TRAVEL: COOL AND CULTURED CHIANG MAI OFFERS LOTS FOR MYANMAR VISITORS
FOOD: CHILLING OUT IS EASY AT ‘FATMAN’ BUSINESS: EUROPE OPENS ITS DOORS
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The Hotel @ Tharabar Gate is located in the most unique archaeological site of Southeast Asia, the ancient capital of the Burmese empire, Old Bagan.
Surrounded by more than 4,000 ancient temples and pagodas, you will be enchanted by the breathtaking views. The Hotel @ Tharabar Gate is within 5 minutes walking distance of the spectacular Ananda Temple, known as ‘The Jewel of Bagan.’
The hotel offers 83 luxury rooms, including 4 suites. Every room is decorated with teak floors and typical Burmese furniture.
All rooms are fully air-conditioned and feature an IDD telephone line, satellite television, safety deposit box, mini-bar and a private garden. Each room comes with a high ceiling and different handpainted wall paintings, which are all copies of original temple paintings of the Bagan period. Internet and Wi-Fi is available in the lobby.
The hotel offers two dining choices; in the tropical garden and at the semi-open main restaurant. The restaurant accommodates 100 diners and a further 150 around the swimming pool and garden. The restaurant is well-known for its open-air fine dining, including traditional Myanmar food, European food and Asian cuisine. The hotel also features a pool-side bar to relax with a cool cocktail or drinks of your choice. Furthermore the hotel offers the option to order in-room dining at any time of the day or night.
For relaxation after a day of sightseeing we invite you to experience our spa with signature treatments from Myanmar and Thailand.
The 24-hour butler service will arrange the following for you: transport, guides, sightseeing tours, airline reservations, or a balloon ride with our partner, ” Balloons Over Bagan.” The hotel is 15 minutes drive from Nyaung Oo Airport and most of the major sightseeing places for which Bagan is famous. We can also offer a sunset boat trip with snacks and drinks on board to watch the beautiful sunset over the Ayeyarwady, as well as excursions to Mount Popa (Taung Kalat).
Whatever you would like to do during your time in Bagan, we are here to make your visit an unforgettable one.
YANGON SALES & RESERVATION OFFICE
Room 2H, 1st Floor, Nawarat Condo, Sa Mon Street, 22/24, Pyay East Qtr, Dagon Township, Yangon, Myanmar.
Tel: (+95-1) 377956 / 376568, 09-450054234
Fax: (+95-1) 377830
THE HOTEL @ THARABAR GATE
Near Tharabar Gate, Old Bagan.
Tel: (+9561) 60037 / 60042 / 60043
Fax: (+9161) 60044
Email: smm@hoteltharabarbagan.com.mm
Web: www.tharabargate.com www.hoteltharabarbagan.com
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Aung Zaw
MANAGER : Win Thu
The Irrawaddy magazine covers Myanmar, its neighbors and Southeast Asia. The magazine is published by Irrawaddy Publishing Group (IPG) which was established by Myanmar journalists living in exile in 1993.
EDITOR (English Edition): Kyaw Zwa Moe
COPY DESK: Neil Lawrence; Paul Vrieze; Samantha Michaels
CONTRIBUTORS to this issue: Aung Zaw; Kyaw Zwa Moe; Saw Yan Naing; Samantha Michaels; Kyaw Phyo Tha; William Boot; Virginia Henderson; Cate Langmuir; Nyein Nyein; Zarni Mann; Steve Tickner; Saw Yan Naing; Andrew D. Kaspar.
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14 | Analysis: The Strange Birds behind the ’88 Coup
Some of the generals who ruled after 1988 became sitting ducks; but one turned out to be a real bird of prey
20 |
Border: ‘The Struggle to Control the Peace Process
Efforts to end decades of conflict between the government and ethnic armed groups are faltering as both sides face disagreements over who’s in charge
26 |
COVER In Myanmar’s Schools, History’s in the Making
After nearly 50 years of military rule, is Myanmar’s education system finally ready to rewrite the past to reflect the nation’s diversity?
34 | Trade: Exports Set to Soar, as Europe Opens its Doors
A thirteenfold increase in Myanmar’s exports to France could be just the beginning, as the European Union reinstates tariff-free trade for one of the world’s poorest nations
36 | Intelligence: Looking for a Few Good Cronies
Are Myanmar’s ultra-rich fit for business?
38 | Roundup: Tourism Ministry Looks Ahead
40 |
Regional: Tycoon’s 10-year Crusade to Get a Big Mac in Vietnam
McDonald’s is betting that an ailing economy won’t kill a Southeast Asian tiger’s appetite for its iconic product
Since beginning its transition to quasi-civilian rule in 2011, Myanmar’s relations with the outside world have changed dramatically and, for the most part, positively. One notable exception, however, has been the country’s ties with China, which have seen a series of setbacks, mostly involving Chinese investment in mega-projects that many Myanmar citizens see as exploitative.
After the suspension of the Chinese-backed Myitsone hydropower dam project in Kachin State in September 2011, Beijing was forced to reevaluate its approach to dealing with Myanmar. Providing arms and other support to Myanmar’s generals to win access to resources and other strategically important assets is no longer enough: Popular opinion must now also be taken into consideration.
China’s new ambassador to Myanmar, Yang Houlan, has taken pains to show that Beijing is listening. And in this interview with Kyaw Zwa Moe, the editor of The Irrawaddy’s English-language edition, and senior reporter Saw Yan Naing, he also makes clear that bilateral relations are still on track, despite the challenges they have faced in the wake of recent reforms.
Over the past two years, Myanmar has opened up, and social organizations and the media are more active. This has created so many positive conditions. The social and political atmosphere here has positively changed. Myanmar’s stability and development are in China’s interests. Now, in a globalized world, no country can develop in isolation. To continue our economic relations, we need strong and solid social bases. So we should get support from different factions and different people.
Myanmar now has closer relations with the West and other Asian countries, including Japan. How do you feel about this?
In 2011, President U Thein Sein decided to postpone the Chinesebacked Myitsone dam project in Kachin State. Many say that this soured the relationship between Myanmar and China. Do you agree?
From my point of view, it was an isolated case. We understand there was something behind this decision, but I think it will not affect the relationship between the two sides. After assuming the post of president in 2011, U Thein Sein visited China. Both sides have promoted their “comprehensive strategic partnership of cooperation” and this year signed an action plan for strategic partnership. The general relationship is still very good. The momentum is still good.
Since my arrival here four months ago, I have had many discussions with friends from different fields, such as politics, social organizations and the government. My impression is that all Myanmar people, the government, ministries, social organizations and different parties have a strong desire
to further develop relations with China, especially economic ties.
[Regarding Myitsone], Myanmar is now entering a period of rampant agricultural and industrial development. If you want to develop industry, the power supply is a basic need. Without electricity, how can you develop the industrial sector?
So would you like to see the Myitsone dam project restarted?
I think if we want to resume this project, we need to do communication and consultation between the two sides. We need to set up some mechanism and have more discussions. But of course, we respect the Myanmar government’s decision and we also respect the people’s views about the project.
As you say, the Chinese embassy is now actively reaching out not only to the authorities, but also to opposition groups, civil society organizations and people on the ground. Why didn’t you do this in the past?
As I mentioned, in this globalized world, no country can develop without good relations with the outside world. In the past, when some Western countries imposed sanctions against Myanmar, China didn’t support it because this kind of isolation is not good for the Myanmar people. Those who suffered from these sanction were not only officials but also ordinary people. It was the people who suffered most, not senior officials. That’s why China called on the international community to lift the sanctions.
It is good that Myanmar has opened up and developed relations with the whole world, including the Western countries. I hope all nations can join hands to facilitate Myanmar’s development process.
Some observers say that the United States decided to start engaging with Myanmar because it was worried about China’s influence in the country. What is your response to this?
I’ve read newspapers and talked to friends here, and they have a similar idea. They talk about the power struggle in Myanmar, especially between China and the US. I think it would be unfortunate if such a thing happens. If there is a power struggle between China and US, it will also not be good for Myanmar. We hope it doesn’t happen. China doesn’t support the idea of a zero-sum game. We should have a policy of win-win cooperation. Some Myanmar politicians also make it very clear that Myanmar should not
become a battlefield of bigger powers. That is not the desire of the Myanmar people. We welcome the US to play a constructive role in Myanmar.
Some Chinese companies, such as the China Power Investment Corporation, have been criticized for their lack of transparency. Would you like to comment on that?
You may have noticed our embassy’s website. We have a website to clear rumors, and we also have a Facebook page. The Chinese government also encourages Chinese companies, especially those in foreign countries, to take responsibility for social affairs. Social responsibility is very important for the people. We have learned from the past that we need to communicate more with people.
Chinese authorities have also gotten involved in peace talks between ethnic Kachin rebels and the Myanmar government. What are your concerns about border areas?
China strongly supports peace talks between the two sides. China also wants to play a positive role. Stability in the northern part of Myanmar, which borders China, is of course not just a concern for Myanmar, but also for China. In the past, some bullets have landed on China’s side. Also, when there are conflicts on the Myanmar side, hundreds of thousands of people cross over into China. Stability in northern Myanmar is good for China.
We hope that the Kachin and the government can talk directly. To sign a ceasefire agreement and realize peace, they first need to build trust. China is confident that they will sign the agreement because it is in the interests of both sides.
Many Myanmar people resent the fact that in the past, China seemed to side with the military junta, and not with them. What do you say to this?
Not only China but also Russia and your neighboring countries supported Myanmar. China supported the military regime, but that doesn’t
In the past, China just focused on action, not talk. But now we need to have more communication to get understanding from the people. Just action without talking is not good practice for China now. We should change it. We encourage Chinese enterprises here to communicate more with society. Otherwise, people don’t understand what we are doing. [Chinese companies]
mean China supported military rule. We thought of Myanmar as a nation with its people. We built roads and made some factories and agricultural projects. That was for the people, not just the military. If every country had isolated Myanmar, the people would have been the first to suffer. So it is not true that China only supported the military regime.
You recently donated a million kyat [around $1,000] to the National League for Democracy. China didn’t support Myanmar’s democracy forces in the past, so why now?
should also respect the local society and take responsibility for the social impact of their actions.
Do you think China now finds itself in a difficult position as Myanmar opens up and more foreign partners approach the country?
I don’t think so. Quick social and economic development in Myanmar is good for China. It will provide more opportunities for our mutual beneficial cooperation. But of course, with new opportunities come new challenges.
Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Yang Houlan speaks to The Irrawaddy on Aug. 13, 2013.—Lucas Chow, CEO of the Singapore-based property developer Far East Orchard, describing business conditions in Myanmar
—Ethnic Kachin cage fighter Aung La N Sang, also known as the “Burmese Python,” in a comment posted on his Facebook page prior to winning a major match in the US on Aug. 17.
“The main thing is that it’s very important the administration is involved. Whenever a law is enacted, the involvement of the administrative body is very important.”
—Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann on the need for the executive branch to play a role in amending Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution
“We have to continue to move with the ’88 spirit. If oppression and injustice happens again, there will be a revival of 1988.”
—88 Generation leader Min Ko Naing, speaking at an event commemorating the 25th anniversary of the nationwide uprising against military rule on Aug. 8, 1988.
“It’s a very cowboy town. The rules are not exactly clear; the laws are not exactly clear. ... So many things aren’t clear, so I don’t think we have an appetite for that kind of market.”
“We fight because it’s in our blood.”
Prominent political figures, activists, government officials and ordinary
citizens attended events in Yangon and elsewhere in the week of Aug. 8, the
anniversary of the “four eights” pro-democracy uprising of Aug. 8, 1988. The three-day “Silver Jubilee for Four Eights Democracy Movement” event in Yangon attracted thousands of people. It was the first time in a quarter of a century that the authorities had allowed a large-scale public commemoration of the birth of Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement, which was ruthlessly crushed a month later by a military coup that left thousands dead. However, organizers of a march through central Yangon faced charges for holding an unauthorized demonstration.
in Kayin State and three townships in Mon State near the border with Thailand, and by Aug. 1, floods and landslides had forced more than 33,000 people in Kayin State and 4,600 in Mon State to flee their homes. The flooding also destroyed four bridges and damaged about 31,000 acres (12,545 hectares) of rice fields, and more than 360 schools were closed in both states. Around half of all evacuees were able to return to their homes within a week.
Members of the Myanmar Journalist Network (MJN) launched a campaign against a governmentdrafted Publishing Bill that they said would give the Ministry of Information overly broad powers to issue and revoke publication licenses. The bill was passed by Parliament’s Lower House in July and is set for consideration by the Upper House before it can be passed into law. The group said it also wants to
see passage of a draft law submitted by Myanmar’s interim Press Council, a non-government body formed to propose media reforms, including the promotion of journalists’ rights and the establishment of ethical standards. Within days of launching a petition drive on July 31, the MJN said it had collected more than a thousand signatures.
John Bercow, the speaker of the British House of Commons, urged Myanmar’s government not to fear federalism as a “dangerous idea,” but to embrace it as a way to ensure that the rights of all citizens are respected. In a speech at the University of Yangon on Aug. 1, Mr. Bercow also stressed that Britain was watching the progress of reforms in Myanmar closely. The
international community “must be vigilant in guarding against premature euphoria,” he said, adding that the country should repeal all repressive laws and amend its Constitution to make opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi eligible for the presidency.
The first-ever football match at the Wunna Theikdi stadium in Naypyitaw came to a chaotic end on Aug. 4, as rampaging fans tore up seats and invaded the pitch, according to officials. The match, between Naypyitaw FC and Yangon United FC, was called off before halftime after fighting broke out between the players and spread to the fans. The stadium, which will be used as the venue for the opening ceremony of this year’s Southeast Asian Games in December, suffered damage to around 150 seats and a stage area. None of the players or 20,000 fans at the game was seriously injured in the fighting.
Monsoon flooding in southeastern Myanmar left at least six people dead and displaced more than 38,000 others, official reports said. Heavy rains started falling on July 27 in six townships
Thai authorities arrested and charged a suspected human trafficker who allegedly sold hundreds of migrants from Myanmar into slavery to work in Thailand’s fishing industry, police said on Aug. 10. Ko Myo, a 42-yearold Myanmar national, was captured in a raid by police and justice officials in Thailand’s southern province of Surat Thani and faces human trafficking
charges, said Police MajGen Chavalit Sawangpuech. “This is a very significant case as Ko Myo is the leader of one of most notorious human trafficking rings in Thailand,” he said. “He is an agent with a large client base, who has abused his own countrymen on Thai soil for 10 years.” Ko Myo is being held in custody at a hospital after sustaining gunshot wounds during the raid.
At Least One Dead in Clashes between Police, Rohingya Muslims
At least one person was killed and 10 others were injured in clashes between police and Rohingya Muslims in camps near the Rakhine State capital of Sittwe, according the UN refugee agency UNHCR. Police allegedly opened fire during two separate incidents on Aug. 9, after mobs formed to demand the body of a drowned Rohingya fisherman in police custody. Tensions have been high
in Rakhine State since deadly clashes last year between the Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists. More than a year after the violence began, many of the displaced Rohingya remain in temporary camps under tight security.
November 1988 by student activists who fled to border areas to resist Myanmar’s then newly installed military regime, the ABSDF signed a preliminary accord with Kayin State and military representatives in Yangon on Aug. 5. U Than Khe, the group’s chairman, told The Irrawaddy that after nearly 25 years of armed struggle, the time had come to “go ahead with this new path, this political new phase.” He added, however, that the deal was a “first step” and that progress “depends on the attitude of the government.”
The Myanmar government and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) announced a truce on Aug. 10 at a gathering attended by international observers and other witnesses, including leaders of the 88 Generation Students group. Formed in
Myanmar lost four revered cultural figures in August: Par Par Lay, the leader of the Mandalay-based comedy trio The Moustache Brothers, who died of prostate cancer on Aug. 2 at the age of 67; veteran journalist Maung Wuntha, who succumbed to lung cancer on Aug. 11 at the age of 68; humorist Min Lu, who died on Aug. 13, also of lung cancer, aged 60; and writer and peace activist Dagon Taya, who died of natural causes on Aug. 19 at the age of 95. All four men had spent time in prison for their political convictions. Maung
Wuntha was sentenced to prison after winning a seat in Parliament as a candidate for the National League for Democracy in 1990, while Par Par Lay and Min Lu earned the ire of Myanmar’s generals for their biting satire of life under military rule.
The trial of six Buddhists suspected of involvement in last year’s killing of 10 Muslims in Taungup, Rakhine State, began on Aug. 13 at the provincial court in Thandwe, a city in the state’s south. The suspects were arrested at their homes on July 17 by police flown in from Naypyitaw, with local
authorities left in the dark as the central government moved to detain the men. The killings, which occurred on June 3, 2012, were believed to be a reprisal for the rape of an ethnic Rakhine Buddhist woman, allegedly by three Muslim men, on May 28 of that year. The incident subsequently sparked widespread violence between the state’s Buddhists and Muslims, but no effort was made to bring the perpetrators to justice until more than a year later.
The police are investigating allegations that a military general with close ties to former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe threatened to shoot two farmers in Naypyitaw as part of an ongoing land dispute. The farmers said Maj-Gen Soe Shein, once the personal assistant to Myanmar’s former military strongman, visited their land last month with a pistol and threatened to shoot them if they didn’t vacate the property, which he claimed to own. The alleged incident took place on July 5 in the village of Intaingtha in Lewe Township. Soe Min Thein, the officer-in-charge of the Lewe police station, said the fact that the accused was a high-ranking general would have no bearing on his investigation. “There is no such thing as no lawsuits against major-generals. If there are complaints about them, cases must be opened,” he said.
Dagon Taya, who was regarded as one of Myanmar’s leading literary figures, said his politics was about making friends of foes. “Some people came into power by arms, but we have to stage a coup by a free and fair election,” he said.
An armed policeman watches over an unofficial camp for displaced Rohingyas in Sittwe Township.
Maj-Gen Soe Shein, third from left, holds the arm of Snr-Gen Than Shwe in Shanghai in 2010.
PHOTO: JPAING / THE IRRAWADDY
PHOTO: REUTERS
The Myanmar Christian Fellowship of the Blind in Yangon’s Mayangone Township is a place where visually impaired people of all ages and faiths can acquire vital life skills and vocational training—from learning how to read Braille or operate a computer using voice commands to basketweaving and becoming a trained masseuse. Just as importantly, the school also provides its students with a sense of community, helping to break down the isolation often experienced by those with vision impairment. In this photo, three massage school students, seemingly detached from each other, enjoy a conversation while waiting for a teacher in one of the school’s training rooms.
In 1963, the year after Myanmar’s military seized power, the ruling Revolutionary Council of Gen Ne Win invited the country’s armed groups, including the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) and all of the main ethnic militias, to hold talks aimed at ending more than a decade of conflict.
Now, 50 years after that failed attempt to achieve a nationwide peace agreement ushered in a further halfcentury of fighting in Myanmar’s border areas, the nominally civilian government of President U Thein Sein is hoping he will have more success.
Since coming to office more than two years ago, U Thein Sein has wasted no time in trying to lay the groundwork for what would be a historic moment in Myanmar’s post-independence history. His government has reached ceasefire agreements with 13 armed groups, and now believes that it is almost ready to take the push for peace to the next level: a multilateral agreement to be called the Nationwide Ceasefire Accord.
In the coming months, there will be a great deal of activity related to reaching this elusive goal. One significant hurdle that remains is the fact that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), one of the largest of the ethnic armed groups, has yet to agree
to a ceasefire. It has been fighting since an earlier truce that had lasted 17 years broke down in June 2011—just months after U Thein Sein took office.
But the KIA is not alone in believing that the government can’t be completely trusted. Other groups that have signed ceasefire agreements also suspect that the government is more interested in improving its international image than in actually achieving peace.
Whatever doubts there may be, however, it appears that the government’s peace committee is intent on implementing an unofficial three-step process before elections in 2015. The first step will be to announce the Nationwide Ceasefire Accord; the second, to work on a framework for political dialogue; and the third, to hold a nationwide political dialogue.
According to one of the main peace brokers, who asked to remain anonymous until the blueprint is officially announced, the Nationwide Ceasefire Accord will likely be reached by October or no later than November of this year.
In his speech to the nation on Aug. 14, President U Thein Sein laid out his plans in general terms. “Shortly, we are going to sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement,” he said. “But a ceasefire is not enough. To maintain peace, we are going to continue political dialogue with committees which will be formed by the two Houses of Parliament.”
In December, the peace committee will try to speed up its schedule to enter the political dialogue, the peace broker confided. In order to help convince ethnic leaders, the international community and all stakeholders that it is sincere about wanting to reach a permanent peace, the government is expected to invite opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to participate in the process.
The Nobel laureate has in the past sought a role in talks with the ethnic armed groups, but the government has never extended an official invitation to her. Behind the scenes, however, the president has given his peace team a green light to include her in the peace process. In May, a few days before the government’s peace team made a trip to Kachin State to discuss preliminary ceasefire talks with the KIA, U Thein Sein told his chief peace negotiator, President’s Office Minister U Aung Min, to invite her. However, there wasn’t
enough time to work out the details, so in the end she couldn’t actually join them. But a clear signal had been sent that she would be welcome to participate in future peace talks.
When the peace committee starts working on a framework for a political dialogue in December, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to be one of the participants. Although she won’t be given a key role, she will at least have an opportunity to become more familiar with the entire process. According to one inside source, she will be one of a few dozen people, including government, military, ethnic and political leaders, taking part in the process at that stage.
The government’s peace committee seems to believe that the second phase will take three to four months to complete. But if the KIA is still not part of the process by that time, it could undermine the legitimacy of the entire effort. On the other hand, the KIA may feel pressured to join, lest it come under criticism for being the lone holdout. But the peace broker said that even if the KIA does decide to sit out this stage, it can still join the political dialogue later.
The nationwide political dialogue is expected to begin early next year. If this actually comes to pass, it will be a big deal, as it has been one of the key demands of the ethnic armed groups all along to have talks that bring all of them to the same negotiating table with the government. The keyword, however, will be “genuine”: Any sign that the whole thing has been an elaborate sham will inevitably bring the entire process crashing to the ground.
Once the dialogue begins, it may take a full year—from around March 2014 to March 2015—to complete, according to the peace broker. As many as a thousand participants from different political parties and
organizations, including civil society groups, may be involved, he added.
If this unofficial blueprint seems ambitious, that’s because it is. But U Thein Sein and his peace committee are desperate to achieve real results before the country goes to the polls in 2015, so they are pulling out all the stops.
So far, it seems that the plan has the tacit approval of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann, who have reportedly seen the blueprint. But it is difficult to know what the military top brass think of the whole thing. Observers have noted that U Aung Min, who was himself a highranking military official in the previous regime, has had an uphill struggle convincing senior figures within the army to accept some of the deals he has made with the ethnic armed groups. So this may bode ill for the rest of the process, which can’t move forward without military approval.
There are also a multitude of other issues that could throw a spanner into the works. Despite the ceasefire agreements that are already in place, there is still no clear demarcation of territory or systematic monitoring mechanism to reduce the risk of clashes between government troops and those of the ethnic armed groups. This is why there have been numerous incidents on the ground over the past two years, and why even in mid-August, fighting
broke out between government-backed border guard forces and Kachin and Kayin rebels.
But it is the more fundamental issue of how Myanmar’s armed forces and ethnic minorities will relate in the envisioned post-conflict era that will ultimately decide whether a lasting peace is possible. The ethnic armed groups say they would like to see the Tatmadaw, or armed forces, become a “Union Tatmadaw,” representative of the country’s ethnic diversity. But for now, at least, the mindset of the country’s powerful generals is that only a Burman-dominated military can guarantee the unity of the nation.
If Myanmar is ever to overcome its history of endemic conflict, it may have to look even further into the past than 1963, to the Panglong Agreement reached between independence hero Bogyoke Aung San and ethnic leaders in 1947. That pact, which brought Myanmar’s ethnic minorities into the newly independent nation that was born the following year, was effectively nullified by Gen Ne Win’s coup in 1962. But the “Panglong spirit” continues to define the aspirations of many of Myanmar’s minorities, who seek a degree of autonomy that is still anathema to the country’s military.
It remains to be seen whether the president and his peace negotiators will ever be able to realize their goals. But one thing that is certain even now is that genuine peace and stability can only be achieved through a system that is radically different from the one that has existed for most of the past 50 years. And if that new system is federalism, then U Thein Sein should be prepared to deliver it.
Kyaw Zwa Moe is the editor of the English-language edition of The Irrawaddy.
PHOTO: FORWARD JOURNAL
Retired Gen Kyaw Win is a keen observer. These days, he devotes what’s left of his failing eyesight to his two passions: photography and bird-watching. But in the past, when he served as number two in Myanmar’s once dreaded spy agency, he was regularly witness to far more intriguing things.
In April 1992, when Gen Saw Maung, the leader of the military regime formed in 1988 to “restore order” after crushing pro-democracy protests in a bloody coup, was informed by then military intelligence chief and junta Secretary One Gen Khin Nyunt that he had been “permitted to retire due to health reasons,” Gen Kyaw Win was there.
“Don’t abandon us,” the visibly shaken Gen Saw Maung said to Gen Khin Nyunt, fearing that he and his family were about to be placed under house arrest.
Long before Gen Saw Maung lost
his hold on power, he seemed to be losing his grip on reality. Gen Kyaw Win recalled how Myanmar’s top general once started engaging in a conversation with a Buddha image at a famous shrine in Upper Myanmar. After that, he began declaring himself the reincarnation of the 11th-century warrior-king Kyansittha and claimed he could see into the future.
“He didn’t sleep at all,” Gen Kyaw Win said of his former boss, who was clearly suffering from a nervous breakdown and had become dangerously paranoid (on one occasion, Gen Kyaw Win said, the senior general brandished his revolver at some soldiers who had come to welcome him and his wife to a reception).
At one point, then Col Kyaw Win saw Gen Saw Maung summon regional commanders based in northern Myanmar to Mandalay to demand to know if they still supported him.
In fact, Gen Saw Maung owed his powerful position to Gen Ne Win, the
dictator who had been forced to step down after massive protests calling for his ouster took place around the country. Gen Saw Maung, who was then serving as commander in chief of the armed forces, was called to the former dictator’s residence along with his deputy Gen Than Shwe and Gen Ne Win’s trusted spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt. Their orders were to stage a coup.
After the military seized power on Sept. 18, 1988, Gen Saw Maung triumphantly declared that he had “saved the nation”, but the sullen Gen
Than Shwe didn’t utter a word.
From the beginning, Gen Than Shwe was aloof from the other members of the junta, preferring the company of loyal subordinates. Among them was Gen Kyaw Win, who had served under the taciturn general in Shan State in the early 1980s, and stayed close to him throughout the remainder of his military career.
During all their years together, however, Gen Than Shwe never discussed politics with Gen Kyaw Win. But in a sign that even early on he did not trust Gen Khin Nyunt, he assigned Gen Kyaw Win to act as the spy chief’s deputy.
Reporting back on Gen Khin Nyunt words and actions was not difficult: All of the top leaders slept at the War Office from 1988 until the capital was moved to Naypyitaw in 2005. Gen Kyaw Win and other trusted aides would often massage Gen Than Shwe in his bed until he fell asleep. The powerful general also
of the generals who ruled after 1988 became sitting ducks; but one turned out to be a real bird of preyBirds of a feather? Gen Saw Maung, left, was the first to go, after being forced to step down in 1992; Gen Khin Nyunt, center, followed 12 years later. Of the founding members of the junta that seized power in 1988, only Gen Than Shwe, right, survived until a quasi-civilian government was formed in 2011.
liked listening to their gossip and jokes, and sometimes, even after it seemed that he had already drifted off to sleep, he would laugh out loud at some amusing anecdote the officers were sharing among themselves.
Gen Kyaw Win also knew that his boss had a deep-seated distrust of intellectuals and didn’t like having educated people around him. Despite being a graduate of Yangon University, however, Gen Kyaw Win seemed to have won his trust.
Another thing he knew about Gen Than Shwe was that he regarded Myanmar, a nation wedged between the world’s two most populous countries, India and China, as uniquely vulnerable. For this reason, he believed that it needed a special military budget to build a strong army and acquire nuclear weapons. With money from state-owned enterprises and the sale of natural gas, he moved the capital to central Myanmar and built tunnels and launched a nascent nuclear weapons program.
countries and acting as a messenger between himself and opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was then under house arrest. His most important duty, however, was to continue monitoring Gen Khin Nyunt.
Once regarded as a natural successor to Gen Than Shwe, the spy chief never imagined that he would one day be removed from power, despite warnings from his subordinates that he was vulnerable to just such a fate.
The trouble came as powerful generals and commanders in the army’s infantry units learned that they were secretly being investigated. Infantry and intelligence units were always at loggerheads, and it became clear that Gen Khin Nyunt’s intelligence unit was building a state within a state. For years, Gen Than Shwe was urged to put the spy chief in his place—something he had probably wanted to do all along.
Of course, Gen Kyaw Win played a role in Gen Khin Nyunt’s downfall, making sure that all of his reports on
That was in October 2004. When Gen Khin Nyunt, who had been summoned to the office of the junta’s number two Gen Maung Aye shortly after getting off a plane in Yangon, was told to “go home,” he replied sarcastically that he was “delighted” to do so. He knew he had no choice: All of the other senior junta members— except Gen Than Shwe—were there. He was escorted back to his home, and after years as one of Myanmar’s most feared men, he became just another prisoner of one of the world’s most repressive regimes.
Although Gen Than Shwe left the dirty business of dealing with Gen Khin Nyunt to his subordinates, he was in full control of what came after. He reinforced his own power base, locked up more dissidents, and pushed ahead with drafting a constitution that would cement the military’s role in Myanmar politics. Finally, after holding a rigged election in 2010 that delivered a landslide victory to the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, he stepped out of the limelight and remains comfortably retired in his fortress-like mansion in Naypyitaw.
Meanwhile, Gen Khin Nyunt and his feared Military Intelligence Service were busy running torture chambers and chasing after dissidents. This part of their operation was sanctioned by Gen Than Shwe; but the dossiers they were collecting on corruption within the regime apparently wasn’t.
In the early days, Gen Than Shwe was regarded as quite clean. But from around the early 2000s, several ministers and powerful generals had begun seeking favors. Usually, they just paid visits to his home, where they could count on a friendly welcome if they came bearing gifts for his family. This has been called “kitchen politics”— currying favor with Myanmar’s top family through the back door.
Gen Kyaw Win’s disapproval of this development made him and other aides who believed it was part of their job to “keep the businessmen at bay” less than popular with Gen Than Shwe’s wife Daw Kyaing Kyaing and other close relatives. But the senior leader continued to entrust him with important missions, such as maintaining contacts with intelligence agencies in neighboring
his immediate superior reached his real boss via Gen Shwe Mann, the current speaker of Myanmar’s Lower House of Parliament, who was then the joint chief of staff of army, navy and air force and the third most powerful member of the junta.
To neutralize Gen Khin Nyunt, Gen Than Shwe appointed him prime minister and asked him to hand his duties as spy chief over to Gen Myint Swe, one of Gen Than Shwe’s loyal subordinates and now chief minister of Yangon Region.
But Gen Khin Nyunt refused to play along, and later, Gen Than Shwe learned that he had threatened at a cabinet meeting to expose corruption among military commanders and ministers.
In the end, Gen Than Shwe didn’t have to do a thing. “Do what you have to do,” he said, and soon the problem was taken care of. The infantry commanders, who had a plan in place and had long waited to hear these words, moved swiftly. They arrested Gen Khin Nyunt and threw everyone close to him into prison. Within hours, Gen Khin Nyunt’s spy network was dismantled.
During his tenure as Myanmar’s supreme leader, Gen Than Shwe also placed Gen Ne Win under house arrest. Unlike Gen Khin Nyunt, Gen Than Shwe was not close to the former dictator. After Gen Saw Maung, who died of heart failure in 1997, was forced to step down, Gen Than Shwe never bothered to visit the mastermind behind the 1988 coup. Perhaps he had hated him all along.
Gen Khin Nyunt, once dubbed Myanmar’s “prince of evil” by the foreign media, was released from house arrest in early 2012, and now lives as a private citizen. When asked to account for some of the things he did when he was still in power, he insists he was just following orders. Those orders came, of course, from Gen Than Shwe.
Gen Kyaw Win witnessed all of this and more. Now more interested in his avian friends, however, he says he has nothing to say about the current role, if any, of his former boss in Myanmar’s political affairs. But for those of us who have watched Gen Than Shwe eliminate his rivals one by one over the past two decades, it’s difficult to imagine that he isn’t still keeping an eagle eye on everything from his safe, secluded perch, ready to swoop down on anyone who threatens his talon-like hold on power.
DESPITE WARNINGS, GEN KHIN NYUNT NEVER IMAGINED THAT HE WOULD BE REMOVED FROM POWER.
An ethnic Kachin woman who co-founded Myanmar’s largest civil society organization was awarded with this year’s Ramon Magsaysay Award, Asia’s version of the Nobel Prize, along with four other Asian leaders.
Lahpai Seng Raw, a stay-at-home mother turned social worker who helped launch the Yangon-based Metta Development Foundation, which provides support to displaced people in Myanmar’s conflict-torn areas, says she was inspired by other Kachin leaders.
In an interview with The Irrawaddy’s Nyein Nyein, she said the prestigious award was an achievement that she shared with her colleagues, and added that the honor was a reminder that much work remains to help the people of Myanmar, as the country transitions from military rule.
First of all, can you share your thoughts and feelings about receiving such a prestigious award, which is the Asian equivalent to the Nobel Prize?
I was amazed when I first heard about it. I am deeply honored by this award, but also humbled in the knowledge that I owe it all to the host of wonderful friends, colleagues and partners at home and abroad who have sustained me in my work with their wise counsel, help and encouragement. So I accept this award not as a personal honor, but as a celebration of our collective achievement.
I handed over the Foundation’s leadership role to a new generation two years ago. This honor is a force for our foundation, to the new generation, to keep up the work we are doing. There are many displaced people all over our country, including in my state, Kachin State. As you know, tens of thousands of Kachin refugees are among those who have been displaced due to unstable ceasefires. As the president [U Thein Sein] said, only after negotiations are made and
sustainable peace is built can the refugee issue be solved. I reckon the honor comes at just the right time, while our country is on the path of reform. It also highlights that much still needs to be done.
What is your role in the Foundation, after leaving your leadership position in 2011?
I have been working in social development for more than 20 years, since 1987. I will keep supporting those individuals or groups who I have been helping. For our country’s reforms, our civil society group must be effective. We still have to keep up a lot. I will serve again on the Foundation’s board of trustees this coming September.
Can you tell us a bit about the Foundation and its present work?
I began providing assistance for community development in 1987. After a decade assisting people in the communities, the Metta Development Foundation was formed in November 1997, several years after ceasefires were made
with ethnic armed groups. It [the Foundation] provides support for community development for the ethnic [communities] in these areas.
What are the specific activities of the Foundation?
We support the community’s needs, which involves agricultural awareness, education, health care, and relief and social rehabilitation works. For example, rehabilitation in the post-Nargis [cyclone] period was not only a matter of building shelters, but also raising awareness among teachers and parents about hygiene as well as environmental issues… We focus on the community’s proposal to implement a project, based on their decision, which is the most beneficial for them.
When you started the Foundation under the previous military regime, what challenges did you face?
We were able to travel to areas where international organizations could not go. The locals also cooperated with us. We did not face huge challenges implementing our projects, except for the lack of international aid. If we had secured more foreign aid or technical assistance under the previous government, we would have done more.
When you traveled, were you be able to work in ethnic areas affected by civil wars?
Of course, we were able to work in areas where ceasefire agreements were signed. We have also
expanded our reach to help people displaced by natural disasters, not only man-made disasters, since 2004. We provided support to the tsunami victims in 2004, to the 2008 Cyclone Nargis victims in the Irrawaddy Delta, and in 2010 to the Cyclone Giri victims in Arakan State. Our support was not limited to a region. When local residents informed us about their need for help, we would reach them.
Were there any other cofounders?
Yes, I am one of four founders of the Foundation. Actually, the four of us, we are all women who share the same commitment—two Karen ladies, another Kachin lady and I started it with US$20,000 in funding. We supported the development of agriculture, health care, education and hygiene
development. Now the Foundation has expanded through multi-ethnic collaboration, with ethnic Mon and Shan representatives. My current successor is a Shan man, Dr. Sai Sam Kham. He took the leadership role in September 2011.
Do you have any plans for how you’ll use your cash prize?
In keeping with my commitment to work for sustainable peace and a development process that spreads evenly across the country, I pledge to use the prize money for projects that will protect and preserve the Myitsone area and that will provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for communities there. We provided agricultural and breeding support as well as forestry preservation assistance before the residents were relocated to new villages. Today the area is under threat from a dam
project [currently postponed], which poses grave dangers to its delicate ecosystem, its cultural and religious heritage sites and its communities, displaced and deprived of land and livelihood.
What was the driving force behind your decision to get involved in social development?
I was a stay-at-home mother in Myitkyina [the state capital of Kachin State] before getting involved in the field. Many people impressed me—those who were dedicated to our country and weren’t taking advantage of it for their own sakes. I was working with them, including ethnic leaders, and they inspired me. My first role model was the late Maran Brang Seng, who was chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). He encouraged me to become involved in work to improve the situation of destitute Kachin communities along the borderlands of northern Myanmar. Today, I thank him and the KIO leadership for directing me on this path. I would also like to offer my sincere thanks to the government of Myanmar, for opening the door for me to openly and freely initiate programs that would assist conflict-affected communities after the 1994 ceasefire agreements. The active young people in the communities are also a force that keeps me working in the field.
There are many young philanthropists in Myanmar. What advice would you give to those who are working with civil society groups?
I want to encourage other women as well as the youth to try hard on their tasks, whether they perform philanthropic work individually or with a group. The power of civil society groups is significant in moving toward change in our country. The recognition of the RMAF [the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation]to a Myanmar citizen shows that civil society groups in Myanmar are capable of change. This is an honor for all of us.
Lahpai Seng Raw, co-founder of the Yangon-based Metta Development Foundation.
Efforts to end decades of conflict between the government and ethnic armed groups are faltering as both sides face disagreements over who’s in charge
By SAW YAN NAING / YANGON
Soon after taking office in March 2011, President U Thein Sein announced his intention to end Myanmar’s decades of conflict in border areas through a peace process that would persuade most of the country’s ethnic militias to lay down their arms. Since then, 13 ethnic armed groups have reached ceasefire agreements with the government. Despite this seeming success, however, the process has yet to achieve a lasting peace, and appears to be increasingly in danger of unraveling.
On the ethnic side of the negotiations, there are growing divisions over how to proceed with the talks with the government, resulting in a split into “hardline” and “pragmatic” factions. In late July, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 11 ethnic groups, held a major conference in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai that was also attended by non-member groups such as the Arakan League for Democracy and the Zomi Congress for Democracy, as well as opposition politicians
and representatives of civil society organizations. Even the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar’s largest ethnic armed group, and its much smaller allies, the Kokang and Mongla militias, officially took part for the first time.
But this show of solidarity belies the power struggle playing out in the background for control over the talks with the government. Shortly before the conference in Chiang Mai, the UNFC pulled out of the Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC), a group formed in June 2012 and funded by the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office (EBO), founded by Sao Harn Yawnghwe.
Observers say that the WGEC, which still includes some UNFC members, such as the Chin National Front and a faction of the Karen National Union (KNU), favors a more “pragmatic” approach that includes direct cooperation with government-affiliated organizations, while the UNFC’s leaders prefer to remain independent and are wary of working with any group controlled by Naypyitaw.
According to sources, some in the UNFC came to believe that the WGEC had been formed primarily to counterbalance the “hardliners” in the UNFC, which received funding from the EBO until June. Some say that the UNFC withdrew from the WGEC over funding issues, while others note that the UNFC also receives support from the Japan-based Nippon Foundation and so could afford to go its own way.
The dispute has been especially damaging to the KNU, which continues to suffer deepening disunity within its ranks over the peace process, with some leaders, such ass Chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe, siding with the WGEC’s approach, while others, including Vice Chairman Naw Zipporah Sein, remain more skeptical of the government’s intentions.
Meanwhile, on the government side, there also signs of tension over who is in charge of the peace process. Diplomatic and NGO sources
Government peace team leader U Aung Min, left, chats with KNU Chairman Gen Mutu Say Poe during peace talks in Hpaan earlier this year.
say that the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), a high-level government body that includes the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, has begun taking a more active role in the process, which until recently was almost entirely in the hands of a negotiating team led by President’s Office Minister U Aung Min and the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government-affiliated group formed last year to facilitate ongoing talks. According to these sources, the MPC’s international funding is now channeled through the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development. Ethnic sources say that U Aung Min has reportedly asked to
resign from his role as chief negotiator, as he no longer feels he has a mandate to reach agreements with the ethnic armed groups.
There has also been a concerted push by Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann to involve lawmakers in the peace process—something that some well-informed sources said amounts to an effort to further sideline U Aung Min and the MPC. In early July, U Shwe Mann suggested that the negotiations with the ethnic armed groups are too important to leave to presidential appointees.
“During the peace process negative consequences could arise if we try to achieve peace agreements that are not
in accordance with the law. It could affect the safety of citizens and cause the government to fail in its protection of citizens,” he said in Parliament on July 2.
The more prominent role of the NDSC and Parliament in the peace process was evident in early August, when both sent representatives to attend peace talks with the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front that led to a union-level ceasefire agreement.
But it isn’t just U Aung Min and the MPC that are being pushed aside. According to well-informed sources, President U Thein Sein also appears to be steadily losing his grip over the peace process as he comes under increasing pressure to yield control. Despite this, however, the sources said the president seems intent on keeping the talks on track.
Less than two weeks after U Shwe Mann openly challenged U Thein Sein’s authority over the peace process, the president was in London telling his hosts that Myanmar could achieve a nationwide ceasefire within a matter of weeks. However, ethnic observers say that goal is likely to remain elusive, as the government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are no closer to a deal that will restore a ceasefire agreement that collapsed in June 2011.
Other, smaller groups are also reluctant to participate in the peace process, which many see as a government propaganda campaign aimed at the international community. In late July, for instance, the Taaung National Liberation Army, based in Shan State, met with members of the government peace negotiation team but rejected calls to sign a ceasefire agreement.
Indeed, many wonder how enduring the current ceasefires with other groups will prove to be. Bawmwang La Raw, a veteran Kachin politician who heads the UNFC’s foreign affairs department, said that U Aung Min often emphasized that the deals that have been reached to date were intended only to ease tensions, not resolve longstanding issues or achieve a permanent political settlement.
Despite ethnic leaders’ doubts about the prospects for a nationwide ceasefire, the MPC insists that the government is sincere about its efforts to achieve real peace. U Aung Naing Oo, a former exiled dissident who now works with
“I BELIEVE A NATIONWIDE CEASEFIRE ACCORD WILL STRENGTHEN THE CURRENT CEASEFIRES. IT IS SOMETHING THAT WE HAVEN’T BEEN ABLE TO ACHIEVE IN OVER 60 YEARS, SO IT’S VERY IMPORTANT.”—U Aung Naing Oo of the Myanmar Peace Center Troops from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) during fighting in Kachin State.
the MPC, said that every reconciliation process must contend with distrust and disagreements, but that they can be overcome if all stakeholders negotiate to find a solution.
“I believe a nationwide ceasefire accord will strengthen the current ceasefires. It is something that we haven’t been able to achieve in over 60 years, so it’s very important for the country,” he said, adding that a framework for political dialogue would follow after the nationwide ceasefire accord is reached.
But some observers say that the government’s approach to stabilizing border areas is fundamentally flawed, as it relies heavily on promoting economic development through business deals and NGO pilot projects while failing to address core demands for greater ethnic autonomy. They also say that the Myanmar military’s firm position on maintaining the “one nation, one army” policy enshrined in the 2008 Constitution means that the government will be in no position to meet those demands.
Even international donors who have enthusiastically embraced the government’s change of tack since the transition to quasi-civilian rule in 2011 are reportedly beginning to have misgivings about how the government
is going about achieving peace in ethnic regions. Some projects run by the Norwegian government-funded Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, for instance, have been slow to get off the ground or have been halted because of a lack of local support.
“We don’t engage in armed struggle because we’re starving,” said Nai Hong Sa, the general secretary of the UNFC, criticizing the priorities of the government and donors. “I have told U Aung Min that if we don’t put a political solution in place first, but prioritize business, it is pushing in the wrong direction.”
He also hinted that increasing prosperity in ethnic regions could have the opposite of the desired effect, fueling conflict instead of easing it. “If we do succeed in business, we can then buy more weapons and recruit more troops. And the civil wars will spread even wider and longer. This is also something to keep in mind,” he said.
It’s already clear that whatever agreements they reach with the government, the ethnic militias are not about to abandon their arms anytime soon. They are too distrustful of Myanmar’s armed forces, and rather than letting down their guard, most have been actively strengthening their arsenals and their ties to each other.
This was most dramatically demonstrated by reports that the UWSA had procured helicopters amid growing tensions over the government’s refusal to accept its demand for an autonomous Wa state within Shan State. Although the UWSA and China, which supplied the helicopters, have denied that the transaction ever took place, an inside source confirmed that he saw two helicopters at a UWSA base during a recent visit. He added, however, that the helicopters would be used chiefly for transportation between the main Wa territory near the Chinese border and the group’s southern territory opposite Thailand, rather than for military purposes. The Wa are also believed to have a groundto-air defense system.
Even more alarming for the Myanmar government, however, may be reports from ethnic Kayin sources that the UWSA recently gave the KNU 20 million Thai baht (US$640,000) for military and business purposes. This unprecedented move may signal the start of a new phase in relations between the Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups—one in which the former can no longer be assumed to possess greater unity, and the latter can begin to negotiate from a position of relative strength.
During almost fifty years of military rule in Myanmar, there were, at times, over 50 non-state armed groups (NSAGs) operating in the country’s border areas.
Between 1989 and 2010, however, over 30 groups either surrendered or entered ceasefires with the previous military regime. Many of them also agreed to transform themselves into government-controlled Border Guard Forces (BGF) or People’s Militia Force (PMF).
This two-page info-graphic focuses on 20 groups that have never transformed into BGF or PMF. Many are now in peace negotiations with the government.
The info-graphic shows, first, 8 groups with more than 1,000 members. The size of these groups varies greatly, from the United Wa State Army (UWSA) with an estimated 25,000 soldiers, to the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) with an estimated 1,500 troops.
Information on these 8 ‘larger’ groups is listed on the facing page under ‘Groups with more than 1,000 members,’ and their locations are indicated.
The info-graphic also shows a further 12 groups of smaller size. These are listed on the facing page under ‘Groups with fewer than 1,000 members,’ and their locations are also indicated through the numbering system, below right.
Groups marked with an (*) are members of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a major ethnic alliance founded in 2011.
Data courtesy Burma News International (BNI) and Irrawaddy sources. For more information, visit BNI research site mmpeacemonitor.org
ZRO (Zomi Reunification Organization)
Year Formed: 1996
Current Strength: 3,000-
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Non-ceasefire and not much military activity
KIO (Kachin Independence Organization)*
Year Formed: 1961
Current Strength: 5,000+
Previous Ceasefire: 24/02/94
Current Status: Preliminary stage in peace process, non-ceasefire
UWSA (United Wa State Army)
Year Formed: 1964
Current Strength: 25,000-
Previous Ceasefire: 9/5/1989
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on September 6, 2011
NDAA (National Democratic Alliance Army)
Year Formed: 1989
Current Strength: 3,000+
Previous Ceasefire: 30/06/89
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on September 7, 2011
SSA-N (Shan State Army -North)*
Year Formed: 1964
Current Strength: 2,000+
Previous Ceasefire: 2/9/1989
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on January 28, 2012
SSA-S (Shan State Army -South)
Year Formed: 1964
Current Strength: 6,000+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on December 2, 2011
KNU (Karen National Union)*
Year Formed: 1947
Current Strength: 5,000+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on January 12, 2012
DKBA (Democatic Karen Benevolent Army)
Year Formed: 2010
Current Strength: 1,500+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on November 3, 2011
ABSDF (All Burma Students’ Democratic Front)
Year Formed: 1988
Current Strength: 600+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Signed union-level ceasefire on August 10, 2013
AA (Arakan Army)
Year Formed: 2008
Current Strength: 500+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Non-ceasefire and fighting alongside KIA
ALP/ALA (Arakan Liberation Party/Army)
Year Formed: 1968
Current Strength: 100-
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on April 5, 2012
CNF (Chin National Front)*
Year Formed: 1988
Current Strength: 200+
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on Jamuary 6, 2012
KNPP (Karenni National Progressive Party)*
Year Formed: 1957
Current Strength: 600+
Previous Ceasefire: 21/03/95
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on June 9-10, 2012
KNLP (Kayan New Land Party)
Year Formed: 1964
Current Strength: 500+
Previous Ceasefire: 26/07/94
Current Status: Still continues to function as a ceasefire group
KNU/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council
Year Formed: 2007
Current Strength: 200-
Previous Ceasefire: 11/02/07
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on February 7, 2012
MDUF (Myeik-Dawei United Front)
Year Formed: 1989
Current Strength: 100-200
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Non-ceasefire and non-combatant
MNDAA (Myanmar National Democracy Alliance Army)
Year Formed: 1989
Current Strength: 300+
Previous Ceasefire: 21/03/89
Current Status: Non-ceasefire
NMSP (New Mon State Party)*
Year Formed: 1958
Current Strength: 800+ (reserves 2,000)
Previous Ceasefire: 29/06/95
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on February 1, 2012
PNLO (Pa-O National Liberation Organization)*
Year Formed: 1949
Current Strength: 200-
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Agreed to ceasefire on August 26, 2012
TNLA (Ta’ang National Liberation Army)*
Year Formed: 1992
Current Strength: 700-800
Previous Ceasefire: Never
Current Status: Preliminary stage in peace process, non-ceasefire
Growing up in southeast Myanmar’s Mon State, Min Yarzar Mon listened to his parents tell stories of ethnic Mon kingdoms that ruled centuries ago, and of decades-long conflicts more recently between Mon armed groups and the national government.
His teachers taught a different version of the region’s past.
“When we went to school, the history was very different,” says the student, now 24, who attended a government primary school near the state capital, Mawlamyine. “We were always confused about history when we were young.”
Min Yarzar Mon was raised speaking the Mon language and often struggled to understand the lessons, which were taught in the country’s official language, Myanmar.
“The teachers didn’t like us asking questions,” he says, noting the emphasis on rote learning. “We didn’t dare ask for clarification.”
Ethnic minorities make up about 40 percent of Myanmar’s 60 million or so population. The government, which is dominated by the majority Burman (or Bamar) ethnicity, officially recognizes eight major ethnic groups and more than 100 subgroups. Most of these groups speak their own languages, and more than 10 have fought decades-
long insurgencies to achieve greater autonomy from the central government.
The wars are winding down now, with ceasefires signed by most major rebel groups. At the same time, the country has embarked on the colossal task of education reform, undertaking a review of the school system that could lead the government to not only revise
policies could either perpetuate or help reconcile political conflicts that have plagued the country for so long.
Students begin basic education at the age of five in Myanmar, with five years of primary school, four years of secondary school and two years of high school.
History was introduced as a core subject at the primary level relatively recently, but government textbooks have long incorporated stories about the country’s past—often in a biased, Burman-centric way. Some democracy activists oppose the authoritarian overtones of lessons, while ethnic minorities complain their own histories have been left out, oversimplified or presented incorrectly.
its curricula—which experts say is outdated in basic subjects—but to also reconsider the language of instruction and methods of teaching the country’s controversial history.
As Myanmar transitions from nearly half a century of military rule and even longer civil wars, questions are emerging about how education
“Our textbooks are thin. They say the Shan people live in Shan State, that’s it,” says 19-year-old Nan Ei Ei Hlaing, an ethnic Shan student who grew up in east Myanmar and has since moved to Yangon. “There’s very little about Shan culture or my history.”
This problem is not unique to Myanmar. To some extent, school curricula around the world are used for nation-building, with textbooks promoting histories that favor those in power and gloss over unflattering
After nearly 50 years of military rule, is Myanmar’s education system finally ready to rewrite the past to reflect the nation’s diversity?
events. In multi-ethnic Myanmar, where decades of dictatorship allowed Burman military generals to stifle voices of opposition and shut out the international community, the issue is perhaps particularly acute.
“In school they mentioned how the government fought for Myanmar’s independence, how the government was great,” says Ma Thida Win, 20, a student in Mandalay. “The fact that ethnic groups are fighting the government—they don’t mention that.”
Textbooks also skim over the Panglong Agreement, a deal reached in 1947 to bring ethnic minorities into the soon-to-be independent Union of Burma. Under the agreement, the government (represented by independence hero Gen Aung San) granted ethnic minorities a considerable degree of political autonomy. However, it was never fully implemented, and when the military seized power in 1962, it was scrapped completely.
“When we were young, they mentioned Aung San,” says Min Yarzar Mon. “Later, when my younger sister started school, there was no more about him. They didn’t want students to think about politics.”
Before colonialism, ancient Burman, Shan, Mon and Rakhine kingdoms in present-day Myanmar kept
written records of their achievements, while Kayin and Kachin people passed down stories orally. But researchers believe Buddhist monastery schools, the mainstay of the education system, did not incorporate these histories into their lessons.
When the British took power in the 19th century, they developed school curricula to justify their rule, says Rose Metro, a US-based education researcher who traced the evolution of Myanmar textbooks from colonialism through the military regime. British textbooks described conflicts between ethnic kingdoms, claiming the country was unified through colonialism.
After achieving independence in 1948, Myanmar’s government painted
a picture of greater inter-ethnic harmony. Textbooks became more Burman-centric after the 1962 coup that brought Gen Ne Win to power, and when a new military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council, seized control in 1988, references to Gen Aung San were reduced. Stories about ancient kings were emphasized instead, and like the military rulers, they were portrayed as advocates of ethnic unity and Buddhism.
As civil wars continued, the government established a committee in 1991 to help enact educational laws that would support national solidarity.
Schools continued to reduce their coverage of minorities, says Ms. Metro, who wrote a dissertation for Cornell
A Kayin girl studies by candlelight.University about Myanmar’s curricula after regularly visiting the country and the Myanmar-Thailand border over the past decade. Statements such as, “Mons are considered to be pioneers of civilization in Myanmar,” which were present in textbooks from the 1970s, were removed.
The resulting books were inaccurate, says Yangon-based librarian U Ye Htet Oo. “The teachers must teach according to the textbooks,” he says. “But I’m sure most students don’t believe the textbooks, as their parents and peers always say something different.”
In primary school, a series of textbooks known as the Myanmar Readers also promote a sense of ethnic harmony. The earliest readers include letters of the alphabet and short rhymes, while books for later grades include longer stories for memorization.
“There’s the text, and also the illustrations, which are really striking,” says Brooke Treadwell, an American education researcher who has studied the readers extensively. In one image, people from ethnic minority groups march in traditional attire, in a line behind a Burman man waving the Myanmar flag. “It looks like a nationalistic parade,” she says.
The readers include frequent references to Buddhism, Myanmar’s dominant religion. Christianity is widely practiced in Kachin and Chin states, while about 5 percent of the nation’s population are Muslim, but in the readers “there’s no acknowledgement of any other religion,” Ms. Treadwell says, noting the exception of a reference to Christmas that lacks context about the holiday’s religious significance.
New core subjects have been introduced to the basic education curricula over the last two decades, but the textbooks have stayed largely the same. “From the 1980s until now, very little has changed,” says Ms. Treadwell. “A version of Myanmar Readers I saw from the 1950s had differences, for sure, but they also had a lot of similarities.”
Among the differences? “In the 1950s, there was a passage about how the government was structured and how to vote,” she says. “It talked about Parliament and had an illustration of
The government agreed last year to launch a major review of the education system. Known as the Comprehensive Education Sector Review, it has been split into three phases. The first phase, completed earlier this year, identified urgent reform priorities. The review is expected to end in mid2014, with the development of education sector plans through 2021.
Key Review Questions:
• How can the government create a better education law?
• How should school curricula be updated?
• How can the education system be decentralized?
• What language(s) should teachers use to instruct their students?
• Should students sit for an extra year of high school?
• How can the government improve teacher training and capacity?
• What can be done to improve the quality of textbooks?
Participants:
The review includes consultations with government agencies, NGOs, communitybased organizations, bilateral agencies, the private sector, development partners and ethnic education groups.
Development partners: UNICEF, UNESCO, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), the European Union, Norway, Denmark, the UK Department for International Development, the Asian Development Bank, the German Agency for International Cooperation, the Japan International Cooperation Agency, the British Council, the World Bank and NGOs.
(Source: UNICEF)
MORE THAN 8 MILLION STUDENTS ATTEND THE GOVERNMENT’S BASIC EDUCATION SCHOOLS.
a ballot box. There’s nothing anymore about the political system in these Myanmar Readers, nothing about the structure of government.”
Although most teachers stick to the textbooks, fearing possible retribution from the headmaster, some have found ways to subtly fill in historical gaps.
“If there was counter-narrative being expressed, it would probably happen in tutoring sessions,” adds Ms. Metro, who spoke with teachers and students during a trip to Myanmar in July. “In school, some teachers would give a nod and wink to students to let them know something might not be exactly accurate.”
More than 8 million students attend the government’s basic education schools in Myanmar. Beyond the state system, monasteries remain a major provider of free education, private schools are an option for the wealthier, and a network of more than 1,000 “affiliated schools” are linked to nearby state schools but funded by communities.
In conflict zones, ethnic minority groups have established distinct education systems that often teach their own versions of history. The Karen Education Department incorporates the culture of the Kayin people, also known as Karen, into curricula that are used in more than 1,200 schools.
With funding from the community and limited international donor support, Kayin schools have for more than a decade promoted child-centered teaching methods that state schools— known for rote learning—have only more recently started considering.
Limited resources have forced smaller groups to use government textbooks—or to adopt hybrid teaching materials.
In Mon State, the rebel New Mon State Party (NMSP) administers more than 150 schools, where primary school students are taught solely in the Mon language. “In middle school we teach the government curricula in the Burmese [Myanmar] language, but we include Mon language and history, too,” says Mi Kun Chan Non, a former teacher and adviser to the Mon National Education Committee. “In high school we have the same curricula as the government.”
More than 36,000 students attend schools run by the NMSP, which include an additional 116 “mixed schools” that are administered jointly by the rebel group and the government.
In Kachin State, a ceasefire agreement in 1994 allowed students at Kachin schools to take the government exam that leads to study at Myanmar universities. Schools had their own textbooks, says Ms. Metro, “but teachers had to teach both curricula, or at least tell their students that whatever they believed, when it was exam time they had to follow the government books.”
That ceasefire broke down in 2011 and fighting renewed in the remote northern region, displacing tens of thousands of people. A year later, more than 10,000 students were reportedly studying at schools administered by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), and as displaced families took shelter at camps in the KIO stronghold of Laiza, enrollment at the town’s high school more than doubled. Clashes escalated early this year but have since calmed, with a tentative peace deal reached in May.
Myanmar’s state schools were chronically underfunded by the former regime, which ceded power to a quasicivilian government in 2011. Since then, education spending has increased from
Different Histories: Above left: Myanmar’s main ethnic groups, as depicted in a government first-grade reader for children (2009). Above right: The Golden Lotus and Other Stories, a book of folktales in the Sgaw Karen language, published by the Drum publication group. Right: the cover of a Shan history reader. It features the 14thcentury Shan figure San Hso Kharn Fa, and is published by the Shan Culture and Education Central Committee (SCEC).
US $340 million to $1 billion, about 5 percent of the national budget, and a process of education reform has begun.
Universities have taken much of the spotlight, with opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi pushing to revitalize the University of Yangon, but basic education could also see a major overhaul. The government last year agreed to undertake a two-year review of the education system to identify areas for reform, with support from Unicef, the World Bank and other international development partners.
After consulting with the public, the Education Ministry will revise the curricula, according to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), an arm of Japan’s government offering suggestions about how to effectively present school material. “We can support technically, but they have to decide what to teach their children,” adds JICA spokesman Kohei Isa.
DECENTRALIZATION IS ON THE TABLE, AS ETHNIC EDUCATION GROUPS PUSH FOR MORE CONTROL OVER CURRICULA AND SCHOOL BUDGETS.
The Asia Pacific is home to twothirds of the world’s 370 million indigenous people, who speak about 2,300 of the world’s 7,000 languages, according to UNESCO. With multilingual countries the norm, mother-tongue teaching has become a key idea internationally, as educators push for schools to instruct students in their first language to promote better understanding.
In Southeast Asia, the Philippines last year adopted a mother tongue-based multilingual education system, with 19 languages taught in primary school. In East Timor, the idea has been widely debated, with support from the Education Ministry but resistance from some who say the teaching style would be difficult to implement and could threaten national unity. Thailand’s government has worked with UNICEF to promote multilingual education, while Cambodia, Indonesia, China and Vietnam have established experimental mother-tongue programs.
In Myanmar, the official language of instruction at government schools is Myanmar. Teachers can offer lessons in ethnic minority languages outside school hours, and students can also study these languages at religious centers such as monasteries. But as part of the ongoing reform process, many ethnic minority groups are pushing for the right to use their native languages during school hours, especially at the primary level. As part of its two-year review of the education system, Myanmar’s government is considering this option. Says education consultant Julian Watson; “One problem that Myanmar has that most countries don’t is that a large number of schools have a large mix of ethnic minorities in the school,” he says. “Many schools have up to eight different ethnic minority languages being spoken by children.’’
The ministry could not be reached for comment on changes to the curricula. But last year, the month it agreed to undertake the education review, it published a description of long-term plans that said the education system aimed to encourage loyalty to the state, with an emphasis on “union spirit and a willingness to abide by laws.” A history volume was introduced starting from Grade 5 “to nurture patriotism,” it said, along with “union spirit” lessons.
Decentralization is on the table, however, as ethnic education groups push for more control over curricula and school budgets. This is “very much a focus,” says Jamie Vinson of UNICEF, adding that decentralization was not explored in detail in the first phase of the review but would be a priority in the second. “The Ministry of Education is very interested in options for how this can be done and headed in that direction, without knowing specifics.”
A separate review of the school system is also being conducted by the National Network for Education Reform, a civil society group led partly by the country’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). The network held a conference in June with more than 1,200 participants to revise policy recommendations that would be submitted to Parliament.
“We suggested educational freedom to develop curricula in different regions,” says U Thein Lwin, the NLD education spokesman. “They should be able to teach in their own language and teach their own culture.”
According to the network’s recommendations, curricula would be based on a new national education policy, with quality monitored by an independent body of scholars recognized by the government. A child-centered approach to teaching would be promoted, along with better pay for teachers.
Min Yarzar Mon from Mon State supports efforts to give ethnic schools more freedom.
“But it has to be systematic,” he says. “In Mon State, we have many ethnic groups—not just Mon, but also Kachin and Rakhine. If we allow teachers to focus on Mon language and history, what about other ethnic groups?
“Every group has a great history. If they really want the country to be a union, they should teach it.”
During his first month in office, President U Thein Sein urged lawmakers to increase student enrollment. The government set a goal to implement a free, compulsory primary education system by 2015, but that won’t be easy in a country where one-third of children never start school, often because it’s too expensive.
Students don’t pay tuition at the state’s basic education schools, but textbooks can be a financial burden, says 24-year-old Min Yarzar Mon,
a student from Mon State. “If the government wants education to be free, it should provide anything needed in schools—like supplies, good chairs and a blackboard,” he says.
Only two out of three children begin school in Myanmar, and barely 60 percent of those entering Grade 1 complete the primary school cycle, according to statistics published in 2011 by UNESCO, which said parents were often unable to afford school expenses and school-aged
children regularly stayed home to work or care for their siblings.
Ma Thida Win, a 20-yearold student in Mandalay, said competitive admission was a problem when she attended state schools. “It’s difficult to get admitted into some schools. At my school, we had to pay money to the teacher or the headmaster at the beginning of the year,” she said.
In Shan State, 19-year-old Nan Ei Ei Hlaing said she and her classmates were never required
By the Numbers
US $1.8 million: approximate value of primary school textbooks provided for free under U Thein Sein’s government
41,287: total basic education schools (2011-12 academic year)
1,126: basic education schools “for border area development” (2011-12)
33,747: total basic education schools (1988)
8.2 million: basic education students (2011-12), including 5.19 million primary school students, 2.33 million middle school students, 672,000 high school students
217,279: basic education students “for border area development” (2011-12)
1998-99: last revision of primary education curricula
5: age to begin primary school
-Education Ministry statistics (published in February 2012)
Number of students per teacher by country, according to the World Bank:
Myanmar (2010): 28
United States (2010): 14
Cambodia (2010): 48
Malaysia (2010): 13
Indonesia (2010): 16
Thailand (2008): 16
Zambia (2010): 59
to pay for admission. “But they asked for donations,” she said, for classroom supplies or building repairs at the beginning of each year.
Last year the government made a step toward its goal by delivering 40 million new and free textbooks to the country’s 5 million or so students at state primary schools, according to a consultant working on the education sector review. The government is continuing to produce new books this year.
Net enrollment rates in schools by country, according to the World Bank:
Cambodia: 98 percent of relevant age group in primary school (2011), no data for secondary schools that year.
Indonesia: 96 in primary school, 74 percent in secondary
Myanmar: no data primary school, 51 percent in secondary
Thailand: 90 percent in primary, 74 percent in secondary.
A thirteenfold increase in Myanmar’s exports to France could be just the beginning, as the European Union reinstates tariff-free trade for one of the world’s poorest nations
By ANDREW D. KASPAR / YANGONApreferential EU trade scheme has Myanmar’s exporters eyeing the European market with greater enthusiasm, after the 28-nation bloc recently dropped all tariffs and quotas on goods from the Golden Land.
A July 19 decision by the European Commission saw Myanmar reinstated to the European Union’s Generalized Scheme of Preferences (GSP), a program designed to help the developing world prosper by giving poor nations a more favorable trade regime. Myanmar’s designation as a least developed country places it in the “Everything But Arms”
bracket, completely removing tariffs and quotas on all exports except for arms and munitions.
The last time Myanmar benefitted from GSP, the ledgers of importing European companies were tabulated in an amalgam of currencies, from francs to lira to pesetas. Sixteen years later, the single-currency EU bloc offers one of the world’s largest markets. With some 500 million consumers now accessible and duty free, opportunities for Myanmar’s exporters have never looked so attractive.
The European Union revoked GSP benefits for Myanmar in 1997,
in response to the country’s failure to uphold international labor standards and worker protections under the former military regime. GSP benefits will be applied retroactively from June 13, 2012, when the International Labor Organization (ILO) said Myanmar’s new quasi-civilian government had made significant progress toward rectifying those labor shortcomings.
The European contingent of prospectors to Myanmar is growing, and EU governments are doing their part to encourage business links. The Association of German Chambers of Commerce and Industry plans to set up an office in Myanmar in November. The French in July followed their British counterparts in setting up a trade commission office in Yangon, which will serve as a liaison between French and Myanmar companies looking to do business together.
French imports from Myanmar soared in the first five months of this year, compared with the same period
last year. Imports rose 1,260 percent, from 1.5 million euros (US $2 million) to 20.4 million euros, with most of the increase coming from finished jewelry products, according to Dominique Causse, head of the French Embassy’s economic service.
French Trade Minister Nicole Bricq was on hand two months ago for the inauguration of the country’s trade commission office in Yangon.
“She’s the first minister of the French government with economic responsibilities [to visit Myanmar], and she wanted to show that the relationship between Myanmar and France has to be economic and even commercial in nature, not only political,” Mr. Causse said. “It has to be translated into business relations between companies.”
For Myanmar’s agricultural sector, which employs some 70 percent of the country’s workforce, duty-free exports to the European Union could be a major boon. U Soe Tun, an executive member of the Myanmar Rice Industry
Association, told The Irrawaddy that he expected rice exports to the EU market to increase tenfold this year—though he is quick to point out that the increase comes from a very low base of just 5,000 metric tons shipped to the European Union in the 2012-13 fiscal year, out of about 1.5 million tons exported by Myanmar in total.
The garment sector, which makes up the greatest portion of Myanmar’s exports to the European Union, is equally bullish.
“The opening of the Western markets is a very good opportunity for us, in that we can expand our manufacturing and job opportunities for our country,” said U Myint Soe, chairman of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association. He said he expected garment exports to the European Union to make up 25 percent of the total next year, rising from 20 percent this year, when Myanmar is on track to export $1 billion globally.
In remarks following the decision to reinstate GSP status, EU Trade Commissioner Karel De Gucht touted the “huge difference” that GSP privileges would make for Myanmar’s economy.
“Trade is fundamental to supporting political stability, and the EU’s trade preferences mean we will give this reform-minded country priority access to the world’s largest market,” Mr. De Gucht said. “This has the potential to make a huge difference to the country’s economic development and to bring real benefits to the people there.”
One of those benefits will be the knock-on effect of growth in potential export markets as businesses in Myanmar retool their product offerings to meet stringent EU standards for imported goods.
“If you manufacture a product for the Europeans and it actually meets the standards of the EU and you can enter the European market, then you become a global manufacturer,” said Andrew Tan, a Singaporean consultant whose Yangon-based Consult Myanmar helps foreign firms navigate the local business environment. “If you can meet EU standards, then you can meet US standards, then you can probably meet Japanese standards and so on.”
“THE OPENING OF WESTERN MARKETS IS A VERY GOOD OPPORTUNITY FOR US, IN THAT WE CAN EXPAND OUR MANUFACTURING AND JOB OPPORTUNITIES.”
—UMyint Soe, chairman of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association
Now that Myanmar and the nations of the West have begun to open up to each other, the search for business partners is on. The trouble, however, is that even as international sanctions against Myanmar are removed, many of the country’s richest businessmen remain blacklisted for their ties to the former regime and other alleged offenses.
The individuals in question know there’s a lot riding on their rehabilitation in the eyes of foreign governments. That’s why some have been keen to show that they are ready to open up their books, pay their taxes and return confiscated land and other ill-gotten property.
For its part, the Obama administration is said to be actively seeking to identify a few contrite cronies who can play a more constructive role in rebuilding the country’s economy. But leaders in Washington and other Western capitals will need iron-clad assurances that there will be no backsliding before any names are struck off the list.
So far, two likely candidates have come to the fore: U Zaw Zaw, the chairman of the Max Myanmar Group, and U Win Aung, the president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry. Sources say both men could soon become poster boys for a kinder, cleaner business culture in Myanmar.
Another name that comes up regularly is U Chit Khaing, managing director of the Eden Group, one of Myanmar’s largest conglomerates.
When former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton made her historic visit to Naypyitaw in November 2011, she stayed at one of his hotels; and more recently he was issued a visa to visit the United States—a sure sign that he is regarded as relatively uncontaminated by his past.
Less likely to get a clean bill of health is anyone connected with the trade in rubies and jade. In July, Washington extended its ban on imports of precious stones from Myan-
to the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Ironically, however, this largesse has probably done more to tarnish the name of the NLD than it has to clean up the images of its newfound benefactors. At a party fundraiser last December, for instance, the NLD was criticized for taking 70 million kyat (US $72,000) from U Tay Za and 135 million kyat ($138,000) from Sky Net, a television operator and a subsidiary of Shwe Than Lwin Company owned by U Kyaw Win, a close associate of President U Thein Sein.
A number of critics have also noted that the amount handed out to the NLD was pocket change for Myanmar’s super-rich. Some highfliers have been known to blow more than $100,000 in a single night at casinos overseas.
Myanmar’s tycoons also know that they have to walk a fine line to avoid upsetting the powers that be still lurking in the shadows.
Last year, for instance, a crony in his fifties who is notorious for his appetite for women and taste for expensive cars earned the ire of retired Deputy Snr-Gen Maung Aye, formerly number two in the regime that ruled until 2011, for his overtures to the NLD. Another, younger tycoon was reportedly reduced to tears when he was taken to task for visiting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence and making donations to her party. He apologized profusely for his offense, but later boasted to some foreign visitors that he had “bought” the NLD and its iconic leader.
mar, owing to the still murky nature of an industry based in conflict-wracked border regions. Weapons dealing and having a hand in Myanmar’s lucrative drugs trade are also frowned upon.
On the other hand, a good relationship with the democratic opposition will almost certainly count in your favor if you’re looking to clear your name. That’s why U Zaw Zaw, U Tay Za (chairman of the Htoo Trading Group), and others have been lining up to donate
Given the predatory nature of Myanmar’s economy during the years of military rule, there may be more than a few wolves in sheep’s clothing out there. But according to Sean Turnell, an expert on Myanmar’s economy at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia, some may eventually see the light.
“They are political animals as much as economic ones,” Mr. Turnell says of those who rose to fabulous wealth over the past two decades. “But certainly there are some, too, who may emerge as something else. On this front, I guess we have to hope so, since they are amongst the few with sufficient capital to do transformative things, if this is what their desire is.”
Thailand’s state-owned oil and gas company PTTEP denied using bribery to secure obtain licenses earlier this year for two offshore exploration blocks in Myanmar’s Gulf of Martaban.
The denial followed a report in The Myanmar Times that former Minister of Energy U Than Htay was fired over the licenses because of industry complaints that they had not been awarded fairly.
Myanmar’s Ministry of Hotels and Tourism and the Myanmar Hoteliers Association are inspecting accomodation standards in the country ahead of the Southeast Asia Games, which will be held in Naypyitaw, Yangon and Mandalay in December.
“The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism and Myanmar Hoteliers Association is carrying out an advanced inspection of selected hotels in the country as part of the government’s strategy to ensure they meet an acceptable standard for foreign visitors,” said the tourism industry magazine TTR Weekly.
“Hotels have been accused of overcharging and delivering poor service and this has prompted the government to establish hotel zones to encourage international investment in new properties,” TTR reported.
The SEA Games take place between Dec. 11 and 22. Reports say up to 5,000 athletes and supporters from six countries could put a severe strain on Myanmar’s facilities.
Meanwhile, state-run media announced on Aug. 10 that a consortium headed by South Korea’s Incheon has been awarded a contract to build the sprawling new Hanthawaddy international airport in Bago Region to help cope with an influx of tourists and business executives.
South Korean conglomerate Daewoo International is planning to explore for more natural gas in its Bay of Bengal Shwe field, said the oil industry magazine Upstream.
“Daewoo and its partners are planning to exploit the Shwe, Shwe Phyu and Mya fields, which have estimated proven and probable recoverable reserves independently put at a minimum 4.5 trillion cubic feet of gas,” the magazine said.
The Shwe field is now producing 120 million cubic feet of gas per day, which is being
sold to the China National Petroleum Corporation, but is “looking to boost this to 500 million cubic feet per day by the end of next year when more production wells will be added,” Upstream said.
Daewoo is the operator of the Shwe field with a 51 percent interest. Its partners include India’s Gail and ONGC, Kogas also of South Korea, and the Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise, which has a 15 percent stake.
The financial terms of the Shwe field’s operation and profit have never been made public and it remains unknown how much Myanmar gains from the agreement.
The block licenses, near other development concessions already held by PTTEP, were awarded separately from the open bidding round for 30 offshore block licenses which are still to be decided.
“PTTEP would like to deny the intransparency [sic] and bribery of the MD-7 and MD-8 acquisition and would like to clarify that the process of direct negotiation for both blocks started in early 2010 before the current Offshore Exploration Block Bidding Round,” the Bangkok company’s statement said.
However, The Myanmar Times said its report linking the blocks award with U Than Htay’s dismissal did not claim that PTTEP paid bribes.
The MD-7 and MD-8 licenses were issued to the Thai firm after a major bidding round for offshore licenses was postponed last September amid concerns about a lack of transparency in the process involving the Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise.
Indian IT services company Tata Consultancy Services Limited has done a feasibility study on investing in Myanmar, The Hindu Business newspaper said.
“We know there are going to be substantial investments in Myanmar. But again, find-
ing the right partner is important. Like in any country that is in the process of stabilizing, there would be lot of unknowns,” Tata chief executive R. Ramanan told the paper.
Tata’s subsidiary CMC Limited is interested in infrastructure development projects, especially in mining, it said.
“CMC recently sent a delegation to Myanmar to explore investment opportunities,” said The Hindu. “India’s investment in Myanmar currently is US $275 million. It is expected to increase tenfold in a couple of years.”
Thailand was the biggest investor in Myanmar in the first half of this year, according to figures from the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development. Thai companies spent US $410 million in investments in the January-June period.
Thailand was also the second-biggest two-way trader with Myanmar in the half year, behind China, said local media and the Chinese news agency Xinhua.
The half year saw significant investments also from Vietnam, with $140 million, and Singapore with $136 million. The largest investments were in energy developments, including power generation, oil and gas exploration, said the ministry.
The Myanmar government recently authorized the opening up of more commercial trade border points with Thailand. Both Thailand and China are listed as the biggest overall investors in Myanmar in recent years.
The ministry says China has invested a total of $14 billion and Thailand $10 billion. However, it gives no time frame for these investments, or what they were for.
— WILLIAM BOOT
Tycoon Henry Nguyen mopped floors, flipped burgers and even cleaned toilets over a 10-year campaign to convince McDonald’s Corp to let him bring Big Macs and Happy Meals to communist Vietnam.
McDonald’s is making a late entry into this market, where Yum Brands Inc already has dozens of Pizza Hut and KFC outlets and Burger King Worldwide Inc has 15 restaurants. Even Starbucks Corp debuted in Ho Chi Minh City in February and opened its second branch in late July.
Capitalism has taken root in a country that many Americans associate more with an unpopular war than rising wealth. The super-rich are becoming household names in Vietnam, which showcased its first billionaire in June on the cover of its inaugural edition of Forbes magazine.
Mr. Nguyen, a Vietnamese-American who set up Pizza Hut in Vietnam six years ago, says he has lived and breathed McDonald’s. He studied its business model as part of his master’s degree, and pursued the Vietnam franchise opportunity for a decade—even as he worked with rival Yum. When he visited his hometown of Chicago, he would meet McDonald’s executives at the company’s headquarters in suburban Oak Brook, Illinois.
The Golden Arches will first appear in Ho Chi Minh City in early 2014 and later in the capital Hanoi, but the
expansion will be “step by step”, said Nguyen, who worked at McDonald’s in the United States as a teenager and again this year at a Singapore outlet. His timing looks questionable. While rivals have gained a firm foothold, McDonald’s is opening just
as the economy falters and consumer demand is fading. Still, the 40-year-old is convinced the local market is ripe for a McDonald’s franchise.
“McDonald’s showing up here shows that Vietnam is a big deal to a lot of people. It means things are happening in Vietnam,” Mr. Nguyen said in an interview at his swanky office in Vietnam’s most iconic building. He is the son-in-law of Nguyen Tan Dung, Vietnam’s prime minister since 2006, but insists that isn’t why he won the McDonald’s franchise deal.
McDonald’s spokeswoman Becca Hary confirmed that Nguyen had been discussing the franchise opportunity for many years, and said he made the shortlist out of a much larger group.
“His marriage did not preclude him for participating in what was a very competitive selection process for our partner in Vietnam,” she said, adding that the company’s research into a new market can span years and it saw “great opportunities ahead” in Vietnam.
Vietnam recorded 4.9 and 5 percent economic growth, respectively, in the first two quarters of 2013, lackluster for
a developing Asian market, putting it on track for its slowest annual expansion in 14 years.
Debt-laden banks are struggling to lend and at least 120,000 businesses have closed since 2011, official data shows. Retail sales growth was 11.8 percent in the first quarter, the slowest since 2005, and 2012’s annual increase of 15.7 percent was just half the rate recorded two years earlier.
In advanced markets, McDonald’s tends to do well when the economy weakens because cash-strapped consumers trade down to cheaper food. But in developing economies, Western fast food has cachet and is often priced out of the reach of the masses.
In Vietnam, a piece of KFC chicken costs about as much as a bowl of Vietnam’s trademark all-day meal, pho noodle soup, at 32,000 dong (US $1.50), and a KFC meal is more than double that. Burger King’s burgers go for as much as 85,000 dong.
McDonald’s has not yet opened, so pricing information was not available, but Mr. Nguyen said he did not want to position it as a luxury brand.
Though this once “tiger” economy might appear to be losing its teeth, Mr. Nguyen is adamant McDonald’s hasn’t missed the boat.
“McDonald’s doesn’t look at the
conditions today, they look at the longterm potential of the market,” he said. “There’s a big market here, a big part because of the demographic.”
Other big brands have sussed that out, too. Two-thirds of Vietnam’s 90 million population are under the age of 30, its cities are swelling and 34 percent of its people are Internet users within easy reach of Western marketeers.
It’s not just about the masses. Although average annual income per capita is just $1,400—one quarter that of Thailand and a seventh of Malaysia’s, according to the World Bank—Vietnam has a wealthy, status-conscious urban middle class that enjoys splashing out on big names, expensive smartphones and top of the range Vespa motorcycles.
“My family’s business is doing well, so I don’t see any recession,” said Doan Ngoc Nhu, 33, moments after handing over 200 million dong ($9,400) for a Hermes bag at a posh Ho Chi Minh City mall.
“I chose this bag because it’s expensive,” added Ms. Nhu, sporting a well-cut designer dress. “It means quality, it helps me build an image and I care a lot about my image.”
Gucci and Louis Vuitton are now readily available for well-heeled Vietnamese urbanites. Starbucks, the world’s biggest coffee chain, sees
“tremendous opportunity” in Vietnam, a spokesperson said.
As Starbucks is aware, in a country that produces 15 percent of the world’s coffee and has an abnormally high amount of coffee shops, it’s about where, not what people are drinking.
“It makes me feel more Western, more dynamic,” said student Tran Thien Thanh, 20, perched on a modern sofa in a Starbucks in the former Saigon thronged with customers web-surfing on iPhones and iPads.
Luxury automaker Rolls Royce plans to open its first showroom in Vietnam next year, targeting the entrepreneurs unscathed from the slowdown having earned their riches in the boom years of 2003-2008, when the economy grew an average 7.8 percent annually.
“The Rolls Royce customer owns at least $30 million or has five or more super-luxury cars,” said Minh Doan, head of Rolls Royce Motor Cars in Hanoi. “The fundamentals are sound for long-term growth and wealth creation for Vietnam’s businesses.”
But there’s still plenty of chains and brands that aren’t here and many companies have been put off. Infrastructure is often inadequate, supply chains are limited, import taxes are high. Corruption, cronyism, protectionism and excessive bureaucracy are longstanding problems, as shown in Vietnam’s ranking of 99th out of 185 countries last year in terms of ease of doing business, according to the World Bank.
One additional hurdle is the requirement for foreign chains to be set up as local franchises.
“It’s changing, there’s good potential, but the biggest obstacle is a lack of qualified and capable franchise partners with skills and business knowledge,” said corporate lawyer Fred Burke, a managing partner at Baker and McKenzie in Vietnam.
By CATE LANGMUIR
Mention to anyone in the south of Thailand that you’re headed to Chiang Mai, some 700 km north of Bangkok, and they begin rubbing their arms in a theatrical effort to get warm. This cosmopolitan northern capital, surrounded by mountains and lush countryside, might not make an appearance on the average beach bum’s bucket list. But so much the better for discerning types looking for an escape from the tourist traps, for Chiang Mai is a cool and cultured place.
What’s more, if you’re traveling from Myanmar, you’ll find a pleasant temperate climate and something of a home from home, given the many Myanmar nationals who have settled here and the traces of Myanmar in the architecture and food. It couldn’t be more different from Yangon, which is why increasing numbers of Myanmar nationals are looking to make their holiday into something more permanent, joining the many other foreign travelers who have fallen in love with the place and who account for the city’s thriving expat scene. Indeed, it was recently named by achingly hip Monocle magazine as one of the world’s most “loveable” cities.
Chiang Mai’s chief attraction lies in its vibrant contrasts. At its heart is a moated, partially walled city, with centuries-old wats (temples) down every second street, but against this traditional Thai backdrop you’ll find amenities that are resoundingly 21stcentury, from the rash of trendy new bars and restaurants, to the shiny shopping palaces springing up around town.
If you’re a newcomer to the region, the sights to prioritize are the ones tied
up in the city’s past. Founded by King Phaya Mengrai, who created the Lanna kingdom, Chiang Mai, or “new city”, emerged when he moved his capital to its current location in 1296.
One of the best ways to explore the old city is to hop on a bike and let your wheels take you down the many lanes that criss-cross the area within the moat. There are more than 30 ancient temples inside the moat and gilded stupas peek out above the rooftops. The most visited (though it’s still possible to find space for contemplation— or lunch—in the peaceful grounds) is Wat Phra Singh, a blaze of sumptuous gold stenciling and rich colored paintwork. It houses Chiang Mai’s most revered Buddha image (Phra Singh or Lion Buddha). Around the back is
a dazzlingly whitewashed chedi, built in 1345. At Wat Ket Karam, over the moat, there’s a quirky museum of local history with dusty old displays, including a glass case given over to antique typewriters.
A must-see for many Myanmar travelers is Wat Sai Moon in the center of town, built by the Myanmar king, Bayinnaung, after he conquered the city in 1558. To see more work by Myanmar artisans, head to Wat Chetawan, Wat Mahawan and Wat Bupparam, three ornate temples that were financed by Myanmar teak merchants who emigrated to Chiang Mai a century or more ago—the influence is apparent in the abundance of peacock motifs and the Mandalay-style standing Buddhas found in wall niches.
The Shan temples of Wat Pa Pao and Wat Ku Tao date from the early 17th century with one chedi reputed to contain the ashes of a son of King Bayinnaung, Tharawadi Min, ruler of Lanna from 1578 to 1607.
For anyone born in the Year of the Dog, Wat Phan Tao is a stunning teak temple, where a canine mosaic over the door represents the astrological year of the former royal resident’s birth.
Traditional markets are a big draw for diehard shoppers, or just anyone interested in a bit of people-watching. Warorot is the great market, housed inside two multi-storey buildings but spreading out into the surrounding lanes. Inside you’ll find pickles, dried herbs, pre-packaged curries, as well as clothes and handicrafts. Nearby, Talat Tonlamyai, the flower market, is a riot of color with roses, asters and orchids, brought down from cooler mountainous climes.
IF YOU’RE TRAVELING FROM MYANMAR, YOU’LL FIND A PLEASANT TEMPERATE CLIMATE AND SOMETHING OF A HOME FROM HOMEImpressive Wat Ket Karam also offers visitors a quirky museum of local history.
The Night Bazaar on Chang Khlan runs from 7pm to midnight with every kind of stall imaginable, while the Saturday (along Wualai) and Sunday Walking Streets (along Ratchadamnoen) offer the ingenious opportunity to shop as you walk, up one way and back the other, between 4pm and midnight. Crafty creations abound and true to the spirit of Chiang Mai’s new age fringe, there’s even a stall selling hand-crocheted doggy-wear. Temples along the way host food stalls and there are pop-up bars fashioned out of converted VW camper vans. There are rows of locals offering massages for the foot-weary and, if you’re lucky, you’ll see the “singing policeman”, apparently a regular fixture.
For upmarket shopping Huay Kaew road is the upcoming retail hub. An outdoor mall of small, independent boutiques called The Harbour has opened recently and before the year’s end an enormous new indoor mall is set to be launched.
Away from the historic center, the sights become a little more international. Around Chiang Mai University, for example, students keep the ambience youthful and the campus is a lush, tranquil place to meander and check out the modern art dotted around the grounds. The university’s art museum often has interesting exhibitions by Southeast Asian artists, too.
Nearby is Chiang Mai Zoo (Huay Kaew road), where its most celebrated residents, the pandas, can be found, along with the Aquarium boasting Asia’s longest viewing tunnel (at 113m). The zoo also runs a Night Safari in open-sided trams where animals roam free, though real predators— lions, tigers, bears and crocs—are kept on the safer side of some deep trenches.
One sight you shouldn’t leave Chiang Mai without experiencing is the city’s sacred mountain, Doi Suthep. Most people drive or catch a song thaew (local pick-up bus) up the winding road, then climb the 306 naga-lined steps to Wat Phra That, the temple at the top with its bird’s eye view of Chiang Mai. But the energetic can also take the “Long Walk”, which the freshman class of the university do every July, introducing themselves to the spirit of the city and making merit to the Buddhist relic enshrined in Wat Phra That’s gold-plated chedi (topped by a five-tiered umbrella erected in
honor of the city’s independence from Myanmar and union with Thailand). Doi Suthep is also home to a number of hill-tribes, some 300 bird species, the Bhuping Royal Palace Gardens, and a national park with cosy cabins to rent for overnight stays. Trails in the park lead to scenic waterfalls – some, such as Nam Tok Monthathon, with swimming pools beneath the cascades.
When it comes to refueling after all the sightseeing and shopping exertions you’re in luck, for in Chiang Mai you are never far from a delicious meal. There are plenty of stalls and shopfronts selling regional specialities, such as khao soi, a curried noodle dish with Shan-Yunnanese heritage, usually served with picked veg and chilli sauce or lime. But the big hit around town in recent years has been the burgeoning vegetarian scene.
Pun Pun, one of the earliest restaurants, started life in an unpromising hut with a few scattered tables around the back of Wat Suan Dok, and it is still there dishing up spicy papaya salads and delicious yellow curries (though Pun Pun has become something of a chain with a particular favorite being the branch on Suthep Road—for its cooling fans and WiFi).
For haute cuisine veggie-style, try Anchan (Nimmanhaemin, Soi Hillside 3), a smart new place run by a young Belgian chap and his Thai partner. On the menu lately was a melt-inthe-mouth pumpkin yellow curry and
Cafe culture thrives in Chiang Mai and top of the smoothie pops is the mint, honey and lemon drink served at Blue Diamond (Moon Muang), a cafe shaded by palms, cooled with whirring fans and frequented by expats.
For Italian-style latte and creamy carrot cake there’s Fern Forest (Singharat) a leafy little cafe where you can take respite from the temple trail. The Art Cafe (corner of Tha Phae and Kotchasan) is a fascinating place to
Chang Puak) a maze of dining nooks and crannies, drooping tree fronds and tinkling fountains. The most spiritual time to eat here is on a Wednesday evening when the choir Global Harmonies meets and sings through its repertoire.
In terms of where the youthful action is, Nimmanhaemin is the road to make for, whether it’s to grab an espresso at Chiang Mai’s most happening coffee shop, Ristr8to, or sip a sundowner at one of the many bars along this bustling street. Just keep going until you find the place to suit your mood. Sahara restaurant runs salsa nights in its rooftop bar, while bars like BangRak and Monkey Club throb with music and students.
while away an hour or two, crammed with books and serving up the likes of lemon soufflé with coffee.
Worth a detour to the north side is The Spirit House (Soi Viangbua,
For the ultimate party, time your trip to coincide with the Flower Festival in February, Songkran in April, or Loi Krathong in November, a full three days of lantern-lit magic.
Sun Hemp flower tempura.
Wat Sai Moon, built by King Bayinnaung, is in central Chiang Mai.
A song thaew (local public transport) at Thapae Gate.
If your trip allows you time for a day trip out of the city, this is a province that boasts more natural forest cover than any other in the north, and there are no end of ways to enjoy it, whether you fancy hiking, birdwatching or river rafting.
Thai people love getting close to nature and there are national parks all over northern Thailand with soaring peaks, cascading waterfalls and enough rare birdlife to fill a twitcher’s notebook. Most have cabins or larger lodges that can be booked for overnight stays, and usually a restaurant and shop on-site.
Khun Tan, to the south, is one of the closest and is accessible by train from Chiang Mai. The train stops right by the park entrance from where it’s a short trek up through teak trees and bamboo groves to the park office – which rents cabins for 150 baht each – and marked trails through the rainforest and up the mountain.
For a glimpse of the elegant mansions of former Myanmar lumber barons, head to Lampang (about three hours by train from Chiang Mai), which became an important center for the international teak trade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Myanmar teak merchants also sponsored the construction of more than a dozen temples, leaving an impressive legacy. Wat Phra Kaew Don Tao, for example, is decorated with glass mosaic in Myanmar style, while Baan Sao Nak is a house-turned-museum filled with Myanmar and Thai antiques.
A couple of hours’ drive south of Chiang Mai, Doi Inthanon is the country’s highest mountain (2,565m) and you can drive right to the top, pose under the signpost, then drive home. But to experience rare flora and fauna and spectacular views, walk the Ang Ka, a cloud forest trail led by guides from hill-tribes living inside the national park.
Chiang Dao National Park is a twohour drive north of Chiang Mai. Dao means star in Thai and this mountain range is a real celebrity, all sheer cliffs and impossible angles.
Traveling east, a day out could start with a visit to Doi Sukhet temple with its quirky murals, half an hour’s drive out of Chiang Mai. A little further on, into the hills, is Baan Mae Kampong, a village clinging to the side of a precipitous mountain, with trails through the national park and a choice of lunch stops and eccentric homestays, John’s Place, for example. On the way back to Chiang Mai, make a stop at the San Kampaeng hot springs, where geysers spout and spray scalding mist.
For a taste of life out in the sticks, a company called Asian Oasis (www. asian-oasis.com) runs all-inclusive two, three or four-day packages that include a stay in a country lodge and a range of activities, from trekking round hill tribe villages, to Thai cookery courses. Accommodation and programs are developed in full cooperation with the
There are direct flights between Yangon and Chiang Mai twice a week, on Sundays and Thursdays, on Air Bagan. The same airline is also offering tourist packages from Yangon to Chiang Mai, including flights, accommodation and some excursions, for between $312 and $545, until September 31, 2013. Four-day/three-night health screening packages at the Rajavej hospital in Chiang Mai are also on offer until the same date. For more information, contact the airline’s marketing department at 95-1-513266; 95-1-504-278.
Chiang Mai is also easily accessible from numerous other national and international airports via a range of other airlines, and by train and bus from within Thailand.
local community. At Lisu Lodge, in the Mae Taeng area about an hour’s drive north of Chiang Mai, all the staff are recruited from the local Lisu village and paid a wage equivalent to workers in Chiang Mai, while tribal elders are in on every new development that might affect the community they’re responsible for.
Closer to home, the Queen Sirikit Botanical Gardens (en route to Mae Rim) is Thailand’s oldest botanical
garden in a scenic foothills setting; Bo Sang umbrella village is colorful, particularly during the January Umbrella Festival; and there’s not much that beats a river trip on the Mae Ping on a scorpion-tailed boat for tourist cred.
But these are the contrasts that make Chiang Mai what it is, a city now being noticed by the jet set, so don’t leave it too long to make your own trip there.
Chiang Mai is kind on the wallet when it comes to finding a place to stay and there are hundreds of options, whether you’re on a budget, looking for a long-stay or going for broke. New on the scene are small boutique hotels opening up within the old city, some with as few as half-a-dozen rooms. Here’s what to expect…
Luxury:
• Converted from the former British Consulate, the Chedi Chiang Mai is a five-star option for fans of high-end architecture.
• Slap bang in the middle of the old city, the Rachamankha is modeled on a Lampang monastery.
• If you enjoy a familiar brand, the Mandarin Oriental Dhara Dhevi, built in the style of a Lanna village, is the epitome of a peaceful oasis.
Boutique:
• Occupying a colonial-style building on the Sunday Walking Street in the old city, Villa Duang Champa has simple, stylish rooms.
• Parasol Inn’s rooms are decorated in modern Thai style and it’s conveniently located by the King’s monument in the old city.
• With just eight rooms, Tri Yaan Na Ros Colonial House is on the Saturday Walking Street in the old city and boasts fourposter beds and a pool.
Hostel:
• The International Youth Hostel has been in town since 1979, the original backpackers’ crashpad.
• Converted from a former US Ambassador’s residence, Spicythai Backpackers offers female and male dorms.
• Brand new So Hostel is on Loi Kroh road and has en-suite private rooms as well as 6, 8 and 12-bed rooms.
Longstays:
• The Centre of the Universe has three bungalows for rent in private gardens with free use of the resort’s fabulous salt water swimming pool.
• Chiang Mai Apartment Rentals has a variety of properties available, from condos to executive houses.
• Chiang Mai Properties comes highly recommended for its service and its wide range of accommodation.
Chiang Dao mountain view.
Massage at Asian Oasis’ Khum Lanna.
Sitting in a deck chair with a clipboard set on his lap, U Thet Nyunt paints whatever comes to mind, in watercolor, acrylic, or oil pastel.
“I’m keen on painting landscapes,” says the 87-year-old artist while adding the silhouette of a tree to the background of a countryside scene he is working on. Surrounding him on various canvases, his bright and colorful strokes capture the tranquil beauty of Myanmar.
“I can’t help but paint,” he says with laugh. “If not, I would have withdrawal symptoms.”
Unlike many people in their advanced years, the artist is still rigorously pursuing his lifelong profession. Every day, he spends most of his time working in his forecourt studio, making final touches to the previous day’s undertaking or etching sketches for his next painting - and in the process, establishing himself as one of Myanmar’s oldest and most prolific artists.
“I’ve never met anyone who could churn out paintings like him, especially in their old age,” said fellow artist U Kyaw Nyunt. “His works are commercially successful as well.”
The relatively young 71-year-old artist was not exaggerating. U Thet Nyunt’s house in suburban Yangon could easily be mistaken for an art gallery, with two-thirds of his 20-foot-by-60foot home dedicated to showcasing the man’s art.
U Kyaw Nyunt explained that U Thet Nyunt is one of a few contemporary painters still living who are inspired by Myanmar masters like U Ba Nyan and U Ngwe Gaing, who both had great influence on art generations to follow by introducing Western techniques to Myanmar artists under British colonial rule.
Hailing from Mon State in southern Myanmar, U Thet Nyunt had compulsory drawing and painting lessons at school as a child. He later became an apprentice of U Hla Maung Gyi, who himself drew influence from U Ngwe Gaing.
In spite of his passion for painting, the form of artistic expression that U Thet Nyunt took to in his youth was music. He used to play the violin and guitar at movie theaters, providing live background music for silent films in his hometown of Mudon.
“Music is my first love,” he admitted. But his love affair with music came to an abrupt end in 1988, with his son U Min Ko Naing and Myanmar’s former military junta to blame.
“It’s very inappropriate to play music while your son is in jail,” he explained, referring to his son’s lengthy imprisonment for his active role in the 1988 popular uprising that nearly toppled the country’s dictatorship. U Min Ko Naing, the most prominent former student leader from Myanmar's 88 Generation Students group, has been arrested three times and spent
21 years behind bars in prisons across Myanmar since 1988.
Even though his son is now out of jail, U Thet Nyunt has found that he can no longer play even the simplest of melodies on the instruments he loves, which now hang untouched on his living room wall.
“It has been 25 years now and I’m simply out of practice,” he said.
In 1951, U Thet Nyunt made painting his professional calling. Though landscapes were his preferred subject, he did portraits of diplomats and their families for several foreign embassies in Yangon.
He has had four solo shows so far, with the latest one in Mandalay in June.
“I’m satisfied with the fact that I can support my family with what I earn and we have a decent living,” he said.
These days, U Thet Nyunt divides his daily routine between painting and meditation, the latter of which he has practiced for 37 years. For nearly four decades, he said it has helped him suffer less through the ups and downs of life, especially when it comes to his son. Thanks to meditation, U Thet Nyunt said he feels no hatred toward the people responsible for his son’s lengthy imprisonment.
“The meditation I’ve practiced for years makes me able to contemplate that everything is impermanent, suffering and non-self,” the devout Buddhist explained. “It’s a great relief for me to realize nothing will surely happen in the way that I want. It’s the same for my son’s case: I neither feel sad nor happy about him.”
That is not to say he has no affection for his son.
“I worry about him whenever he takes trips,” U Thet Nyunt said while U Min Ko Naing was on tour in Malaysia recently. “I pray for his safety.”
U Thet Nyunt said he is glad to see many people’s admiration for his son—a fan base that he admitted he would not mind himself.
“As an artist, I’m afraid of being disliked,” he said.
Asked about the Myanmar art scene today, the veteran painter said he is pleased with younger artists’ efforts to strike a balance between innovation and an awareness of ongoing international art trends.
“They are smart,” he said. “We [U Thet Nyunt’s generation] are becoming oldies who stick to their old styles.”
U Nay Myo Say, one of Myanmar's foremost contemporary painters and owner of nearly a dozen of U Thet Nyunt’s works, said he appreciates the old artist’s paintings for their ability to depict the distinct features of Myanmar culture and draw viewers’ attention.
“His pictures are quite Burmese, especially when he paints countryside scenes,” he added.
At the grand old age of 87 U Thet Nyunt still enjoys good health, for which he offered up a theory.
“I’ve never drunk [alcohol],” he said, “and partly because I used to do physical exercises seriously when I was young.”
“He’s amazingly healthy and still full of energy to paint,” U Nay Myo Say said. “I really want to be like him.”
Veteran artist U Thet Nyunt is known for his atmospheric landscapes and tranquil scenes depicting Myanmar cultural life. ALL PHOTOS: STEVE TICKNER / THE IRRAWADDY
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is an inspirational symbol of resistance and courage in Myanmar. But can she mend the deep divisions in Myanmar society and among factions in the democracy movement, before elections scheduled for 2015?
By ZARNI MANN / MANDALAY
One of Mandalay’s most historic buildings, the Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery, will receive preservation support through a two-year project funded by the US government. .
The US Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Preservation will join hands with Myanmar’s Ministry of Culture to preserve the 19th century, traditional teak wooden building, also known as the Golden Palace, which was constructed during the reign of King Mindon.
US Ambassador Derek Mitchell said in late July that the World Monument Fund based in Washington would implement the US$500,000 project, adding that the project would also include training in preservation techniques for Myanmar officials and craftsmen.
“We are now planning to give training and share experiences of modern techniques on how you preserve monuments. Not just in this place, but at other wooden monasteries around your country as well,” Mr. Mitchell told reporters.
“This is an original and still remarkable monument. We looked at a lot of different options, but we just felt that this is the good place to start,” he said. “It represents not just a wooden monastery, but it has a connection to the imperial era and is worth preserving as it has deep historical relevance.”
Deputy Minister of Culture U Than Swe said Myanmar traditional craftspeople would work together with the US team to preserve the monastery.
“We will try our best to preserve this place and will make sure the preservation works will not affect the original wood carvings, the structure and its beauty. We are glad that our monument will have a chance to get better preservation,” U Than Swe said.
The Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery was originally covered with gold leaf and glass mosaics, and it is known for its intricate wood carvings on the walls and roofs that show Buddhist myths. It was built as a royal chamber for King Mindon and located within the Mandalay Palace complex.
Under his son, King Thibaw, the building was moved to a site outside of the Mandalay Palace moat and it was turned into a monastery. During World War II, aerial bombards destroyed most of the historic buildings inside the Mandalay Palace complex, leaving the Shwe Nan Daw Kyaung Monastery as the only remaining original structure from the 19th century palace.
As Myanmar’s development speeds up, Mr. Mitchell said, it should ensure the preservation of such important historical buildings and other cultural heritage.
“Your neighboring countries, they have lost many of their historical monuments. But your country has preserved that and it’s made something special about the country,” he said. “You have to preserve the heritage with your heart and soul because if you lose your history, you lose a lot of yourselves.”
Irrawaddy editor-in-chief Aung Zaw explores this and other timely questions in a new book titled “The Face of Resistance: Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Fight for Freedom,” drawing on his long experiences as a journalist and former exile.
In engaging and accessible style, the book explores Myanmar’s resistance movement over the last 25 years, highlighting key members of the National League for Democracy, prominent activists involved in the 1988 uprising, ethnic leaders, social activists, and the next generation of democracy leaders.
The book also explores the background of President U Thein Sein and poses questions about the current reform process.
“The Face of Resistance: Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Fight for Freedom,” is published by Mekong Press and is available for sale at the Myanmar Book Center in Yangon and in bookshops in Thailand and the region.
Aplan to preserve Mindon-era ‘Golden Palace’ will boost skills among craftsmen
What does one do on a hot Sunday but jump on an old bus and go to see what’s happening at Yangon’s faith spaces, find someone knowledgeable to speak with and pose some curly questions about the meaning of life?
Some curious young people with tons of initiative and social conscience recently created the country’s first Youth Interfaith Tour. Innovative and challenging, the event brought together 26 young men and women from different religious backgrounds to investigate first-hand what makes various faiths tick. The keen participants had answered an invitation posted on community noticeboards, at churches, temples, mosques and on the Internet.
This extraordinary bunch of faith explorers comprised three female and three male participants from each of four religions—Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity—as well as three “free thinkers”, who often took the front row, observing and listening keenly, generating thoughtful discussion with lateral queries.
Leaving shoes on the bus, the gang alighted on Anawrahta Street and slipped from the busy, crowded street into the cool, calm and welcoming Shri Kali Temple. Built by Tamil migrants in 1871 and known for its dramatic sculptures of Hindu gods Ganesh, Shiva, Laxmi and many others in this particular pantheon, Shri Kali offers visitors a chance to connect with nature. It is an elemental experience. Bells, water, flowers, smoke and flames
awaken the senses, evoking impulses and sharpening the mind. Poking around the dark corners, it is possible to witness local worshippers conducting their own elaborate prayer rituals.
U Aung Naing of the Kali Temple Trust explained: “Hindus are very free. Let people worship the way they think is right. To be frank, I’m not a very religious man. I have all religions around me. Everybody must be respected and valued. Speak well of other religions. Try to be as humane as possible. Don’t be aggressive. Follow ahimsa (non-violence) as promoted by Mahatma Gandhi. Be relaxed in what you do.”
Taking these words of wisdom on board, it was back on the road, where everyone had a chance to reflect on the ways that the approximately one percent of this country’s population who are Hindus practice their faith, what it means to them and where there may be common ground.
Adorned in gold and thousands of diamonds and seen from almost all over the city, the glittering Shwedagon Pagoda was next on the itinerary for
A group of young people hits the road in search of some common ground between their different religious beliefs
the faith research team. Crammed with Buddhists on their day off, making merit and on family outings, this most famous stupa reveals some obvious connections between Hindu Brahmanism and Buddhism in the astrological stations for days of the week and planets located around the sacred site. The inauspicious toppling of the gem-laden spire during an earthquake was described in a hushed tone by one of the pagoda managers. Apparently built by the Mon people between the 6th-10th centuries, the Shwedagon symbolizes the tenets of generosity, loving- kindness and compassion that underpin Buddhist philosophy.
Under a shared umbrella, sheltering from the rain, it became clear that this was the first Shwedagon visit for a 19-year-old Moslem colleague who had lived all his life in Yangon. Treading on new ground with an open mind, he contemplated the importance of taking these steps towards greater understanding and deeper listening to each other.
U Myo Win, the director of the
Smile Education and Development Foundation, is an inspiring character, a sort of “guardian angel” for the interfaith and peace-building movement. An imam trained in trauma healing, conflict resolution, critical thinking and teaching tolerance, he advocates for communities to bridge their differences and develop cross-cultural relationships through networking and dialogue. Education is a key. So, too, is the breaking of stereotypes and building civic consciousness by promoting personal responsibility— meaning that those who follow the interfaith ethos should be able to honestly say to themselves, “There is no conflict regarding race and religion because of me.”
U Myo Win’s introduction of Islamic principles at Jongalay Mosque gave hearty food for thought. Once again on this “beliefs road trip”, some participants found themselves in completely new spaces—physically, mentally and spiritually.
At the Methodist Church, founded in 1879, Pastor Saw Shwe Lin reminded the group of the importance of
U Myo Win, the director of the Smile Education and Development Foundation, stands inside the bus that carries his interfaith group around Yangon to visit the places of worship of Myanmar’s many different faiths.
interfaith dialogue and highlighted the challenges of “misinformation, miscommunication, misinterpretation and misunderstanding.”
Coordinator U Aung Naing Win, a trained dentist, planned the interfaith tour with his friend and facilitator U Bahlal. Both U Aung Naing Win and U Bahlal are alumni of the MyanmarUS Friendship Association, which sponsored this thought-provoking project. Further dialogue and peacebuilding initiatives are underway, for education is a process, not an end.
The day’s rich discussions opened doors and delved into the ways that tolerance is linked to the notion of democracy. It concerns our personal intimate relationship with our creator and relates to the struggle for the soul and identity of the nation. It is about everyone having a place: many faces, many beliefs. The probing, contemplating and wondering continue.
THE DAY’S RICH DISCUSSIONS OPENED DOORS AND DELVED INTO THE WAYS THAT TOLERANCE IS LINKED TO THE NOTION OF DEMOCRACY.
If a quiet little eatery offering a soul and jazz ambiance, fine food and friendly staff sounds appealing, try Fatman in Dagon.
The Fatman Steak Bistro & Cafe opened for business in May this year and is growing rapidly in reputation and popularity.
The cozy bistro brings something different to the Yangon food scene, combining fine
By STEVE TICKNER
food with indoor and street-side dining and offering a well-prepared and delicious menu from fresh locally sourced ingredients at affordable prices.
“Big Mike”, the hands-on manager and one of the five young Myanmar co-owners of the bistro/cafe, describes the concept of the venue as being a place to relax, chill out with friends, listen to soul and jazz and even take advantage of the community notice-board to buy and sell items or inform others of upcoming events.
Big Mike draws on his years of growing up in the United States, combined with extensive travels in Canada, Australia and Japan, to create a cosmopolitan feel at the eating house.
The restaurant is situated in Dagon’s Bo Yar Nyunt Street, close to the intersection with Nawaday Street, and a mere stone’s throw from downtown Yangon.
The drinks menu is quite comprehensive for a small establishment. Apart from an
Fatman Steak Bistro & Cafeextensive range of Barista coffees, hot chocolates, teas and smoothies, the cafe offers a wide selection of Italian, Argentinian, Australian and French wines, local and imported beers and an impressive range of cocktails.
For appetizers Fatman offers teriyaki and bulgogi beef and chicken skewers, along with Myanmar-style nga mouk rice crackers.
Burgers are one of the house specialities, both classic-style in beef, chicken or pork, or in a variety of other styles.
The signature “Fatman’s burger” is a chunky 250 grams of flavorsome local minced beef, topped with shredded cheese, crispy bacon, and accompanied by a side order of fries. As the menu boasts, “This is BIG.”
For a main meal you can try the Fatman’s pan-seared beef, chicken or pork steak, seasoned with what are described as the “bold” flavors of spices and aromatic herbs. The meal comes with generous helpings of sauteed vegetables, mouth-watering grilled butter corn cobs and “Fatman’s Slaw.” As with the burgers, the main meals come in teriyaki or classic style.
Among other menu highlights are slow-cooked BBQ pork chops, chicken Kiev, pork cordon bleu and classic rosemary-flavored pork.
Fatman Bistro may be small in size, but it’s got a big heart and will suit anyone looking to enjoy a fine lunch or evening meal with friends in a comfortable and mellow environment.
First-time visitors to Yangon looking for some cool, clean refreshment will not go wrong to follow the busy path beaten by locals to Innwa Cold Drinks & Confectionery.
Innwa offers something for most tastes. A wide range of cakes and pastries are prepared on the premises. There are refreshing fruit juices and smoothies, excellent ice creams and scrumptious traditional dessert-style Faluda drinks.
There’s also an interesting range of clean halal Myanmarstyle savory food, alongside dishes from several countries of Southeast Asia.
The restaurant is constantly busy and it’s easy to see why. As well as the tasty food and drink selection, prices are moderate and free Wi-Fi is on offer. Effective air-conditioning completes the picture to make Innwa something of a little downtown oasis.
It’s a smart stop for travelers in a city where newcomers sometimes find it challenging to identify where to go for good, healthy local food.
Kitchen staff apply modern handling standards in food preparation, wearing both hair nets and food handling gloves.
There is an efficient self-service system here, backed up by attending staff who are exceptionally friendly and helpful in assisting new customers and old alike.
—Steve TicknerInnwa Cold Drinks & Confectionery, 242 Anawrahta Road, between 29th and 30th Street.
In 2008, Ma Htar Htar got her introduction to a topic that is still treated as taboo in Myanmar: female sexuality. With nine other women, both single and married, she met a foreign sex therapist who was visiting the country. It was an encounter that opened their eyes to the issue of how most Myanmar women see their own bodies, and led to the formation of a study group that has since turned into a network known as Akhaya. Now a committed rights activist, she recently spoke with Irrawaddy reporter Samantha Michaels about her efforts
How do women in Myanmar see themselves?
Women are treated like second-class citizens because we think our menstrual blood is dirty, for example, so we feel unworthy to be touched by men or unworthy to go certain places. It’s generational, it’s historical, this sense that we are second-class citizens. So I started to learn about basic female sexuality and I felt so empowered to know about my own body.
Last year you started a campaign called “Whistle for Help”. What were you trying to achieve?
We wanted to raise the issue of daily sexual harassment on the buses, which has become a normal part of life for many women and is generally not discussed.
Word spread through media coverage—there was international media coverage as well. A lot of people supported us, but they wondered whether women would actually blow the whistles, because in our society women are shy and submissive. We
realized the campaign would not completely stop sexual harassment, but we wanted to say that we would no longer accept it.
What are some of the myths about women’s sexuality that you seek to dispel?
In Myanmar, women do not understand that our menstrual blood is clean. Normally we dry our pants or longyis on the lower rope, or in the back of the house in areas that are not clean or lack proper ventilation. A boy or man cannot
walk under this rope, even if there is no clothing on it, or they will lose their higher status.
Dirty doesn’t mean physically dirty, but low. There’s no written law, so when you ask women in Myanmar, we will say we have equal status with men, but it’s in the roots, it’s unseen, really, this sense that we are second-class citizens.
Another example is that during childbirth, we think the woman is so dirty that she is unworthy of touch for at least seven days. We put her in a special room while delivering the baby, and men—even the father—cannot enter this room. She needs to stay there for a week.
There is also a belief that if you are not a virgin, no man will marry you, and if you marry but are not a virgin, you will be an outcast. This is a double standard. Why don’t men need to be virgins?
Also, women can go to pagodas, but they cannot go to certain areas in the pagoda compound.
Is it challenging to encourage women to discuss these issues?
Sometimes women do not want to come [to our group] because we discuss sexuality, and they worry what other people will think if they attend. They are also reluctant to talk at first—they just want to listen—because in outside society we never share stories about sexuality, so if they bring up examples it is obvious they are talking about their own experience. But that’s why we started this women’s group, to share and realize that we are not alone. Later they begin asking questions.
What does Akhaya mean?
Akhaya means essential, key, vital. Women here are seen as subordinate, but we believe that women take on a vital role in the family and are often forced to shoulder all the burden, so we have a key role to play and we are capable.
Ma Htar Htar aims to teach women about their own sexuality through Akhaya, a network of women’s groups that addresses gender roles, sexuality and reproductive health. to bust myths about women’s sexuality.Embracing Myanmar’s political opening, The Irrawaddy magazine has returned to the country after 20 years in exile. With the establishment of our new o ce in Yangon, The Irrawaddy’s journalists are now back in their homeland to report on the amazing things happening here.
Over the past two decades, The Irrawaddy has made a name for itself as one of the leading publications on Myanmar for in-depth and reliable news, information and analysis going to international audiences.
Our coverage and analysis of Myanmar, Thailand and Southeast Asia has been cited in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian, Foreign Policy, Der Spiegel, BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera and major regional newspapers.
We are happy to be home and to continue to serve you with our independent journalism.
Yangon Bureau
Myanmar
Regional O ce
Chiang Mai, Thailand
