants. The civic center concept has its roots in the American movement ‘City Beautiful’ and was intensively used during Ceausescu’s dictatorship, who aimed at changing the core architecture of county capitals and modernize large villages by making use of this concept (Răuță 2013). The scope was to create ideal cities and villages, restart the society and demolish the old; a social reformation shaped by a new spacial morphology. Many villages and cities in Romania had their civic center constructed, but the most radical example is the civic center in Bucharest. After the “Systematization Act” was adopted in 1974
the projects for the civic centers in main cities started, while in the rural 14.000 village would be amassed in 4000, further centralized in 2000-2500 “communes”. The communes would change their central core into “civic centers”. The development would replace the former fabric and patterns, while the slogan saying that “everybody has to be able to make use of the civic center” justified the monumental size and architectures. (Ibid) 36
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The City Edges
2016
1968 1864
fig.13 Craiova’s change of administrative border as traced in 1864 Charta, the 1968 Soviet Map and
2016
During the 18th and 19th centuries at Craiova’s edge there were mansions, boyar houses and middle class housing (fig.12). The typical urban fabric blocks included individual gardens in their middle. Green spaces were inserted in the old fabric and parks were placed where the main routes intersected the city edge towards the outer landscape (fig.11). The city edge, mostly in the points where the edge met the main territorial routes acted as fuzzy lands where nature percolated the city and where social and economic activities would take place. An inspiring and innovative project to illustrate this concept was Romanescu Park, awarded the golden medal at the Paris Exhibition in 1900 for the most beautiful romantic park in Europe. During communism, around 1970 four main industrial areas were developed at the city edge, out of which two were connected to Jiu river. The edges become borders and the territories become gated. The area in-between the industrial zones and the old city was filled in with collective housing, nowadays called ‘communist block neighbourhoods’. This was the first significant change of the city limits (fig.14). Only recently two of the industrial platforms closed, Ișalnița Chemical Industry (in 2015) and the Oil Industry Podari (in 2013), turning into large waste lands. In contrast, the industrial areas placed in connection to Bucharest road and the new city bypass road were redeveloped as new industrial platforms in connection to education and research or reconverted into areas of public interest (fig.14, bottom right). Along the road line towards Bucharest, but also the line towards the mountains new smaller industries emerge as a result of the total privatisation (fig.14). Besides the industrial platforms, predominately Roma neighbourhoods are now placed at the city edge towards Jiu Valley. As observed during the site visit, these vernacular neighbourhoods exhibit a specific cultural pattern, with houses like palaces, sometimes imitating renowned architectures, such as the Pantheon.
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built wokers’ blocks planned but never built residential areas
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new industrial areas
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Changes in city structure: borders and main routes
fig.14 Urban growth between 1948-1982. The peripheries are occupied by industries and workers’ neighborhoods.
parks Image souces: maps scanned from the National Archives Romania, Dolj; Derrer and Enache in Arhitectura Magazine 1982
39
The second significant change of the city limits started in 2010 when the project for the city bypass road was completed. Along the bypass line which connected to the Bucharest Road a sprawled city emerged. People would leave the ‘communist blocks’ and sprawl (fig.15) into the landscape. This was a return to the rural lifestyle, the people dreamed about when visiting their relatives in the villages or where they lived when they were young. Concluding from the interviews, the trend is to move outside the ‘communist blocks’ (interviews), at the city edge, close to the landscape, yet connected to the city. This environment would be similar to the rural areas where people lived before industrialisation. In this case the sprawl trend cannot be judged and can be perceived as a form of detachment from the totalitarian times, which still echo in the current political system and hold the country behind.
Mapping in ArcGIS on openstreetmap basemap.
40
◀
fig.15 Map exploring the current situation of industries in the territory. The case of the Ford Factory in the South East of the city is a success story becoming a locally engaged hub for education, not only for production. The documentation of the sites (aerial photos, diachronic mapping, site trips) reveals a cumulation of former industrial systems, which are leftover, blocked in their functional destination as industrial spaces (regulated in the regional planning zones). These spaces were nationalised during communism, but after 1990 they escaped total privatisation, remaining as dross pores on the regional map. At present some of these spaces are privatised.
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Teasc
Calopăr
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat
Bîzdîna Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei
Belcinu
Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Towards a Territorial City
Secui
Țuglui
Foisor
Segarcea
Gura Vaii
Booveni
Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr
Dranic
Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Padea
Foisor Segarcea Booveni
Valea Stanciului
Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Horezu Poenari Tâmburesti
Mîrsan Valea Stanciului
Horezu Poenari
Murta
Gîngiova
Nedeia Gîngiova Ford Factory
Train Construction, Mall, Technical University
Podari, Oli and Sugar
Isalnita Chimical Industry, currently property of OMV
Caciulatesti
Sadova
Zaval
Nedeia Zaval
O Ostroveni Bechet
River
Built-up areas
0
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1960 industries recycled
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10 km
1990 industries Dross CAP after privatization
Dross large industries 1960
10 km km 10 41
400 m
(1)
fig.16 Sattelite image fragment of sprawl around Craiova. Image source: Google earth.
Diachronic mapping created in ArcGIS, supported by statistic mapping of growth and shrinkage (fig.37).
42
◀
fig.17 Sprawl Map. The trend is to leave the ‘communist block’ and move at the city edge. The planned sprawl was mainly developed by construction companies who collaborate with architects to develop new neighbourhoods at the edge. The plans usually did not follow a coherent strategy at larger or smaller scales. Confetti conceptually define the more emergent trend of building individual villas along the very small scale organic paths, sometimes detached from utility networks. The expected sprawl highlights locations where development plans for future housing neighbourhoods were identified in the General Urban Plan (PUG in Romanian). Samples of sprawl are explored in satellite images in order to understand the location and future expansion of preferred locations for sprawl.
Isalnita
4
5 Breasta
3
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Palilula Cîrligei
Cârcea
1
Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare
2
Jiul Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Rojiste
Padea
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti 6
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
0
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A12, 2017-2020 South detour, under construction Nord detour, completed
Sprawl:
planned
confetti
expected
adm. units
(2)
(3)
◀ ◀ Sprawl at the village edge, along natural lines: topography, textures, water. This trends started around 1995. Citizens move in-between Craiova city and villages, close to nature. (3 - Leamna Village, 6km East from Craiova; 2 - Malu Mare village, 6 km South).
(4)
◀
◀
◀
Sprawl along main road lines, in-between villages. This type of sprawl is either planned (4) or more informal and organic, following desired paths to structure its depth (5,6).
(5) 44
Towards a Territorial City (1)
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; Sprawl at the city edge (1) A city as a rural land emerges at the city edge, producing a significant change of administrative borders since the modifications done durring communism. The inhabitants live in a rural like setting, yet attached to the city.
the planned sprawl
confetti fig.18 Types of sprawl identified in the larger territory of Craiova. Base images source: Google earth
(6) 45
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.19 Craiova a city on the Danube? The 18th century map describes Valahia, the historical region of Dolj County. Craiova is drawn as an important settlement on the Danube trajectory. All the other cities mentioned at the bottom are port cities. Back in 13-15 centuries, Jiu trajectory is thought to have been a county in itself and Craiova is stated to have been its capital (Badea, Ghenovici 1974) Map source: Oltenia Historical Archives; Indice Topografico del Principato de Valahia, Giovanni Comneno, MDCCXVIII Venetia
46
Towards a Territorial City
IV.2 The Natural Valley Territory
The River valley territory is perceived as an intertwined web of natural and rural structures. In the valley, the natural and social dynamics coexist and are sometimes intertwined in fine small scale ecological relations. The main elements that define the natural territory are: the river line, the topographic lines and the ecological patches, depicted as textures, but also as ecosystems. The natural territory of the Valley used to play an important role both in the folkloric culture of the villages (Ceausescu 2011), but also in the city development (Croitoru 2011): Zăval bridge over Jiu River was designed as a promenade structure and large parks were designed at the city edge in early 18th century. The city edge and the village edge were at that time designed in a strong relation with the natural territory. The edge was both a territory of recreation, but also a territory of sustainable production and public space. Later on, after the takeover of the communist party, between 1945 and 1990 the valley is perceived as a total territory of production as described in the symbols of the soviet map (1964) in which the complex small scale mixite between nature, social activities and economic activities is homogenised in a continuous territory of production and gated leisure areas (Ceasescu’s recreation park in Bratovaesti Forest). (1) The administrative territory The natural territory of the valley intersects with 34 rural administrative units and Craiova city administrative area (fig.20). The valuable ecological corridor of the valley is administrated by Natura 2000 and Craiova Municipality. Further, the water land of the valley is under the administration of Romanian Water Board and Dolj Water Board entitled to manage the watershed. The superimposition between Natura 2000 borders and administrative territories reveal interruptions of the ecological corridor as well as the narrow or clear cut edges between the agricultural terrain and wild natural areas. This delimitation is mainly guided by political principles, rather than ecological principles. (2) The territory morphology: the core, the lines, the edge The water line is the central (core) and most dynamic natural element of the valley territory, crossing the Carpathian Mountains, the hills and the plain, where in a distance of fifty kilometres it flows into the Danube. The River has been polluted by the coal mines attached to its margin in the mountain area and this will persist for the coming decades. North to South the Jiu follows the Danube Road passing by Craiova City, a city which does not directly connect to the river. Due to extreme seasonal change in debit values, Jiu River is considered the most appropriate river for drafting in Romania, being described by experts as a wild river as well as a dangerous water (fig.26). Trying to use the river as a recreation area, every year people die because of its speed and currents. Similarly, locals who have their house and agricultural land on different sides of the river die when trying to cross it with small boats. These events are documented in many newspaper articles, but there are no statistics to asses the frequency of these tragedies. Consequently, the river is either invisible or it is a barrier: ‘the river is of no use for the locals, not even for construction materials’, ‘an invisible line, it does not exist for the citizens of Craiova’ (interviews statements), a restricted ‘polluted water, where people are forbidden to use the summer seasonal beaches or bath in the water’ (ABA in Gazeta de Sud, 2013), as the water is dirty and the margin is a place of illegal waste deposits. Advertised by the authorities and the media as dangerous and not a designed natural area, the occupation of the seasonal beaches is restricted. As discovered through diachronic mapping, changes were made in the valley morphology when an intensive agriculture model was developed by the Communist Party during 1945- 1970 (Ceausescu 2011). The course of Jiu River was changed, large floodable areas and ponds were drained, Ișalnița dam was built in North of Craiova (1964), dikes were constructed and irrigation systems penetrated 47
◀ ◀
fig.20 The administrative territory of the valley: The administrative rural territories (1) and Natura 2000 territory (2). The superimposition between the two create a ‘puzzle’ (3) of 34 rural administrative territories that divide the Natura 2000 territory. Jiu River overlaps with the administrative border of 29 out of 34 of the rural units (1).
(3)
(2)
48
(1)
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Rojiste
Padea
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni
(1)
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Bechet
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Km 10 10 km
Territories:
County limits
Admin. areas
Valley
Flood-plain
River
Built-up areas
Roads
2015- 1834 Change of territorilal natural dynamics
Residential Industry Landfill Vineyard Residential
Forest
land use 2015
Industry
Meadow
Landfill
fig.21a Land use map 2015 (processed in ArcGIS with openstreetmap data) The map shows the main change of landuse to have great impact in territorial natural dynamics, which affect both the city, the villagers and the natural area. The driving forces of change were political decision in communism, illegal forest cutting by locals and land grabbing.
Vineyard Orchard Forest
Water
Meadow Orchard Water
dried lakes
50
00 0
5 5 5
1010km 10km
cut forests
desertification
Towards a Territorial City land use 1864
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
Water dried (left); less diverse landuse; less forests and wine yards(left) are visible when comparing 1864 to 2015.
fig.21b Landuse map 1864; map source: http://www.charta1864.ro/charta.html
51
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
52
0
2.5
5
10 km
Towards a Territorial City fig.22b Water Dynamics 1864- 1964- 2016 1864
1945
fig.22c Forests 1864- 1964- 2016
2016
1864
1945
2016
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.22a Natural dynamics along Jiu River (2016-1968-1864). The maps show the change in forest land cover (deforestation), river channel migration (towards the West), lakes and ponds (land reclamation), and wetland borders.
city adm. limit
1864
1945
2016
1864
1945
2016
1864
>1945
water floodable limit cut forests cut>1945
cut> 1990
present forests 53
A Territorial City
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.23 Sketch after a narrative from the journal. The wine expert tells the story of islands that pop-up durring spring.
54
Towards a Territorial City
the inner land. The largest drained water areas were Potelu and Nedeia ponds in 1960 (fig.22). As a consequence of these changes, the River floods into the villages upstream and the valley settlements are exposed to ‘the risk of sudden floods’ (Nichersu 2013, rowater.ro). The lines that seem to define the territory of the valley are the topographic line and the small scale paths, a dense ‘sponge’, which reveals small scale relations between the natural lands and the rural territory. The valley structure is a dynamic territory and its topographic lines create a land of contrast, which model the territory until they gradually disappear in the lowest water segment where Jiu meets the Danube. A seasonal significant change in water level contributes to the dynamism of the valley territory, which displays different images of its sites every season. For example ‘during summer beaches and islands pop up’ (fig.23). The topographic lines and the dike lines are sometimes outlined by the small scale paths traced in time and used by the locals for small scale agricultural practices, such as shepherding, gardening or brushwood collecting. The paths as described in the Soviet map (1964) as part of intensive production system aimed to exhaustively exploit the land: ‘agricultural path’, ‘wood exploitation path’. Secondly, the regional main roads appear as parallel lines to Jiu River, always crossing the main street (‘main line’) of the rural settlements During the field trip three local patterns were depicted at the valley edge (the edge was considered to be the highest elevation line bordering the valley). It is also the line where the natural valley edge and the rural territory edge come together: illegal garbage deposits, vegetable gardens/ agricultural strips and fishing platforms. Even though there is a highest potential for the region to develop in an ecological direction due to its natural structures and soil fertility (sdtr.ro), the Jiu valley is predominately a spine of cumulated ecological problems: desertification, illegal deforestation, waste deposits and polluted soils (fig.26a). The River is, according to Alan Berger’s definition (Berger 2006) of dross, a drosscape a waste, wasteful and wasted line. The river edges are perceived after the site visits, literature exploration and further exploratory analysis as a territory of wastescapes. These waste lines coincide with the administrative borders of rural territories which meet on the river line. Consequently, the river is perceived and regulated as a rural and urban ‘periphery’. However, in the areas where the administrative rural territory embraces the Jiu River, the waterfront is turned by the people into a local public space: fishermen, children biking and playing, shepherds, bikers from the city, motohikers and other characters were observed in March 2016 during the third site trip at Zaval. The types of soils in the valley, the different geologies on different sides, the topography and the water presence create a diverse land. This diversity reflects in different types of agriculture and products, but also in a rich biodiversity and social activities. All these diverse features determined trends, such as fishing, biking, making wine, growing vegetables, new and old trends which represent a great potential for the present project. Further, the geology map and the valley section sketch indicates a change in subsurface permeability and groundwater level from North to South, describing water as a sensitive and rich resource of this territorial city.
55
fig.24a The valley as a dynamic territory defined by the topography lines and the Jiu water line. fig.24b The regional routes are parallel lines to Jiu River. They outline the valley edge at a larger scale.
56
0
2.5
5
Km 10
River
Flood-plain
Elevation
+ Contour lines
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
Towards a Territorial City 0
2.5
5
Km 10
Elevation
+ River
Valley
Built-up areas
Pipes
Sponge
Rail
57
Bikepaths
◀
fig.25a Transversal geological section through Jiu River at Craiova. Source: Romania Geologic Map 1968 , 41 Craiova, 1:200 000
58
◀
fig.25 The types of soils in the valley, the different geologies on different sides together with the dynamics of the water lines generate a diverse land. This diversity reflects in different types of agriculture and products, but also a rich biodiversity along the valley. These diverse features determine trends, such as fishing, biking, making wine, growing vegetables, trends which represent a great potential for the present project.
fig.25b sketch of Jiu River water system based on the description provided by The National Geographic Institute (Badea , Ghenovici 1974). In 155 km, Jiu River descends 78 metres. It has a large variation of debit from 90 to 1600 m3/s and flat descending creates meandres, gravel and sand deposits along its flat lands trajectory. From North to South the geology increses in density and water is held closer to the upper surface, like ‘held in a spoonge’.
Towards a Territorial City
dross
flood risk
desertification 2035 1 desertification 2015
drained fish ponds
fig.25c Geologic map of the county, exatracted from 1:200000 map 1960.
fig.26a sketch summarizsing environmental problems in Jiu Valley scale between Craiova city and the Danube;
Downloaded from http://www.geo-spatial.org/ in January 2016;
Craiova city
Craiova city
Rovine Neighbourhood at Craiova’s margin, 2015
1947
2015
Flood risk area
Rast Village, 2008
fig.26 Consequences of changes in the valley structure. Base image souce: GIS Dolj department, ADMINISTRATIA NATIONALA “APELE ROMÂNE “DIRECTIA APELOR JIU CRAIOVA”
59
fig.27a Villages near to the River follow the natural and infrastructure lines: Linear Village type
fig.27b Villages in-land have ‘satellite’ new villages. Communists planned to extend this model. Compact villages needed dry flat land.
image souces: google maps
◀ workspace
living space
“The territory of the village used to be entirely lived in, ‘in-habited’ (from abitare and habits). The fields, the natural surroundings was the area where people go to work. There was no cul de sac, only continuities. The socialising was naturally embedded both at the core and the margin.” (Avram, Barbu, Ciobotea, Osiac 2004)
60
Towards a Territorial City
IV.3 The Rural Territory
1) The Administrative territory of the village The rural administrative territory of the valley is organised into communes. The commune is defined as a group of villages, in which one rural settlement of the group is the leading core, receiving the title of commune itself. The administrative territory is highly fragmented as 34 communes’ territories intersect the Jiu River Corridor in-between Craiova city and the Danube (fig.20) in a patch of 10x50 km. The Jiu river line is a border line in-between two by two administrative units. The main territorial elements of one village unit are its build dense core (the living area) and the agricultural and natural surrounding territory. Within the administrative boundary of one unit, the resources are autonomously managed locally. 2) The Morphological territory of the village: the lines (1), the core (2), the boundary (3) (1) The villages morphological territory (fig.27) developed linearly following the main road lines or organically in-between the hills following the topographic lines. The main line is the main street of a village, crossed 90 degrees by secondary line(s), which connect to the natural territory of the valley. Then there are the smaller roads of the village (‘the sponge’- as called by P. Vigano) and the path networks. The small paths prolong the sponge’ s cul de sacs, continuing the lived in territory of the village beyond the build core along main agricultural paths into the natural area. The path network follows the logic of topography, flood dynamics, and natural edges. It is this small scale percolation of roads that intertwine the lines of the village with the natural lines of the valley. These routes sometimes ‘collect’ the former production lands: stalls, mansions farm lands or agriculture logistic points from communist times. Within this territory, the main mobility means in the rural are the carriage and the bike as observed on site. However, it is dangerous for carriages and bikes to use the main road lines of the villages which coincide with the larger regional routes. These regional important roads cross the main village line at a speed of 70km/h. As no train lines or highways cross the valley territory, the main roads become the main large scale mobility network. Outside the village, carriages are forbid by law and bikes exposed to speeds of 90 km/h on these roads. However, during the site trips many carriages and bikes were encountered in-between villages. On the small scale path network, bikes and carriages are also present, but a lot of accidents happen as the infrastructure is not maintained or prepared. The slow mobility rural trends are not supported by the local infrastructures (large or small scale). To conclude, the territory seems impermeable, regarding the accessibility of the locals. (2) The geometrical core of the village is at the intersection of the main village lines. The topological core are the main lines (main (a), secondary (b)), which gather the village points of interest: the church, the school, the municipality, the pub, the shop, the stadium, the former 1900 industries and the ‘house of culture’ (typology implemented during communism). While the church and the school usually are located on the secondary, always establishing a connection with nature: at the edge, near a water stream or on high topographies; the municipality, the pub and the shop are placed along the main village line (the regional route).
61
(3) During communism the property system was completely changed, boundaries between agricultural and natural rural territory change within each administrative unit. Changes in morphology brought changes in society. During 1945-1990 the Soviet planning strategy applied during communism erased and altered this territory, changing the morphology and the economic structure. Applied at different implementation speeds, this strategy created a complete dialysis of this land with a negative long-term impact on society and ecological structures (Badescu 2011). 1990 to present is an interval that echoes the communism times, depicting an amnesic urban scene cut from its physical, social and historical context (Avram 2005). Land collectivization after the soviet model of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;kolhozâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, demolished city cores, massive transformation of natural areas, eradication of the middle class society, population relocation was the radical, yet simplistic communist strategy. The change focused on landscape morphology, economic systems and societal structures. This political context had a cascading effect through all the layers: economic, environmental and social. The kolhoz model was a failed strategy, hard to control. Even through states in the Soviet Union renounced to apply it around 1960, Romania the second ranked at terrain collectivization (95%) continued with this economic model (Avram 2005). This summarized political analysis explains why there is not a strong link between man and place and how a morphological surgery changes the face of a society and its values. Moreover, The Dolj county and Moldavia were the most affected by the collectivization process because of their fertile soils. At present these are the poorest counties (insse.ro). In the hilly and mountain areas the property system did not change.
62
63
Towards a Territorial City
“[...] a picture of my village, Drănic, as I lived there in the first 3-4 decades of the past century. [...] I would be fully content if the readers would assume that I picked the name of the village only as a pretext, since it could be any of the tens thousands villages in Romania, which, at that time, lived their life with unlocked gates, with looms [...] and with children running barefoot on the dusty roads of the village ...in full health.” (Luța 2015)
The Village structure revealed through Literature Mapping (4)
Organised in a set of journal narratives, the book “Drănic, între Crivina și Zăgoreni” describes the territory of Dranic village as it used to be inhabited by the community around WW II, before communist times (1947). The village is discovered through the eyes of a child, the author himself. The map (fig.28) is drawn on a current basemap, highlighting only the context revealed in the narrative of the book. In the end, the image of the village is outlined without a clear limit between the built core, the agricultural and natural sorroundings. The whole territory is lived in. The orchards, the vineyards and the river valley ar essential elements of the children’s territory. The agricultural, natural and social systems were strongly linked together by slowly trained ecological relations.
1
8
The map is further compared to the current spatial situation (fig.29) and used in the scaffolding of the design framework on Dranic village. The past is used as knowledge to construct future scenarios and to prepare the rural-natural territories for the future. 2
3
4
64
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fig.28
[S] short stories meaningful places for the community meaningful places for the story teller
Dranic Village structure today At the village edge waste former industrial systems were identified (a). The former â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;tarlaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; agriculture unit which people used to harvest and administrate together before communism has been highly fragmented in long and narrow properties after the total privatisation (bâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;)(1990). Larger agricultural types of division occupy the land in-between the village and the Jiu natural territory, which before 1945 was occupied by large forest surfaces (b). The border of agricultural land has been forwarded on the natural territory (c). A meaningful place has been identified at the edge, a refurbished mansion, where events and guests are accommodated (d). The main line (e) of the village is the main regional route that crosses its centre. The church, the 1900 industries (f ), the school, the shop and the pub (g) are placed along the main lines. Small scales paths (h) continue the village lines towards its natural surroundings: the river valley the forest (i), the grape fields(j). These are compacted earth trails, still used by villagers and weekend travellers with bikes and carriages mainly.
66
a) former production systems
c) the cut forest contour fig.29 Dranic Village at present, depicting a core cut in two by a road and a margin of cumulated dross. The textures are degrading , while the grazelands and the former production systems as vulnerable lands, with uncertain property, status actually belonging to the villagers, but gated. The three principles are sketched on Dranic, and test a possible restart of these former production systems when scaffolded together in the strategy.
bâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;) fragmented â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;tarlaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, people do not act together
c) massive expansion of pastures as lands is fragmented and not used collectively for grazing
j
f i g
h
h
e
j f f
d) meaningful place, refurbished mansion, an isolated success story
former production systems and technical infrastructures, wasteful public land regional route 70km/h, DJ561B buildable area grazing lands paths
cut forests
agricultural land
IV.4 The social territory There are critical disparities between city and its surrounding rural territory regarding accessibility, economy and access to amenities. This chapter seeks to provide a general image on which are the tendencies of growth and shrinkage in the territory. These statistics together with the site visits, interviews and collateral research included in the method of the Journal provide a current picture on how the site of the valley is inhabited. This background research is later used as a knowledge in the construction of scenarios, images as well as design decisions derived from these exercises. Dolj county has a predominantly rural territory which in 2008 did not have access to sanitation and waste collection services (90% to 100% population), consequently illegal dumping was a common negative practice (Mihai et.all 2012).Even though according to the statistics Dolj county is divided between 47.9 % rural and 52.1 % urban (insse dolj 2011), an interpretation of the statistic shows that 30% of the urban is actually a rural periphery or rural administrative units recently declared cities. Further, there is the trend that unemployed people from closed industries return to villages and practice subsistence agriculture to live (ibid.). Consequently, in reality 80% of the population lives in a rural environment in Dolj county (EU, 2008). Even though the rural concentrates half of Dolj county population, the GPD contribution of the rural is just 14% (insse Oltenia 2011). The rural area have the lower GDP in the country (insse.ro, 2013) accommodating half of the county population. In comparison to the city, the rural area has the lowest rate of utility networks in the country, weak public transport network (European Communities Unit E2, 2008), very low birth rate (Badescu 2011). The ageing rate (ibid.) is critical as there are villages where no children was born in twenty years (ibid.). By living in the countryside, you expose yourself three times more to extreme poverty conditions than living in the city (ibid). Because of the chaotic land retrocession, fear of collectivisation and working together, lack of technology and knowledge to work their land, the peasants live at the limit of subsistence. In the following maps and diagrams a series of trends and facts are explained: the population distribution; the trends of migration in the valley (fig.30), shrinkage and growth; the poverty, yet the rich ecological condition provided by the rural small scale economy and lifestyle (fig.31). Villages are ranked to face â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;severe povertyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (similar to extreme poverty, people live with less than one dollar/ day). Moreover, many of the villages are disconnected from the drainage system. The fertile soil makes out of this area to be known for its wines and cereals, though large companies manage these resources and do not seem to support the local. Only 11% of the countyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agricultural land is unused (dolj.insse.ro).
68
20%
0%
37,3 28,5 18,7
18,8
1948
1956
1966
1977
1992
2002
Censuses
2011
Urban
fig.30 Migration
Rural
STATISTIC RESEARCH Current Social trends between city and village in Dolj County
1970
20.0% 20.0%
21.1% 21.1%
37.5% 37.5% 31.6% 31.6%
29.8% 29.8%
10.9% 10.9%
urban urban urban toto urban
30.0% 30.0%
The trend is that people who were relocated in cities to work in industry return to the countryside, mostly because industries are closing; More poeple migrate from city to village 29,8 % in 2014 comparing to people leaving countryside for Craiova (21.1% in 2014); According to the regional urban- rural report in 2011, the procentance was 47.0 to 53.0% in tural areas;
19.1%
A second trend is the masive migration of young educated people from Craiova: 30%, growing according to INSSE reports 2015;
2014 2014
1970
ruraltotourban rural rural
urban rural rural totorural
Towards a Territorial City
10%
◀
In 1970 people were brought to the city to work in industry. The county is at present living a post industrial age: three main industrial platform have closed in the past two years.
rural to rural urban urban
source: EUROSTAT 2014, ‘The Portrait of a Region’, UE
◀
fig.31 Poverty and self-suffiency The country side in the county is the second in Romania with people receiving social benefits; The country lives in ‘severe’ poverty. However, it is ranked the first in the country and one of the first in EU regions where poeple live out of products they produce. Secondly, the main income comes from agriculture;
fig.32 Extreme contrast between city and village - no access to services-
◀
This diagram shows the big contrast between lifestyles in th ecountry side and cities. The villages have no connections to services from water to culture, and many other facilities (insse 2013). Secondly, the county Dolj is the least irrigated in terms of railways (only one ) and has no highway connections. (EUROSTAD 2014)
source: EUROSTAT 2014, ‘The Portrait of a Region’, UE 69
Territorial administrative units in the Valley 608 - 1000
0
10
20
ul en i Dab
Calarasi
i Bec h
J
iu
et
a her
Gig
Os tro ve n
Carn a
Des
a
Dan ube
40 km
700.000 inhab. in Dolj county
a Talp
1000 - 2000 2000 - 3000
s
3000 - 4000 4000 - 5000
5
10
20
20
Me
40i km ias Fil
50 km
line
i gas
sti
2000 - 3000
ad Br
etoa
ia
ti es
Secu Cerna
Grecesti
5
su 10 Gogo
20
20000 - 305689
50 km
Sop
va Brabo
soi
Ple
a
Salcuta
de J
os Tuglui
ov an
Calo
par
sti
ura ors
ovu
ut zic
eV ng
iov a
ti
◀
Territorial administrative units in the Valley
As in 608shown - 1000 in fig.33, the population is highly concentrated 0 10 20Craiova city,40 km with 300.000 inhabitants out of the 700.000 total of the county 1000 -around 2000 (43%). Another 135.000 inhabit the rural settlements in Craiova’s sur2000 - 3000 roundings and in Jiuu river’s valley. Craiova, together with the Territorial 3000 - 4000 Administrative Units of the Jiu valley, host 62% out of the total popu4000 - 5000 lation of the county, while it occupies only 27% of the total area of the 5000 - 8000 county. 8000 - 10000
10000 - 20000 0 since 5 the beginning 10 20 90s The population of Dolj has been decreasing of the 20000 - 305689 due to a negative natural increase and the intensifying phenomenon of external migration, especially after 2007, when Romania joined the EU.
50 km
Dab
ulen
i
Bec
iu
Calarasi
a her
Gig
J
Dan ube
het
Carn
a
Catane
Rast
ne
Gi
va do
Ghidici
aru
el Ap
Ur
ati Afum
Poiana Mare
Da
Goicea
Sa
Desa
Birca
Dobrotesti
i
i
sti
No
san
a Dobre
nii
Mir
rgit
tret Bis
rce
Giu
a
iles ti
Negoi
pe
C
Cel
Ba
fig.33 Population in Dolj county in 2016. (Census data processed in GIS. Data source: INSSE Dolj)
◀
70
va no
tra as
ii
ea
Int
rc
vit gla
Ma
Ciu
u
Diosti
ga
Se
Motatei
Cerat
at
laf
i
u Tesl
Le
Per is
or
Giubega
Ra d
Cetate
Ca
Co
ti es
e
oar Izv
i
n ve so
ri
a Pod
ot
op
rt
Vi
ea
i st
ne
ba Ro
ag Dr
Orodel
ita en Pl Unir
iova
300.000 inhab.Bucovat in Craiova Vir voru
ti les
Pie
Cra
Terpezi ta
Ve l
ita
a st
ea
Br
Lip
Ve rb
ita
ln
Isa
sti Prede
ot
Carpen
135.000 inhab. in the rural
c
0
10000 - 20000
testi
Tea s
8000 - 10000
Goiesti
Scaes ti
Dranic
5000 - 8000
Br ato vo e
4000 - 5000
Mischii
Arg
3000 - 4000
ti zes
10
Mur
0
Bul
0
10000 - 20000 608 - 1000 20000 - 305689 1000 - 2000
Os tro ve ni
Territorial administrative 8000 - 10000units in the Valley
Farcas
5000 - 8000
Towards a Territorial City
Inhabitants 900000 800000 700000
615301
750328
691116
642028
762142
734231
◀
660544
600000 500000
fig.34 Population in Dolj county between 1984-2011, according to the main censuses. (Data source: INSSE Dolj)
400000 300000 200000 100000 0
1948
1956
1966
1977
1992
2002
2011
Censuses
2011
2002
14,7
16,5
1992
12,2
15,0
20,5
0%
41,9
41,3
under 15
11,1
37,6
15,7
20% Age:
13,6
40% 15-24
13,2
60% 25-54
55-64
9,7
7,9
10,5
5,6
8,2
4,8
80% 65-74
75+
◀
90% 80% 50,9
70%
49,8
47,9
62,7 71,5 81,3
81,2
50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%
49,1
50,2
52,1
1992
2002
2011
37,3 28,5 18,7
18,8
1948
1956
1966
1977
Censuses
1970
Urban
2014
fig.35 Since the beginning of the 90s, ageing has been increasing in Dolj. According to INSSE Dolj, the demographic decline is due to a decreased birth rate, far below the level required for the replacement of the population for the next generation, and the external migration of the young and active population.
100%
100%
60%
◀
fig.36 The population of Dolj has been decreasing since the beginning of the 90s due to a negative natural increase and the intensifying phenomenon of external migration, especially after 2007, when Romania joined the EU. The urban population of Dolj reached the 50% threshold around year 2002. Since then, it has been slightly above that percentage.
Rural
71
-5.8%
-4.9% -11.7%
1.8% -16.2% -14.7%
6.3%
-8.6%
-9.9%
3.6%
-1792
-6.7% -9.6%
-12.8% 92.7%
0.6%
-272
-188
10.8%
-1792
-284
-11.7%
34 -382 -188 -402
273
-284
-356
0.4%
-5.2%
-272
1.8% -16.2% -14.7%
-6.4%
-8.8%
34
-5.8%
-4.9%
19.4%
-402
273
-186
-356
137
-13.5%
-260
137 -39389
1647
27
671
-357
92.7%
0.6% -3.9%
19.4%
-12.9%
10.8%
7
-154
-154
-3.9%
-19.4%
1647
615
615 671
-221
-15.1%
-16.4%
-2217
-357
-516
-1562
-6.7%
-12.8%
-260
-39389
27
-9.9%
3.6%
-18.2%
-186
6.3%
-8.6%
-382
0.4%
-5.2% -6.4%
-8.8%
-20.6% -98 -658
-516
-13.5%
1.5%
-704
-98
-1562
-18.2% -1103
-436
-98
-21.7%
-704
-643 -98
-867
-18.3%
-3.9%
115
-436
-1103
-3.9%
-19.4%
-658
-15.1%
-16.4%
-1133
-20.6%
-39389 - -1000
-643
-1000 - -500
115
-500 - -100
-46 - -40%
-867
0 - 100
-20 - -10%
100 - 300
-10 - 0%
-1133
300 - 500 500 - 1000
0
1000 - 3628
7,500
15,000
1.5%
-40 - -30% -30 - -20%
-100 - 0
-21.7%
0
0 - 10% 30,000 Meters
10 - 20%
0
5
10
20 km
5
10
20
-18.3%
20% - 95%
0 0
5
10
20 km
0
5
10
20
50 km
fig.37a Population growth (shades of blue) and decline (shades of red), in number of ihabitants, between 1992 and 2011. (Census data processed in GIS. Data source: INSSE Dolj)
fig.37b Population growth rate (shades of blue) and decline rate (shades of red), in percentages, between 1992 and 2011 . (Census data processed in GIS. Data source: INSSE Dolj)
-46 - -40%
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
0
-40 - -30%
7,500 -30 - -20%
15,000
30,000 Meters
-20 - -10%
- 0% As shown above,-10 the population in the ring of settlements 0 neighboring 5 10 0 - 10% Craiova, except two communes in the Eastern section, had been growing between 1992 and in 10 - 2011, 20% while the majority of the settlements 0 5 the 10 valley of Jiu River went 20% - 95%through a population decline in that period. This pattern may be explained by the increased phenomenon of urban sprawl in the periphery of Craiova during the years of post-communist transition.
72
-12.9%
20 km
20
50 km
-8.5% -10.8%
-3.29%
-12.04% -5.06%
-7.05%
-67
6.4%
3.03%
-4.14%
-0.12%
-6.29%
-5.68%
14
-7.2% -5.93%
-132
-495
-85
-154
-1.96% -2.09% -2.14%
-106
32
-67
-80
106 -120
4
25
-106
-108
-67
-25
-106
-162
-108
-87
-180
118
-71
-58 -118
-112
-180
-1
-55
-70
-193
-80
-159
-45
-29
-672
-159
-144
-156
-148
-17
-3 25
-136
94
-135
-5.36% -329
97
-4.5%
-106
-116
-144
-59
-3.25%
-17
94
-139
-250
Legend-106
-696
-274
-4.74%
-4.97%
-87 -6220 - -1124 -1124 - -500
-116
-123 0.53% -250
-100 - 0
-274
0 - 100 100 - 500
0
500 - 1011
7,500
fig.37c Population Legendgrowth (shades of blue) and decline (shades of red), in ComuneJiuLimit number of ihabitants, between 2011 POPP_11_16 and 2016. (Census data processed in Comune.POPP1116v5 GIS. Data source: INSSE)
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
0
15,000
-46.00000 - -20.00000
-46 - -20%
-19.99999 - -15.00000
-20 - -15%
7,500 - -10.00000 15,000 -14.99999 -9.99999 - -5.00000
-15 - -10%
-2.04%
-9.96%
-4.96%
-2.02%
-1.39%
-3.25
-8.82% 5.04% -7.76%
-5.5%
-8%
-2.58%
-6.89%
-59
-392
-46.00000 - -20.00000
-46 -1.98% - -20%
-19.99999 - -15.00000
-20 - -15%
-14.99999 - -10.00000
-15 - -10%
-9.99999 - -5.00000
-10 - -5%
-4
-4.99999 - 0.00000
-696
-4.96%
0 - 10%
10.00001 - 20.00000 0 30,000 Meters 20.00001 - 30.00000
10 - 20%
-3.79
-7.54% -6.38%
-4.6%
-4.24%
-5.71%
-3.45% -6.47% -6.23%
-9.96%
0.2
-3.25% -8.82% -7.76%
-0.05% -8%
-5.41%
-5 - 0%
0.00001 - 10.00000
-331
4.15%
-3.41%
12
-3.65%
4.15%
-9.65%
-4.32%
-1.39%
-114
Comune.POPP1116v5-0.71% 4.97% -88 -0.08% -5.11% 1.06%
-500 - -100
0
POPP_11_16
-5.71%
-4.26%
-2.99%
-9.48%
-5.08%
-331 -7.75% ComuneJiuLimit
-136
-4.32% 8%
-5.01%
-1.37%
-30212 -9.61%
-224 -4
-1.91%
-118
-114
-392
-123
-329
-302
-5.54%
-169
-6.47%-260 -139
-135
29.88% 1.21% -1.98%
-1.02%
-4%
-9.65%
-169
-122
-224
97
-88 97
-5.73%
-6.76%
-260
-168
-118 -6.72%
24.92%
-3.09% -2.25%
-2.99%
-3.41%
4.97%
-0.71%
-0.08% -5.42%
-
-2.04%
-1.39% 2.72%
-5.08%
-171
-122
97
-87
-43
-144
-1.96% 0.53%
-272
-168
-4.08%
-144
-87
-156
-531
-247
-5.11% 1.06% -4.27% -171
-272
-247
-1.43% -43
-44
-2.14%
-81
-87
-156
-80
-46 -7.2%
-46 -4.97%
87 -81
-3%
-0.02%
-4.74%
-44
87
-40
-29-40 -45
-7.44% -7.75%
-5.68%
460
-5.93%
-92
-70
-31
-328
672
-31
-147
-114
-102
1011
-1.37%
-1.99%
-102
460
80 1011
80
-3.29% -3.25% -0.12%
-1.91%
6.4% -9.61%
3.03%
-4.14%
-1.02%
-4%
-9.48%
269
-92
-405
193
-145
-96
-12.04%
269 -7.05% -5.73% 44
-6.29%
-1
-34
-79 -147
-10.8%
-5.54% -4.18%
-1.06%
-8.5%
-6.47%
-51
44
-5 -6220
-125
-145
-96
114
281
118
-58
-112
-161
-10.9%
-83
1.29% -4.5%
-5.36%
-15.08%
-6220
-291
-34
281
-71
-205
-6.3%
-3.09%
-2.25%
-2.57% -2.52%
29.8
1.21%
-8.54%
-6.11% -6.72%
-6.76% 0.72%
-1.43%
-4.9%
-80 -51
-25
-5
-125
-86
25
-162
-175
-154
32
-54
-120
-84
118
-85
-83
-9.11%
-132
-495
-54
-4.08% -1.76%
-2.26%
14
-5.42%
-4.27%
-2.62%
-67
-0.02%
0.67%
Towards a Territorial City
-1.99%
-7.44%
-5.18%
0
5
10
20
0%
-5.31%
50
20% - 30%
fig.37d Population growth rate (shades of blue) and decline rate (shades of red), in percentages, between 2011 and 2016 . (Census data processed in GIS. Data source: INSSE)
30,000 Meters
-10 - -5%
-5 - 0% growth continues, but - 0.00000 Between 2011-2016-4.99999 the phenomenon of peripheral 0 - 10% 0.00001 -Southeast, 10.00000 it is stronger in the South, and North ofrom Craiova. The population of the settlements in-the valley keeps10declining, including - 20% 10.00001 20.00000 0 5the three 10 communes East from Craiova , which were growing 20% - 30% in the previous period. 20.00001 - 30.00000 The growth in the South-Southeast is enforced by the reopening of the international airport and the opening of the Ford factory in 2010.
20
50 km
73
The lived in social territory is defined and discovered throw the interviews, site visits and exploratory mapping create a picture about the social territory of the citizens and villagers, regarding on how people use and inhabit the territory beyond the administrative boundaries. Even though considered a green city at first site, the Craiova tends to erase and not value its green areas, while the number of cars it is fastly growing and the sidewalks in the city center have become a parking space, a technical space (as B. Secchi describes the problem of the city’s ground floor) which replaces public lively space. Ranked as one of the greenest city in Europe in 2012, in the same year Craiova is revealed to have one of the highest ozone air pollution in Europe (Eurostat 2012 data). This observation points to a type of lifestyle oriented towards consumerism and personal car transportation, which gradually transforms the ecological pontetiality of a place into drossscapes. However the trend to explore the rural an natural grounds of the valley, to buy products from the locals, bike, hike and enjoy leisure activities in nature became a promising force and a resource for the future project of the territory. The lived in territory of the villager is discovered through on-site observation, but also an extensive literature and historical research, exploratory mapping and aerial photo research. The sponge, the smaller scale paths, the intersections and the zones of limits become important elements to further explore and design upon, elements designed by the villager’s way of inhabiting the territory. The small paths reveal on the map the drawing of the locals walks, walks which cross the most attractive textures and gather the key territorial points. Sometimes these paths are waste routes, leftovers from former industrial systems which served previous epoques, but now support the accessibility of locals within a territory where the rural is isolated and excluded. The valley’s social territory is defined on the one hand by the citizens: their episodic visits (leisure weekends or designed explorations, such as bike routes, motorcycle routes, photographs, art, projects) or their new projects based in the valley for a longer term (new economies, new larger scale developments, EU funded projects). Secondly, the valley social territory is the villager’s territory. The villager impact is sometimes positive: small scale ecological actions, which support the subsistence economies, but also negative, transforming the valley into a waste area (actual waste illegal deposits and degradation of former economic areas).
74
Towards a Territorial City
Changes in Morphology and Changes in Society
? 1945<
1940-1960
forest
1989-2015
fig.38
a
tarla
balanced territorial division and active middle class 5- 10 ha: middle class peasant 10 - 15: ha boyard; people worked the ‘tarla’ together and used it according to the seasons;
b
c
collectivisation of all property---> the colhoz model all land and animals become state property
1989- the total privatisation very fragmented territory, expanded over the natural territory, people can’t work together--> degradation
image souce: google maps info source: Eurostat 2014, Ciobotea si Zarzara 2005, Badea si Ghenovizci 1974, EU Land Grabbing report 2015
Changes in Society 1945<
1947- 1949
1945-1989
1990 ‘revolution’
1989-2015 fig.39
80 000 killed or tortured to give in their properties and believe in Communism
tens of thousands of peasants killed; new agricultural program: collectivisation ‘queing for food- portions on card’
a fragmented society: people were used to spy other people for secret service--> fear of the community
image souce: (1) ‘Que for food 1960, adevarul.ro; mediafax.ro, Christmass dinner 1937, info source: Valentino, Benjamin A (2005). Final solutions: mass killing and genocide in the twentieth century. Cornell University Press. pp. 91–151.
75
IV.5 The administrative territory of the valley placed in the context of Romania and UE
The administrative territory of Romania is organised in counties, cities and communes. After entering the EU in 2007, the NUTS II regions system was drawn over the existing territorial organisation and the boundaries of the new regions (South-West Oltenia in this case) followed the boundaries of the counties, grouping the 41 counties of Romania into eight regions (Baun, Marek in Benedek, Horvath 2008). During communism even though the territorial spatial division was similar (counties), the administrative system was highly centralised by the communist government. According to Law no.215/2001 the system is at present decentralised and the local administrative territories are autonomous regarding the organisation and management of their territorial resources (Article 4/2 Romanian Constitution in Baun, Marek 2008). Law no. 315 adopted in 2014 was one of the cohesion frameworks aimed to support regional development through objectives, instruments and institutions. The main scope was to open the former rigid administrative structure to correlation and cross-border cooperation at multiple scales in and out, consequently prepare the access of these territorial units for EU structural funds and better integrate them into EU territorial frameworks. Similar to other Eastern and Southern European countries Romania is the second predominantly rural country in the EU271 (PR 80% country population lives in the rural, out of which 30% is doubtfully covered by the IR definition), with high disparities between the urban and the rural in the case of S-W Region (The Portrait of A Region 2014). Accessibility has been identified as a major issue between urban and rural, creating an economic isolation from the important markets as well as isolation of the rural social groups (European Communities Unit E2, 2008). Providing the traditional public transportation system in such territories is expensive (Baun, Marek 2008). Secondly, the poverty statistics are a mirror of the incapability of farmers to act together in a capitalistic economy, but also to be individually prepared to have a business. Most of the successful farmers were feared by the communists, consequently the strategy was to operate with people that can be fully controlled, but these people lacked the business knowledge and education (Avram 2013). And so, the economies in the rural were totally centralised until 1990, Romania being the last country to abandon this model, which proved to be inefficient (. This change of agricultural production completely reset the small scale, yet cooperative rural production in a completely centralised model, which finally proved to be economically inefficient. Romania was the country which exhaustively applied this model (90% of the country agricultural land was nationalised) and was the last one to change it (Avram 2013). After 1990 the reverse transformation from state to private farms led to the opposite extreme: an extreme fragmentation of land property, farms and small dimension economies that lack knowledge, resources or support strategies. In addition, he notion of acting collectively or using collective resources has been the fundamental principle of the rural lands before 1945, a principle radically used to manipulate property and society during communism, a feared notion today, which led to an extreme social fragmentation and spatial fragmentation, the determinants of the rural poverty problems in Romania (European Communities Unit E2, 2008). People in the rural live in extreme poverty conditions, risk being 42% in the rural to less than half in the urban, respectively 18% (ibid.). Further differences between urban and rural are pointed by the access to services and territorial accessibility. The main economic model in the rural is the semi-subsistance farm (ibid.). A model that poorly participates to the economy, has ecological qualities, but does not exploit the rich 1 According to OECD definition PR= predominantly rural, IR= Intermediate rural. DG Regional Policy further used this definition as a base to create 2 categories: “ ‘remote regions” and ‘regions close to a city’, according to their distance from a large urban centre, expressed as the time required to get to such city by road”. (European Communities Unit E2, 2008) 76
Towards a Territorial City geographic resources and together with the critical ageing condition of the rural areas makes the rural and natural lands vulnerable to global threats, such as land grabbing and nature exploitation (Doris 2014). Therefore there is an urgent need to support and reinvent this economic trend (ibid.), support it throughout territorial scales creating relations in-between the large scale economic actors and the small scale farmers. A conclusion relevant to the current project draws attention to the major difference regarding the trends and dynamics between the urban and the rural across UE-27, between the Western predominately urban (PU) countries and the rest. Consequently, the cohesion between different EU units as well as strategies or strategic projects should be implemented in closer relation to the context, thus taking into consideration the slow and difficult period of transition of the former Eastern Bloc countries2, which are now part of the UE-27. Further, after researching the possible administrative definition of the city, rural and natural valley territory the overall picture shows an incidental superimposition of fragmented territories. For example, the natural corridor is divided into 34 administrative rural units or the peculiar fragmentation of Natura 2000 corridor when crossing the former industrial platforms located in-between Craiova and Jiu River.
2 Eastern Bloc countries are the former communist and soviet countries of Central and Eastern Europe. 77
Towards a Territorial City
V Problem statement
The disconnection, the social and spatial boundaries between the territories of Craiova city, its rural surroundings and the Jiu river valley led to (1) the degradation and abandonment of spatial structures, (2) social imbalance and (3) ecological problems.
79
80
Towards a Territorial City
VI Reserach Question
How to design a common territory between Craiova city, its rural sorroundings and Jiu River Valley that could develop enhanced social and ecologic relations?
81
82
Methods
What is the territorial structure of Craiova city, Jiu River Valley and rural areas?
Mapping
Towards a Territorial City
Sub-R. Q.
Literature review Which are the common grounds and relations between the territories of Craiova city, Jiu valley and rural areas ? (spatial contact and processes that connect city-rural-valley)
Historical study Site visits Interview Mapping
What are the main trends, driving forces and actors that may influence the development of the common grounds?
The Journal Trends table Actors diagram Project Map
How can these current dynamics (trends, driving forces and actors) together with the common grounds support the design of the territorial city?
Statistics Narrative Space Syntax
How can the integration and interaction between the three territories (city, rural, valley) be enhanced through design?
Images Scenarios Precedents
83
VII Methodology
Mapping: The mapping starts at 2 scales of focus: the scale where the three territorial structures are perceived together (city-villages-valley) and the scale where the spatial contact between their territories is identified and introduced in the design framework. In an abstract way, this scale could be called ‘the transect scale’, in the sense that it depicts a spatial relation between place and larger territorial processes, similarly to the ‘valley section’ of Geddes (in Welter 2002), rather than the methods of density calculus of Duany (2009). A mapping and exploration with sections will be used as a method to design and display the strategy. Mapping the existent structures connected to processes already starts the strategy project. Similarly to Salento project (Viganò 2009), the lines, the surfaces and the points will operate in order to follow design principles and to create a new system of relations between territories. For the mapping of territorial dynamics a diachronic cartography was used (fig.40). Three base maps, from three different historical periods (1864, 1978-80, 2016), were used to map the transformations in the territory of Craiova. The mapping aims to identify changes in (1) the production system—Agricultural Production Cooperatives, stables, industrial areas, mills—, (2) forests, and (3) the stream of Jiu River. For the comparison, the raster maps were georeferenced and superimposed in GIS. The changes in production systems, forests and river channel migration were traced manually. Aerial photo mapping is an important method to design across scales and update the strategy in-between scales. The combination of aerial/satellite photography and GIS mapping brings together data with missing information. Aerial photo research can also give hints about processes and can be used together with statistics (for example, illegal forest cutting or land grabbing, visible in aerial photos can be further checked through statistics and reports and mapped in GIS). Literature review: The theory essay is an incursion into ecology, investigating the ‘territorial city’ from different theoretical and practical perspectives. The literature is in this process of design a way to understand how to identify, map and design the areas of contact between city, valley and village. For example, the category of drosscapes structures the strategy and the analysis, while highlighting areas of borders unknown before. The project for Salento is an inspiration regarding methods of design with ‘continuities’. In addition, the project for Paris (Secchi, Viganò 2009) brings design inspiration on ‘anti-park’ design as a form to create ‘stepping stones’ of public spaces in large empty green areas. Inspired by theories and project examples, the project sets up the goal of recycling the existing waste territorial structures, while integrating in the project the current social trends and dynamics. The literature review is a exploratory tool on the notions of territory and territorial cities. Historical study is based on archival material and meetings with a historian during the site visit. This study is essential to understand the current state of fragmentation in the county (a spatially, socially and economically fragmented ground). The historical research has focused on the economic history of the county (Ciobotea and Zarzara 2005), village history (Badescu 2011, Ceausescu 2011), the city’s history (Croitoru 2011), as well as gathering qualitative and quantitative data from statistical reports and further literature. The historical maps were used as study to understand the change in territorial dynamics and the impact of these dynamics on the current territorial state (desertification, floods, poverty, lack of collaboration). The historical studies about the city structure (Croitoru, 2011), collectivization (Avram, 2005), village structure (Ceausescu, 2011), regional natural structures (soil and water) and the history of the Chamber of Commerce (Ciobotea and Zarzara, 2005) are selected to correlate maps and data. All these books were 84
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written after 1989, so the information and data that they provide were not distorted by censorship. Still, historical data is scarce, as a lot of cadastre maps and strategy plans disappeared. For example, the water plan and territorial sections created by the Dutch engineer Lindsay, engaged in planning the water city system are not to be found. The disappearance of data and documents is officially acknowledged in the archives. Site visit: the talks with local experts and people in the area play an important role in the process and confront the relevance of the subject with the actual status of the city and its territory. During the site visits 50 km to 200 km were travelled along the river valley and transversal lines, accessing the river natural lands whenever that was possible. The routes started from the city’s historical and geometric centre, through periphery-landscape-villages along all routes accessible by car. The trips were recorded with GPS trackers, photos, filming, sketches and talks with locals. There were three main site visits during different seasons: autumn, winter and summer. The first site visit was less targeted, broad, and exploratory in nature, and it was meant to support the understanding of the territory. The method helps to grasp the territorial city from eye level in addition to aerial views. The site visit plays a very important role in the process of design. The products of the visits were coupled with various mapping methods, such as aerial photo research, in order to make connections between place and process. Statistics are also combined with site visit products (photo, movies, interviews). Interview mapping: the interviews were addressed to the people that act between the three territories: city, village, valley. Interviews during site visit involved a set of actors: the fisherman association, the wine expert, the professional biker association, the local councillor of the county, the NGO team that works on the strategy of Jiu Corridor within the programme Natura 2000 or the newspaper photographer who explores the landscape. These actors already create a link between the three territories. Each interview was accompanied by a mind map and key illustrated stories that bring knowledge to the project. All together, the interviewees fill in a questionnaire and contribute to a collective map regarding their meaningful routes and places. This map was further used in the design. The scenarios that the design is based on, perform a narrative (Viganò 2009) that these actors already started. The Journal associates the documentation of the site visits, the short talks with locals and the interview mapping. In this way, ‘space journals’ are hybrids between the perception of the designer and the user. Talking to the people is a way of understanding how the territory is inhabited in reality. This leads to the method of retracing the maps from the point of view of their users beyond conventional administrative boundaries. For example, the forest is a playground for the children in the village, even though it is not part of its administrative territory. The desired paths are a form to inhabit the natural territory creating an informal territorial system, invisible in GIS and statistics. This is a form to identify areas of spatial contact (intersection) which exist, but are traced informally, such as the desired paths system. The Journal is built as a superimposition of several narratives, a complex structure that brings several stories together. The narratives structure is documented both in mathematics and in structure of fairy tales.
The trends table is an exploratory method. It is the result of a brainstorming collecting an exhaustive set of trends (obtained from several sources, such as statistics, site visits and literature), categorising and recombining them in order to identify opportunities. The trends are organized according to the three territories. Actor diagram: Just like the projects map, the actor map identifies all the key actors in the territory, along with their interests, desires, synergies and conflicts. This map will be used as a key 86
Towards a Territorial City
resource for the deployment of the strategy. Projects map: All the existing projects on several scales (EU projects, cross-border cooperation projects, territorial strategies, local initiatives, etc.) are mapped. The thesis takes these projects, along with social and ecological trends, into consideration and it aims to integrate them. Statistics: Spatial and demographic statistics are used to inform the scenarios of demographic change that the design is based on. Trends, such as ageing, external migration, and rural-urban migration, are derived from statistics. Space Syntax is used to look at the city and territorial structures separately (rural areas and natural land infrastructures) and jointly, with and without the smaller scale â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;spongeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of desired paths. Additionally, the use of Space Syntax (Hillier 1984 in Berghauser Pont 2015) could test the result of the traced strategy in addition to the narrative method. Images are future states of the territory derived from current trends. Played out by four typical users of the territory (visitor, villager, city inhabitant, the weekend explorer), images are used as a way to run and localise strategic interventions. The four images incorporate the trends and patterns identified from statistics, interviews and mapping. The images are localised in different parts of the territory; however, they are not completely separated. The four images coexist with different intensities in the whole valley. The transition from one image to another is fuzzy, rather than clear cut. Scenarios are used to simulate the development of the territory on two driving forces: rural-urban population change and centralised-decentralised forms of territorial occupation. The resulting four scenarios Precedents: Precedents, from both local and international projects and on a wide range of scales (e.g. territorial parks, urban furniture, bike paths, etc.), are used in the strategy to refresh the knowledge on how the territorial city could be designed.
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VIII Framing the Territorial City
Theoretical Framework The research on (1) territorial projects and the definition of territory; the research by design and the method of (2) urban scaffolding construct the theoretical framework. The current project creates a theoretical frame, which combines a set of theories extracted from slightly different fields (urbanism, landscape urbanism, ecology). The main tools that built the frame are: the valley section (Geddes 1909), the territory as a palimpsest (Corboz 1983), the territory as a porous and permeable ground (B.Secchi, P.Viganò), the water and infrastructure networks as carrying territorial structures (Tjalingii 2015) , the drosscapes as a resource (Berger 2006); the image and the scenarios as tools to explore the future and mediate between actors and different territories (P. Viganò 2010, 2009, 2016).
Conceptual Framework Further, the theoretical backgrounds and tools are coupled in main design principles to define the conceptual framework and to provide design tools for the territorial strategy: Permeability “Permeability is characterized by movement of percolation of water, people and practices.” The concept of permeability is adopted by Secchi and Vigano from hydraulic engineering and it is expressed in terms of ‘pipes’ and ‘sponges’. (Secchi, 2012) The pipes refer to larger scale networks, while the sponge reveals the percolation of smaller scales roads and paths. Porosity “Porosity 1: A porous city is a density of meaningful places. [...] Porosity 2: The project of a porous city gives space to the water.” (Vigano, 2009) The territory of drosscapes can be “actual waste, wasted places (abandoned or contaminated sites), or wasteful places (for example, parking lots or big box retail venues).” (Berger, 2006) These waste lands are considered potentials pores for development, consolidating porosity. Correspondence refers to the coupling between different actors and/or different places and it promotes reciprocal advantages. The principle is proposed after a series of research by design exercises and aimed at designing common grounds using public space: (1) common grounds between different actors (habitation, economic, knowledge platforms). (2) ecologic grounds between cultural land and natural areas.
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â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.41 Methodology diagram
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Territory in Urbanism Projects (Theory essay)
The theory essay attached to this booklet was used as a preliminary tool for theoretical exploration regarding the notion of territorial cities and territorialism. The paper reffers to current theoretical debates about the ecological approach when designing territories. The meaning of territory is researched through a set of selected theories and design precedents perceived in the design and theoretical work of: P. Geddes (1909), A.Corboz (1983), A.Branzi (2006), G.Descombes (1999), B.Secchi, V.Gregotti, P. Viganò (1980- 2012), S. Tjallingii (2005, 2015), C.Waldheim (2006), Pickett, McGrath (2013). Further, a series of tools, methods and concepts comming from these theories and exploration guide the process of design. The main tools that further supported the design process were ‘the valley section’ (Geddes 1909), the two network theory (Tjallingii 2005, 2015), the concepts of porosity and permeability (B.Secchi, P.Viganò), the notion of drossscapes (Berger 2006) and the image and scenarios as design instruments (Viganò 2010). Abstract This paper explores the concept of territory from an ecological and landscape urbanism perspective. When introducing the notion of territorialism and ecological approach a series of views and methods are highlighted. These views were selected from Ecological Urbanism, then the more rational ecological approach on territories (P. Viganò and B. Secchi) and Landscape Urbanism (Waldheim 2006). The definition of the territory project is searched by exploring the design principles that construct the territorial project in terms of limits and processes. The paper follows theoretical roots, up to present practices, exploring a cumulated set of perspectives. The aim is to understand the different types of links envisioned between the broader natural territory, city territory and rural grounds. Several abstract and real projects of the city’s larger territory (Ch. 01-04) are analysed. Abstract, critical and conceptual or real effective designs of territorial projects are briefly discussed: P. Geddes (1909), A. Corboz (1985), A. Branzi (2006), C. Waldheim (2006), J. Corner (2014). P. Viganò and B. Secchi (1984- 2014) and A. S. Tjallingii (2012). Within the broad discours on territorial design, recommendations and principles are highlighted (Waldheim 2006) or complex methodologies, like coupled networks as carrying structures for change (Tjallingii 2015), tools that cross and connect such as the continuity, permeability and porosity approach (Viganò 2009 in Oase 80) or the older, yet relevant concepts such as the ‘valley section’ (Geddes 1909). Ecology, so differently perceived in the urban discourse over time, has become lately ‘an open system to draw upon’ (Descombes 2014) capable of shifting landscapes and designing complex territorial patterns in a more rational way (Viganò 2013). The conclusion emphasizes on the open definition of terriotrial city project, but also on the multitude of ecological approaches. A brief table is used as a tool to compare the different methods and spatial design configurations are identified in the researched projects. Both incipient (Geddes 1909) and more recent territorial city projects are gathered in order to understand the territorial project definition and how to cope with heterogeneous territorial conditions. Key words: territorial projects; ecological urbanism.
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Towards a Territorial City fig.42 No-Stop City, A. Branzi 2006
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Urban Scaffolding: A Topological Design Tool (Symposium Beyond ism 19-21 October 2016) Authors: Maria ALEXANDRESCU, Claudiu FORGACI, Anca Ioana IONESCU Abstract Landscape urbanism and related fields provide a number of tools, methods, and techniques for the design of built and unbuilt urban landscape. However, the interplay of these techniques is left up to the designers, and the resulting range of projects associated with the terms is broad and inconsistent. This paper aims to propose a method of urban scaffolding as a way to reconfigure existing practices into a flexible, scalable yet compact mechanism for design. The method was developed through several design projects that focused on reconnecting the urban and natural landscape through topological strategies. Urban scaffolding is a strategic design tool that combines a number of existing landscape, landscape urbanism, urbanism, and ecological tools into a flexible, and repeatable module that simultaneously discovers and intervenes in a territory. As a conceptual tool, it abstracts key relationships between a landscape’s scales, and as a lens it prepares the ground of the project’s subsequent interventions. In this paper urban scaffolding is introduced both in terms of what it is, and what it can do. As a design method, urban scaffolding uses the structural potentials of the existing landscape (i.e. water lines, ecological corridors) and urban fabric (i.e. road network, desired paths, waste space) to guide the development of the city as a coupled social-ecological system. The scaffolding is a topological device that uses three types of connections—enforcers/anchors, collectors/gatherers, and explorers/connectors—capable of adapting to the particularities of each site and providing different configurations of the module. With this configuration, the scaffolding seeks to establish an interscalar system of relationships that facilitates access to local and remote resources, thus guiding rather than prescribing urban development. The method uses three non-metric scales: (1) the territorial scale (scale of context), defined by the watershed and the major urban activities connected to it; (2) the scale of the scaffolding (scale of focus), which identifies the strategic structure; and (3) the projectscale of the elements (scale of detail), which defines projects in terms of points, lines and surface. Urban scaffolding is not only a tool to be used on the site, but it also puts forward a number of principles that prepare the ground for the interventions and unfolding of existing landscape potentials. These principles not only guide the operations of the three urban scaffolding components, but also determine and guide their coming together with the existing structural potentials of a landscape - and thus determine what urban scaffolding can do: 1. Access to geomorphology and natural features; 2. Encourages heterogeneity and coexistence; 3. Unfolds, encourages, and builds upon existing processes and structures; 4. Embraces emergent, self-organized processes. […] Keywords: topological design; urban scaffolding; interscalar design; landscape integration.
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Towards a Territorial City fig.43 the metaphor of scaffolding photograph source: https://scaffoldingsuppliesinlondon.files.wordpress.com/2015/091.jpg
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Excerpts: URBAN SCAFFOLDING is a method that has been developed through design projects, and is still in the process of being developed. Urban scaffolding is a strategic design tool that has two main aspects: it is first, a topological system of relations and second, an interscalar system of relationships. It simultaneously discovers and intervenes in a territory. As a conceptual tool, it abstracts key relationships between a landscapeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s scales, and as a lens it prepares the ground for the project`s subsequent interventions. The Use of Existing Structures Second, this method encourages further heterogeneity and coexistence. The making of a relational scaffold - or framework - for future development allows for the existing context to preserve its specificities and further evolve its existing processes. The scaffolding discovers the territory, collecting existing programes, uses, functions and potentials, or in other words, determines a field of possibilities. Through this aforementioned relational scaffold, the strategic design project is then able to select existing processes and structures to unfold, encourage, and build upon. Further, the relational aspect of urban scaffolding allows a strategic design to embrace emergent and self-organized processes. By using existing structures, a field of possibilities is uncovered, revealing the base structures upon which the scaffold is constructed. In this field of possibilities the careful discovery and strategic selection is key in preparing the ground for future design interventions. Morphology is encrypted information and patterns are mapped in order to unfold fields of possibilities. Then acting (design) in this field by choosing reinforcing elements puts the discovered elements into specific topological relations and tension, allowing for the emergence of a middle scenario - where middle scenario is defined as the one which allows most coexisting possibilities unfolded to their individual potential. Dealing with Complexity Scaffolding is less of a closed mechanism and rather it is an open system where the components and its links are predefined, but the ways of combining is endless. At the same time, a scaffold requires something to attach to - it is a support structure that is never independent of that which it supports, but always close to a complex organism, providing strategic, enabling links. Through these links, the organismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s functions are supported and streamlined, opening up new possibilities. In this way, the scaffolding as a design tool is compared to Meccano Game. (fig.44) Main Components The scaffolding has three main components: enforcers/anchors, collectors/gatherers/ and explorers/connectors. These components uncover an existing landscape and select strategic elements which are put in relation across three scales - territorial scale, scaffolding scales, and elemental scale. Research by Design It is important to highlight that the fundamental principles of scaffolding allow the free combining of existing or new design tools. While the design uses existing tools from the repertoire of landscape/landscape urbanism/ and urbanism, the fundamental principles of the scaffolding are consistent and consistently being refined. Urban scaffolding is a continually evolving project tested through design.
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fig.44 Meccano Game
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
TERRITORY DEFINITION
PROJECTS OF TERRITORIES
planning reports historical reserach
administrative
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territory as a permeable surface (mobility)
Tjalingii 2015
water territories & mobility networks as carrying structures
L. Ec. Principles
territories explained in patches, edges, corridors, matrix
ViganÓ 2010
territory as a porous surface meaningful places; water;
Berger 2006
territory as drosscapes
Viganò 2010, 2016
images and scenarios (tools to explore the future)
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CONTEXT
TERRITORY DEFINITION
Towards a Territorial City
RESEARCH RESEARCH BY BY DESIGN DESIGN
DESIGN DESIGN PRINCIPLES PRINCIPLES
Mapping Sprawl Mapping ofof Sprawl (gated (gated territories) territories)
CORRESPONDENCE CORRESPONDENCE
Public Public Private Private Territory Territory
(coupling (coupling places places && actors) actors)
MAP MAP OFOF FAKE FAKE and and MAP MAP OFOF SUCCESS SUCCESS STORIES STORIES (restricted (restricted territories territories onon former former public public land) land)
Images Images and and Scenarios Scenarios
inaccessibility; inaccessibility; mobility mobility trends; trends; floodable floodable areas; areas; ground ground structure; structure;
MOBILITY MOBILITYPERMEABILITY PERMEABILITY
transversal transversal links; links; small small paths paths network; network; main main mobility mobility network; network;
DESIGN DESIGN STRATEGY STRATEGY NATURE NATURE PERMEABILITY PERMEABILITY
valuable valuable textures textures (patches); (patches); ecological ecological diversity; diversity; natural natural meaningful meaningful places; places; projects projects map; map; actors actors map; map; map map ofof meaningful meaningful places; places;
POROSITY POROSITY
identification identification ofof dross; dross; former former industrial industrial systems; systems; postures; postures; limits; limits; parking parking space. space.
CONTEXT CONTEXT
44 IMAGES IMAGES 44 SCENARIOS SCENARIOS
fig.45 Theoretical and conceptual framework diagram. The main theoretical references provide tha concepts that are developed through the research by design process and the filter of the context into design principles. 97
XI Scientific and Societal Relevance
The site depicts a socially and spatially fragmented context where man was detached from place
and community, while the rural and natural territories were functionally separated from the city. These disconnections had a lasting negative impact on the larger territorial development, trans-
forming the city into ‘enclave’ with low economic performance, and reducing the ecological qualities of the rural landscape where village living standards are ranked as severe poverty. The vision is to recover and create new relations between the main proposed systems: city-villages-valley,
beneficial for both society and environment. If land is constantly reiterated by its inhabitants as a palimpsest (Corboz 1938), this design is seen as a narrative to provide a more balanced coupling of processes and links between city-village-valley. Scientific relevance The theoretical framework is meant to grasp the importance of such an approach when Landscape Urbanism (Waldheim 2006) is coming to an age and the ecological approach started to
join planning and morphological approaches. Even though the theoretical framework (see theory paper in Appendix) refers to a complex theoretical field and it might not give an exhaustive view, it sets the goal to make a relevant section through the theoretical discourse about ecology and to select a couple of methods and tools that support the ecological approach in a grounded way (in
relation to morphology and local processes). The growing relevance of such heterogeneous design frameworks both in research and practice, sets the challenge of exploring this subject. The asso-
ciation between the theory and the case study is a second challenge based on theoretical indica-
tions that mid-size cities could respond to such a design approach (Dehaene, Havik, Notteboom 2012), but also proposing as a case an Eastern European city described as a vulnerable context,
rarely approached from this perspective. The proposed hypothetical compatibility between theory and site will be approached through a ‘research by design’ process. Societal relevance The thesis tries to envision a development framework inspired by ecological theories, methods
and tools in an Eastern European mid-size city placed in the South of Romania. The city has an identity crisis (accused as such, it was excluded in December 2015 from the European Cultural Capital competition), the GDP is the second lowest in the country and has a low performing
economy (insse.ro). The rural territory around the city faces severe poverty (insse.ro) and more
than 70% of the people lacks education (Badescu 2011), practising subsistence agriculture on very fragmented land (ibid.). The surrounding territory of the national park of the Jiu River Valley and the surrounding fertile land, are facing environmental threats and degradation: desertification,
soil pollution, flood, garbage landfill and illegal garbage deposits. As a different entity from natu-
ral landscapes and villages, the city acts like an enclosed system. The county is a set of fragmented
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systems with vulnerable global link (city and small agriculture businesses). Half of the population lives in villages and half live in the city (dolj.insse.ro).
To conclude, the current framework envisions the urban-rural system and nature as co-working
systems. The design outcome imagines how the three systems will collaborate and exchange en-
ergy rather than conflict with each other. This research by design re-imagines the city territory as opening towards its surrounding landscapes, recycling its ‘land as palimpsests’ (Corboz 1983) and building ecological methods in order to re-imagine and support new ways to inhabit this land in the future.
fig. 46 November 2015, field trip observation: ‘bikes and carriages are the main mobility for people in the villages. Cars are parked in front during weekends when relatives from town come to visit.’
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X Research by design
The project is a knowledge producer (Paola Viganò) and the limit between theory and design is sometimes vague, while the two feed each other. Following this conviction, a set of exploratory exercises gradually discover and design the potential common territory between Craiova city, the natural valley and the rural lands. The territorial project of the common grounds is eventually defined as a permeable, porous ground, a land opened to economic and social correspondences in and out. After each exercise the conclusion points to the design step achieved through the exercise. (1) Trends and patterns (2) Projects and Actors The Projects Map The Actors Table (3) The journal Talks with Locals Interviews Site Visits The Photographed Territory The Map of Meaningful Places and Trajectories (4) Limits, Borders, Edges as Common Grounds Limits as Drosscapes and Drosscapes on the Limits Natural Limits Narrative Mapping as A Design Exercise (5) Images (6) Scenarios
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Towards a Territorial City In Search of Common Grounds: Morphology, Types, Actors
fig.47 The trends localisation discover a fuzzy field of spatial interaction between the three territories, where both negative and positive trends occur at the same time: the limits, the crossing and the main roads as large scale roots placed in-between the three territories. Limits as borders and limits as a space of interaction are first discovered through actors, which uncover trends and patterns in connection to certain types of spaces. (a) Networks that surpass limits, such the desired path and networks that build borders, such as the main village lines, which now have become the main regional speed routes. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The core intersection between the two main lines of the village was our Agora, now it is a feared place.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
Besides the limit, the networks that link the village cores to city cores represent another field of territorial interaction. Throughout scales this interaction is outlined by crossings (b). The most important crossing is the centre, the core. The centre(s) of the village are there where main lines intersect. Then, smaller scale intersections between transversal line and main line represent informal and small scale trade points Further, where the desire paths link the village main road network towards natural lands, fishing points or sheppardship points take place. 101
Territorial Lines (a)
The Cores and the crossings as important points where the 3 territories intersect (b)
Types:
Types:
natural lines: rivers and topography lines
dross
small scale paths (desired paths)
natural
main village lines (sponge) regional roads (pipes)
economic mobility leisure
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Towards a Territorial City Surfaces at The Edge (c)
fig.48 The type of surfaces depicted on edges and limits are in general waste lands or natural lands (c). If the limit before 1948 was a fuzzy line which would make the transition towards natural lands, after 1945 the whole territory was planned as a continuos space of production. This project was unsuccesful, it stayed unfinished and turned into waste or natural lands after 1990. The limit of the villages is explored, the limit between city and natural land of Jiu valley as well as the valley edge/ ridge and limits. The notion of limit is perceived as border, when reffering to administrative limits (built- unbuilt regulated perimeters or general administrative terriotry of a rural, urban or natural unit), edge when reffering to natural limits, while the limit itself becomes a fuzzy territory where the project seeks for structures to scaffold the strategy upon.
Types: natural textures
The limits linked to core networks through crossings define a potential common ground. The waste lands, the drosscapes and dross networks could be recombined into a new system, where common grounds can gradually take place.
waste lands agricultural surfaces
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Actors which determine common grounds
City meets Village (a) 1 family commuting to the countryside to visit relatives (weekly) 2 young villager studying in Craiova 3 countryside tourist 4 young person moving in the countryside 5 wine and food antrepeneur 6 historian born in Padea (88 years old) 7 land grabber Village meets Valley (b) 1 village bikers and carriage users 2 the fisherman 3 the bird watcher 4 the sheperd 5 the gardener 6 children playing 7 the farmer City meets Valley (c) 1 municipality 2 NGO character 3 Group working for Natura 2000 project 4 the explorer biker from city 5 the european tourist biker 6 the fisherman 7 the leisure antrepeneur and the weekenders City meets Valley meets Village (d)
fig.49
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1 the wine taster and the wine researcher 2 children playing 3 Waste heritage research group 4 the explorer biker from city 5 the citizen moving at the edge of village or city 6 the bird watcher 7 the journalist 8 the shepard 9 the ecologist 10 the village biker and the carriage driver 11 the agriculture student
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Trends Table
Economy
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â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.51 After the site visits, talks with experts and literature research, trends that occur at the contact between the three territories are searched. In the second step the trends table is reset and the trends are ordered in categories. Each table refers to trends linked to : ecology, mobility, leisure and economic. The trends are localised according to their position in relation to the three territories. Then the actual location type is determined in the third column of the table.
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Mobility Leisure
c
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◀ fig. 52
After inventorying trends and sketching the types of spaces in which these trends happen an subsequent exercise tries to combines negative and positive trends which combined could lead to threats or opportunities. (fig.52) The third step of this exercise which would depict common grounds created by certain actors’ activity. By following the activity type and where these activities take place a series of types of common grounds ‘drawn’ by the actions of the actors are discovered: fishing points, nature hikes and natural locations etc. (fig.53) As a conclusion, most of the activities happened at the edge, at the boarder between village, city and valley or along the road networks that bind the three territories.
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Trends Table yellow= negative trend green= pozitive trend orange= location
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig. 53
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The Smaller Scale Actors and Projects Projects and actors that design the territory.
Integrated Management plan ROSCI0045 Coridorul Jiului 2016- 2020 Natura 2000
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Romania-Bulgaria crossing boarders program 2016- 2020
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image source: (1) http://jiu.dev.zoel.ro/obiective-activitati.html (2) http://www.fpdd.bg/userfiles/files/RO-BG_CBC_2014-2020_EN_full.pdf
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.54 Table of actors and project map (will) shows the actors and projects concerned with the design of the territory in the county at present. The dynamics in this analysis reveals different types of actors and trends to consider in the strategy.
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â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
fig.54b Selection of makers and new acrtors in the valley.
Towards a Territorial City Table of actors and project map (will) shows the actors and projects concerned with the design of the territory in the county at present. The dynamics in this analysis reveals different types of actors and trends to consider in the strategy. There are a lot of resources in this respect: recent trends to develop start ups and projects in the landscape as well as several EU projects and strategies supported and started by the municipality, the government and research entities in the past year. Such are Romania-Bulgaria trans boarder programme 2020, the creation of a middle class in the villages, The Jiu Corridor Natura 2000 strategy, the new city mobility plan, the creation of Craiova Metropolitan area. Secondly, the most renowned or meaningful projects built in the past recent years will be highlighted in the projects map. This map shows the spatial distribution of development and the project types.
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Infrastructure Projects (I) 1 EU CAP 2007-2013 (’improve agricultural and forestry copetitiveness as well as economic and environmental by creating jobs outside the agricultural production’ (Abraham 2012) 2 Road to Danube, Calafat port through Bucovat village; POR 2014-2020, 2016 approved, integrated infrastructure: bridges, bike paths, designed profiles; (I) 3 Waste Management Plan 2008-2038 (Phare 2005) (I) 4 Water infrastructure and ecological water disposal for all rural units 479 mil. euros, last project stage 2014-2020 (I) 5 Craiova Mobility Masterplan (2016-2020) - Ecological garbage Deposit on Jiu River at Mofleni (2008) Public Space (P), Tourism Projects (T) 6 Craiova Historical center (2008-2016) 7 Craiova Stadion (2015-2017) 8 Airport Extention (2015-2016) 9 Botanical Garden (2016) 10 Restaoration of Romanescu Park (2016) 27 Aqua Park (2016) 29 Port and Riverside public space at Corabia 30 Danube Navigation Canal Enlargement (future) 31 Pub on Preajba Lake (2015) 32 Horse farm at Podari (2008-2016) 11 Crossborder Programme Romania- Bulgaria (2016-2020) (T) 12 Rural Developement Projects for public lighting and public transport; (P) 13 Spa and Hotel complex at Gighera (T) 14 Fishery and Restaurant on Copănița Danube Island (T) 15 Integration project for Victoria lake, design project on Teasc- Bratovaesti rural territory (T) 16 Integration project Preajba Carcea Lake (Malu Mare- Carcea rural territory) (T) 17 Identification and integration projects for rural and urban heritage buildings (T) 18 Identification and integration project for heritage buildings unde the property of the County Council (T) 19 Danube route as public transport or touristic transport water routes (I, T) 20 Identification of wineyards and combine them with touristic routes (T) 21 Danube cruises (I, T) 22 Introduce locals farms in touristic circuits (T) 23 Cable car on Jiu River (2007) Natural Restaoration (N) 24 Natural 2007- 2020 25 (!) Natural environment restaoration by engineering and draining Balansan water stream (I, N) 26 generical projects that will restore the natural heritage (N)
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Towards a Territorial City ACTORS
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Dolj County Council Craiova Municipality
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Rural Municipalities Regio S-V Oltenia Tourism Association Oltenia (NGO) Medium Scale Investors
Future projects
Accomplished projects
Abandonned projects or uncertain Background strategies to support projects
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An Emerging Territory, a Projects Archipelago
A collage of new projects transforms at present the morphological structure of former territorial systems, defined in the current research at the cores (1900-1945), on the main routes (1990-present) and at the edges (1945-1990) (fig.54). The superimposition of transformations using the same route frame as a base network led to a large scale zoning of waste, vulnerable spaces, empty spaces and fast developing areas along the main routes. In other words, both brutal strategies applied during communism (1945-1990) as well as the vague post communist times (1990-2016) generated large scale dross territories. However, a series of projects, yet perceived as disconnected islands seem to be key for the future sustainable territory. For example, large scale investments focused in the past 10 years to improve basic housing infrastructures in the rural areas of the county. If in 2008 the rural areas completely lacked connections to water and sewage systems, in 2017, 80-90% rural settlements along Jiu River Corridor will be equipped with such technical networks, while the quality of the water will improve due to ecological filters and stations included in the investment projects (insse Dolj 2015). At present a lack of synchronisation between the projects that focus on Craiova city and the large scale infrastructure projects design as mono-functional structures fail to provide an integrated vision, keeping the rural in extreme poverty and the Jiu valley as a drosscape line. Even though the territory is emerging, the projects and strategies develop as an archipelago of disconnected territories creating physical and psychological borders between the city, rural and natural territory.
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Towards a Territorial City
The Projects Map
The project analysis provides a general image of the project dynamic in the three territories: city, natural valley, villages revealing at the same time development trends. The table displays projects, mostly supported by EU funding, by the government and local administrative units to start develop the urban,rural and the natural territory in the county through large infrastructure projects (I), public space (P), Tourism projects (T) and natural restoration (N). The density of projects reveals a present and future focus and investments on the rural and natural territory as well. Several problems are outlined regarding the project process in regards to large scale strategies, mostly supported by the EU in collaboration with Municipal County Council: In-between Scales Disconnections A top-down approach and bottom-up chaos reveals the disconnection in-between scales. Most of the projects in the county focus on the large scale projects: mainly infrastructure projects or projects that can be developed in collaboration with large scale actors and investors. There is no clear link between the small scale actors and these projects. The projects do not create platforms on which smaller scale actors could act on and build their territorial city. In most of the projects, following the communist tradition, the territorial project is designed at larger scales without introducing in the design process the smaller scale actors or mechanisms to further evaluate the accomplished project. ‘Coming from top ‘down on the ground’, such projects either fail as the design is malfunctioning or the community does not embrace the project resulting in leftover spaces and waste space. Other times the result is not invisible. Even the project planning is complex and elaborated, following the EU application procedures, the spatial concrete projects are vague, have weak results or no significant impact for the local community. Such projects are the parks and playgrounds introduced at the heart of the village, never used by the inhabitants, while the budget costs in the lists are high. The link between planning and space is easily indicated in the reports, but when implemented on site, these projects are detached from the spatial and cultural reality. The connection between the site and its larger territory seems to be overlooked not only from top down projects and strategies, but also from bottom, where a complete self organised and chaotic territory is emerging, as in the case of sprawl (small and many ‘gated’ houses projects and facilities developed as sprawl, without any larger perspectives in time and space). Weak Collaboration Secondly, there is no collaboration between different projects and programmes with the same target and site. The many projects are not integrated into a coherent overall plan and sometimes projects themes contradict with each other. For example the ecological waste deposit was designed in 2005 on the margin of Jiu River, project funded by EU. The same site is introduced in Natura 2000 sites in 2007. However, some of the projects do succeed or search for innovative solutions to stir the funds towards an integrated social-ecological benefit. For example the fishing platforms designed in some small Danube ports became vibrant public spaces.
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Towards a Territorial City A Territory of Contrasts The contemporary territorial zoning of valley territory ( city+ rural+ natural grounds) depicts a territory of contrasts: waste lands (actual waste, abandoned areas, polluted grounds); fast developing infrastructure lines; and new projects and strategies, perceived as a scattered archipelago. The valley seems a territory of large scale projects and fake smaller scale success stories, which translate into â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;gated projectsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, private developments built on former public land, nationalised (1945) and then privatised and gated (>1990). The notion of public- private space is still vague for the small scale actors. Lack of Planning Knowledge In addition, it is important to point to the lack of education in planning both in the case of the administrative units and the small scale actors. The public actor fears to get involved and has no knowledge to act, reclaim and plan public space, while the municipalities and administrative units struggle to synchronise with the EU trends. In the hurry of EU funding deadlines, compromises are done as there is no other option. From this perspective, the EU development frameworks, which fail to pay attention to the Eastern European social, spatial and political context, become a rigid top town framework, providing many failed and costly projects.
Reflection Future strategies should focus on the small scale actors as well, integrating and linking their projects and narratives to larger scales actors and projects. The projects as a development context inspire and challenge the current project to design a territorial strategy that would bring together projects and actors at all scales.
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fig.56 Map of actors involved in the collective journal
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Towards a Territorial City
A Collective Journal of Craiovaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Larger Territory
The journal is a method used for reading the territory through site visits (1), interviews (2), talks with locals (3) and the map of the photographed territory (4). Together, these exploratory analyses reveal how the territory is used and lived in., outlying a set of trends. A series of new characters that use the valley during weekends for sports, recreation and art create a new type of users network (5): the weekender and the visitor. Site Visits This information provided by this qualitative method is other times used in combination with statistics, scientific papers, historical studies and exploratory maps in order to reflect on issues such as the status of left over production systems identified in Craiovaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s larger territory, territorial inaccessibility and the ecological problems encountered along Natura 2000 corridor, such as illegal waste deposits, illegal logging, floods and desertification. However, this natural territory is attractive and there is sprawl pressure on the buildable edges of the city and its surrounding limits. Interviews 22 interviews were taken and processed in the collective journal book. Three of the interviews were taken with experts: a planner, a biologist and an anthropologist. The interview structure was discussed with the anthropologist. Each interview was mapped through mind maps and narrative sketches. A collective map of meaningful places and roots will further inform the design strategy. The Photographed Territory The map of the photographed territory maps manually points in GIS where photographs were uploaded in Google Maps. The photographs are maped by content and scope (artistic, report something, etc) outlining what people are attracted to. Further this method was a form of discovering the territory through the eyes of the photographers perceiving sites that were not reached durring the site visit and where street view has not been uploaded as well.
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INTERVIEWS
fig.60 The story of each character is described through mind maps and narrative drawings.
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Towards a Territorial City fig.61 The mind map of Bogdan Tiparu.
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INTERVIEWS
CITY WEAKNESSES
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journalist historian ecologist architect
wine expert agriculture expert Natura 2000
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heritage explorers 1 2 artist artist antrepeneur writer extreme city biker 1 biker
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city gardener fisherman
new villagers weekend communters young - visiting family family and job
fig.62 Table centralising the problems identified by the interviewees: drosscapes (waste, wasted and wasteful places), car congestion, inaccessibility for carriages and bikes, lack of jobs and no recreation places.
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Towards a Territorial City
COLLECTIVE PHOTO MAP
Reading the territory thourgh the eyes of the photographers
The map reveals the larger territory of Craiova as photographed by users in Google Earth. The study explores photo content and users who photographed the territory in-between the two main arteries that reach the Danube from Craiova, an area mainly included in Dolj County. While mapping the location and exploring the photo content, the photo points are tagged in order to describe the spatial content of each photo. Further, maps created in GIS conclude on patterns and preferences regarding the relationship between the photographers and the urban-rural-natural territory in Dolj county. ! ! !! ! !! ! !!
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fig.64 Collective photo map
125
SITE VISIT RESERACH
Six site visits were conducted in November, December and March. The site visits were tracked with a GPS and were recorded through filming, photographs and sketches. The cumulated knowledge from interviews, historical research and exploration maps started to guide and influence along the process the site visits: key routes were picked, visible structures and invisible processes were read together. The 6 site visits are documented in the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;journalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; as narrative episodes recorded in narrative mind maps. Carrying all the information in the mind, the designer becomes a character, not only a curator, who brings together complex stories, trends and the main problems identified in the region. The 1:1 experience up to territorial scale analysis constructs a project throughout scales, with several zooms in and out.
fig.57
mind mapping narrative mapping literature gps tracking
sketching
talk with locals filming
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Isalnita
2
4 ,9 Breasta
Leamna de Jos Leamna de Sus Bucovat
1, 5, 8
Craiova
Palilula Cîrligei
Balta Verde Preajba
Podari
6
Cârcea
7 Livezi
Malu Mare 3 Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Rojiste
Padea
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
er mb
ve No 0
2.5
5
10 km
1,2,3,4,5
15
20
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5,6,7
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be 16 20 ptem y l e S Ju
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Jan
9
16
20
SITE VISIT RESEARCH
Current social trends discovered at the territorial contacts between city, villages and Jiu River Valley in Dolj County.
leisure: people gather at benches in front of their house; “one bench serves the territory of 5 houses.” (Baran, interviews)
topology: the valley villages (XIII) were built in close connection to the valley topography, water resources and forested areas. This morphology assured safety and resources. (Ceaușescu 2011)
glocal commerce: on EU funding and after the closing of large glasshouses industries, locals started ecological glasshouses business. (talks with locals)
mobility: 2/3 carriages were observed every 1 km
desired paths: reveal the walk of sheppards in the landscape and how locals use the territory of their village
fishing platforms and waste at the village edge
main mobility trends: carriages and bikes
bridges: are lively territories when the administrative territory crosses the bridge or dross scapes, when the administrative edge overlaps with the river.
informal commerce: locals sell vegetables on the main line (street) of the village, this street in the linear village type nowadays overlaps with the fast regional roads connecting to Craiova City. During Autumn (the vegetable season), the road is like a linear market.
fig.58 The site trip identifies social, economic, mobility patterns on site while reading the ‘land as palimsest’ (Corboz 1938), and understands connections between social patterns and spatial patterns: morphologies and typologies.
128
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Photos in middle column: google maps; Right map: data from openstreetmap.org and EEA.org processed in GIS.
SITE VISIT RESEARCH | Photo Journal Where different worlds meet Meetings on the Road:
‘everybody has and uses a carriage in the rural areas’
“everybody...bikes?”
Meeting at the Crossings:
Attractive topography
130
Drooscapes: wasted industrial systems from 1900 to 1960 and empty houses
Towards a Territorial City
fig.59 Photo journal from the site visit.
The paths: desired paths and part of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;former production systems as described in 1964 Soviet map
Bridges as lines to tranzit and cross, rather than intersect.
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TALK WITH LOCALS
Vegetables merchant on the road margin: “My favourite place in the village and what I enjoy doing most? Are you from the municipality or a newspaper? [...] None, I have no favourite place, I have nothing to tell... and I do sell here all the time, I just can’t reach markets. [...] Have a good day and a good trip!”
Banker and postwoman in Calopăr and Podari villages: “I bike through all these villages and I love it, I am the banker! [...] My children go to University at Craiova! I am sometimes bored here, but I am used to the healthy food, nature, so I would never move back to the city!”
2 While searching paths towards the Jiu River, I met the baker near Calopăr village: “ [...] I pick brushwood from the forest and I bake bread at home in ‘țăst’ and earth oven. This is my local business, all my neighbours buy bread from me for more than 20 years. Two times per week I go an pick brushwood with my bike. I am very attached to this forest [...] Best place to go? The wild beaches around here!”
1
3
talks with locals
activity at the edge
Flower merchant near Ișalnița industrial platform: “ This place used to be very polluted, now it is better. My favourite place...? My house placed at the edge of the forest. It is my grandmother’s traditional house. We refurbished it and moved back. In addition, we have a glasshouse as family business. It’s nice to live here again! I used to live in Craiova for many years.”
Children on a bike trip from Zaval to the Danube: “ Jiu River edge it’s my favourite! I live here and I go to school here. I am actually the best in my class so to say! [...] have a good trip and see you soon!”
Man in Breasta Village: “ Conte Estate? I know none...here? You mean the abandoned children camp built durring the regime? There is a park near the church, but I have no clue what is happening there, no clue!”
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6
Research by design
In this project the research by design process has been very sensitive to the context and proposes an ecological approach. The discovery of the context through historical research and spatial
understanding of the territorial systems led to a broader problem analysis and contributed to the
re-formulation of the scale of the site. The theories shifted the scale of the site and introduced in the process design tools and methods to cope with the complex ecological approach. The under-
standing of ‘land as palimpsest’ (Corboz 1983) and methods used in reference projects like Vene-
to (Viganò 2012) and Salento (Viganò 2010), the recovery methods implemented by Descombes and representational tools, such as Geddes’ territorial sections, all contribute to the consolidation of the research by design approach. The conceptual framework of this thesis centres around the
notions of ecology, recovery and morphology taking as case study a mid-size Eastern European city and its surrounding territory. Subsequently the notion of territory turned to be an essential
notion capable of reshaping the city development. The problem statement which focused on the stagnating development of the city changed into a more broader critical problem of the region which is disconnected, fragmented, and that faces severe poverty (insse.ro) and deals with extreme social and ecological threats.
The incipient hypothesis is the valley perceived as a ‘park’ , a territorial body (system) that
reconnects city-villages-valley corridor through new economic, social, ecological processes and
trends built upon existing forces, processes and structures. These systems consolidating a future synergic relationship make optimal use of local resources by having an integrated system ap-
proach (Tjallingii 2015, Viganò 2009) by re-using the existing, as the larger territorial context is
‘pregnant with resources’ (Sjimons in Meijsmans 2008). The context is understood by methods of observation: satellite image, GIS, existing old and new maps, statistics, site visits and interviews. Consequently this project is meant to design by research and research by design. This approach has been simultaneously introduced by the explored theories and the site research.
134
valley scale
Towards a Territorial City
Design scales
the image
the transect
Cr
aio
va
the project
The Metropolis
d Cit
eeken The W
y
y
le Val Jiu
Rural Re-inhabited
The Visited City
fig.65 Sketch: The design strategy
has four main scales: the valley scale, the image scale, the transect and the project. The county scale remains a reference scale, informing the strategy about actors and projects that could have an impact on the valley line;
Danub
e
135
city
natural valley
village the trasesct scale = a scale that captures realtions between different territories
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Towards a Territorial City fig.66 Photograph taken from the hill to the city conceptually capturing the transect line. The transect line: a cumulation of boarders , different porosities(Vigano 2012) and different built densities
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City
138
Valley
Towards a Territorial City Towards the village
fig. 67 A 5 km walk along the transect: from Craiova city core towards the villages on the hill.
139
Exploring and Working on Limits: The Limits as Common Grounds Limits as Drosscapes
While the whole territory is shrinking and ageing, a high pressure is put on the border of the regulated buildable area of city and its close rural areas where many people decide to live. Even though the phenomenon is driven by a different history and ideals, the suburban housing has the same spatial impact as described by Alan Berger’s (Berger 2006a) in the case of American urban landscapes. Gated communities and gated developments create: enclaves, off-worlds, ladders, an enclosed world built within the boundaries consolidating borders. Similar enclaves are depicted within the valley territory are identified as ‘fake success stories’.
According to Berger’s definition at the larger scale, the valley itself is a wasted place. A series of analysis research the spatial context and the location typologies where drossscapes occur. The maps are informed in parallel by the site visits, reports such as ‘The territorial Waste Management Plan 2016”, historical map research, historical studies and literature review. The map results reveal the cumulation of drossscapes at different types of territorial limits.
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The end of former production systems and sprawl (‘horizontal urbanisation’) produce waste lands modifying the relationship between natural landscapes and urbanised areas (Berger 2006). As a consequence of contemporary forms of production and consumerism, Allan Berger classifies drossscapes in three categories: waste (actual waste, sewage, scrap metal), wasted places (abandoned or contaminated sites) and wasteful (parking lots or big box retail venues).
fig.68 The correlation between administrative limits and waste deposits along Jiu River valley. Jiu River is a cumulation of waste and wasted lands, Jiu river is the border line between different rural units, consequently a nobody’s territory (blue). When the river is included in one administrative unit, activities and clean natural fields were identified along its edge. At the county scale, Jiu River used to be the territorial core, ‘a county in itself and its capital was Craiova’ (Badea, Ghenivici 1974)
River on the administrative limit River embraced by administrative territory Illegal waste deposit River used as public space
140
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
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Exploring and Working on Limits: The Limits as Common Grounds Former Production Systems as Drosscapes located on limits and cores
The map of former production systems and technical infrastructures reveals the location of two large industrial platforms, ‘Agriculture Cooperative of Production’ (CAP)1 (1945-1990), animal stalls (1900), wasted irrigation systems, mills (1900-1945), mansions with farms (1900-1945). These are located on limits or highly connected to the core of built territories. When the territory was perceived as a total land of production (soviet map 1968) these systems where built in strong connection to nature to exploit its qualities and products. Consequently, most of these networks and structures are close to Jiu River, forest or natural fields at the village edge. Elements of these systems can be recombined into the new strategy and act as pores for new development. A new types of relation between these sites and their surrounding natural territory can be imagined. The former projects for the territory were the extreme natural case (>1945) and the total natural exploitation (1945-1990). The recombination of these former production structures into a new system could develop a scenario in-between.
◀ fig.69 The map of former production systems and technical infrastructures located on edges, limits and cores.
1
1 The Agriculture Cooperative for Production was a centralised point placed between village and sorrounding production fields where production was collected, agricultural machines kept. CAP had a corresponndent point at the village center, which was highliy connected to infrastructure and acted as a logistic point. 142
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fig.70a Pastures and industrial land use as dross. Natural areas on administrative border as lines where actual waste cummulates.
Dross:
Pastures
Former production areas
Spaces of actual waste
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fig.70b former production systems visulised in connection to the smaller scale path system. This combination outlines the links between the industrial and technical structures to nature, links tested and traced by locals in time only by walking in the natural territory.
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Exploring and Working on the Limits Limits as Natural and Ecological Resources The limit when referring to natural lands is described as edge. The structural pattern of regions is entirely described in ecology in terms of matrix, patches and corridors (Dramstad, Olson and Foreman 1996). In landscape ecology principles, the edge between patches enhances ecological conditions, accommodating a greater number of species and generating an additional edge habitat. In Jiu River Valley, during the site trips, the natural condition of the limits is perceived as a resource and a potential for the future development. Most of the limits are under the administration of Natura 2000 corridor, but also under the rural unit administrative territory. The limits are attractive to citizens and visitors (weekenders and travellers), but at the same time they are waste places, where villagers or weekenders deposit illegal garbage. At the valley scale the most important limits are traced by the river: the topography lines. People â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;traceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; limits between village and nature through their informal walks into the landscape: the smaller scale paths. At the village edge, forests and meadows contour the administrative limit. Further, grape fields and orchards create a transition area where animals and birds are still depicted in Natura 2000 maps. At the river edge there are beaches and grazing lands.
fig.71 Map of natural limits as patch edges in the valley
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Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
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Mapping different types of limits and borders: between agriculture and nature, between buildable village area and its outer administrative territory. Further, these limits are traced between the rural territory and Jiu village at the valley scale. Sometimes the limit between agriculture and natural areas is clear cut, while other times wetlands and gardens coexist and the limit is fuzzy and it cannot be traced. These areas are a source of knowledge for the project and the design should seek to mirror ecological trends on neighbouring sites. 1
Line types: - the contact line between gardens and larger field of agricultural grounds; (5) - the village main street that meets the water line (3) - the village main street (vertical) that overlaps with the national road coming from city (4,5) -the desire path that follow the margin of the water and meets the city line;(3) Surface types:
2
- gardens at the contact with the river and gardens at the contact with the agricultural territory; (5) - drossscapes at the margin of the river (wasteful ans waste places used rarely as pastures) (2) Point types: - cul de sac at the end of the transversal main village line towards agricultural large lands; (1, 3) - opposite direction, where the line meets the river in the gardens; (4)
3
- the intersection point between the two main lines of the village; (1)
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.72 Preliminary exercise to depict the limits, edges and borders at the village scale. 4
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.73 Limits between agricultural terrains and natural lands. In some areas the limit is uncertain and fuzzy and agricultural lands intertwine with the wet lands, the forests or the sandy lands.
5
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The transversal main links of the villages, connect the pipes to the sponge. The capacity of these links to connect speeds and scales makes them an important element of the strategy.
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fig.74 The network of asphalted roads (red) in Dolj county.
◀
The administrative limits of the rural units are surpassed by the social territory, the lived in territory. Then, the village road network opens its cul de sacs towards the natural territory along small scale paths. The paths link the village to its natural surrounding lands and to the former production lands (CAP, forests, river, mills). The morphology of the paths follow both a natural logic (waterproof, topography lines, forest limits) as well as a social logic (short routes, gathering of important landscape destinations). The small scale ‘sponge’ (as called by Secchi and Vigano) becomes a structuring layer for the strategy, due to its capacity to settle in-between natural, social and drossscapes connections.
◀
Limits Surpassed: the small scale paths
fig.75 Pipes (white) and sponge (pink) in the teritory and the sponge of desired paths in the valley (red). The village is not a cumulation of cul de sacs; the roads are continued by desired paths.
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â&#x2014;&#x20AC; fig.77 Space Syntax analyses on the scale of the valley: T1024 Angular choice (left), T1024 Angular integration (centre), and T1024 Angular integration with desired paths in the valley (right). The addition of desired paths enhances the integration of the smaller settlements in the valley. Although there are other paths in the surrounding territory too, they are not part of everybodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mental map of the territory. Improving the accessibility of the desired paths would make the rural and urban settlements in the valley more attractive. Data source: openstreetmap.org
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
fig.76 Space Syntax analyses on county scale: T1024 Angular integration R20.000 (top), T1024 Angular integration (bottom). The link between the two large cities, Craiova and Calafat on the Danube, is highly integrated, while the link between Craiova and the danube along the Jiu valley is weaker.
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Four Images
The images extrapolate the journeys of four generic characters inspired by real typologies: the visitor, the city inhabitant, the new rural inhabitant and the weekender. These characters are
involved in narratives constructed as ‘missions’ to understand and explore the future. Existing trends are amplified and new conditions possibilities or vulnerabilities are discovered.
The journey starts at present, but it easily projects into the future. The exercise discovers that the condition of limits is highly important in all the four journeys.
None of the narratives describe a fully negative or positive prospect of the future. Sometimes the disappearance of the rural territory, allows the Jiu corridor limit to expand.
Going back to the definition of territory, the limits discovered between the three the territories
and their spatial relation to the valley and rural settlements start the design exploration on site. Limits play an important role in all the four images and the design of these limits might allow
them to leave the possibilities open for the future. The design proposes a common image, which carries the information of this exercise through the design process.
Images are used as a cognitive tool, not as a descriptive element of thought. The images can be
used as an idea or concept that is not only perceived visually and when “in a search for a shared goal, the image is a way to take into account the collective imagination.” (Vigano, 2009)
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Towards a Territorial City Living in the City
Permanently
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THE WEEKENDER’S CITY
THE METROPOLIS
Permanently
Temporary
Living in the Rural
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THE VISITOR’S CITY
THE RURAL REINHABITED
Temporary
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THE WEEKENDERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S CITY
The weekender seeks for the porosity of meaningful places and the natural qualities of the area. The interaction with the built cores of the villages is limited and the villages would gradually empty and disappear, while the valley becomes a recreational natural park. To develop this image and make it visible for more weekenders, a slow mobility network should make the natural territory more accessible for the citizens. The porosity of meaningful places represent the anchor points in this image. Crisp boundaries between natural and agricultural territories are expected. Secondly, the territorial administrative structure are subject to change into larger units that would facilitate the management of larger agricultural schemes. The fragmented, malfunctional small scale agriculture model will disappear, as the rural will gradually not be inhabited anymore. While the valley will reinforce its ecological qualities, the in-land becomes intensively exploited and the current fuzzy limits between rural and natural might become crisp boundaries. This model could be sustainable if the borders between the natural and the rural territory could still act as fuzzy limits in the future. Secondly, the fabric of the former rural settlements should be recycled. For example, Rem Koolhaas1 suggests that the countryside will be inhabited by robots and just like industries were put at the city edge, robots will be put in the rural. Meantime, architects and urbanists have to prepare to plan for the robots.
1 Urban Rural Conference, GSD, attended in Rotterdam in March 2016.
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THE URBANERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S CITY The territory of the urbane inhabitant uncovers the image of a desired metropolis and is concentrated around Craiova city. The city centre and the edges play the most important role. The connectivity between Craiova and the Danube or the territories in-between are not of interests for the metropolitan inhabitant, but key destinations. The communist blocks neighbourhoods, located in-between the natural margin and the city core will empty, while urbaners will sprawl around Craiova, mainly occupying the better connected territories in natural attractive areas. Secondly, the core is another appealing location for this type of character. The density pressure on the core will be higher amplifying the pressure on green spaces and building regulations in the historical central area. The imbalance between growth and shrinkage will create drosscapes in this future image. While the urbaners sprawl in the natural territory and densify the city core to the extreme, the communist blocks neighbourhoods and the rural territory will gradually empty becoming wasteful and unsafe. This model could become sustainable if the occupation of the core and margins starts by re-using existing wasteful dross territories, while connections are determined by sustainable mobility networks.
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Podari Livezi
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Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
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Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
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Rojiste
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THE VISITOR’S CITY The visitor’s city image is built on combined very fast and slow mobility networks, while the nodes of this network anchors the visitor’s territory. The visitor from outside the county inhabits the valley for a short time. The city center, the Danube and the key touristic points are key locations in this case. Consequently, the porosity of meaningful places consolidates the structure of this city. In this image, the natural valley and the rural attractive locations could become meaningful places. However, the extreme image of the visitor’s city, a city where everybody is a visitor, could portray in 20 to 30 years by now, a complete empty territory, where people live only in urban environments, while nature and agriculture become contrasting experimental worlds. In general, the small distance from the city centre to its natural surroundings in mid-size cities; as well as the policentric current territorial model hardly determines peripheral unsafe territories. In the Visitor’s City this quality of the mid-size city is lost and a centralised metropolitan model replaces the former policentric territorial model. If not combined with permanent habitation, the model is dystopic, revealing emptying rural areas and a gradually emptying city. In addition, scenario zero in relation to this image threatens the luxurious natural areas such as the confluence between Jiu River and the Danube put under pressure by touristic developments. This image could support the valley as a touristic destination enhancing the ecological qualities of the natural lines and edges, supporting the local economies at the same time. From an ecological perspective, enhancing the ecological qualities to develop a touristic identity, could provide more space for water and nature restoration.
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Rojiste
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THE NEW RURAL IMAGE The newcomer in the rural expects an ecological, yet modern lifestyle. The area with the highest degree of emptiness in the valley is imagined as a ground for the experimental rural lifestyle. The newcomers in the rural could support ecological conditions through innovation in the area, while enjoying and upcycling the local habits and patterns. Exchange knowledge platforms between newcomers and locals could support this image. The rural inhabitants could be ‘guards’ of the landscape when considering problems such as land grabbing and large scale agricultural. At present, even though the migration from city to rural is higher than the from rural to the city, the decision is influenced by poverty. Consequently, self-sufficiency and the ecological lifestyle become a burden. In order to make this image sustainable from a social and ecological point of view, there is both a need for increasing and diversifying the local economic and leisure activities as well as developing sustainable infrastructure networks. The Visitor’s city and the Weekender’s city could support this image. The New Rural territory could create a balance between green territories and production territories by consolidating the existing cultural landscapes as a buffer in-between.
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Reflection and Conclusion The image becomes a designed identity. Four images are designed along the valley territory: (I) The Metropolis, (II) The Weekend City, (III) The Rural Reinhabited and (IV) The Visited City. These four identities derive from the combination of the images constructed around generic characters: the Citizen’s Territory, The Weekender’s Territory, The Villager’s Territory and The Visitor’s Territory. The superimposition between character’s images indicates the four subsequent designed identities as well as possible correspondences between the four final images. A combination of different images is proposed to build the territorial city. On the one hand the design strategy will be further informed by the identity of each image. On the other hand, a correspondence between the different four images is designed to support the general image of the Territorial city as a common ground, capable to support an integrated social and ecological system.
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Towards a Territorial City
I THE METROPOLIS
II THE WEEKEND CITY
III RURAL REINHABITED
IV THE VISITED CITY
fig.82
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Scenarios
In the project for â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Antwerp - A territory of a New Modernityâ&#x20AC;?, the complex site investigations, micro-stories, historical analysis, provide knowledge in using scenarios and images as tools to design. (Vigano 2009) The exercise requires knowledge and imagination. Interviews, historical analysis and detailed projects maps are prepared for using the method.
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Rojiste
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Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
S I: People act individually and sprawl The city sprawls (in black) around infrastructure, unprepared to live off grid, intensifying the car tradition. This expansion is correlated with degrading and emptying territories (in red) as a response to the paradox: a shrinking territory where people sprawl. Further, public space, natural margins and resources are being ‘consumed’, while rural centralities degrade. The mid-size city transect, its short and easy connection to its natural surroundings changes into a fuzzy periphery. The city edge towards landscape becomes dross. The limits between built and unbuilt are vulnerable. In addition, as the rural units are emptying, the limit between nature and agriculture is vulnerable as small rural scale economies disappear and large scale agriculture will design the land.
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
Both edges and cores are affected in this case. fig.83 0
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A Territorial City
I
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S II: People act individually and gather in centralities In this scenario the gated centrality matters, while the surrounding territory is not important. The detached centralities determine gated communities with weak connection to their surroundings, creating new gated territories, while rural units turn into drosscapes. The car traffic intensifies and is important to people that sprawl, act individually and need to be connected. Car connections between preferred centralities are important. Public space is also not important to people that act individualistic. Connections to core are under threat as they would intensify the traffic at the city core and affect the village cores as well.
fig.84 168
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Bratovoesti
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S III: People act collectively and sprawl Valea Stanciului
In this scenario the natural territory is vulnerable, yet desired to be inhabited. Villages become drosscapes cut by fast connections which have to support the needed mobility of the collective sprawl.
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
There is a better economic performance as people act collectively. In addition if people that sprawl act collectively, public space is important, resources are shared, thus natural environment is protected. Main territorial roads are important as people need to be connected. Slow mobility transportation and public transport should support this scenario. The natural valley is of great interest for the people that sprawl. This image leads to the disappearance of rural centralities and the emptiness of communist blocks neighbourhood. Public spaces on the edges are much needed. This scenario would lead to centralities as drosscapes, while public spaces, sustainable mobility and an educated community are needed to make this scenario sustainable.
Murta
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S IV: People act collectively and gather in centralities
In this scenario the buildable limit is important and rigid. There is a strong relation to public space, core and main lines. The natural territory is not of great importance, but it could be used for recreation. In order to make this scenarios sustainable and possible there has to be exchange and collaboration between centralities. fig.86 170
Towards a Territorial City Reflection and Conclusion The natural limits and the administrative limits are vulnerable and subject of change in all the four scenarios. A need for more sustainable transportation is important in all cases. The natural valley is absent or vulnerable in all scenarios. Policentrality could support the ecological territorial connections, if combined with exchange. The sprawl requires discipline to enhance ecological relations, mostly when emerged bottom-up. Limits and edges could be designed to create a consensus between the four scenarios. Further, this middle scenario could use the porosity and permeability of the edges to build a strategy. The limits could be perceived as a scaffold to support the restoration of the vulnerable built and natural centralities (â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;coresâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;). The valley can become either an inhabited and economic park with entrances towards rural units or a natural park if the rural grounds will support unimagined changes into the future. Present drosscapes and vulnerable lands could be used at present to support the integration of drosscapes which are yet to come: intensive agriculture lands, emptiness of rural units and communist blocks neighbourhoods; and sprawl. The previous exercise on Images adds knowledge to the Scenario exercise. The strategy should consider the potential identity of each image when designing on limits and connections to cores.
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XI From Hypothesis to Vision
Craiova is a city disconnected from its local territory. The triangle that is formed with the road to Calafat, the Jiu valley, and the Danube is uncertain.
fig.87 Conceptual sketch of the regional vision 172
Towards a Territorial City Jiu River Valley anchors the city to the Danube and thus completes the triangle and stregthens Craiova as an integrated territorial city.
173
XII The Strategy
The strategy superimposes several existing layers. The layers are designed together, gradually scaffolding a new system throughout scales (fig.88). Such superimpositions are: - the small scale paths that form the valley route and the topography lines (1); - the porosity created by waste spaces (2) and meaningful places (3) on edges and cores; - the crossings determined by transversal links which bring together cores and edges; and at a larger scale the valley and built cores (4);
- the natural edge of rich biodiverse patches prolonged and enlarged along the strategic paths in the valley. (6) 174
fig.88 Scale model showing the superimposition of several existing layers and the strategy developed upon them. Veritcal exaggeration x10.
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
- water and the porous places on edges (5); in this case the porosity is determined on natural fuzzy limits, public grazing lands and former industrial platforms;
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Towards a Territorial City
River
Topography
Valley route
Route continued Transversal link
Former production areas on th edge
River
Former production area
Settlement limit
Secondary path
◀
◀ (1) the small scale path system folows the topography lines and a social logic. The network was built organically, through repetitive walks and gathers meaningful places and outlines shortest routes. Part of this system is highlighted and reused to design a terriotrial slow mobility backbone along the river edge.
(1)
(2) porosity determined by drosscapes at the edge and at the core intersection. Former production systems are considered pores for new developement and are gathered within the new strategy to consolidate edges and cores.
◀
Valley route
(5) water and the porous places on edges; in this case the porosity is determined on natural fuzzy limits, public grazing lands and former industrial platforms where water pockets can be created upstream. Where Jiu River meets the Danube, floodable areas enlarge the former path of Jiu river, reoccupying part of former large ponds: Potelu and Nedeia wetlands.
◀ (6) natural edges of rich biodiverse patches are extended along the strategy paths. Natural patches are prolonged along paths and ligaments, while natural edges are enlarged, and embrace the paths.
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(2)
Towards a Territorial City
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; (3) porosity determined by meaningful places, located by interviews, site visits, literature, magazine articles and blogs.
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
(4) tranversal links determine crossings, together this structure connects cores and edges, and on a larger scale the valley and built cores.
Porosity of meaningful places
River
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Reactivated str. Key destinations Temp. structures Crossings
(3)
Strategic crossings
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Settlement limit
Main road
Crossing
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(5) Water permeability
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(4)
(6) Nature permeability
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Forest
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Reforestation
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fig.89 The territory is approached through the transect. Successive cross sections are used to simplify and reveal patterns in the complex structure of the territory.
â&#x2014;&#x20AC;
The territory is approached through the transect, the intermediate scale between the territory and the scale of the project. Successive cross sections are used to simplify and reveal patterns in the complex structure of the territory. The transect exposes the relation between settlements and valley. The strategy (in red) â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;sewsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; the transects together. Tranversal links connect the villages to the valley. The ring at the village edges is a topological edge which starts to anchor in certain meaningful and dross points.
Towards a Territorial City water settlement strategy
179
The principles applied
The project uses existing natural structures and dross (Berger 2007) to build the project of a common territory between Craiova city, rural areas and the natural lands. The strategy is scaffolded on limits and borders, collecting the former production systems as pores for new development and reinforcing nature permeability on the way. Secondly, a territorial slow mobility line forms the backbone of the strategy settling on existing networks. A strategic module is identified (fig.90) and three principles are used as tools to scaffold it on site: permeability, porosity and correspondence. Permeability The permeability is used in this project in the sense of movement and in the sense of nature percolation. Water permeability and spatial continuity in movement are combined in certain locations on the site. The mobility permeability is designed as a large scale territorial slow mobility trail, learning from several precedents of successful large scale slow mobility infrastructures, such as the Appalachian trail (1921), a hiking trail that became a regional green space, which surrounds the city to block sprawl and to encourage green space (Helmund & Smith, 2006). Using existing trajectories, the path either upgrades or downgrades routes. It is scaffolded on the limits collecting the dross, uses natural limits, such as topographies and water lines. In the landscape the system focuses on grazing lands and former industrial sites, while in the city parks and parking spaces guide the strategy. The path is sometimes combined with carriage routes, while during winter it could become a sky trail. The natural permeability referees to the creation of floodable area, ecological corridor between patches or recovery of wasted areas, where the trajectory requires trees with deep strong routes or cleaning plants on wasted former industrial sites. Porosity The porosity principle is used to discover all the former industrial systems and consider them as pores of change and new opportunities. As part of a former system, these locations have good accessibility to nature and mobility. The second porosity refers to the porosity of meaningful places, also described in the Metropolis of the Twenty Century (Vigano 2011). The meaningful places function together with the industrial former systems, bound together by a slow mobility track. Correspondence The Correspondence principle couples different sites and actors in order to provide benefits. Correspondences are designed as smart rules and differ from one image identity to another, according to the resources and qualities in each case.
180
Towards a Territorial City The valley route
Transversal link
is a territorial slow mobility backbone connecting Craiova to Danube and all the settlements on the way.
connects the valley route to settlement centres and to key places with secondary routes.
fig.90 The components of the strategic module. The strategic module uses six components that follow existing paths in the valley, and have specific functions.
Downgraded road
some existing roads are downgraded to provide continuity in the new territorial mobility system.
The crossing The promenade at the edge
connect the former production systems at the interface between nature and settlement.
The path on the riverbank
provide access to key remote destinations and to the water shore.
the crossings are key locations for interaction between different components of the strategic module and local conditions.
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Strategy principles
Mobility...
Natural...
Permeability 182
Towards a Territorial City
fig.91 The strategic principles
Villagers
Visitors Citizens
Porosity
Correspondence 183
Strategy at the valley scale
Permeability 1: mobility - the slow mobility backbone - the transversal links - secondary paths
The slow mobility backbone from Craiova to Danube fig.92 The strategic principles applied
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Secondary paths gathering remote locations and meaningful places
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Strategy at the valley scale
Porosity of change (2) - strategic crossings - re-used former production systems - reactivated or collected meaningful places
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Crossings between different elements of the strategy become meaningful places
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Promenades on the edge linking former production systems and meaningful places
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Strategy at the valley scale Mobility permeability and the porosity of meaningful places.
Water bodies Settlements and street network Main roads along the valley Water bodies Main valley path Water bodies Settlements and street network Transversal Settlements and street network Main roads link along the valley Water bodies Permeability Mobility Link to1:roads key locations Main along the valley Settlements and street network Field possible Mainofvalley pathconnections Main roads along the valley Main valley path Transversal link New Transversal link the river Linkbridge to keyacross locations Main valley path Test crossing across the river Link to locations Field ofkey possible connections Transversal link Strategic crossingconnections Field of possible Link to key locations Reused former production system New bridge across the river Field of possible connections Reactivated places New bridgemeaningful across the river Test crossing across the river Abandoned estate converted Test crossing across the riverto public park Strategic crossing New bridge across the river Key Strategic crossing Reused former production system Porosity ofdestinations change Test crossing across the river Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature Reused former production system Reactivated meaningful places Strategic crossing Reactivated meaningful places Abandoned estate converted to public park Reused former production system Abandoned estate converted to public park Key destinations Reactivated meaningful places Key destinations Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature Abandoned estate converted to public park Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature Key destinations Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature fig.93 Strategy of Permeability
188
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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Strategy at the valley scale
Nature Permeability (2) - Water permeability: floodable pockets upstream at the valley scale, ponds, water collection lines and porous surfaces at smaller scales. - The transversal links: prolong the natural territory of the valley towards the built core of the villages; creates connections between different ecological patches along the proposed trajectories. - The edges between natural patches and the agricultural lands are subject to ecological reinforcement.
Floodable areas along the Jiu valley store water upstream and reduce flooding downstream fig.94 The strategic principles applied
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Corridors between ecological patches along the strategic links in the valley
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Edges between forests and pastures are strategic locations for ecological reinforcement, creating a balance between agriculture and nature
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Strategy at the valley scale
Nature Permeability (2) - connects ecological patches - supports water permeability - reinforces ecological edges
Surrounding settlements and street network Settlements in the valley and street network
Water bodies Floodplain !
Flood risk areas
Surrounding natural areas Forests in and around the valley Wetlands in the valley Pastures in the valley
Field of possible connections Now corridors between ecological patches Limit between forest and pasture subject to forestation fig.95 Strategy of Porosity
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New floodable area in the valley
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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Strategy at the valley scale
Correspondence The correspondence principle is a planning tool which supports the other two principles: porosity and permeability. The correspondence model at the valley scale indicates connections at the project scale (1), the transect scale (2), as well as connections between images (3). (1) At the project scale former industrial spaces could be opened to development. For example, the development of former industrial platforms at the city edge could be an alternative to sprawl. From North to South, according to the image identity, the former industrial sites allow: permanent and temporary accommodation, small and larger businesses. In the south, the industries would only be inhabited temporarily, offering opportunities for locals and newcomers. (2) At the transect scale, the correspondence creates links between rural, city and natural. Advantages are given to all entities, if they consolidate economic, ecological or habitation connections in-between. (3) At the Image scale, for example a knowledge connection between the universities in Craiova and Dabuleni agricultural research centre could link the Southern Image of The Visitorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s City to The Metropolis. These connections propose economic and knowledge exchange between images with the scope of creating diversity. The correspondence principles outlines the need of the strategy to couple and co-work with planning rules and policies.
fig.96 Strategy of Correspondence
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Isalnita
1 Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
2
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr
3
Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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4 Images and 6 sites
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2
II 3
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III
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Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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6 sites Following the principles of permeability, porosity and correspondence, the strategy is applied on 6 sites, covering all the four valley identities: the metropolis, the weekend city and the experimental rural The occupation of the former production systems varies from Craiova towards the Danube.
1 IČ&#x2122;alniČ&#x203A;a Former Industrial Platform.
2 Village-City Connection at Bucovat, Podari, Breasta, the three bridge connections.
3 Calopar village, disconnected, yet close to Craiova.
198
Towards a Territorial City
4 Dranic village, in between the weekend city and the rural experimental area.
5 Valea Stanciului, the village that needs to be reinvented.
6 Zaval, where Jiu meets the Danube.
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Projects at different scales
200
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare Jiul
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
0
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202
Towards a Territorial City
Isalnita
The Project Scale: Breasta
Bucovat village - Craiova Transect Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Bucovat village
Malu Mare Jiul
Craiova City
Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari
◀
Caciulatesti
Typical transect between Craiova and Bucovat. View from South to North. Sadova
Gîngiova
Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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Bucovat village
Image source: bing maps
â&#x2014;&#x20AC; Aerial view of Bucovat. View from North towards the South.
The project on Bucovat follows the transect from the centre of Craiova to Bucovat Village. Dross is identified in the natural landscape (pastures), in rural areas (former industrial site in the centre of Bucovat), and inside the city (parking lots, abandoned spaces). The project enforces the transversal link with an improved slow mobility connection (up-/down-graded roads and a bike bridge). Topography, especially on the right bank, plays a very important role in the intervention: views identified by inhabitants as meaningful places are maintained. Floodable areas on the left bank are used to increase the water permeability of the river corridor.
204
Towards a Territorial City
Identification of pores, natural and mobility fields By superimposing information from the journal, explorative mapping and local urbanism zoning plan (PUG- General Urban Plan), the strategy settles on sites using the existing ‘pores’ and the field of posibilities regarding mobility permeability and natural permeability.
Proposed dike in GUP Busy bridge impermeable to slow mobility Dross: former wastewater discharge
Meaningful place: panoramic outlook dross former wineyard
Meaningful place: festival site Former industrial space Meaningful place: church
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Meaningful place: church
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Extreme bikers’ and motorcyclers’ routes Gîn
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Concept aerial view of intervention in Bucovat. View from North towards the South.
Se
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Reading of the site in terms of dross, meaningful places and water permeability.
Existing
Re-used / Used to determine the new system
Water bodies
Permeability 1: Mobility
Settlements and street network
Main valley path
Main roads along the valley
Transversal link
Existing buildings
Link to key locations
Meadow
Field of possible connections
Forest
New link across the river or road
Trees
Test crossing across the river Permeability 2: Nature
Correspondence Proposed Specific functions gathered or emerged through the corespondence principle
New forested areas Nature percolation, reinforce ecological edges Water lands: wadis, floodable areas Trees to hold the ground, stop the water, mark the route
slow mobility path
caffe
wild beach
knowledge economy
local economy
Porosity Strategic crossing
residential
fishing point
sitting area
water permeability
Wifi tree Water collector tree Reused former production system
public space
Re-used industrial sites Re-used buildings New additions to re-used buildings Reactivated winery Winery
Key destinations Meaningful places Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature
206
Test crossing across the river Strategic crossing Reused former production system Reactivated meaningful places
upgraded bike path
natural porosity
Abandoned estate converted to public park floodable pockets
Key destinations
reactivated former industrial platform
bike path on downgraded road
Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature
1
2
proposed strategy 1 correspondence between winery promenade and the workshopspace
2 correspondence between city and the new maker spaces: knowledge, housing
proposed bike and pedestrian bridge connection on the former bridge position
the school
reactivated winery as promenade
the restaurant
From City Center to Rural Bucovat
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Main valley path Transversal link Link to key locations Field of possible connections
New bridge across the river Test crossing across the river Strategic crossing Reused former production system Reactivated meaningful places Abandoned estate converted to public park Key destinations Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature
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Main roads along the valley
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Field of possible connections
New bridge across the river Test crossing across the river Strategic crossing
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Reused former production system Reactivated meaningful places Abandoned estate converted to public park Key destinations Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature
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Towards a Territorial City Perspective image from the winery in Bucovat village towards the Craiova city.
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Perspective Image from Bucovat Industrial Site
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Towards a Territorial City Transformed former industrial area in the center
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Perspective image from the transformed river bank
218
Towards a Territorial City New bridge and cafe in reused industrial building along the valley route
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1
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Image source: google earth
5
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The project on Isalnita former chimical industry (1) (closed in 2015) takes place in The Metropolis. The site is very well connected to Craiova City by train, buses, tram (6) and close to the future highway (2017-2020). The site is linked to Mihaita village (5) and Isalnita village (2). Moreover, the location is placed in direct connection to the natural territory of Jiu (4) and Amaradia (3) rivers. However, it is the most hated place according to the interviews and generates a 211 ha drosscape. The strategy gathers the site. A gradient of densities and posibilities are defined by the three principles of porosity, permeability and correspondance on site.
220
Isalnita
Breasta
Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei
The Project Scale:
Balta Verde Preajba
Podari Livezi
Malu Mare
Ișalnița industrial site - Craiova Transect Jiul Gura Vaii Secui
Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Ișalnița industrial site
Craiova City
Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
Valea Stanciului
Murta
Horezu Poenari Caciulatesti
Sadova
Gîngiova
◀ Typical transect between Craiova and Ișalnița. View from West to East. Nedeia Zaval
Ostroveni Bechet
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Site strategy diagram
Precedent models on how to densify ecologically and local urbanism rules inform the design. Further local urbanism rules and existing models inspire the correspondence principle. The current trend is to put pressure on changing land occupation from 20% to 40% for up to GF+4 stories, 35% to 50% for lower housing plots. In the dense areas the pressure is put on height. Craiova is ranked to have 34 mp green space per person.
600 m
green
b
50 wo/ha
35 wo/ha
20 wo/ha
-use green and re
c
a
2000 m
In the design simulation, the industrial site (211 ha) accommodates approximatively 9600-11.000, with a value of 75 mp green space per inhabitant offering a gradient of public space types, different housing typologies, re-used buildings and green space restoration. towards the rivers. The strategy is applied throughout scales, designing upon the three principles: permeability, porosity, correspondence. a) 35 ha... 1750 wo, 28 ha public and green space, 75 mp green/ pers. b) 39.5 ha... 45 h, 1380 wo,25 ha green, public and collective space c) 35 ha...700 wo, a+b+c= 3830x 2.5= 9600 permanent inhabitants
se rary floor e-u o d n, r temp roun oor o i t g ndfl ola lic, ve rou erc , pub llecti g p lic co ure e-use pub nat r
A gradient of densities from the main road towards the rivers: 50 wo/ha, 35 wo/ha, 20 wo/ha, playing with the FSI and GIS value in order to create correspondencies.
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In time, the re-used road network generates new densities and the reuse of former industrial buildings.
Towards a Territorial City
h +, FSI + 20% , but re-use and invest in the industrial park
GSI + 15%, if sustainable roof (permeable/ solar/ green)
ht
ent heig
descend
Jiu JiuRiver River
“re-use”green green “re-use”
house in a park, in an industrial building
house with a garden
permeability permeability
predominantly predominantly collective collective
green house and collective space
public public
residence with a view
temporary, green, re-use
The road network is re-used, but the palimsest is re-written: more nature, dense occupation, existing structures are recycled. Temporary and permanent habitation is proposed on site.
A gradient of building densities is proposed. Existing industrial buildings are re-used and integrated in nature together with their technical infrastructures.
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Existing
Re-used / Used to determine the new system
Water bodies
Permeability 1: Mobility
Settlements and street network Main roads along the valley
Main valley path Transversal link
Existing buildings
Link to key locations
Meadow
Field of possible connections
Forest
New link across the river or road
Trees
Test crossing across the river Permeability 2: Nature
Correspondence Proposed Specific functions gathered or emerged through the corespondence principle
Nature percolation, reinforce ecological edges Water lands: wadis, floodable areas Trees to hold the ground, stop the water, mark the route
caffe
wild beach
accommodation sport
kayak
swimming point
horse ranch
knowledge economy
slow mobility path
local economy
Plants to clean polluted grounds
Porosity Strategic crossing
residential
fishing point
sitting area
water playground permeability
Wifi tree Water collector tree Reused former production system
public space
Re-used industrial sites Re-used buildings
nature point
games
maker space
New additions to re-used buildings
Key destinations Meaningful places Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature
224
OSTRICH FARM BEACH LOCAL FOOD
STATION
To Craiova
From City Center to Isalnita Industrial Site The sections cut along the transect reveal the narrative itinerary from the city core to the valley at the project scale. The transect is the transversal link along which territorial relations are designed across scales. The transect connects the valley system to the settlement cores along main routes, mediating between the valley larger scale and the project scales. If the edges cumulate drosscapes in the larger valley, towards the city core, the dross is identified as underused space, mostly â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the technical groundfloorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; as Bernardo Secchi describes this space.
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Towards a Territorial City S1_Crossing The City Center_ waste technical space re-used (T1)
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Towards a Territorial City e
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2 Conceptual perspective image from Isalnita former Chemical Industry T2-T3, showing the gradient of densities on site.
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a) Exceed GSI, but invest in the recovery of the park. Ground floor as predominantly public space b) Exceed FSI, but make your roof sustainable: water collector, green, energy collector. Predominantly collective space ground floor. c) Low density wo/ha with private green, collective green. d) Existing road infrastructure re-used e) Former industrial system and technical infrastructure are re-used, land is cleaned, ecological qualities are being recovered.
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Perspective images along the slow mobility paths on Isalnita site
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How former production sites change along the valley, from one image to another, from North to South:
Isalnita Industrial Site
Nature percolation, re-use and a new way of inhabiting the periphery on industrial former chemical industry. Permanent accommodation is proposed on this site. THE METROPOLIS 241
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Water Tower placed at villagesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; core
Water towers occupied by public functions or temporary accomodation. Waste water tower in Dranic village, THE WEEKEND CITY
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Former Mill site and Agriculture Cooperative in Calopar Village
Former mill and CAP in Calopar Village, temporary accomodation, local business, THE WEEKEND CITY
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Former Stalls in Dranic Village
Former stalls and CAP in Dranic Village, temporary/permanent accomodation, local business In-between THE WEEKEND CITY and THE REINHABITED VILLAGE
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Nature as a common ground in Dranic Village
The forest as public space; secular wild forest near Dranic village
Path near the water in Dranic Village, floodable areas, fishing point In-between THE WEEKEND CITY and THE REINHABITED village
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Integrating the irrigation canal in the strategy system
Transformation of the irrigation canals which are current waste technical infrastructure near Valea Stanciului Village in THE REINHABITED VILLAGE
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The project in The Visitor City near Zaval village (4) focuses on nature permeability and ecological relations in a place put under investments’ pressure and instant and seasonal flood pressure. The project uses the former trajectory of Jiu River (changed during communism) to restore the wetlands that used to occupy the polders. The structure of the polder is upcycled to create an island. The Island would accommodate developments planned at present on Copanița Island (2). The polder island accommodates local businesses, new economies, a Michelin restaurant, fish ponds and bungalows. Copanita Island is therefore preserved as a natural heritage. This image designs a key link within the cross-border programme and supports the vision of the ‘Triangle City’.
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Isalnita
The Project Scale in The Visitor City Breasta
A natural Transect at Zăval Leamna de Jos
Craiova
Leamna de Sus Bucovat Cârcea
Palilula Cîrligei Balta Verde Preajba
Podari
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Livezi Jiul Gura Vaii
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Țuglui
Teasc
Calopăr Bîzdîna Belcinu
Bratovoesti
Foisor Segarcea Booveni Dranic
Padea
Rojiste
Tâmburesti Mîrsani
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Existing
Re-used / Used to determine the new system
Water bodies
Permeability 1: Mobility
Settlements and street network Main roads along the valley
Main valley path Transversal link
Existing buildings
Link to key locations
Meadow
Waste irigation canals upcycled
Forest
New link across the river or road
Trees
Test crossing across the river Permeability 2: Nature
Correspondence Proposed Specific functions gathered or emerged through the corespondence principle
New forested areas Nature percolation, reinforce ecological edges Water lands: wadis, floodable areas (polder to island) Trees to hold the ground, stop the water, mark the route Plants to clean polluted grounds
caffe
accommodation
kayak
slow mobility path
knowledge economy
local economy
Energy plants Water protection built in T3 Porosity Strategic crossing Wifi tree
water permeability
fishing point
Water collector tree Reused former production system Re-used industrial sites Re-used buildings New additions to re-used buildings Reactivated winery Winery
fish pond
restaurant
biodiversity protected
Abandoned estate converted to public park Key destinations Meaningful places
energy plants rice fields
Vacant former production system and the waste technical infrastructure of the polder could accomodate desired developements in the Visited city, while the natural biodivers areas remain protected.
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Temporary strutures as tools to get in contact with nature Future boat docking point
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ZAVAL VILLAGE
ZAVAL VILLAGE
Schematic cross sections through the Jiu corridor (left) the productive landscape of the polder (center) and the floodable area along the former trajectory of the river (right).
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Plan of the intervention on the end section of the Jiu River Valley.
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Perspective image on the floodable riverbank and agricultural production area near Zaval. The Visited City in T1-T2 258
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Strategy Phasing Testing / Scaffolding
T1
Permeability
Porosity
Correspondence
In the first phase, local structures structures and key places have priority on the whole trajectory of the valley. Temporary events and structures are used to test and develop the future mix of uses that will be implemented in the following phases. - upgrade / downgrade existing roads to match the mobility requirements of the strategy. - the construction of the valley route starts from the two ends: from Craiova and from the Danube. - the construction of the pedestrian/bicycle bridge at Bucovat starts. - the testing of secondary crossings strats. - the sites of former production systems are cleaned and occupied with temporary activities while a personalised program for the mix of uses is being developed. - key natural areas are marked and the strutures for temporary activities are built. - forests are planted in areas with risk of flooding and land slides; polluted soil is cleaned with phytoremediation methods.
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T2
The territorial city
T3
Connections and collaboration between images become a priority. The emphasis is on cross-image sites and large scale connections.
Both transversal and valley connections are complete. The four images function together as a gradient. This way, Craiova as a territoral city establishes connections with all the four images.
- the valley route is complete and local routes develop from the transversal connections and the promenades on the edge. - the construction of the pedestrian /bicycle bridge at Bucovat is finished. - crossings that are needed are built as additional cycling bridges. - the activities in the conv erted production areas that have proven successful in T1 are formalised. - based on the way temporary structures are occupied, dynamic urban rules are developed for the buildings in the natural territory of the valley. - water pockets are created upstream in floodable areas; floodable areas are preserved and the design creates room for water.
- complete slow mobility network. - the valley route is a social-econimic backbone in the territory. - the two sides of the river support each other from a social, economic and ecological point fo view. - the testing of secondary crossings strats. - although a rich mix has been developed for the fully converted former production areas, a certain degree of flexibility and testing is maintained. - the valley remains a protected natural area that encourages interaction between man and nature and it is fully valorised from an economic, social and touristic point of view. - forests and wetland areas are increased; the new natural landscape is integrated in the everyday lives of the inahbitants of the territory.
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Complete network
T1
Strategy Phasing Testing / Scaffolding Local spatial structures and actors are identified. The strategic module (transversal link, ) is outlined locally.
Permeability
The valley route, a slow mobility backbone Slow mob. on existing (upand downgraded) routes.
Bike bridge at Bucovat
Marked paths
Lit paths
Cleaning the land
Enlarge the edge
Adopt and support natural grounds
New economies in natural areas
Solar trees
Mixed-use flood safe platforms
Former production sites are open to free markets for villagers and urban makers.
Temporary events (festivals, fairs) support the former production systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s transformation.
Knowledge camps
Participatory planning sessions with local actors used to identify potential correspondencies.
Imporved natural and water permeability
Porosity
Crossings
Former production systems
Meaningful places
Correspondence
Former production spaces are
The functioning of the territory is fueld by correspondencies between city, villages and the valley and between different scales.
The strategic framework finds correspondencies between local initiatives and large scale plans and projects (EU programs, regional development plans, Cross-border plans, etc.) Planning instruments (policies) encouraging correspondencies between economic drivers and abandoned or underused former production sites in the territory.
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Transects are developed and the identity of each image is consolidated. The tests run in the first phase are eveluated and cristalized in key interventions.
T3
The territorial city The four images work together. The strategy functions on multiple levels of scale (territory, image, transect, and project scale) in an integrated way.
The limits consolidate cores or the valley remains a natural park.
The other two connections are tested.
Biodiversity
Solar and elevetaed bike paths on the valley edge upgrade the valley route.
Clean air
Clean water
Secondary routes and transversal links are built.
The valley supports the trianlge city.
The network of strategic connections in the valley is complete.
Flood proof
Mixed-use platforms, together with the intersections are designed with public facilites and waste collection points. Former industrial structures are reactivated as mixed-use facilities. Some sites are used for waste collection and recycling.
Production is sustainable and successful
The porosity of meaningful places and economically active places is evenly spread out in the territory.
The valley becomes an attractive territorial park.
The valley becomes an attractive economic zone. The valley as a boulevard provides a common ground for new economies and lifestyles.
Images support each other on the valley scale
Correspondencies create social-economic synergies between the urban, rural and natural territories. 263
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T2
Complete network
Precedents table
[...]the learning and building process in wilderness: as an attempt to deal with contemporary challenges, both planetary and local, it is necessary and clever to jump outside the usual game and stratagem of the urban professional life, and seek a counter-phenomena out on the ‘edge’, where people are ripped off from their roles and positions, and need to act on a common ground. people’s real needs emerge, and they need to be fulfilled, ‘design’ becomes just part of ‘making’. (Rintala 2016 in designboom.com)
Temporary Structures in Nature
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Temporary structures meant to overcome the separation between seasonally flooded natural areas and their surrounding anthropic territory. The experimental forest structures are designed to provide the needs for both the visitors and the locals: a shelter, a fireplace and a sauna. The projects are part of a larger network of forest infrastructures supported by the national forest management centre of Estonia. (designboom. com 2016)
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4 Panoramic structures for watching the city of Brasoc from Tampa hill. The project was built during a summer workshop by 12 architects. It was supported by local authorities to draw more hikers in the area and encourage the exploration of the spaces in-between. (designboom.com 2016)
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230 km of bike paths in Transilvania, a project suported by Natura 2000 and WWF Romania, local associations and EU. The paths gather UNESCO Monuments, natural protected areas and 26 villages. The project is entitled â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;For Nature and Local Communitiesâ&#x20AC;? and was implemented between 2013-2015. The project is meant to encourange the small scale economies and agriculture in the area and preserve the natural sites unchanged since Middle Ages. (natura2000transilvania.ro)
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Innovative bike lanes : solar lit Van Gogh cycle path (9); solar bike path producing energy (8); Copenhagen bike bridge (7).
Drosscapes Former Production systems and technical infrastructures
Housing Density Berkenbos, Zuidlaren, 25 wo/ ha ( van Faro Architecten et. all 2012)
GWL terrein Amsterdam, 83.6 wo/ha (ibid.)
Former Industrial site re-used, Delfshaven, Rotterdam
Ypenburg, Hague, 340 ha, general density 37 wo/ ha. 85 ha business park; (Cousins 2009)
10 Landschaftspark Duisbug-Nord: 180 ha park, part of a social and ecological territorial scale strategy, developed on a former industrial area in Ruhr, Germany. The project includes: local economies and involvement of locals, elitist tourism as financial motor, returalisation and cultural events. (e-zeppelin.ro 2016)
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Slow mobility networks
Reflection
The territorial city learns from ecology, landscape urbanism, B. Secchi and P. Viganò’s (1984-2016) works, as well as from approaches coming from mathematics and complexity science. When superimposing these perspectives, it seems that challenging and effective methods are yet to come. While tracing territorial projects tackled from different ecological perspectives, the conclusion outlines the potential innovation coming from experimentally joined fields. For example, morphology, contemporary mathematics (Burgin 2005) and ecology seem to synchronize their ways of thinking and indicate the coming of new methodologies in urbanism. Further, a personal concern was to accommodate such perspectives in a certain context, in strong link to reality and address the local context and actors. Throughout the project, research and design come together: theoretical framework informs the context and the other way around, so that the strategic actions settle on site following its principles, but adapt to specific situations. This was an exercise started in previous projects at the territorial scale. In this respect, I find the process as an extreme exercise of imagination and research for one designer. Consequently, if I could choose three indispensable specialists to involve in my project, they would be an ecologist, a planner and a social anthropologist. Hence, the project did involve three specialist meetings with a planner, a biologist and an anthropologist who were familiar with the context. Secondly, the thesis was an opportunity to refine, exercise the use of certain methods or tools, such as Space Syntax, GIS mapping or more personal methods such as ‘The Space Journal’ and, in general, the work with people whom the project addresses. The case study of Craiova and the challenging design goal is perceived as a work laboratory, open to provocations, avoiding the fear of complexity, yet in search of clarifications. A personal goal is to refine and learn from my methodology and to better understand my position towards the very complex discourse about territorial cities coming from ecology and landscape urbanism. Along the design process, I was both critical to and inspired by certain methods, such as the scenario and the images. The experience to ‘go to the future’ was a complex design exercise which required an extended investigation. Along this process I had to educate myself to be open to reiteration and superimposition of many stories. Embracing the complexity of the project made me adopt a more critical view on certain theories such as my position towards the Landscape Urbanism debate, while grounding the process with new tools, such as the image and the scenarios. At the end, I would compare this thesis project to a complex narration in which I, the designer was both an author and a character. Even though the design process was opened to experiment and opened the story to other characters and narratives, I would not define myself as a curator, but as a designer who dives in the complexity of the story, but who has the capacity to step back and have a critical look. As bottom-up scale does not go against top-down, the territorial city approach does not fight negative trends, but it involves them in the design story, just like Alan Berger suggests, dross and sprawl are not necessarily bad. 266
Bibliography and References
Ecology and Territory
Branzi, A. (2006). No-stop city. Orléans: HYX. Branzi, A. (2006). Weak and diffuse modernity. Milan, Italy: Skira. Corboz, A. (1983). The Land as Palimpsest. In Diogenes, 31(121), pp.12–34. Dramstad, W., Olson, J. and Forman, R. (1996). Landscape ecology principles in landscape architecture and land-use planning. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Graduate School of Design. Dehaene, Havik, Notteboom. The Mid-Size City as a European Condition and Strategy. OASE, (89), pp.66-79. Amsterdam: NAI Publishers. Descombes, G. and Corner, J. (1995). 1995-03-17 Georges Descombes, James Corner. [online] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PTNq9Fsm1-I [Accessed 2 Dec. 2015]. Descombes, G. (1999). Shifting Sites. In Corner, J. (ed.) Recovering Landscape. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Fabian, L., Giannotti, E. and Viganò, P. (Eds.). (2012). Recycling City. Pardenonne: Giavedoni Editore. Hellmund, P. and Smith, D. (2006). Designing greenways. Washington: Island Press. McHarg, Ian. (1995). Design with Nature. 25th Anniversary Edition. New York: Wiley. Picket, S. Ecology of The City. In Urban Design Ecologies, n.d. Pickett, S., Cadenasso, M. and McGrath, B. (2013). Resilience in ecology and urban design. Dordrecht: Springer. Secchi, B. and Viganò, P. (2009). Antwerp, territory of a new modernity. Amsterdam: SUN. Sieverts, T. (2015). Abstraction and Realisation: Good Life and The City in The Atropochene, http://www.theberlage.nl/events/details/2015_02_13_abstraction_and_realization_good_life_ and_the_city_in_the_anthropocene [attended on 13th February 2015] Viganò, P. (2009). On Territories. OASE, (94), pp.91-107. Amsterdam: NAI Publishers. Viganò, P. (2010). A Territorial Project. In Designing for a Region(p.p. 40-53). Amsterdam: SUN Academia. Viganò, P. (2012). Extreme cities and bad places. International Journal of Disaster Risk Science, 3(1), pp.3-10. Viganò, P. (2013). Urbanism and Ecological Rationality. In Resilience in ecology and urban design: linking theory and practice for sustainable cities(p.p. 407-426). Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands : Springer. (Future City). Viganò, P. (2015). State of the Crisis: The Horizontal Metropolis. In Kercuku, A., Bianchetti, C., Cogato Lanza, E., Sampieri, A. and Voghera, A. (n.d.). Territories in Crisis. 268
Towards a Territorial City Viganò, P. and Piccolo, S. (n.d.). The territories of urbanism. Viganò, P., Descombes, G. (2014). The Narrative of Landscape Symposium, Archizoom, 0709.10.14 [online] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Lqr99iZi5I [Accessed in September 2015] Waldheim, C. (2006). The landscape urbanism reader. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Waldheim, C. (2010). Notes Toward A History Of Agrarian Urbanism. Places: n. pag. Web. 2 Dec. 2015. Welter, V. (2003). Biopolis. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT. de Zwart, B. (2012). Mid Size Urbanism. Tjallingii, S. (2000). Ecology on the edge:. Landscape and Urban Planning, 48(3-4), pp.103-119. Tjallingii, S. (2015). Planning with water and traffic networks. Carrying structures of the urban landscape. Research In Urbanism Series, 3(1), 57-80. doi:10.7480/rius.3.832 Sheppard, L. (2013). From Site To Territory. In Bhatia, N., Sheppard, L., Bracket 2: Goes Soft. Barcelona: Actar. http://www.spatialagency.net/database/1960s.utopian.groups [Accessed in September 2016]
Case study - Historical research
Avram, C. (2005). Deceniul Stalinist. Colectivizarea în fața istoriei. Panciova: Libertatea. Ceausescu, A. (2011). Așezările rurale din Câmpia Băileștiului. Craiova: Craiova University Publishers. Croitoru, G. (2011). Orașele din Oltenia Craiova: Sitech Publishers. Ciubotea, D. and Zarzara, I. (2005). Cmera de Comerț și Industrie Oltenia- 140 de Istorie Craiova: Fevrodest Agora. Badea, L., Ghenovici, A. (1974). Județul Dolj. București: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România INS report (2013). The Structure of The Population. Bucharest: INS Bădescu, I. (2011). Sociologie rurală. București: Mica Valahie. Benedek J., Horvath R. (2008) Chapter 12, Romania, in: Baun M., Marek D., (Eds) EU Regional Policy After Enlargment, 226 – 247. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke.
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CJD(2011), The Urban Rural Report. [accessed in December 2015] Popescu, D. (2014). Subsistence/Semi-subsistence Agricultural Exploitations: Their Roles and Dynamics within Rural Economy/Rural Sustainable Development in Romania. Procedia Economics and Finance, 16, pp.563-567. Răuță, A. (2013). Civic Centers under Ceauşescu’s Rule. The Failure to Articulate a Professional Discourse. In Printed in Red. Architectural Writings during Communism Vol.1. București: “Ion Mincu” Publishers. http://www.dolj.insse.ro (statistics of the county of Dolj) Landuse map in GIS 1864: http://www.charta1864.ro/charta.html [accessed in December 2015] http://www.rowater.ro/dajiu/documente/pmbhdajiu.pdf (scientific report about the Jiu River) [ downloaded in December 2015] Management integrated plan for Jiu River coridor in Dolj county: http://jiu.dev.zoel.ro/PM_ Coridorul_Jiului.pdf [downloaded in February 2016] https://www.facebook.com/agrointeligenta/ | http://agrointel.ro/ [accessed daily since December 2015] Expert interview: http://www.agrimedia.ro/articole/dabuleni-un-oras-al-agricultorilor-pe-nisipuri (the issues of desertification in Craiova’s region, the largest desert land in Europe)
Reference projects
A Territorial Project, Salento Region, Paola Vigano Citta Difusa, Veneto region, Paola Vigano the concept of ‘pipes and sponge’; in Extreme City. Venice: IAUV, 2010. No-Stop City by Archizoom Shifting Sites: The Swiss Way, Geneva by George Descombes Research projects PLUREL (FP7) http://www.plurel.net (artificial- natural relation) Platform PURPLE http://www.purple-eu.org (artificial- natural relation) http://www.coe.int/en/web/landscape (European landscape convention) http://www.sdtr.ro/50/Analize_teritoriale (strategy for territorial developement Romania 20132015)
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Hellmund, P. and Smith, D. (2006). Designing greenways. Washington: Island Press. http://www.designboom.com/architecture/camposaz-tampa-giovanni-wegher-massimo-bertoluzza-romania/ http://www.designboom.com/design/estonia-students-veetee-floating-structures-flooding-09-22-2016/ 5,6: ww.natura2000transilvania.ro[accessed in September 2016] www.vangoghbrabant.com/en/latest/succes-van-gogh-roosegaarde-cycle-path?page=1 Cousins, M. (2009). Design quality in new housing. 1st ed. Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor & Francis. FoĚ&#x2C6;llmi, H., Nicolas, D., TomeiĚ&#x2C6;, K., Bos, R., Hendriks, M. and Ettema, M. (2012). Landschappelijk wonen. 1st ed. Wageningen: Blauwdruk.
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A walk through the valley Pattern exploration at different scales - one of the aerial walks along Jiu River Valley; aerial photo exploration as a method.
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