IUSD 3rd intake journal by IUSD-CAIRO

IUSD JOURNAL, VOL. 3 NO.1 2015

Disclaimer The content of this IUSD Journal is a compilation of the working papers for the Masters of Integrated Urbanism and Sustainable Design, Class of 2015. ÂŠ IUSD Masters Program, 2015 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

IUSD Cairo Editing Team Prof. Dr. Mohamed A. Salheen Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yehya Mohamed Serag Assoc. Prof. Dr. Marwa Abdellatif Eng. Doaa Imam Eng. Nada Hossam The IUSD Journal would not have been possible without the support of variety of donors and partners organizations, which are thanked collectively. IUSD is funded by DAAD, BMZ, BMF, MoHE

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IUSD JOURNAL, VOL. 3 NO.1 2015

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IUSD JOURNAL, VOL. 3 NO.1 2015

Table of Contents: Urban Governance and Civic Engagement: Integrating local ethnic groups in the process of the regional planning the case of the Nubian Village of Kostol– Komombo, Egypt. Ahmed Osama Bakry

Processes and agents behind local planning in Lebanon‘s hinterland. Balsam Jamal Madi

The urban poor within the Sustainable Development Goals Agenda (The Cairo urban deprivation index as an alternative operationalization). Charlotte Watermann

Rethinking Relocation in the context of informal Areas: Critical Analysis of Processes and the Quality of life: Case of Istabl Antar, Cairo Friederike Thonke

Connecting urban policy making and implementation Case of Maspero, Cairo, Egypt Mennatullah Hendawy

Kafr Wahb‖ village as a case of social innovation: Understanding Social Innovation in Rural Community Development in Egypt Tayseer Khairy

Cities, Environment and Sustainable Urban Infrastructure: Branding Cairo (un)intended: Influences on the German tourist‗s perception of Egypt‗s capital. Gregor Scopf

Ruins of Urbanity: Rethinking the prospective of urban voids of a sustainable urban development with special focus on Tunis. Maroua Ennouri

Towards Multifunctional Water-Harvesting Landscapes. Nada Ali Jouni

The relationship between built environment and obesity: An Assessment of Cairo‘s obesogenic environment. Teresa Fellinger An Approach to Enhance Outdoor Thermal Conditions: A study in Baghdad, Iraq Sari Abdullah

105

1 114

Politics and Urbanism: Innovation and refugee camps: the role of innovation in developing the humanitarian system with special focus on Al Zaatri refugee Camps. Jordan Adham Sannaa

126

Place attachment of different influx groups in west Amman, Jordan- The case of Palestinians and Iraqis Jude Najib Zada

136

Resistive Urbanism in the spatio – genesis of self – Awda: Spatial and non- Spatial Variables of IDPS‘ ‗Self – repatriations‘ to Palestinian depopulated villages Maram Shaaban

146

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Host Communities between Solidarity and Hardship. The Trends of Housing Transformation in Border Cities Hosting refugees: the case of Mafraq city Razan Said Al Shadfan

156

Development of peripheral settlement: Dynamics of development in rural Egypt to new desert communities: The case of Basaisa. Dina Samir Mahdy

168

Towards a water sensitive development strategy for Siwa Oasis Lisa Gansbaur

178

Heritage and Urban Conservation: Port-Said: No future without past integrated Rehabilitation concept for the Urban Heritage. Stefanie Anna Maria Wladik

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190

Preface This issue of the Integrated Urbanism and Sustainable Design (IUSD) journal is dedicated specifically to the working papers of the third batch of the IUSD Master program. This year we have classified the different working papers according to five main themes:

Urban governance and civic engagement, the papers under this theme are discussing interesting topics and cases from several cities and human settlements across the MENA region. They have a special focus on the concepts dealing with integrating marginalized groups in the regional planning process, the dynamics of local planning, relocation and the quality of life, the integration of the urban poor within the sustainable development goals as well as the relationship between planning and implementation. Such issues are discussed within their wider contexts taking into account the different socio-economic and political forces that directly affect them. Cities, Environment and Sustainable Urban Infrastructure, the topics under this theme explore some interesting concepts that can be applied in urban settlements to achieve further sustainable impacts in terms of economic activities and energy provision. These concepts include but are not limited to water sensitive development strategies and the reuse of urban voids in sustainable urban development. The theme also includes two interesting topics, the relationship between the built environment and obesity, considered a unique topic within the topics of the IUSD, and city branding. Such concepts are explored within the different geographical and climatic factors ofNorth Africa, Metropolitan Cairo, and Lebanon. Politics and Urbanism, this theme looks at the impact of politics on urbanism. With the turmoil of the Arab Spring revolutions and their aftermath for the 4 th successive year, topics related to the regional refugee crises are tackled in relation to refugee camps as well as the impact of the refugees on their host cities, with a special focus on Jordan. An interesting case on resistive urbanism in depopulated Palestinian villages is also tackled. Such cases are in fact documenting the ongoing transformations while attempting to discuss how the urban development future within the context of these cases might look like. Development of Peripheral Settlements, thetopics tackled in this theme are contextualized in peripheral and remote areas. An interesting case of developing a new peripheral settlement close to the Mediterranean coast as well as another case on water sensitive development in Siwa oasis. Several considerations are taken when dealing with such cases, such as social, climatic, environmental and economic dynamics. Although the case comes from the Egyptian context, nevertheless, many similarities with other MENA countries are shared. Heritage and Urban Conservation, is the least researched theme, despite its importance. The case discussed this year focuses on the urban heritage of Port Said city in Egypt, and how rehabilitation of this heritage should be considered among the future development of the city. Finally, we hope that this issue of the IUSD Journal is of good contribution and added value to the global knowledge. We believe that it will be of good benefit to other researches and scholars across the globe, dealing with topics within the same theme. We also consider this publication a good

catalyst to initiate scientific discussions and further research related to its themes.IUSD

Journal â&#x20AC;&#x201C; IUSD Team Cairo, September 2015 IUSD Journal - IUSD Team Cairo, September 2015

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Integrating local ethnic groups in the process of the regional planning The case of the Nubian Village of Kostol– Komombo, Egypt Author: Ahmed Osama AbdElhamid Bakry Supervisor 1: Mohamed A. Salheen, Prof. of Integrated Planning and Design - Ain Shams University Supervisor2: Prof. Astrid Ley, Prof. of International Urbanism - Stuttgart University Supervisor 3: Dr. Yehya Serag, Associate Prof. of Urban and Regional Planning - Ain shams University This research, which highlights the Nubian return by the lake, is based on a master thesis which is based on an empirical study of the Nubian village ―Kostol‖. The research focuses on understanding the socio-cultural component for the Nubians between the displacement and re-displacement. It tackles the return process for the Nubians by Lake Nasser, its feasibility, and how their aspirations and needs can be considered in the regional plans. Accordingly, directions for decision makers might be givenfor better plans in the future. The research lies between two levels: the local and the regional ones. The aim is to address the regional planning from a new local perspective, and to integrate the ethnic groups in the regional planning. Keywords: Locals, Nubians, Ethnic group, Integration, Resettlements, Socio-cultural dimension.

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Figure 1: Kostol v

Source : Author

1. Introduction Dealing with the Nubia region, a set of complex issues is intermingled and correlated. The Nubia region at Upper Egypt and north Sudan wasa set of ethnic groups and clans that lived in and developed the areas around the Nile, having good relations and trades, and one culture and identity throughout history. A set of migrations and forced displacements took place in this community at several successive times – 1902, 1912, 1933, and 1964 – for different reasons, yet mainly for water control, building dams and reservoirs (Merdan, 1999). Among the process of these governmental forced displacements, massive physical, cultural, social, political and economic problems occurred to that community. This affectedtheir identity and the spatial structures of their villages, thus affecting the future of Nubian urbanism. By focusing on the migration of 1964,it had the most massive implication on Nubians, and forced almost 100,000 Nubians to displace to Komombo (50 km North of Aswan city), leaving their villages to be submerged under the Nile water of Lake Nasser, as a consequence/result of constructing the High Dam. Thirty nine Egyptian Nubian villages were relocated to a new city like atmosphere, leaving a desolate status of the region until now. Nubians suffered a lot, and still do, due to the relocating process, feelings of injustice, political marginalization and not being compensated properly for their land, houses and palms. Since then,all the problems commenced, and a lot of Nubians claim to return to their own lands in order to preserve their culture, identity and traditions, beside other reasons.

Figure 2: Research problems summary Source: Author

2. Research objectivesand methodology The research mainly focuseson three main goals. Firstly, the research aims to assimilate and understand the Nubian case between migration and re-migration and the dynamics of the sociocultural dimension. Secondly, and according to the understanding, it also focuses on the resettlement process which might take place by the lake. The return process is addressed in ―a realistic and feasible way not in a nostalgic and dreamy approach‖. Eventually, this will lead to propose an approach of integrating the Nubians in the regional planning process, from which the gap between the government and the Nubians will be bridged.

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The research is constructed torely on different tools: questionnaires, urban mapping, photo cataloguing, semi-structured interviews, a three-week stay, workshops, and reviewing articles. The research commences with giving generally needed backgrounds about regional planning in Egypt which, however, does not tackle the regional planning discipline from its broad nature of science. It tackles the regional planning from asocial perspective, and tackles its relation with social science, the local perspective, and how citizens‘ aspirations can be integrated in thisprocessin order to bridge the local to regional dimension. Afterwards, it tackles Kostol village as a showcase, then statesthe main relatedfindings.

3. Regional planning in Egypt ―There is a broad consensus that the general objectives of urban planning are to help achieve economic efficiency, social equity and environmental sustainability in shaping and reshaping the urban built environment‖ (CSD, 1999; UN Habitat, 2009) cited in (Zhu, 2010, P: 266), emphasis added. This could take place in different levels: regional, urban and local. It is argued that regional planning is a part of the strategic planning and lies between the national and the local levels. Dimitriou and Thompson (2007, P:1) mentionsthat ―strategic planning is the exercise of a systematic, integrated approach to policy making which takes the full account of the context, resources and the long term.” Serag (2008) argues that there are two tracks of the regional planning taking place in Egypt. The first one is the economic and the second is the spatial, regional planning. The following diagrams illustrate the process that each track passes through. Accordingly, the gaps, related to the social dimension and how the integration of ethnic groups takes place, will be concluded.

Figure 3: Spatial regional planning process in Egypt Source: Author based on different literature

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Figure 4: Spatial regional planning process in Egypt Source: Author based on different literature

The first process is done under the responsibility of RPC (Regional Planning Committee), while the second is related to GOPP (General Organization of Regional Planning). In both tracks, there are some drawbacks deduced: 1.

Realization of the regional plans. The fund generally arises centrally from the Ministry of Planning, which regularly does not have the money needed to achieve all of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s objectives. Accordingly, plans are always kept in the GOPP for years until them areoutdated.

The misperception and understanding of the involved actors in the process towards it. It is deduced that there is a lack of knowledge and awareness in the regional planning field, especially on the local level with LPCs. There are no clear rules for the rights and the duties from each actor. Furthermore, there is a lack of trained stuff for the regional planning.

The coordination between the different actors involved in the process, especially between the economic track and the spatial track. However, there is theGOPPas well as the RPC, which are supposed to perform the coordination, yet there is a lack of performance regarding this aspect. There is also a lack of coordination between the appointed ministries, especially between the ones who provide theanalysis and the ones working on policies.

4. The lack of the power and the obligationswhich regional plans have. Generally speaking, there is no law assigned for the commitments of the regional plans (Serag, 2008). 5.

Eventually, the most significant issue is the plans which are still adapting to the centredown approach rather than the bottom-up approach. The involvement of civilians is also crucial, especially if they are authentic with ethnic backgrounds, yet no participation takes place. Furthermore, more emphasis on the understanding, analysis andadaptation with the socio-cultural dimension must be clearer. By reflecting this on Nubians, it has been found that no involvement has takenplace.

4. Nubia pre-/post-dam construction On the other side, after having a rough overview of the regional planning in Egypt, this sector describes the Nubian atmosphere before and after the forced displacement.Accordingly, an analysis will be done to investigate the Nubiansâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; aspirations for the future, which will, consequently, affect the regional plans.Nubians are the population who lived in Upper Egypt and North of Sudan from

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the 1st cataract at latitude 24Nuntilthe 6th cataract at latitude 19N. Nubia was divided into two regions: Lower Nubia, and Upper Nubia, according to the flow of the Nile to the North, heading to the Mediterranean Sea (Shetawy, et al., 2013). Merdan (1999) statesthat the Egyptian Nubians, who lived in the lower Nubia between the first and the second cataract, are divided into three ethnic groups: Kenuz, Arab, and Fadija, respectively from North to South. They were settled in 39 villages along the Nile for a distant of 320 km (Abo Zaid, 1964). The Nubians are the most peaceful people as it was stated in many literatures. Their life is simple, selforganized, self-managed and self-regulated (Al Amir, 2013). Moreover, they are well known for their honesty, generosity, faithfulness and emotional attachment to their land and families.Such characteristics affect their daily life and economic activities. They live in separated, isolated villages and settlements kilometres away from each other, yet still some trade, blood relations and affiliation between the neighbouring villages and between lower and upper Nubia connect them (Zabrana, 2010). They livedaround the Nile, which affected their daily life, habits and traditions to the extent that they were called the ―sons of the Nile”. As stated,the Nubians are divided into three ethnic groups, different in languages. However, they share mainly the same traditions and habits. ―The Nubian culture is composed ofvariety of images that create an atmosphere that affects the consciousness of Nubian people. The way they perceive themselves and are perceived by others is a matter of ascribed characteristics. The characteristics ascribed to Nubian society are drawn from race, languages, creed, customs and traditions‖ (Merdan, 1999, PP: 100-101).

On the other side, by focusing on the total forced displacement period in 1964, the Government decided to build a new high dam in order to control the water, reclaiming more arable lands, besides generating more electrical power. Due to the fact that the water level will rise afterwards, and for 15 years until it settles by reaching 181 m high, the government decided to relocate the Egyptian and Sudanese Nubians. The Egyptian Nubians were relocated to Komombo, yet the Sudanese Nubians were relocated to Khasm el Girbawhich is 800 km away from their originalities in the East of Sudan. The studies of such project started in 1959 by the Ministry of Social Affairs. According to different literatures and case study fieldwork, the advantages of the 64 displacementsare: 1.

Having a city-like atmosphere;

2. Refurbishing the new area economically; 3. Better connection through transportation; 4. Sharing more services in different dimensions, as well as modernlife. Setbacks are: 1.

Threatening the Nubian identity, traditions and language;

2. Losing the Nile-life spirit, as well as the old agricultural lands and palms; 3. Integration with others ethnicities, especially with Saiidis, which affects their values and ethical level, with high concern to the youth;

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4. On the contrary to the government‘s claim, resettlement causes more segregation in the community; 5.

High rate of unemployment, and spinsters;

6. Decline in safety; 7.

Decrease in the autonomous, self-organized and self-sustained Nubian life;

8. Many children were subjected to death in 1964, as a result of the sudden changein climate.

5. Kostol village Kostol village, one of the Fadija ethnic group villages, is located South of Komombo and North of Aswan governorate with a new organization from the previous old village. It is one of the unique villages which lead the flagship project of return by Lake Nasser in the 70‘s, and is spiritually attached to the old region. According to the field study, it is noticed that most of the village is for residential purposes, and a low percentage is dedicated to economic activities. This might give an answer to the high unemployment rate in the village. It has been noticed also that Kostolians started to have second and third floors. However, it is not the prototypes they used to have in the old Kostol village. This might be interpreted in two ways. Firstly; it is due to the limited available land offered by the government, and the fact that there are no expansion sides, which forced the new generations to extend vertically. Secondly; it might be due to an attempt to cope with the new modern urban prototypes, especially with the high migration rate, which brings back the new building ideas. Whichever the reason, it could be a new urban VOCAB to be added to the Nubian culture, and be willingly accepted. A new VOCAB is added to Kostol village. A new popping upbuildings‘ character will start to dominate in the coming years. Concrete buildings now are about 13% of the village and increasing rapidly. Especially with the lack of the horizontal expansions, the only way is the vertical one, using new modern materials such as concrete.

The Kostolians faced a lot of culture hinders through the last decades, either with the forced displacement which a major problem that could face any authentic community, or with the modernity track and globalization which the entireworld is facing. The social life of Kostol‘s residents witnessed changes through time in the different dimensions from the old village. However, they still keep certain customs and old traditions. For instance, when it comes to the marriage procedure, instead of having it for two weeks or more, it became two days, as the new life requiremore expenses.

6. Main findings At commenceIn the beginning, the research followed an analysis map for investigation to assimilate the Kostolians‘ aspirations in certain issues, some related to local reflections and others more related to the projection on the regional level and the idea of returning by the lake. They are all interconnected and rely on each other.

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Figure 5 Analysis map Source: Author

Modifications It was deduced that 11% of the residential buildings have paintings on their facades with colourful colours, regardless of the material they are built with. Other 8.5% of the residential buildings have a Mastaba outside the building. About 38% share both modifications to the external buildingsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; facades.Accordingly, it ends with 57.5% of modified buildings, and by excluding the Saiidis dwellings, it reaches 64%. This might indicate that the village residents, after the displacement, tried to keep their buildingsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; traditions on a spatial level, and modify the village. They passed through accepting, adapting, and then changing phases. Physical development It is noticed that, although the number of concrete buildings are decreasing,it ends by having increasing rates by comparing them to the physical expansions in chronological order. This gives insights on which materials will be used in the future, in case the village continues in the zero scenario without a powerful decision regarding the resettlement by the lake. Return desire by the lake Although the tendency of the research, inthe beginning, is that all the Nubians have the desire and the passion to return to the old location, yet a new perspective is noticed. After conducting the survey, although the higher numbers have the passion to return, it is noticed that another percentage refuses to return To the Lake for different reasons: gender, age, and economic factors. Yet, despite the high passion for returningto the lake, which reached 75%, yet in zero scenario offered from the government, it is reduced to 32%, which is more logical. This gives a significant direction to the decision maker, that there must be a governmental interference. Target segments and future economic base It is noticed that, mostly, older generations support the idea of starting with the youth as a nucleus for development. Furthermore, others aim to live the last days of their lives there, as a part of revitalizing history. The majority of the younger generations share the two ideas of being the first

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to develop, or that the older ones, who are more attached, might settle first. The motive of the younger generations is, mainly, inspired by the economic aspect, coping with the fact of the high unemployment rate. It is concluded that the village residents still aimfor the agricultural activity to be the future‘s economic base for the region. This might have two interpretations, either according to their history or culture, which affects their choice, or according to their knowledge about the region and its potentials and assets. On the otherside, theseresults contradictthe present activities at Komombo.

Eventually, these economic aspirations, according to the village residents‘ opinions, are questionable and might not be validated untila real experiment takes place. Return location andproximity to the Lake Among the different discourses, and through various literatures and articles, the next comparison is drawn between the possible destinations for Nubians by Lake Nasser from both the government‘s and the Nubians‘ sides. By analysing the diagram, a lag of 60 % between the two sides‘ opinions was observed, which shedslight on the lack of communication between them. The next locations are done and ranked by excluding the first priority from the investigated case study and another three neighbour villages, and accordingly, the highly repeated villages, as a target, are given more loads. However, this still needs an intensive investigation and deeper analysis for the all Nubian villages, yet might give some direction to the government about the host Nubian spots for the return.

Ranked villages locations by the lake 1. Adendan 2. Kostol 4. El soboo 5. Amada / Sayala 7. GarfHusien 8. WadiKarkar.

3. Abu Simble / Toshka 6. KhorQuondy

Table 1 preferable ranked permanent locations Source: Author, based on the field survey

On the other side, it is noticed that some villages are aware of the lake‘s buffer zone,which prohibits constructions by the lake borders,unlike other areas. The mean distance for the Kostolians is 1350 m, which is similar to the other villages‘ average. However, this issue is critical to the Nubian culture and to the government‘s environmental threats. Accordingly, more attention must be drawn to this issue through awareness campaigns. Future villages by the lake shape HoweverAlthoughthe Nubians have the desire to return, they are still not well prepared and have no concrete ideas about the future villages, although some have, but on an individual base. It was deduced that they are not aiming to have the old atmosphere of the villages before the relocation took place, yet they want to cope with the modernity track. Nubians nowadays want to modernize the houses but not the culture and values, which might be a dilemma for the planners. Accordingly, they are aiming to have high rise buildings with vertical expansions and out of concrete.

Process of return and integration in the regional plans

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Although Despite the passion the Kostolians show for the return by the lake, when they are questioned about the process of the return, they show exclamations. They do not have a concrete setup and thoughts about the return or how it could look like. They still complainabout the forced displacement in the 60‘s, though they do not add a clear vision for the resettlement, especially after the stated article in the new amended Egyptian constitution. This might as well reflect on the preparations the Nubians need to have before their involvement in the planning process. It is noticed that the Kostoliansrely on the government‘s interference and support in order to have the step of the return. However, they do not think about the phasing and the process needed for this step. They think that it is crucial for the government to start with the basic infrastructure and rehabilitating the region with the life necessities. According to the literatureit is significant to have a public involvement in the regional planning process, especially when this is related to particular ethnicities. It is deduced that there is no participation in taking place in the regional planning process. Some relate the participation to the natural leaders, which they expect they have a role in. It can be concluded that the Kostol residents are not integrated in the process, have no previousexperience in participation, and their voices are never heard. Accordingly, they are not aware of their rights and how to raise it, which affects their role in the process. However, they are facing problems, and share specific aspirations.

7. Conclusion The research gives an example on how to activate the community and integrate them in the regional plans through the learnt integrating tools and learning from locals. The research hastheclear message and main finding that not all Nubians have the desire to return back, which affects the regional track. Additionally, if the government continues to deal with the region from a political perspective, and ignorethe social dimension, this will aggravate the problem, and they will tend to fail to achieve their objectives. These two main findings are not to be achieved unless the regional planning is addressed from the local view, which is what the research tried to compile. The next section will reflect on both levels (regional and local). However, they are not separated, and are complementary to each other. By focusing on the Nubians, the way to approach and integrate them may be negotiable. However, according to the research, it can be done through outreaches, public events, charrette workshops, focus group discussions, and participatory mapping. These tools are chosen carefully according to the literature understanding, and the empirical field study where cohabitation with Nubians is done. This cohabitation validates the tools that check what tools can be used and what cannot. Accordingly, it is deduced that the most advanced technological tools cannot be validated directly, and need a preparation time before i.e. ―virtual participation and photo visioning”. On the other side, there are some factors affecting the return: 1.

Political will and a clear vision;

2. Integrating Nubians in the plans;

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3. Understanding the socio-cultural aspect of the Nubians and their motives; 4. Analysing the region‘s potentials carefully; 5.

Fast economic base for the relocated residents;

6. Governmental support (i.e. services, infra-structure, loans, easing the legislations). From By reading about the Nubian community through Kostol, it is deduced that there are some other aspects which must be integrated in the plans for the future, and which the Nubians may have influenced. The government should consider these factors. These factors are: the villages’ new locations, villages’ sizes, village character, prevailing culture, functionality, village

patterns, and building typologies. These factors are deduced from the research and are practiced through the field study. The research offered a practical case of applying these factors to the locals‘ lives by reading the locals, and how they can be integrated in such a regional scale. Concerned and care about the existing village at Komombo in terms of infrastructures and building structures, rather than caring about a real return. They confront certain problems which have a big share of their thoughts nowadays. Also, the new villages by the lake are not aimed at from the Kostolians‘ perspective to be typically like the former ones, yet a new life and culture is intermingled

with

the

older

one

References Abo Zaid, H., 1964. The displacement of the Nubian people. Cairo: ministry of social affairs. Al Amir, O., 2013. The Nubia-Land of gold: sun never sets. Cairo: Kenuz. Dimitriou, H. and Thompson, R., 2007. Strategic planning for regional development in the UK. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 3-9. Mahgoub, Y., 1990. The Nubian experience: A study of the social and cultural meanings of architecture. USA: The University of Michigan. Merdan, A. (1999) Development concepts and implementation strategies for new settlements-with spatial reference to Aswan dam Lake region-Egypt. Stuttgart: Universitat Stuttgart. Serag, Y.M., 2008. Networking and Networks as Tools for Regional Spatial Development and Planning Human Settlements ‟ Development Potentialities in the Western Part of Egypt, Leuven: Katholieke University. Serag, Y.M., 2013. Nubian Resettlement Challenges Between past memories and present settings. Cairo: SP13. Serag, Y.M., 2013. Border settlements in Egypt Between trans-border cooperation & defending the sovereignty of the country. Cairo: SP13. Shetawy, A., 2013. The Myth of Nubia , Egypt : A Vivid Potential or Desert Mirage. Cairo: SP13

Zabrana, L., 2010. Abandoned Nubian Villages in Upper Egypt – Material Culture Reviewed by Social Anthropological Field Studies. pp.1– 13. planning for sustainable urbanization in Asia.In: Healy, p. and Upton, R. (eds.) Crossing borders – international exchange and planning practices. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 265-288.

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Figure 6: Mapping of regional proactive planning responses in Lebanon andhighlighted selected cases Source: own source

Processes behind regional planning in Lebanon‟s hinterland The Cases of the Union of Municipalities of Jezzine and the Union of Municipalities of Tyr Author: Balsam Madi Supervisor 1: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen, Ain Shams University Supervisor 2: Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley, University of Stuttgart A conceptualization of territory sets the point of departure in order to elaborate on the problem of fragmentation. Territory is a multidimensional politicized concept that implicates the dynamic nature of a given space. Fragmentation, as theproblem, is attributed to the inappropriate responses taken towards a given territory. Inappropriate responses are those that neglect the emerging actors of a given political scene as well as a territory‘s dynamic changes. Lebanon is selected as a case for this research as it presents a prime paradigm of fragmentation due its intrinsic communitarianism and clientelism. Research questions are presented in order to gain an understanding of Lebanon‘s alternative governance and its implications on its alternative urbanism and fragmentation. By answering the research questions, the thesis aims to fulfil the overall aim of informing the responses considered in Lebanon‘s future planning policies and practices. The adopted focus tracks are: (1) the regional scale and proactive planning, (2) the hinterland as a focus location and its planning implications and (3) the political dimension as the main territorial dimension. Accordingly, the two selected cases are the Union of Municipalities of Tyr (UMT) and the Union of Municipalities of Jezzine (UMJ). Two conceptual frameworks are adopted in order to analyze the territorial dimensions and governance patterns of two scales, the Macro Lebanese context and the Micro selected cases. The adopted tools analyze the governance of the planning process in terms of their actors and institutions. Principle findings include: (1) the extent and degree of responses carried out in a territory determines its readiness to take on a strategic planning response; (2) failure to address critical weaknesses leads to the failure of response implementations; (3) a combination of non-public actors is needed to ensure governability and continuation of the planning process and (4) critical responses serve as milestones in triggering a domino effect in the development of a territory. Therefore, the recommendations include suggested actor formations, response types and tools appropriate to the Lebanese context. Main conclusions stress on the dire need for systemization in order to relieve administrative fragmentation as well as incorporating local know- how in applied responses.

Keywords: territory, fragmentation, responses, emerging actors, communitarianism, clientelism, alternative governance, alternative urbanism, planning process

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1. Introduction: The introduction defines and selects terms to be used as premises throughout the research. These terms will be described briefly in table 01. Moreover, the point of departure, problem, and aim are set. After setting the point of departure, a brief introduction into the Lebanese case is presented through the selected terms. From the broad Lebanese context, the focus tracks are set. The structure and research methodology are also included. A conceptualization of territory sets the point of departure in order to elaborate on the problem of fragmentation. Territory is a multidimensional politicizedconcept that implicates the dynamic nature of a given space. Fragmentation, as theproblem, is attributed to the inappropriate responses taken towards a given territory. Inappropriate responses are those that neglect the emerging actors of a given political scene as well as a territory‘s dynamic changes. Term Territory Response

Planning process

Fragmentation

Alternative governance

Alternative urbanism

Description It is a multidimensional term encompassing political, spatial and socio-economic dimensions (Darwiche, 2014). Contributions, acts, decisions and interventions are terms that have been used in literature to describe re-actions to an existing territorial condition, such as fragmentation (Glasze, 2006, Reuter, 2001 andSfeir, 2014). For the purpose of the thesis, the term response will be adopted due to its reactive implication and its ability to encompass all the other terms. ―The planning processturns out to be a mixture of the contributions of the various actors, whether in the form of argumentation in a discourse, of threats or of actual alteration of the real conditions and of the intermediate decisions. Each contribution is an intervention‖ (Reuter, 2001, p. (9)). Therefore, for the purpose of this thesis, the planning process is the mixture of the responses of various actors carried out on the selected cases. An urban condition affecting the spatial, social, economic and political evolution of cities. It occurs when responses neglect the dynamic nature of territories and their emerging actors. (Navez-Bouchanine, 2002; Marcuse and Van Kempen, 2000; Graham and Marvin, 2001; Benit et al, 2007; Mangin, 2004; Burgess, 2005; Michelutti, 2010; Deffner and Hoerning, 2011 in Farah, J., Cabrera Quispe, J.E. andTeller, J., 2014) ―The pattern of actors and their interactions in a specific historical and regional situation I are referred to as urban governance. This notion of governance is closely related to the idea of steering, but refers not only to steering by state authorities but also to steering by the complex interplay of the different actors making private decisions in line with diverse interests‖ (Glasze, 2006). In literature, forms of this model of governance have been referred to as private governance, alternative governance, and anarchical governance (Glasze, 2006 andSfeir, 2014). For the purpose of this thesis, the term alternative governance is adopted. Alternative urbanism is the result of a combination of public and non-public actors that shape the built environment.

Table 02: Selected terms Source : own source

1.1 .Research questions and aim In order to investigate the processes behindLebanon‘s alternative urbanism and the selected cases of the Union of Municipalities of Jezzine (UMJ) and the Union of Municipalities of Tyr (UMT), the adopted definitions of the planning process and governance are considered.It can be argued that, to understand the planning process, its governance must be analyzed. Therefore, this work poses the following research questions in order to map the planning process and thus patterns can be identified. Analyzing the patterns could help inform future responses. The questions are: (1) what tools can be used to understand Lebanon‘s alternative governance and urbanism on the macro and micro levels? (2) How can these tools help reach a standardization of what appears to be an ad-hoc development? (3) Where do these tools fall in today‘s bottom-up approaches to developing complex territorial contexts? (4) How is Lebanon‘s alternative urbanism best identified by two cases of regional planning in South Lebanon‘s hinterland? (5) If the planning process of territories is depicted and analyzed through a narrative tool, could this allow for the adoption of more suitable responses for the

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management of thedevelopment of a territory? By answering these questions, this thesis aims to fulfil the overall aim of informing the responses considered in Lebanon‘s future planning policies and practices.

1.2 . The Lebanese Context Considering the point of departure and main problem, this thesis takesLebanon due to its particular sociopolitical context elaborated in the selected terms in table 02. Lebanon has been described as a merchant economy where ―communitarianism and market-friendly policies are embedded in the heart of social and political institutions and the economic system‖ (Darwich, 2014, p. (6)). Political patrons are keen to keep communitarianism as the mode of governance as it allows them to extend their power onto local and regional territories. Patrons extend their power by backing the electoral campaigns of their relatives, children and spouses and thus maintain their control in the central government. Similarly, in localities, the political patrons mediate their agendas by backing the electoral campaigns of the local government authorities that serve their interests (Hallaj, 2015). This phenomenon sheds light on the clientelistic relations that outline the Lebanese macro and micro governance. Term

Description

Communitarianism

Communitarianism is a ―social and political philosophy that emphasizes the importance of the community in the functioning of political life‖ (Britannica). Therefore, for the Lebanese society, the sense of one‘s community identity is dominant over and almost replaces the national identity (Picard, 1994; Saadeh, 1998; Salam, 1998 in Darwich, 2014).

Clientelism

Clientelism is described as the vertical exchange of favours in return for loyalty. This vertical exchange demonstrates a hierarchy and imbalance of power between the patron and the client (Sfeir, 2014).

Political patrons

Political patrons are former militia warlords or post-war oligarchs who maintained their power by gaining prominent positions such as prime minister, speaker of the parliament, deputy, minister and army commander (Sfeir, 2014). The political parties are led by their respective patron leaders and each represents a confession or political ideology embedded in confessional logic.

Table 03: Selected terms Source: own source

1.3. Focus tracks This thesis focuses on the following tracks: (1) the regional scale and proactive planning, (2) the hinterland as a focus location and its planning implications and (3) the political dimension as the main territorial dimension. The terms are elaborated in table 03 below. Term

Description

Regional planning

Regional planning‘s central goal is ―to overcome the different fragmentation processes that cut into the social fabric, leading to the exclusion of individuals and social groups from access to different common goods that are considered essential today...‖ (UN-Habitat, 2013, p. (18)).

Proactive planning

Proactive planning involves designing a desired future and then inventing ways to create that future state. Not only is the future a preferred state, but the organization can actively control the outcome. Planners actively shape the future

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rather than just try to get ahead of events outside of their control. The predicted changes of the proactive planner are seen not as absolute constraints, but as obstacles that can be addressed and overcome.‖ (Ackoff, 1981). Hinterland

The Lebanese hinterland has been conceptualized by Habib Debs as the areas that are ―too far‖ to commute to back and forth daily (over one hour from Beirut). The distance of territories from Beirut directly affects the territorial dimensions which are clearly reflected in the non-modernized and neglected built environment (Debs, 2015).

Table 04: Selected terms

Source: own source

1.4. Research methodology The first research question was investigated through the macro governance analysis of the general national level and the micro governance of the selected cases. The aim was to identify key actors and entry points. Due to Lebanon‘s administrative fragmentation of planning agencies and the lack of a planning ministry, data collection was done through an initial literature review and semi-structured interviews with key persons. Complex methodological challenges associated with research in this area included loose and informal arrangements that are difficult to identify and study. Since this thesis is concerned with identifying the processes behind the planning process, the research approach adopted was qualitative and exploratory. The governance analysis is based on primary data collected through semi-structured interviews and UN-Habitat‘s (2013) Reforming urban planning system in Lebanon. The knowledge presented on the planning process of the selected cases would not be available otherwise. The information collected from the interviews was complemented by secondary data and field visits.In order to answer the second and fifth research questions, the Policy Network Analysis (PNA) approach was used. The PNA approach aims to contribute to the body of literature of any given sector. It effectively describes and explains patterns in order to predict outcomes. By identifying problems and future obstacles, it aims to generate more successful responses for a given network (Huisman, 2009).As for the third research question, it was tackled in the recommendations which link the suggested tools to approaches covered in the theoretical background on emerging urban governance models and bottom-up approaches to urbanism.The fourth research question was additionally researched through field visits to acquire interviews with local administration members, residents and NGOs. This allowed for a comparison between the reality on the ground and what is mentioned in the strategic planning documents.

2. Conceptual frameworks 2.1. Territory framework Three ofterritory‘s most commonly used dimensions have been found in literature as: the political territory, the ethological territory and the geographic territory (Darwich, 2014). The political dimension defines territory as a legal entity directly extending from a state‘s identity to control a clearly defined space (Le Berre, 1992 in Darwich, 2014). The ethological dimension defines territory as: ―a portion of land surface appropriated by a social group used for reproduction and satisfaction of vital needs‖ (Besancenot, 2006 in Darwich, 2014, p. (27)). This dimension of territory shifts from a top-down definition of political control over a given space through legislations to a bottom-up lived space, appropriated and modified by its inhabitants. The third dimension of territory is defined, based on its geographical components. This definition states that there is no territorial claim without a geographic reality and it is not enough to consider the social aspects of ownership and appropriation (Le Berre, 1992 in Darwich, 2014). Therefore, the adopted dimensions for the territorial framework are political, socio-economic and spatial.

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Due to the dominance and influential role of the political dimension, the structure of the discussion on the Lebanese case and the selected case studies will be as follows. To introduce the selected cases, a political, socio-economic, and spatial overview is used. After the overview, aspects of governance are analyzed through selected tools, therefore thus reflecting the emphasis of the political dimension.

2.2. Governance framework In order to analyzegovernance in terms of its adopted definition, the policy network analysis approach is adopted. It provides a conceptual foundation for exploring the questions of how policy is made and who is involved in policy decisions. PNA is an approach to analyze governance that has been extended to different sectors (education, urbanplanning, etc.…). PNA focuses attention on the actors and institutions which interact in complex processes associated with policy formation, and seeks to understand who decides and how these decisions are reached (Huisman, 2009). Therefore, it is a relevant approach to answering the research questions. Since the strategic regional planning responses identified in Lebanon are not publicly led, the PNA approach here aims to identify informal policies extracted from the case. ―A policy network can be defined as a ‗«a set of relatively stable relationships which are of non-hierarchical and interdependent nature linking a variety of actors, who share common interests with regard to a policy and who exchange resources to pursue these shared interests, acknowledging that co-operation is the best way to achieve common goals‖» (Borzel,

1997; see also Peterson and Bomberg, 1999, p8, in Besussi, 2006).

2.3. Used tools The first research question is: what tools can be used to understand Lebanon‘s alternative governance and urbanism onits macro and micro levels? The tools adopted consider the PNA approach in analyzing governance. The PNA approach analyzes governance in terms of its actors, institutions and responses. Therefore, the adopted tools for the national level are: (1) an actor mapping and (2) an institutions mapping and (3) mapping of the existing responses. As for the regional level, a spatial mapping of the existing regional proactive responses is done along with an actor mapping. For the selected cases, the tool used to analyze the micro-governance of the planning process is the narrative tool. The narrative tool combines the actors, institutions and responses in their sequential historical frame. The responses mapped for the narrative are considered as milestone micro responses relevant to the scale of micro-governance analysis.

2.4. The graphic system Starting with the national macro level, the actor-mapping tool is introduced through a graphic system. In order to understand the roles of the various types of actors and agencies, a graphic system is adopted to map the actors and their institutions. Each type of actor is given a coloured circle. For example,all consultants are represented by a red circle. When mapping the process, the reader can understand, at each milestone, what kind of actors were involved and how. A further reading is possible by assigning a number to each specific actor/agency. In order to understand the role of these actors, different line types were assigned for the arrows linking the actors to their respective used tool. A thicker circle outline indicates the initiator of a given tool, and the tool is respectively placed adjacent to its initiator. The actors are indicated on the left of the narrative in a consistent order which allows the reader to trace the activity (or lack thereof) of a given actor across the timeline. The micro responses are also categorized by solid black shapes.

2.5. Methodological considerations for micro level There are three methodological considerations utilised to tackle the micro level. The considerations are as

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follows: (1) comparative case study approach, (2) sequential case study approach and (3) the narrative approach. The comparative case approach, referred to by Sanyal (2005), considers that there is no cultural DNA of planning practice. The approach also considers that the larger social culture, in which the planning culture is embedded, is in constant flux. This falls in the same line of argument presented in the point of departure concerning evolving territories. The approach thus considers that using two comparative cases for a research shows ―how each setting is distinct but this distinct quality is the result of a complex process of social change, and not the inevitable and predictable outcome of a static planning practice‖ (Sanyal, 2005, p. (22)). Therefore, using a comparative approach helps stay away from applying modelled legislation for such distinct territories. The aim is to understand the complex processes that cause social change in order to learn from them and repeat the positive experience in a comparable context, thus better informing future responses and falling in line with the aim of this work. The second methodological approach is the sequential case approach. It is selected as an approach firstly due to the presence of more literature on the case of UMT as well as the presence of an easier access to interview due to a personal relationship with the head of the regional DGU office of Tyr. Secondly, the case of UMT is that which follows the legislative guidelines and best practices of French decentralization cooperation. Beginning with UMT then allows the reader to reflect on the less formal process of the UMJ planning process and strategic plan. Sequential interviewing, according to Small (2009), means that the case study logic proceeds sequentially, such that each case provides an increasingly accurate understanding of the question at hand. The first case thus yields a set of findings and a set of questions that informs the next case. As for the third considered approach, the narrative (Egudo, M. & Mitchell, M., 2003) states that it involves a storytelling methodology. This is an interpretive approach used commonly in the social science discipline.

Thus, ―the story becomes an object of study, focusing on how individuals or groups make sense of events and actions in their lives. The theoretical underpinnings to narrative approaches are outlined as are the applied benefits of storytelling such as how narrative conveys tacit knowledge, how it can enable sense making, and how it constructs identity‖ (Egudo, M. & Mitchell, M., 2003). The benefits of this approach are therefore related to the desired outcome of the PNA approach which is to construct knowledge that did not previously exist.

4. Macro and Micro governance analysis Chapter three aims to analyze the macro governance through the adopted PNA approach and aspects. This shapes an understanding of the current state of national fragmentation and uneven development. The aspects are mapped into tables.

4.1. Macro governance mapping and analysis Actors: The actors are divided into public and non-public actors. Each is described according to their symbol, mandated and non-mandated role. Institutions: The institutions are mapped, as they are an aspect of governance as per the PNA approach. Firstly, the institutionalized planning frameworks and laws will be discussed with respect to their historical development and key actors. Secondly, concepts that shape the informal institutions will be mapped with respect to their key actors, aims and limitations. Responses: The responses have been extracted from literature reviews on Sfeir and Farah &and Teller along with the field research case studies. After the mappings of existing actors and institutions, the aim is to categorize the

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existing responses found in Lebanon‘s alternative urbanism. The existing responses are collected from literature of analyzed development and planning case studies. The responses are firstly associated to the scale and administrative level they tackle. The administrative levels have been described in the overview on Lebanon with a focus on local administrations (municipalities and U0Ms). The four identified types are: (1) projects,

(2) non- orchestrated reactive practices, (3) systemization, and (4) pro-active planning.

4.1. Micro governance mapping and analysis: the cases of the Union of Municipalities of Jezzine and the Union of Municipalities of Tyr In chapter four, the micro governance of the two selected cases are analyzed. An overview covers a spatial, socio-economic and political background of the contexts before delving into the narrative tool used to analyze the political dimension. The premises used for selecting the particular cases of UMJ and UMT are covered initially. Reasoning behind the selection is presented according to their similarities and differences. Significantly, both are non-public led, at the UoM administrative level and in the Southern governorate. Also, they both fall under the adopted conceptualization of hinterland. As for their planning processes, both arelocally considered as successful examples, in terms of their strategic plans. Narrative graphic system When mapping the process, the reader can understand, at each milestone, what kind of actors were involved and how. A further reading is possible by assigning a number to each specific actor/agency. In order to understand the role of these actors, different line types were assigned for the arrows linking the actors to their respective used tool. A thicker outline indicates the initiator of a given tool, and the tool is respectively placed adjacent to its initiator. The actors are indicated on the left of the narrative in a consistent order which allows the reader to trace the activity (or lack there-of) of a given actor across the timeline. The microresponses are also categorized by solid, black shapes. Union of Municipalities of Tyr The spatial, socio-economic and political overview sheds light on the relevant dimensions. Significantly, the district of Tyr has Muslim and Christian communities. The dominant community is the Muslim Shiite community. Thus, it is multi- communitarian. The district of Tyr falls under the patronage of Berri, who is also the head of the parliament. Berri is also head of the Amal Movement (Shiite) political party. Therefore, it is a monopolitical union.

In order to draw out the narrative, the main data collection methods used were interviews with local authorities (Ali Ezzedine), Directorate General of Urbanism (DGU) regional office (Afifa Madi), Larrate‘s dissertation on UMT‘s strategic plan as well as the different actor and agency official websites. Larrate is also a representative of PACA (Provence Alps et Cote- Azur), who participated in Tyr‘s planning process. She was encouraged by PACA to reflect academically on her professional experience. This reflects the link between academia and practice as mentioned in the literature review on the evolution of the planning theory. The milestones, responses and actors, mentioned in the narrative,are described below in table 04. It is relevant to refer back to the PNA approach, since the narrative tool fulfils its objective in creating knowledge that did not exist before. Moreover, the mapping of the consecutive responses here are those relevant to the scale of the union. These are considered as micro-responses and could range from the formation of an NGO to initiating a waste-

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management plan. By mapping the consecutive micro responses, the planning process of the region is established. In order to present the narrative approach, the following steps will be considered: (1) present the whole narrative, then (2) elaborate the milestones. Component

Description

Milestones

The milestones covered are the critical responses that could be gathered in the research period.

Responses

Emphasis is made on the responses that were needed as pre-requisites for future, more advanced responses. The difficulty in mapping all the possible existing responses is due to the fragmentation and lack of coordination between actors.

Actors

The backgrounds of actors particular to this process will be elaborated in the narrative. Each actor is graphically described according to its type, level of importance, and role. Its level of importance in the narrative is indicated by a thicker line, representing a key actor or initiator. The role indicates what time of complementary role the actor has in order to complete the governability (steering) of a process. The roles of the actors aredescribed in relation to the institutions that bring them together, whether formal or informal.

Table 05: Narrative components Source: own source

Union of Municipalities of Jezzine The spatial, socio-economic and political overview sheds light on the relevant dimensions. Significantly, its inland location and rural character has led it to bemore neglected in terms of International Organizations (IO) and Decentralization Cooperations (DC) funds as post-crisis relief, unlike Tyr (Hafouche, 2015). UMJ has been described as a rural, medium sized and poor union. UMJ is a monocommunitarian but multipolitical union. The UJM is a dominantly Christian Maronite union (Harfouch, 2015). In order to trace the narrative of the UMJ, the main references are an interview done with Harfouch, the UMJ president as well as findings from an urban studio course on Jezzine in Fall 2013/2014 at the American University of Beirut. This course was led by Dr. Omar Hallaj, who is also involved in the planning process of the city of Saida. Here, the exchange between academia and practice of regional planning is shown.

5. SWOT analysisand recommendations 5.1. The SWOT The fifth chapter analyzes the governance patterns extracted from the narrative tool through a SWOT analysis. As mentioned in the section on used tools, a SWOT analysis is used to dissect the narrative. Considering the weaknesses of one case and learning from the successes of another has helped establish findings out of the SWOT. From the findings, recommendations that could better inform future responses are posed. The fifth research question asks if the planning process, is analyzed through the narrative approach, would help inform

Lebanonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s future planning responses. The SWOT is done for both cases. For each case, the narrative covers the planning process from beginning to end as the outcome of a mixture of contributions of different actors. It also elaborates on the regional strategic planning response achieved. In this way, the narrative builds an understanding of consecutive responses. It shows how they prepared the territory to be able to take on strategic planning as an advanced response.

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5.2. Main findings: Principle findings include: (1) the extent and degree of responses carried out in a territory determine its readiness to take on a strategic planning response, (2) failure to address critical weaknesses in the implemented responses which leads to the failure of response implementations, (3) a combination of non-public actors which is needed to ensure governability and continuation of the planning process, and (4) critical responses which serve as milestones in triggering a domino effect in the development of a territory.

5.3. Recommendations Based on the findings, recommendations were drawn out. The recommendations fulfil the fifth research question by aiming to inform the future responses used to plan, develop and manage territories. The above conclusions have led to the premise that the extent and degree of responses performed on a given region determines its readiness to enter a strategic planning response. This is due to the failure of the strategic responses in being implemented. The reasons behind the failure of most responses have been highlighted in the SWOT as weaknesses. The weaknesses mainly include: (1) lack of skilled and competent municipal members, (2) high dependency of planning process on one key actor playing the several needed non-public roles, (3) lack of an administrative organization, which hinders and delays the strategic planning process and its implementation, sometimes making it obsolete, (4) the abuse of strategic planning as a tool to fulfils political agendas of territorilzation. Therefore, the recommendations extracted aim to tackle the following issues: (1) actors and roles, (2) response types (time and scale), and (3) tools. The tools that could allow for fast track and effective responses mainly depend on their capacity to ensure systemization. Tools and means proposed to promote systemization include: (1) technology, (2) actor mapping tools and interactive planning methods, and (3) transferring successful experiences of systemization from other Lebanese public sectors. These tools answer the second and third research questions on how tools can help reach standardization. This section also looks at where these tools fall today in the available bottom-up approaches in complex contexts.

6. Conclusion Main conclusions stress on the dire need for systemization in order to relieve administrative fragmentation as well as to incorporatelocal know- how in applied responses.The point of departure begins with the assumption that alternative urbanism could lead to fragmentation. This is due to the fact that contexts with alternative urbanism include non-public actors, which ensure their governability. Without an overarching regulatory body, unbalances between actor interests could steer territories into becoming loose quasiautonomous loose agglomerates. This phenomenon is witnessed globally. However, in developing countries, it is more evident since weak governments are not capable of managing non-public actors, who become equals in providing public services. The section elaborating on the Lebanese context uses the terms communitarianism and clientelism to explain its inherently fragmented governance and its suitability. Moreover, Lebanonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s lack of a regulatory body has rendered it a state of anarchy. Efforts by IO and DC to move towards decentralization in order to strengthen local government authorities often leads to unwanted outcomes. Therefore, the adopted PNA approach proved to be suitable as a starting point to analyze governance. By analyzing the actors and institutions on the national level, national administrative tensions between central and local planning prerogatives were identified. These tensions validate the presence of nonpublic actors that are main actors in providing responses. The case study narratives highlight a clear need in organization and systemization. Therefore, the

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recommendations directed at the influential non-public actors include the promotion of systemization through promoting the development of new tools and applications that offer fast reliable management. The conclusion is that, if non-public actors rely on the local executive know-how and build on it, this would bea more effective way than waiting for planning policies and legislations with questionable enforcement. This is exemplified through the case of the Lebanese Central Bank and how, it isa public entity in promoting small innovative start-ups in the aim of ameliorating Lebanon‘s current economic crises from the bottom-up. The research completed for this thesis aims to contribute to the emerging literature on Lebanon‘s alternative urbanism. This research would be beneficial for the different public and non-public actors involved. The research also aims to strengthen the link between academia and practice. Findings show that academic actors also have consultancy roles in the planning process. This double role contributes to lessening the effects of Pastiche planning described in chapter two. However, the different academics still have diverging perspectives on processes which ideally need to be coordinated. This would be possible with the recommended networking efforts.

References Ackoff, R. (1981) Creating the Corporate Future: Plan or be Planned. New York: John Wiley. Besusi, E. (2006) Policy networks: conceptual developments and their European applications. Paper 102 [Online] March 2006. Retrievedfrom http://discovery-dev.ucl.ac.uk/3280/1/3280.pdf [Accessed: July 2015] Darwich, R. (2014) Territorial marketing practices as a lens for analyzing changes in governance, local development and territorial building: The case of Lebanon: Union of municipalities. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Master of Urban planning to the Department of Urban Planning at the Lebanese University. The Lebanese University. Beirut: The Lebanese University. Debs, H. (2015) Processes behind regional planning in Lebanon‘s hinterland. [Interview] 17/03/2015 Egudo, M. & Mitchell, M. (2003) A Review of Narrative Methodology. [Online] Retrievedfrom: http://www.webpages.uidaho.edu/css506/506%20readings/review%20of%20narritive%20methodology%20australian%20gov.pdf DSTO Systems Sciences Laboratory; Edinburgh

Encyclopaedia Britannica. [Online] Retrievedfrom: http://www.britannica.com/topic/communitarianism [Accessed: 12/08/2015] FARAH, J., CABRERA QUISPE, J.E. & TELLER, J., (2014) Bridging the gap between Do-It-Yourself urban practices and urban systems. In: Schoonjans, Y., Scheerlink, K., Pinheiro, D., Greene, M. & Cooper, F. (eds.) Creative Adjacencies: New Challenges for Architecture, Design and Urbanism. Ghent: KULeuven. Glasze, G. (2006) Segmented Governance Patterns-Fragmented Urbanism: The Development of Guarded Housing Estates in Lebanon. In: Glasze G., Webster, C. & Frantz, K. (eds.) Private Cities: Global and Local Perspectives. New York, Routledge Hallaj, O. (2015) Processes behind regional planning in Lebanon‘s hinterland. [Interview] March 6th, 2005 Harfouche, K. (2015) Processes behind regional planning in Lebanon‘s hinterland. [Interview] 24/04/2015 Huisman, J. (2009) International Perspectives on the Governance of Higher Education: Alternative Frameworks for Coordination. [Online] New York: Routledge. Retrievedfrom: https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1135858152. Accessed: 12/08/2015]

Madi, A. (2015) Union of municipalities of Tyr actors and processes. [Interview] 13/04/2015 Reuter, W. (2001) ―Komplementarität von Diskurs und Macht in der Planung‖ [The complementarity of discourse and power in planning] AESOP Prize Papers in Planning, Special Edition, Bristol 2001 Sanyal, B. (2005) Comparative planning cultures [Online]. Available at: http://sanyal.scripts.mit.edu/site/articles/ComparativePlanningCultures.pdf. [Accessed: August 2015] Sfeir, N. (2014). ―Zaimisation‖, ―Customisation‖ and ―Sacralisation‖: Three Major Phenomena of Privatisation Tendency of the Lebanese Regional Urbanism. Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning. [Online] 5 (1). p. 23-30. Retrievedfrom: http://geografie.ubbcluj.ro/ccau/jssp/arhiva_1_2014/03JSSP012014.pdf [Accessed 21/06/2015] Small, M.L. (2009) How many cases do I need?‘: On science and the logic of case selection in field-based research. [Online] Retrieved from: http://eth.sagepub.com/content/10/1/5. [Accessed: August 2015] Sage: USA UN-HABITAT. (2013) Reforming Urban Planning System in Lebanon: Findings of the Research Assessment.

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Proportion (in percentage) of the poor located in urban areas out of the total numbers of poor 70%

60%

50% 45% 40%

40% MENA

30%

Developing World

20% 15% 10%

10%

1% 1988

1998

2008

60% of the poor in the MENA region in 2008 live in urban areas, after a graph from an IFAD rural poverty report 2011

The Urban Poor within the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Agenda (The Cairo urban deprivation index as an alternative operationalization) Author: Charlotte Watermann Supervisor 1. Mohamed Salheen, Professor of Integrated Planning at the University of Ain Shams Supervisor2: Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley, Professor for International Urbanism - University of Stuttgart Prof Dr. Heba El-Leithy, Professor of Statistics, Cairo University This thesis claims that the emerging problem of urban poverty has been underrepresented in scientific research and by international organizations. The current debate on Sustainable Development Goals does not consider the increasing urbanization of poverty. This work follows the call of urban scholars such as David Satterthwaite (2014) for an alternative operationalization of the Sustainable Development Goals Agenda and suggests an approach that emphasizes the situation of the urban poor. This is done by building on the capability approach of Amartya Sen and by using a local scale to develop a multidimensional urban deprivation index. The work uses the case of Cairo to operationalize parts of the Agenda by constructing an alternative urban deprivation index which is more adequate in capturing the situation of the urban poor in Cairo.

Keywords: SDGs urban SDG, urban poverty, MPI, capability approach, Cairo, Ezbet Khierâ&#x20AC;&#x;allah

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1. Introduction: “In the Middle East and North Africa, the majority of the poor now live in urban areas” (IFAD 2011: 49). Not only the share of the urban population, and the number of slum dwellers is increasing (Mittlin and Satterthwaite 2013:8) but also the share of the urban poor has increased in the last years. However, the international community, especially leading organizations in rural poverty research, are trying to preserve the image of poverty as a rural phenomenon: “Of the 1.4 billion people living in extreme poverty (defined as those living on less than US$1.25/day) in 2005, 25 approximately 1 billion – around 70 per cent– lived in rural areas” (IFAD rural poverty report

2011:49). In fact, they are able to do so because the current poverty assessment tools highlight poor rural conditions and underrepresent the poor urban living conditions. Several scholars found in their research (Mittlin 2013, Satterthwaite 2010, 2014 ff, Sabry 2013, Haddad 2012) that urban poverty is underrepresented because (1) services are monetarized in urban areas (Satterthwaite 2010), (2) the price levels of goods are higher (Sabry 2013) and indicators for (3) living conditions, such as water and sanitation, do not reflect urban conditions (e.g. urban poor rarely use dung as cooking fuel or mud as a flooring material, but might, nevertheless, have poor living conditions) (Mittlin and Satterthwaite 2013). The environmental hazards (4) the urban poor are facing are much worse than in rural areas (Montgomery 2004). The urban poor have to bear with (5) higher rates of insecure housing and eviction (Audefroy 1994). Finally, the population statistics for slum dwellers and urban homeless people are showing/show higher degrees of inaccuracy than in rural areas. For example, the Government of India itself stated that the calculation of the populations in slums is inaccurate (Ministry of housing 2010:29). The upcoming Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) – Agenda, the UN General Assembly is going to vote upon in September 2015, may incorporate the criticism mentioned above. It could overcome the underrepresentation of urban poverty and suggest poverty assessment tools that also reflect the urban poor‘s living conditions. But an analysis of the Agenda, of the urban SDG in particular, of its Table 1: indicators of the urban SDG Source : SDSN

The urban SDG Goal 11. Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable 1. Percentage of urban population living in slums or informal settlements (MDG Indicator) 2. Percentage of people within 0.5km of public transit running at least every 20 minutes. 3. [Ratio of land consumption rate to population growth rate, at a comparable scale] – to be developed 4. Losses from natural disasters, by climate and non-climate-related events (in US$ and lives lost) 5. Mean urban air pollution of particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5) 6. Percentage of urban solid waste regularly collected and well managed 7. Area of public and green space as a proportion of total city space 8. Domestic revenues allocated to sustainable development as percent of GNI - by sector

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targets and indicators (Table 1) has shown that this is not the case: although there exists an urban SDG and a Multidimensional poverty index (MPI) was included into the indicator‘s list for poverty measurements, the targets and indicators do not address the urban poor. The analysis has shown that the indicators stay on the citywide level and the urban poor are lost in the shuffle; air pollution and green spaces may improve citywide, but become even worse in informal areas. Therefore, an assessment on the district or area level is deeply needed. Moreover, the target two concerning transportation doesn‘t take into account the informal transportation system. There are even indicators (indicator three and seven) that are counterproductive to urban poverty reduction (increasing density, increasing green space, disaster reduction and safeguarding heritage). In sum, the urban SDG doesn‘t manage to address urban poverty. Therefore, several scholars (e.g. Mia Seppo, UN Resident Coordinator to Malawi, Paula Lucci, and David Satterthwaite) called for an alternative and localized approach to operationalize the urban SDG by developing a self-measuring tool by conducting the monitoring on the local scale and by keeping the accountability on the district level.

2. Research question This paper follows this call for localization of the SDG and pursues the question of how an alternative urban poverty assessment tool could look like. It chose Cairo as a test case to apply the call for localization and provides an exemplary implementation of an urban poverty assessment tool. In this paper, the methodology of the index construction is first outlined in detail. Then, the results are presented, further discussed and put into context. Finally, the conclusion gives further recommendations for a localized urban poverty assessment.

3. .Methodology The research design selected for the alternative urban poverty assessment tool is a quantitativeempirical method based on statistical calculations with a dataset (the UNICEF/ISDF survey of child poverty from 2012). An own index was created, called Cairo Urban Deprivation Index. This index is based on the capability approach by Amartya Sen (1998), the capabilities list of Martha Nussbaum (2003) and the Alkire-Foster (OHPI) method which uses a composite index. The capability approach understands poverty as ―a restricted set of essential capabilities that are needed to pursue whatever one has reason to value‖ (Rippin 2012:3). Sen says that a capability reflects a person‘s ability to achieve a given functioning (Clark after Saith, 2006: 4). Functioning is understood as what a person can do or can be (e.g. being nourished). This can be achieved through the provision of commodities (e.g. food). Functioning, therefore, refers to the use a person makes of the commodities at his or her command. This logic of commodities -> capability > functioning was used to operationalize the different capabilities. The type of capabilities were chosen from the list of capabilities developed by Martha Nussbaum (Nussbaum 2003, pp. 41-42) because ―Martha Nussbaum‘s work is typically considered to be the most influential and thorough operationalization of the capability approach developed so far‖ (Rippin 2012: 14).

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Thereafter, the steps of the Alkire-Foster methods were applied. It is a method that was developed at the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) in 2010 to create the Multidimensional Poverty Index (Global MPI). The index assesses poverty by combining deprivation in several dimensions: education, health and living conditions. All of the three dimensions and all indicators within the dimensions are equally weighted. A household is considered poor if it is deprived in a third (33.33%) of the weighted indicators. Of those who are poor, the index also analyzed how much poor they are, meaning in how many indicators. These two figures combined then constitute the multidimensional poverty index (MPI) (cp. Alkire 2007). The MPI indicators weren‘t chosen as indexes for Cairo/none of the MPI indicators were chosen for Cairo because, as Sattherswaite (2014) criticizes, the index uses only rural-poverty oriented indicators: ―A households has a floor made of dirt, sand or dung. (This) is the only indicator used for housing conditions. But in the informal settlements in cities…many buildings have two or more floors. Clearly the households on the upper floors cannot have dirt floors, but they can still be poor‖ (Satterthwaite 2014). Therefore, this paper follows all the steps of the Alkire-Foster method to develop an own index, but uses different dimensions and indicators to reflect the urban living conditions. It also uses a different survey – the UNICEF/ISDF survey on child poverty in urban Egypt from 2012. This survey was chosen because it had interesting data on informal areas and was the most recent. Moreover, it was important that the survey would cover a maximum of dimensions and include questions that are appropriate for the urban context, as mentioned earlier. The paper concentrates on only one informal area of Cairo, called Ezbet Khierallah, one of the biggest ―slums in Africa‖ (Davis 2007).

This area was chosen, as it was the only informal area covered in the survey. Moreover, it was useful to analyze urban deprivation on a local scale and to include a qualitative element into the assessment. The slum areas did not provide enough valid information to do such a holistic assessment. Households were chosen as units of analysis because “the household respects the family as the fundamental social unit… (and because) empirically, it is proven that households respond to adverse situations collectively” (OPHI 2013: 4). Then, in the second step, the list of capabilities was narrowed down to dimensions of deprivation through a process regarding the targeted people‘s values. The MYWORLD2015 survey (myworld2015.org/Egypt) conducted by the UN served as empirical evidence. Around 7.5 million people from all over the world have answered this survey with issues that are most important to them. For the purpose of the Cairo urban deprivation index creation, only Egyptians with a primary education have been selected (around 1,000 respondents). Matching these issues with the list of capabilities by Martha Nussbaum showed that only 6 main capabilities were relevant to these Egyptians: 1. life, 2. body health, 3. body integrity, 4. senses, imagination and thoughts, 7. affiliation and 10. Political and material control over their own environment.

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Priorities according to My World

Capability names based on Nussbaum (2003)

Egypt 1) Education

4. Senses, imagination and thoughts

2) Employment

10. Control over one‘s (material) environment

3) Health care

1. Life; 2. body health

4) Water and sanitation

2. Body health; 3. Body integrity

5) Protection against crime and

3. Body integrity

violence 6) Food

2. Body health

7) Honest and responsive

10. Control over one‘s (political) environment

government 8) Support for those who can‘t work

7. Affiliation; 10. Control over one‘s (material) environment

9) Transportation

3. Body integrity

10) Energy

3. Body health

Capabilities without priority

5. Emotions; 6. Practical reasoning; 8. Other species; 9. Play

Table 2: Relating the list of capabilities Nussbaum (2003) with the priority issues of the Egyptians according to Myworld2015, Source: own presentation

In steps (3) and (4), these capability dimensions were operationalized through adequate indicators and suitable thresholds with variables from the UNICEF/ISDF survey. The indicator selection is based on the theoretical framework of the capability approach, previous international indicators of poverty measurement (UN guidelines, etc.), on the suggested readjustments for urban contexts (e.g. Satterthwaite and Sabry), on the local context of Cairo (e.g. Sims) and on the availability of suitable indicators in the survey. All in all, the number of dimensions, which had to be reduced as indicators for social and political deprivation, was not available. It also became clear that the dimension of body health needed to be split into three to cover health, food and shelter. The latter was split again into housing and housing services. Available indicators (cellphone) were left out due to variable inconveniences. Thus, the total number of dimensions is 8 and the total number of indicators under these dimensions is 15. For the indicator threshold definition, all variables were recoded into two categories, creating a threshold of deprived as 1 and non-deprived as 0. Often the chosen indicators were nominal so the thresholds were obvious. The threshold of household density was set according to the UN Habitat definition of 3 people per room. The threshold for water cuts was set at more than 8 hours per day (WHO on water-consumption: 50 liters per person per day). The thresholds for water connection and waste collection were adjusted to the urban context, making only piped water in dwellings and collection from home or street answers for the non-deprived (0). The threshold, on average spending per month/by number of household members with the oxford-equivalence, was set at 388 LE/p/m, being the adjusted upper poverty line for urban areas in Egypt.

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In steps (6)-(8) the recoded indicators were used with equal weights to create the eight dimensions that were also equally weighted (12.5% per dimension). This weighting model, called nested weighting, was chosen to reflect the equal significance of each dimension as an essential element of the quality of life. The MPI served as a model for the second threshold (33.33%), meaning that a third of the weighted indicators needs to be deprived to consider the household totally deprived.

As mentioned earlier, some dimensions had to be excluded from the index due to data scarcity. Therefore, in addition to the Cairo urban deprivation, a description of the area based on information by NGOs was used to assess deprivation. Dimensions

Descripting

Weight

1. Var_life

1) Health problems as a result of pollution

1/8

2. Var_healthcare

2) Bad quality in health unit or hospital

1/8

3. Var_food

3) Food consumption was not sufficient

1/8

4. Var_shelter

4) Cracks in walls

1/24

5) Without ventilation

1/24

6) Number of rooms/number of household

1/24

members 5.

7) Source of drinking water not piped into dwellings

Var_housingservices

1/32

or more than 8 hours water cut/or water cut for over 8 hours 8) Electricity often interrupted

1/32

9) No connection to sewage system

1/32

10) Waste collection= everything but collected from

1/32

house or container/everything except from houses or containers 6. Var_integrity

11) Feeling unsafe in the area

1/16

12) Drugs, theft and sexual harassment are risks/

1/16

The risks of drugs, theft and sexual harassment 7. Var_senses

8. Var_material

13) removing child from school

1/16

14) primary school not available in the area

1/16

15) average spending of household/ number of

1/8

household members under 388 LE

Tabe 3: weighted indicators and dimensions Source: own presentation

4. Results of Cairo urban deprivation index (CUDI) The calculation results with the data from the UNICEF/ISDF survey show that 78% of the households in Ezbet Kheirâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;allah are considered non-deprived, whereas 22% are considered deprived (headcount). The average deprivation gap, that shows how intense the average deprivation in the deprived households is, lies at 41%. The Global MPI also defines thresholds for vulnerable

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households (20-33.33%) and severe deprivation (more than 50%): the Cairo urban deprivation index shows that, for Ezbet Kheirâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;allah, 36.9% are vulnerable but only 3.2% are severely deprived (see pie chart). The bar chart shows that the deprived households are particularly deprived in the indicators on waste, pollution and income. The shelter indicators contribute the least. Information from NGOs show that the tenure ship is still unclear but that the risk of eviction has been reduced since a Supreme Court Verdict in 1999. Nevertheless, a cliff area has been declared unsafe after the rock fall of Doweiqa in 2008 and people were resettled. Due to the typography, the ring road separating the area and the metro line cutting the area in the South, the people are deprived of accessibility/there is lack of accessibility. Another problem is the administration of the area as Ezbet Kehirâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;allah is divided into four districts. Responsibilities are unclear so that the inhabitants are politically deprived. On the other hand, there are many NGOs and associations active in the area so that social ties are not deprived. Also, the historical buildings in the area serve as meeting points (cp. Tadamun) Share of the different degrees of deprivation intesity of the total 1525 households in Ezbet Kheir'allah Vunerable to deprivation 37%

Not deprived and not

From all households that are CUDI deprived, % are deprived in... 59.40% 46.50%

50% 37.70%37.00%

Normal Deprivaito n

14.90% 16%

77.80%

68%

23%

52.00% 38.00%

22% 25.00% 5.60%

Severe Deprivati

on Figure 1: results of the Cairo urban deprivation index Source: own presentation and calculations

5. Interpretation of the results A comparison between the major poverty indicators and the results of the Cairo urban deprivation index reconfirms the need for contextualization and adaptation to the urban living conditions (see Figure 2). The headcount of the Cairo urban deprivation index lies around 22% of the households in Ezbet Kheirâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;allah: this is much higher than what the Global MPI (2.3%) indicates for urban governorates of Egypt (OHPI 2015). Considering the latest figures on poverty in Cairo from 2013 (madamasr 2014) (which state that 18% are poor in the whole city), the 22% shown in the CUDI do not seem so unrealistic any more. A comparison between the respective water indicators illustrates that the MPI underrepresents urban deprivation. This becomes clear when comparing the water deprivation of the MPI (only 0.5% for water connection) to the 20% of households that have connection but more than 8 hours of water cuts per day are not counted. It is the same case for the

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30% of households with toilets but which have major sewage problems. The comparison of monetary indicators shows that the income deprivation in Ezbet Khier‘allah is twice as high as in other parts of Cairo, as it reaches incidences of 45% although it is adjusted to the urban price level.

Total percentage of urban poor/urban deprived according to different indices 50%

40.80% 22%

18.80%

19%

26.30% 15%

3.20%

3.50%

0% Cairo urban deprivation index headcount 2012 Cairo urban deprivation index severe headcount 2012 Poverty line UNICEF for slums: 186 LE/month/person Poverty line UNICEF for unplanned areas: 186LE/month/person Poverty line for greater Cairo 2011 (WFP) Urban Governorates (lower poverty line) 2012/2013 CAPMAS Egypt Lower Poverty line 2012/2013 CAPMAS Global MPI with DHS for urban Governorates 2008 1$ per day in 2008 Worldbank Figure 2: comparison with other indicators Source: own presentation

All in all, the method of the Cairo urban deprivation index is well embedded in the field of poverty measurements for Egypt, even if the results are not representative for all Egypt. Not only several dimensions but also multiple aspects of one issue (e.g. water) are covered in the CUDI. Moreover, the CUDI leaves room for the perception of the inhabitants themselves (risks, pollution). On the other hand, many of the chosen indicators are less strict than those of the MPI. For example, it becomes hard to grasp who is deprived of health and education capabilities. Thus, a combination of the perceived/spatial indicators with outcome indicators, such as school attendance, might be useful. A second setback of the index is common to all of the composite indicators: they inherit the danger that the political actors will focalize on the segment of the indicator in the index and leave excluded indicators out of sight. A comparison with the urban SDG shows, as well, that the indicator could serve as an example of alternative operationalization (see table 4). SDG indicators

Cairo urban deprivation index

Percentage of urban population living in

Besides an indicator for security of tenure all

slums or informal settlements (MDG

aspects of slum-households are integrated into

Indicator)

the index

Percentage of people within 0.5km of

The qualitative analysis gives an overview of the

public transit running at least every 20

accessibility and transportation for Ezbet

minutes.

Khier‘allah

[Ratio of land consumption rate to

Ezbet Khier‘allah is already densely inhabited;

population growth rate, at comparable

the indicator would be counterproductive on this

scale]

scale

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The qualitative analysis shows the importance Safeguard heritage (no indicator so far)

of the historical buildings in the area that could be safeguarded

Losses from natural disasters, by climate

The question regarding risk perception could

and non-climate-related events (in US$

further include a category concerning natural

and lives lost)

disasters

Mean urban air pollution of particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5) Percentage of urban solid waste regularly collected and well managed Area of public and green space as a proportion of total city space

The questions regarding perceived pollution and their effects are much more adapted to the local context

Not included, but requested

Domestic revenues allocated to sustainable development as a percentage of GNI - by

Not adaptable

sector Tabe 4: comparison between the OWG-suggested SDG indicators and the Cairo urban deprivation index Source: own presentation

6. Key findings 6.1. Existing poverty measurements do not adequately represent the urban poor although their number and share is increasing 6.2. The current suggestions for the SDG-Agenda do not pick up the criticism towards poverty measurements and the latest findings about urban poverty 6.3. Effective urban poverty monitoring and action-oriented poverty assessment can only work on the local scale, thus radical localization is required 6.4. The capability approach is a good theory to adapt poverty assessment to the local context. 6.5. Indicators need to be selected carefully in order to reflect the urban context and also not to over- or underestimated the share of urban poor 6.6. Additional description is needed when dimensions are excluded due to data scarcity 6.7. The created Cairo urban deprivation index shows good robustness when compared to other indicators, as well as in comparison to the SDG indicators 6.8. The following should be considered when constructing a poverty indicator for urban areas 6.8.1. Perceptions on environment and risk and pollution are relevant to the urban poor and need to be assessed locally:

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6.8.2.The availability of public institutions in the area such as health care, education and police generate responses that are difficult to interpret. Therefore, area indicators should always be combined with hard outcome indicators. 6.8.3. Monetarization and higher urban price levels need to be integrated into an adjusted urban poverty line. Prices for food baskets should be generated in a representative manner for every District. 6.8.4. Adjustments of building and housing service indicators: 0.2% of the people in Ezbet Khair‘allah have a mud floor but 13% have bad ventilation. Water, electricity and sanitation access should always be combined with aspects of outage or blockage. Moreover, for urban areas, waste collection is an equally important indicator.

7. Conclusion To quote Satterthwaite again: ―The SDGs are very weak at ensuring the accountability of national and local governments to provide for those at whom most goals and targets are addressed…‖ (2014:4). Due to this lack of accountability, the call for a localization of the Agenda was applied exemplarily to the case of Cairo, Egypt. The thesis comes to the conclusion that local urban poverty assessment can contribute to sustainable development of the city and may serve as an enriching supplement to the internationally comparable targets of the SDG Agenda that will be selected by September 2015. The thesis calls for a radical disaggregation and a local collection of the data for the SDG-Agenda to finally give the poor the chance not to serve only as a statistical unit but to become urban citizens that can claim good and sustainable living conditions, as well. References Alkire, S. (2007) ‗Choosing Dimensions: the Capability Approach and Multidimensional Poverty‘, Ophi Oxford. Audefroy, Joël (1994), "Eviction trends worldwide - and the role of local authorities in implementing the right to housing" Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 6, No. 1, April, pp. 8-24. Indian Ministry of Housing (2010) ―Report of the Committee on Slum Statistics/Census‖ Retrieved from: http://mhupa.gov.in/w_new/slum_report_nbo.pdf, Accessed 24.07.2015 IFAD (2011) Rural poverty report. Retrieved from: http://www.ifad.org/rpr2011/report/e/rpr2011.pdf (Accessed: 22 June 2015). Haddad, lawrence (2012) ―Poverty is urbanising and needs different thinking on development‖ Retrieved from: ―http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2012/oct/05/poverty-urbanising-different-thinkingdevelopment (Accessed 14.07.15). Mittlin, Diana Satterthwaite, David (2013) Urban Poverty in the Global South: Scale and Nature. London: Routledge. Montgomery, M., et al., eds. N.R.C. Panel on Urban Population Dynamics.Cities Transformed: Demographic Change and its Implications in the Developing World. London, Earthscan, 2004:529 Madamasr (2014) ‗CAPMAS: Poverty rate rose to 26 percent in 2013‘ Retrieved from: http://www.madamasr.com/news/capmaspoverty-rate-rose-26-percent-2013 (accessed 05 July 2015). Nussbaum, M. (2003) ‗Capabilities as Fundamental Entitlements: Sen and Social Justice‘, Feminist Economics, 9(2-3), pp. 33–59. doi: 10.1080/1354570022000077926. OHPI ‗How to Apply the Alkire Foster Method: 12 Steps to a Multidimensional Poverty Measure‘ Retrieved from: http://www.ophi.org.uk/research/multidimensional-poverty/how-to-apply-alkire-foster/ (Accessed at 03. July 15). OPHI (2015) ‗Country Briefing January 2015: Egypt‘ Retrieved from: http://www.dataforall.org/dashboard/ophi/index.php/mpi/download_brief_files/EGY (accessed 02 July 2015).

Rippin, N. (2012) Operationalising the Capability Approach: A German Correlation Sensitive Poverty IndexEmpirical Analysis‘; In: Poverty, Equity and Growth in Developing and Transition, Universität Göttingen. Satterthwaite, D. (2003) ‗The Ten and a Half Myths that may distort the Urban Policies of Governments and International Agencies‘, International Institute for Environment and Development. Sabry, S. (2009) ‗Poverty lines in Greater Cairo: Underestimating and Misrepresenting Poverty‘, Iied: Environment and Urbanization. Available at: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/10572IIED.pdf (Accessed: 16 March 2015). Satterthwaite, D. (2014) The Multidimensional Poverty Index: Another underestimate of urban poverty. Available at: http://www.iied.org/multidimensional-poverty-index-another-underestimate-urban-poverty (Accessed: 1 April 2015 Sims, D. (2003) the case of Cairo. Retrieved from: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Cairo.pdf (Accessed: 24 March 2015). Tadamun (2013) ‗Ezbet Kheir‘allah‘ Retrieved from: http://www.tadamun.info/?post_type=city&p=2741&amp;lang=en&lang=en#.VakjyvmZ2f4 (accessed at 7 July 2015). UNICEF (2014) ‗Multidimensional child poverty in Cairo - research report‘. UNICEF (2014) ‗Children in Egypt - statistical digest report 2014‘ Retrieved from: http://www.unicef.org/egypt/Ch13.Monetary_Poverty_and_Inequality.pdf (Accessed 02.07.15)Clark, D.A. (2006) ‗The Capability Approach: Its Development, Critiques and Recent Advances‘, Gprg, 32. Davis, Mike (2007) ‗Planet of slums‘ New York: Verso.

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Rethinking Relocation Critical Analysis of Processes and the Quality of Life: the Case of Istabl Antar (Cairo) Author: Friederike Thonke Supervisor1: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen, Ain Shams University Supervisor2: Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley, University of Stuttgart

Supervisor3: Prof. Dr. Dina Shehayeb, Housing and Building National Research Center, HBRC, Egypt Several Egyptian informal areas were classified as unsafe after a rockslide happened in 2008. Relocations followed for those categorised as unsafe and life threatening. This research investigates the process of relocation by interviewing stakeholders involved, ranging from governmental institutions to civil society organizations to affected inhabitants. International guide-lines serve as basis for the analysis. After this step of examining the process, the living situation and the moving tendency of both the already relocated people and the ones still awaiting relocation from the selected case study area was evaluated by performing a Quality of Life study. The resulting findings on both steps â&#x20AC;&#x201C; among which were an insufficient supportive legis-lative system, scarce material and human resources, a hindering institutional configuration, a distracting compensation sys-tem, and the absence of independent monitoring â&#x20AC;&#x201C; revealed that the process has to be

classified as forced eviction, according to international standards. The focus was, therefore, set on the reasons and root causes of these shortcomings and deviations. Based on these, interventions and initial recommendations were developed on both the case study and the nationwide level. Keywords: forced eviction, relocation, unsafe areas in Egypt, quality of life study

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Source : autho

1. Introduction At least two million people worldwide are involuntarily evicted every year, while further millions are threatened by it (UN-Habitat, 2007). A significant amount of research, publications, fact sheets, principles and guidelines were, therefore, consecutively developed and published over the last decades by different entities, ranging from financing institutions like the World Bank to UNHabitat and affiliated committees. The reasons for evictions are manifold. One outstanding reason in the case of Egypt is a natural disaster that occurred in 2008 in an informal settlement in the Eastern part of Cairo, where a rockslide killed more than 110 people. After this event, around 17.000 Cairo families were relocated from places classified as unsafe and life threatening (Shaat, 2015a). Independent monitoring, as requested by international guidelines (OHCHR, 2007: para. 70), was not applied in these cases. Amnesty International (AI) classified all these relocations as ‗forced evictions‘ (AI, 2011). Therefore, the present independent study examines, as first step, the validity of this classification. After reaffirming the result – according to international guidelines – two research aims were developed. The first one is a deeper understanding of the relocation process by determining, in detail, the reasons why certain deviations from international guidelines occurred. Additionally, it examines if international guidelines would need to be contextualized. The second aim is to explore the current living situation of the affected people – the ones already relocated and those still awaiting relocation. Therefore, a Quality of Life (QoL) study was conducted, investigating and evaluating the current living situation in the three areas on an individual basis. Incorporated in this QoL study were two further aspects: the first one is to evaluate the tendency and motivations of the inhabitants interviewed to stay in their new/current place or to move (back), and secondly, to clarify the influence of the (urban) design of the relocation sites on the individual tendency to leave the place.

2. Research Questions As mentioned above, the first preceding fundamental question inquires: Did the relocation of Istabl Antar follow international guidelines? Upon the negative result follow the two main questions: 1.

Why did deviations from the international guidelines occur?

Do the displaced people live in „adequate housing‟ situations?

Guidelines and Laws

3. Worldwide Situation Jean du Plessis, former deputy director of the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), warns against ―disastrous consequences for those evicted‖ (2005:123). Despite the most likely negative impacts on the economical, social, psychological and political situation, ―not all evictions [are] prohibited under international human rights law‖ (OHCHR, 2014:5). More general international guidelines, like the ‗Basic Principles and Guidelines on Development-based Eviction and Displacement‘ (hereafter UN Guidelines, developed by UN experts in 1997) or the more

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specific ‗Operational Guidelines on the Protection of Persons in Situations of Natural Disasters‘ by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (hereafter: IASC Guidelines) specify steps that have to be conducted before, during and after an inevitable eviction. International guidelines from different entities and also general comments like the General Comment No. 7, labelled ‗forced eviction‘ and developed by the UN, seek to clarify, interpret, and define human rights‘ obligations of states.

However, they are not strictly binding in a legal sense if they are not translated into national law (Deutsches Institut für Menschenrechte, 2015; CESCR, 1997, para.8). Egyptian Situation In the most recent constitution from 2014, it is written in article 63, for the first time, that all forms of forced migration shall be prohibited. Noteworthy in this context is, however, that the word migration ( ‫ت هج ير‬- tahgeer) and not eviction ( ‫اخ الء‬- ächla) was used, which considerably reduces its jurisdiction (Azim, 2015; El-Tibi, 2015). The UN Guidelines request, as one compulsory component after an inevitable eviction, the providence of adequate housing. In 2012, article 78 was added to the Egyptian constitution, stating that ―the state shall ensure the citizens‘ right to adequate, safe and healthy housing in a manner which preserves human dignity and achieves social justice‖ (Arabic Republic of Egypt, 2015). A specific definition of ‗adequate‘ is, however, missing. Therefore, the article 63, as well as the article 78, needs to be further defined, and currently missing national guidelines for evictions need to be developed. Most importantly, both must then be translated into national law in order to be enforceable. The compensation of people affected by evictions is a crucial point, which forms the basis and is the prerequisite for a successful resettlement instead of a simple physical relocation. Different UN documents ask for a ―full and fair compensation‖, which compensates not only tangible, but also intangible losses, irrespective of the tenure title situation of the affected people (OHCHR, 2007, para. 21, 61). Thus, these documents miss out on clarifying and defining this requirement. The Egyptian law provides some regulations within the ‗Law on Building‘ and the ‗Law on Expropriation‘ for compensation – but only in the case of occupation of privately owned land (Azim, 2015). But the vast majority of settlements classified as unsafe and life threatening is located on state-owned land. In these cases, the state issues an eviction order, according to law No. 970 of the Civil Code, which prohibits the infringement of state-owned land. Under this law, the state is not obliged to provide any kind of compensation.

4. Methodology The research followed an empirical, application-led approach, examining the process and the consequences for the people relocated, concluding with initial recommendations for improvements in the future practice. For the process analysis – before, during and after eviction a framework was developed out of two selected guidelines (UN Guideline and IASC Guideline). The necessary information for the analysis was gathered during site visits, observations, and semistructured interviews conducted with representatives of different levels of political entities (ministry, governorate, and local level), with employees of eight active Cairo-based Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and with 30 affected inhabitants. To examine the living situation after the

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eviction, a Quality of Life (QoL) study was conducted, whereby the inhabitants were asked to evaluate their living situation, divided into an ‗Environmental‘ and a ‗Personal Domain‘ (cf. Jeffres and Dobos, 1995).

5. Results of the Process Analysis The process of eviction consists of three main stages. The first stage is the period of preparation, the second stage is the physical relocation, and the third stage is the new living situation. All stages will be, subsequently analysed according to international guidelines for the case study area Istabl Antar and its two connected relocation sites Masaken Othman and Haram City. An overview can be found in table 1.

Table 1: Evaluation of the relocation process according to international guidelines; and analysed and stated reasons for deviations (1: not 2: partly 3: fully complied 4: unclear situation) Source: author (―components‖ based on OHCHR, 2007; and IASC, 2011; aspects retrieved from IASC : written in italic)

BEFORE:

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The two selected guidelines request, among other steps, a genuine consultation and participation of the affected inhabitants. However, both a public hearing took place, nor was an impact assessment conducted and no possible alternatives were presented. The main reasons given by the official side were time constraints and the lack of alternatives, which hindered the conduction of the abovementioned steps. Contradicting is the information given by representatives of the CSO side. They claim that the time would have been enough and that ‗the will‘ was rather lacking on the administrative side. CSO representatives propose to carry out an even more detailed categorisation

– according to the risk and urgency of evacuation of unsafe areas – and publish it. In their point of view, the current one is not sufficient. This would help to eliminate the time constraint excuse (AI, 2011; Mansour, 2015; Mustafa, 2015). Also, there are some steps requested by international guidelines, which may rather need to be neglected or contextualised (to adapt them to the specific circumstances) to avoid an unjustified evaluation of the process as forced eviction. These are, for example, the requested notification of the imminent eviction 90 days in advance. Khalil Shaat, the Governor Advisor, explained that the notification only took place few days before to avoid ineligible people moving into the area (2015). Furthermore, detailed information of the risk did not take place to avoid panic among the inhabitants. Both deviations seem reasonable. Nevertheless, these problems would also be solvable by using different approaches – such as the underlying surveying and compensation system, which affects many other steps. The applied surveying and compensation system is devastating, ―wasted resources‖ (Shaat, 2015), and finally triggered corruption. One family living in the life-threatening area was eligible to receive one substitutive flat, free of charge. Thereupon building owners, renters, external brokers and some members of the surveying committee itself started to develop mechanism on how to gain personal profit out of the system. The following developed diagrams show eight analysed mechanism. For example, the second one shows that owners forced their tenants to move into one room to make space for another family. Both tenant parties were then forced to pay the owner, because he/she considered it as unfair that tenants receive the same flat as owners. Number five displays the case that some members of the surveying committee added imaginary rooms and then put friends or relatives on the list of eligible persons. This compensation system needs urgent modifications. Therefore, recommendations will be provided in chapter 6.

DURING: Figure 1: Illegal proceedings to receive a flat Source: author

The Steps conducted were mainly aligned with the ones requested by the two cited international guidelines.

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Deviations occurred, for example, in the point that some persons were requested to pay for the transportation of their belongings, or that not enough space was available. Additionally, the presence of neutral observers during the eviction could not be confirmed. Reasons for these deviations can be found in lack of resources, lack of interest (as claimed by the CSO side), the absence of an independent, officially commissioned national body, and in a law that requests NGOs to register - which partially leads to scarce funds and human resources. AFTER: The above-mentioned absence of a national independent monitoring body is also one major deviation from international standards, which became obvious during analysing the situation after the eviction. According to Dr. Algohery (representative of MURIS, 2015), the Ministry of Urban Renewal and Informal Settlements (MURIS) conducts regular monitoring tasks, but does not publish the results (as internationally requested). Reasons for the non-availability can be seen in the attempt to avoid upheavals and in the fact that MURIS does not have the institutional power to direct other ministries, which could resolve the detected shortcomings. The aspects, which ought to be monitored, are mainly those seven internationally agreed aspects, as stated in the UN General Comment No. 4, which are required for the achievement of ‗adequate housing‘. These aspects are necessary to provide a fully functional relocation site. The aspects are: a) legal security of tenure; b) availability of services, material, facilities and infrastructure; c) Affordability; d) habitability; e) accessibility; f) location; g) cultural adequacy The fulfilment of the requested aspects within the three study areas (Istabl Antar: people are still awaiting relocation; Haram City: first relocation site; Masaken Othman: second relocation site) are displayed in the following table: Quality

Life

Study: The next step of the analysis of the situation eviction

after is

determine the aforementioned seven

‗adequate

housing‘ aspects within the light of an evaluation by the inhabitants of Istabl Antar (still living there or returned) or those formerly living there. The first of the two domains is the ‗Enviornmental Domain‘. The following sub-domains were analysed: satisfaction with housing, schools, health transport, refuse removal, street lighting, police service, recreational/ outdoor facilities, and employment opportunities (adapted by the author, based on Westerway, 2006). The individual evaluation of the thirty participants was done by using a five-item Likert scale, ranging from very satisfied to very

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dissatisfied. The means were calculated and compared, as well as significant aspects of the distribution of the individual answers. The first aspect, the satisfaction with the transportation and the job opportunity, is rated the highest – between 4 (satisfied) and 3 (neutral) in Istabl Antar. Both aspects are rated as dissatisfying by the inhabitants of the remote places Haram City and of Maskaen Othman. The outcomes of the

two aspects suggest an interrelation. Table 2: Achievement of „adequate housing‟ in the original and in the relcation sites Source: author

The significant difference of service availability within the three areas was reflected in the satisfaction of the inhabitants with the health, education and shopping facilities. The highest level of satisfaction within all sub-domains is found in Istabl Antar – nevertheless, the average values are

more or less neutral, and the spread of individual answers is wide (two separate groups) for the health-service satisfaction due to the different distances to emergency transportation. The values for Haram City range between neutral and dissatisfying. The inhabitants of Masaken Othman face significant problems in the availability of daily shopping facilities. No official shops or markets are available within the area. Urban planning did/does not provide Figure 2: Satisfaction with health, education and shopping Source : author

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such necessary spaces. The school is still under construction. The attendance of

other schools is unaffordable (due to far distances which result in high transportation costs) or was even rejected. Therefore, the satisfaction with education has a very low rating. The satisfaction with the housing and outdoor situation is the highest in Haram City. The houses are only two to three stories high, market and shop places are available, and the streets are wide. The majority of the people is, therefore, satisfied. The housing situation is ranked neutral in Istabl Antar (incrementally and mostly selfbuilt houses), whereas the outdoor situation, due to the high density, is rated as unsatisfying. Unsatisfying is also the housing situation for the people in Masaken Othman - people live in six-story-high, uniform block houses. Within the ‗Personal Domain,‘ the following sub-domains were analyzed: personal satisfaction, satisfaction with family life, friends, neighbors, income, and health. The relation to neighbors, which can be seen as essential for the establishment of a needed ‗life-security network‘ (cf. Cernea), is ranked in all areas between very satisfying and

satisfying.

satisfaction

with

The the

economic situation in Haram City and Masaken Othman is evaluated as dissatisfacting, but with a slightly higher mean of 2.6 in Istabl Antar.

Figure 3: Transformation of MURIS; establishment: independent body Source: author

As a last aspect, the tendency to move was inquired. More than half of the interviewed inhabitants of the unsafe area in Istabl Antar would prefer to stay. Even more interesting are the answers provided by the relocated inhabitants, because they can actually compare the two living situations. Exactly half of the interviewed inhabitants of Haram City would prefer to leave, whereas for Masaken Othman, the vast majority would like to leave. The different ratings of inhabitants from Masaken Othman and Haram City suggest a significant influence of the different urban and architectural planning aspects in the two areas.

6. Discussion and Initial Recommendations Reflection on the most severe shortcomings displayed above leads to some proposals for contextualized amendments. The first part will concentrate on specific case-study-related interventions. As mentiond participation in the eviction process is highly advised by international guidelines. This participation could be also part of the revised surveying and compensation system. Two teams As mentioned beforehand, a participation in the eviction process is highly advised by international guidelines. This participation could be also part of the revised surveying and compensation system. Two teams, formed, on the one hand, by adequately paid district and governorate officials, and on the other hand, by inhabitant representatives, could conduct an enumeration and collection of detailed socio-economic data (cf. loss matrix, provided by the Habitat International Coalition). The collected data needs to be verified by the affected inhabitants (cf. community mapping processes,

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promoted e.g. by Slum Dwellers International). To remove the incentives for personal, illegal behavior – triggered by the applied compensation system – three principles are proposed to reform the system. The first suggests a connection between the size of the original flat and the size of the replacement flat, instead of the current random distribution. The second one suggests that owners should stay owners, and renters should stay renters. The third principle regulates the financial aspects. The main idea thereby is that owners would still maintain their rental income, and tenants would essentially keep their rental price. The system described above can only function, and in addition people can be convinced to stay in their relocation site, if further aspects of a ―full and fair‖ compensation are fulfilled. It must be guaranteed that inhabitants are able to earn a livelihood and to receive the necessary services. Therefore, MURIS – together with other ministries like the Ministry for Economic Development and the Ministry of Solidarity – have to provide support in the fields of job and skills training, start-up loans connected with space for (work-)

shop

establishments,

and

regular

and

low-priced

transportation.

Further

recommendations pertain the solving of the pending security of tenure situation and the provision of choice within relocation sites and housing types. Beside case-study-related interventions, the following amendments are proposed on a national level: first, the transformation of MURIS to the Council level. As a result, the reported imbalance and lack of power to enforce decisions, made by MURIS to be carried out by other ministries and Governorates, could be overcome. Second, the National Council for Human Rights, together with an ombuds-man (to be established) is proposed to become respon-sible for an independent short-, medium- and long-term monitoring and evaluation of the processes before, during and after eviction. Third, as mentioned before, the articles 63 and 78 of the Egyptian constitution require specifications, and – most importantly – would need to be translated into national laws, and be complemented by detailed guidelines. This would ensure the enforceability and the alignment to international human right standards, which were, in principle, acknow-ledged by Egypt. Fourth, the challenging translation of the developed policies and laws could be enhanced and supported if a resettlement policy framework is developed beforehand. This should happen in a joint manner including all affected stakeholders; otherwise this will result in non-implementation because local realities were not sufficiently reflected in the agreements (Everett,2001). The aim is to develop and discuss further steps, adapt measures derived from international guidelines, and, if necessary, to clarify and adjust them into the Egyptian context. This should create a common will and clear line to facilitate faster incorporation into law and practice.

7. Conclusion Avoiding forced evictions with all their multiple intertwined, often negative impacts is a complex and difficult task. The ‗removal‘ – or in the case of a natural disaster, evacuation – should end with and strive, at every point, for a proper resettlement of the affected people, and not simply for a physical relocation. The conducted study revealed many shortcomings that request amendments of the process, partly proposed within the above recommendations. Further research would be needed, firstly, concerning the quality of life by expanding the sample size to obtain truly representative results. Secondly, suitable alternative nearby relocation sites need to be found and

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made available. Thirdly, the method of selection of eligible representative for the development of the resettlement policy framework and their power relation must be clarified. Fourthly, a holistic citywide plan, incorporating a functioning public transport system and investigating new directives for land distribution which take economic development into account but prioritises marginalised people like the ones relocated from hazardous areas, needs to be developed. Around 13,000 inhabitants – half of those first identified – still live in areas of Cairo classified as life threatening, and are planned to be relocated within the next few years. Further numerous relocations are planned and some are already conducted in Egypt – for example, in connection with the expansion of the Suez Canal and the plans for Cairo 2050. These might or actually already entail the grievance of people. Therefore, all parties involved, whether administrators, inhabitants or CSOs, must be aware of the necessity to ban and avoid forced evictions and to aim for an inclusive city. References Amnesty International (2011) „We are not dirt‟ Forced evictions in Egypt‟s informal settlements. London: AI Ltd CESCR (1997) General Comment No.7: The right to adequate housing (Art.11.1): forced evictions:20/05/97. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Deutsches Institut für Menschenrechte (2015) General Comments [WWW] Available from: http://www.institut-fuermenschenrechte.de/en/project-childrens-rights-in-development/ general-comments/ Accessed: 12/04/2015 Everett, M. (2001) ‗Evictions and human rights: Land disputes in Bogotá, Colombia‘, Habitat International, 25, 453-71 IASC (2011) IASC operational guidelines on the protection of persons in situations of natural disasters. Washington: The Brookings – Bern Project on Internal Displacement OHCHR (2007) Basic principles and guidelines on development-based evictions and displacement_Annex 1 of the report of the Special Rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard of living _ A/HRC/4/18 OHCHR (2014) Forced Evictions. Geneva: Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Fact Sheet No. 25 (Rev 1) Plessis, du J. (2005) The growing problem of forced evictions and the crucial importance of community-based, locally appropriate alternatives. Environment & Urbanization, 17 (1), pp. 123- 134 UN-Habitat (2007) Global Report on Human Settlements 2007: Enhancing Urban Safety and Security. Nairobi: UN-Habitat, p. 262 ff. Westaway, M. (2006) A longitudinal investigation of satisfaction with personal and environmental quality of life in an informal South African housing settlement, Doornkop, Soweto. Habitat International, 30, pp. 175-189 Interviews Algohery, S. (2015) Ministry and Relocation Processes [interview by Thonke, F.] ISDF/MURIS, Cairo, 01.06.2015 Azim, M. (2015) Civil Society and Relocation Processes; legal Situation [interview by Thonke, F.] ECCLR, Cairo, 26.04.2015 El-Tibi, M. (2015) Civil Society and Relocation Processes [interview by Thonke, F. ECHR, Cairo, 14.04.2015 Mansour, A. (2015) Civil Society and Relocation Processes [interview by Thonke, F.] HIC, Cairo, 12.04.2015 Mustafa, A. (2015) Local Lawyer and Relocation Processes [interview by Thonke, F.] Lawyer, Cairo, 20.03.2015

Shaat, K. (2015). Governorate Cairo and Relocation Processes [interview by Thonke, F.] Governor Advisor, Cairo, 12.03.2015

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Connecting Urban Policy Making and Implementation Case of Maspero, Cairo Egypt Author: MennatuAllah Hendawy Supervisor 1: Prof. Dr. Youhansen Eid Professor of Urban Planning Ain Shams University Supervisor 2: Dr. Mawra A. Khalifa, Associate Professor of Urban Planning, Ain Shams University Supervisor 3: Prof. Antje Stokman Professor of Landscape Planning and Ecology, University of Stuttgart If those in power claim to be concerned with sustainable urban development, then why is the urban condition not improving? What is desired through urban planning decisions/objectives versus what is achieved in reality present two dependent and interlinking spheres of action? The missing link between policies at the national level and practices in Egypt triggered this research. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between urban policy making and implementation. The research is based on a master thesis under the same title. The paper studies both the national and local levels through understanding national policies of urban development in Egypt and tracking what is happening in the case study of Maspero at the lower level. Then, the relationship of policy making and implementation is investigated, theoretically, in Egypt and in Maspero. The research follows a qualitative exploratory approach derived by the notion of â&#x20AC;&#x2014;beneficial knowledgeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; in Islam. Hence, a cyclic research methodology is adopted to enhance the credibility and deliverability of research findings. The date is collected through literature review, interviews, field visits and round table discussion.

Keywords: Urban; Policy; Making; Implementation; Maspero; Cairo; Egypt

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Background This paper is based on a 6-month master thesis research under the title of ―Connecting Urban Policy Making and Implementation (Case of Maspero, Cairo, Egypt)‖ as a part of the Integrated Urbanism and Sustainable Design (IUSD) programme between Ain Shams University in Egypt and Stuttgart University in Germany. The thesis tackled the field of urban planning through an inter- and cross-disciplinary approach (Jensenius, 2012) in (MarilynStember, 1991; Abernethy, et al., 2005), where urban policies are explored through spheres of urban planning, public policy, governance and management. In this paper, the key findings of the master thesis are presented.

1. Introduction and Scope Urban planning is a connecting discipline which reflects and links to reality. This makes it in the centre of the discussion as an intersecting sphere dealing with dichotomies like: policy making versus implementation, theory versus practice, and objectives versus reality. In most cases, a political will is a key success factor for sustained development. This makes the role of national urban policies a driving force and main pillar for urban development (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2014). At the same time, practices on the local level reflect the effectiveness of higher levels policies in reality. Accordingly, this paper studies both national and local levels. The national level is studied through understanding national policies of urban development in Egypt. The local level is reached through tracking what is happening in the case study of Maspero (Figure 1). This paper explores the relationship between urban policy making and implementation theoretically, in Egypt, and in Maspero. This is done, first, by understanding the context of the research (Egypt, and Maspero). Afterwards, the key research findings are presented on different scales: theoretically, in Egypt, and in Maspero. In the end, conclusions and recommendations to connect urban policy making and implementation are presented. This paper revolves around three domains: policy making, policy implementation, and policy implications. Policy making and implementation are assumed to be triggered by institutions (mostly political), where policy making refers to formulation of policies on the national level, while ―implementation is the process in which the legitimized policies [are] put into action‖ (Gültekin, 2014, p. 46; Sandford, 1984); policy implications are what is observed in reality, either development or deterioration. In addition, the interlinking and background processes are investigated.

2. Tackled problem, and goal and corresponding questions The research addresses the problem of the disconnection between urban policy making and implementation in Egypt. Different scholars state that, in spite of the presence of many strategies and plans in the country, they are not implemented in reality (Matsunaga & Magdy, 2015; Sakamoto, 2013). This is addressed by analysing the case of Maspero over time. Accordingly, the main goal of this paper is to explore the relationship between urban policy making and implementation in Egypt in order to identify how a connection can be established. To reach this goal, several secondary issues were addressed to reach a wider understanding of the research topic,

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including: urban policies, the policy process, governance, management, urbanisation, and sustainable urban development. Issues were tackled globally and in Egypt. In the end, the case of Maspero provided the empirical insight. Hence, the following main and secondary questions are addressed to reach the research goal. The main question is: ―How to connect urban policy making and implementation in Egypt/Maspero?‖ while secondary questions are: why is it important to connect urban policy making and implementation, what is the relationship between urban policy making and implementation‖, what happens in Egypt and Maspero, and what makes urban policies implementable and sustainable?

3. Approach and Methodology The approach adopted was derived from my influence by the concepts of gaining knowledge in the Holy Quran, the notion of ‗al-'ilm al-nafi' - ‫ ‘م ل ع ال ع فان ال‬in Islam, which is translated to beneficial knowledge in English, the work of Wadsworth (1998), and the concept of Mode 2 of knowledge production developed by Gibbons et al (1994). Hence, a cyclic research process is pursued where findings and recommendations are reviewed and revised with key actors through repeating some of the interviews, and organising a roundtable for discussion. This is done to verify the research findings,

increase

the

research

quality/credibility

and

disseminate

the

research

recommendations, hoping that this alters the current process in Maspero. Thus, the research involves three phases: (1) data collection, (2) validation of research findings, and (3) delivering research recommendations (Figure 2).

Figure 2 Research methodology and phases Source: Author based on (Wadsworth, 1998; Kamali, 2003), graphics inspired from (May, et al., 2003)

Multiple methods were used for data collection in phases one and two. This is to ensure a wider understanding of the topic and to enhance the reliability, triangulation and validation of data (Yin, 1989; Ritchie & Lewis, 2003). Primary data is collected from interviews with these actors as well as observations through field visits, while secondary data is collected, in parallel, to a literature review through previous studies, reports, books, TV talks, and articles. Diagrams and visuals are used to present and analyse the collected data, based on the literature review in chapter two. The research targets four main groups: policy makers (central government), policy implementers (local government), those working on the process (activists), and those influenced by policies in reality (community residents). During each phase, actors from different target groups are interviewed (21

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person interviewed – phase one: 12 interviews, phase two: 12 interviews in addition to roundtable discussion). In phase 3, deliverability of research findings is intended to ensure a mutual learning process.

4. Understanding the context This part explores urban policies in Egypt and Maspero over time, in order to understand the context of the research

4.1. Understating Egypt After announcing Egypt as a republic in 1952, for sixty years, three presidents ruled the country until the Egyptian revolution in 2011. Each president adopted a distinctive general/national policy: Nasser (1954–1970) followed the socialist policy, Sadat (1971–1981) adopted the open door policy, and entrepreneurial/privatization policy favouring business elites over the urban poor was executed by Mubarak (1981-2011) (Maarouf, 2013; Khalil, 2014; Mansour, 2011). For sixty years, urbanization grew out of control, and urban conditions deteriorated, resulting in the current scene seen today (spread of informality, lack of infrastructure, etc.). The last attempts to tackle urban challenges focused on constructing parallel cities (gated communities), which do not have a place for the urban poor (Mekawy & Yousry, 2012). Consequently, the poor became poorer and the rich became richer (Mansour, 2011). Nevertheless, such inequalities and dualities ignited the people to demand the fall of the regime during the Egyptian revolution in 2011, calling for ‗Social Justice‘ hand in hand with ‗Bread and Freedom‘ (Maarouf, 2013; Mekawy & Yousry, 2012). The demand for social justice later manifested the need for tackling urban inequalities (Ibrahim & Singerman, 2014). After the revolution, the country witnessed political and economic instability. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) (headed, then, by Mohamed Hussin Tantawy) lead the country until the elections of Morsi in 2012, who was ousted in 2013 by the military. In 2013, Adly Mansour came in power for a transitional period until the elections of Sisi in 2014 (Noaman, 2014; Abd Rabou, 2015). In spite of the dramatic changes on the national level, Egypt witnessed strong mobilisation towards creating dialogue between urban communities and the government through various initiatives on the local level (Ibrahim & Singerman, 2014). In addition, during that time, informal urban extensions grew at a higher pace as a result of the lack of state control.

4.2. Case of Maspero Maspero is Egypt

The case of Maspero is selected as a deteriorated vital urban area in Egypt that is currently under re-development. For a long time, especially starting from 2010, Maspero presented a challenging case for politicians and planners (Abd-ElKawy, 2015). As this research revolves around urban policy making and implementation, Maspero, being under the spot of policies, is selected as an example for the disconnection, the parallel practice and the connection of both domains.

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Maspero triangle is located in the heart of Cairo overlooking the Nile River. The area dates back to 1890, as a part of Bulaq Abu al-Ela neighborhood, which was the western port of Cairo (MADD, 2014). The triangle forms the southern part of Bulaq. According to the official figures, the triangle forms 74 feddans involving about 18,000 residents (AllAfrica Global Media, 2014; Cairo Governorate, n.d.) (Figure 4).

Figure 3 Arial view of Maspero triangle overlooking the Nile River in Cairo, Source: CairObserver, 2015

Over time, different proposals were proposed to develop the area (i.e. Cairo 2050 master and Cairo governorate proposals in 2009, the competition for downtown revitalisation which was organized by GOPP and Cairo governorate in 2010). However, most proposals dealt with the area through a money-driven approach, benefiting investors and ignoring the residents. In addition, attempts for relocation of families took place to satisfy some of these visions (Wahba, 2010). After the Egyptian revolution in 2011, residents started to demand their right to stay (Ibrahim & Singerman, 2014). In 2013, Residents demonstrated against their relocation. Consequently, at different times in 2012 and 2013, Cairo governorates (AbdelKawi Khalifa and Osama Kamal) proposed building 64 ten-storey towers on 7 feddans of the area and leaving the remaining land for investors, mainly the Kuwaiti, Saudi companies and Maspero Company. This was the first internal relocation proposal by the state, which was met by complete approval from the residents ii

(Laby, 2015; Abdulaty, 2015). However, later, a group of urban researchers called MADD proved that this proposal is not technically possible. MADD studies were part of a parallel participatory project that started in May 2013 (El-Marsafy, 2014). MADD followed a rights-based approach that is based on the redistribution of land ownership which ensures the satisfaction of both the investors and the residents (Borham, 2015). After the formation of the Ministry of state of Urban renewal and Informal Settlements (MURIS) in 2014, representatives from the Maspero Youth Association and young architects at MADD approached the minister with their participatory proposal for developing the area (Abdulaty, 2015; Borham, 2015; Laby, 2015). Today, MURIS is taking the responsibility for re-planning the area through a participatory approach. Hence, a new approach was on the table, but also a better relation with the state was ignited (Laby, 2015).

Exploring

the

relationship

urban

policy

making

and

implementation

IUSD JOURNAL, VOL. 3 NO.1 2015

In this part, the relationship between urban policy making and implementation is explored from three perspectives: theoretically, on the national scale of Egypt, and the local scale of Maspero. The following findings are discussed with different actors (urban activists, government officials, planners, academics, and community residents) through interviews and in the organised roundtable event.

5.1. Theoretical understanding of the relationship of/between Urban policy making and Implementation Interconnection of policy making and implementation Based on and inspired by literature about urban policies, governance, and management, linking them with: the concept of transition management; multi-level approach to governance for sustainable development, developed by Kemp & Loorbach (2003), Loorback (n.d.), Loorback (2010); the concept of tiering in strategic actions (planning levels) that is based on Arts, el al. (2005) and Salheen and El Khateeb (2012); the Contextual Interaction Theory developed by Hans Bressers and Cheryl de Boer (2011), and the levels of authority and action developed by Borham (2012). An analytical grid is proposed as a simple tool to understand policy making, implementation and the processes behind in a specific context. Depending on the context of study, actors, and problems, solutions are framed. In the next parts, this grid will be used in exploring the relationship between policy making and implementation, both in Egypt and Maspero. Given the topic of the research, two more levels were added to the four levels of planning (policy, plans, programmes and projects), conceptualized by Arts, el al. (2005) and Salheen and El Khateeb (2012). ‗Politics‘ and ‗practices‘ are added to understand processes of urban development through a practical lens such that the ‗politics‘ level reflects the intentions and agendas of political leaders, resembling the political direction (Hallsworth, et al., 2011), while ‗practices‘ refer to what happens on the ground. Theoretically, policies, plans, programmes and projects have to be interconnected, forming a feedback loop/cyclic process between upper and lower levels. Politics resembles the political direction and policies, which happen during policy making, plans and programmes which take place at the middle tier, while projects and practices occur at lower levels (policy implementation). This provides an abstract understanding for the planning process, in general, and the dependency of those elements on each other, in particular (Figure 4). Figure 4 The ideal/theoretical interpretation of the relationship between policy making and implementation (time- and contextspecific) Source: Author, grid based on (Borham, 2012) and graphics inspired by (Samir, et al., 2014)

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5.2 Relationship of/between policy making and implementation in Egypt Overlap of policy making and implementation Planning in Egypt starts at the national level through a five-year socio-economic development plan (stated in law 70 of 1973), developed by dividing it at lower levels into plans, programmes and projects in different fields through the local administration, act 34 of 1979. Urban planning and development represent one of these fields where projects at local levels should be guided by iii

the national development plan at higher levels . This approach started in 1960s during the Nasser era (1918–1970). However, it was replaced with an annual plans system during wartime for twenty-two years. In 1982, the five-year national development plans resumed again. (Salheen & El Khateeb, 2012; Youssry, 2015). In addition to the socio-economic national development plan, a strategic urban development plan focused on urban development, according to the building law 119 of 2008. In practice, the development process in Egypt is complex and involves many actors with blurred and duplicated roles (World Bank, 2007; Elshaarawy, 2015). Urban planning in Egypt is op-down, centralised and duplicated. According to Elshaarawy (2015), ―it‘s more of an overlap of policy making and implementation than a disconnection‖, where plans and programmes are prepared twice by the central and local governments. This is due to the administrative structure of the country, where line ministries at central levels are responsible for services, and governorates at the local level have a spatial responsibility. Moreover, the planning process is, top down, driven by politics and not cyclic (Abd-ElKawy, 2015) (figure 5). In terms of planning levels, the administrative divisions of the country address only the national and local levels, through the ministries working on the central government and the governorates working locally. Although there are departments on the regional scale, they do not have a managing or governing role (Elshaarawy, 2015). This results in a disconnection and gap between what happens on the national and local levels (Borham, 2012). Figure 5 shows the top down decision-making process that reflects and is a result of the centralised planning process in Egypt. Additionally, outcomes in reality are poorly linked to higher tiers, which makes more of a oneway process, not/instead of a cyclic one. Moreover, sources of power and legitimacy

depend

mainly

political agendas and interests. Figure 5 Overlap of policy making and implementation in Egypt

Source: Author revised with (Shaath, 2015; Elshaarawy, 2015; Borham, 2015; Abdulaty, 2015)

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5.3. Relationship of/between policy making and implementation in Maspero From moving to improving (Madd, 2014)

Maspero showcased the importance of political support and participatory process in sustaining projects of urban development. In addition, it manifests the significance

parallel

practices

and

rights-based

policies

initiating

development. However, the Maspero project also demonstrated the deeply centralised and personalised approach of urban planning in Egypt, which is in fact benefiting the project, and makes it progress at a higher pace. At the same time, the provided approach still did not tackle the roots of some of the problems in the area (i.e. mixed land tenure). In addition, the stance of the local government is not clear In terms of policy making and implementation, until the Egyptian revolution in 2011, policy (Borham, 2015; Abdulaty, 2015). making in Maspero was oriented towards the wants of investors rather than the needs of the residents. Proposals like Cairo 2050 master plan translated the neoliberal agenda adopted at that time (Khalil, 2014; Tadamun, 2014). After the revolution, the pressure from residents and human rights organisations to stay in the area pushed the government to propose an internal relocation option, which was proved later to be unpractical (Abdulaty, 2015). Hence, the intervention of MADD to provide a practical alternative through their parallel participatory project came in time. However, the marked turning point happened by the formation of MURIS and the support of the Minister, Laila Eskander, to the rights-based approach, proposed by MADD, through land reshuffling (El-Marsafy, 2014). Without this political support, the development in the area could have remained a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;parallelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; activity. Such state-driven/ top down proposals resulted in forced and indirect evictions, as an approach for policy implementation, which were met with strong resistance from residents and human rights organisations, especially after the revolution. Only when the residents became involved in the process, the project started to proceed. Accordingly, one could say that a participatory process had proved to be a key element for urban development and projectsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sustainable progress. Figure 6 shows the position of the Maspero project in the previously developed analytical grid. It is clear that there is a strong intention to develop the area/political will (politics) which was derived by the people in practice, and is

highly

However, translated

influencing whether to

this

policies,

the

project.

politics plans

is and

programmes is in question (Abdulaty, 2015;

Borham,

2015).

The

future

success of Maspero is speculated, based on the vitality of the area, its cultural and historic importance, as well the rightthe of political the residents to stay.as However, importance of

Figure 7 Analysis of Maspero project in relevance to planning, the

and giving the project national policy and governance levels

Source: Author revised with (Abdulaty, 2015; Borham, 2015)

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area

attention are the main drivers for developing the area in such a quick pace (Abdulaty, 2015; Borham, 2015). But does this make it a landmark project, as desired by the ministry (Israel, 2015)? This, indeed, depends on what is referred to as a ‘landmark’. Is the aim to have another ‘show case’ or a ‘best practice’? Does it aim to go beyond change on the surface towards an evolution in the core?

Is it about short-term, or long-term results? Is it about project scale benefits or a real change in the directions of policies, plans and programmess?

6. Key findings, Recommendations and Conclusion Through this research, the relationship between urban policy making and implementation was investigated theoretically and in practice through investigating the national scale in Egypt, and the local scale in Maspero. In addition, the importance of connecting both domains is demonstrated as a crucial step to ensure sustainable, urban development. This illustrates the strong relation between both domains and the importance of this for sustainable, urban development.

Maspero presented a controversial case; not only does it mirrors different political agendas over time but, also, because it reflects the struggle of residents to stay in the area, no matter what. Maspero demonstrated the importance of political support as well as community activism and parallel practices in initiating and sustaining the project, and in connecting urban policy making and implementation. At the same time, Maspero showed that, although a participatory process is implemented, planning is still centralised and personalised, and the stance of the local government is unclear towards the project (Shaath, 2015; Abdulaty, 2015; Borham, 2015). The problem of the disconnection of policy making and implementation is seen as a national problem of poor, urban management. Hence, it is recommended to establish a responsible body/group for monitoring and assessing development projects, in addition to the importance of raising capacities, and establishing a strong legal framework and dynamic institutional structures in Egypt (Shaath, 2015; Abdulaty, 2015; Borham, 2015). This answers the main research question of how to connect urban policy making and implementation in Maspero and in Egypt. In the end, the adopted cyclic research methodology provided an approach to verify the research findings, and an opportunity to connect research with reality. Further investigations are still in progress to deliver the research findings and recommendations, as an attempt to foster development in Egypt. 1

Inspired from a quote by Mahmoud Shaaban, a teacher living in Maspero in MADD report that says, ―Maspero is our Egypt. We have been raised upon loving Egypt. We have been taught to defend Egypt. We have been growing up on the notion [that] Egypt is embedded in the people of Egypt. We have been told, through media, that we have to die for our Egypt. Maspero is our Egypt. We will dig graves in Maspero to be buried in our land, when they come to take us out and tear Maspero down‖ (MADD, 2014, p. 17). In the same premise, Dr L aila Eskandar mentioned, in a TV talk, that Maspero belongs to Cairo and all Egyptians (Cairo 360, 2015). 1

MADD is an urban innovation platform, involving four engineers between the age of 30 and 33. They started in 2010 through participating in an urban competition. It is a research platform, and they are not registered to guarantee the independency of the organization and the implementation of their parallel approach (El-Marsafy, 2014; Zaaza, 2015). 1

Some of the plans, which relate directly to urban issues, are ―the National Socio-Economic Plan (issued by the Ministry of Planning); the National Strategic Spatial Plan (produced by the GOPP), and a set of sectorial plans and policies produced by the different sectorial ministries and central authorities‖ (Nada, 2014). Indeed, efforts are needed for coordination between all these plans to achieve sustainable, urban development.

References Abd El-Kawy, A., 2015. ‫ت‬ ‫تتتتتتتتت‬ ‫تتتتتتت تت ت‬.. ‫ت تتتتت‬ ‫!ت‬. [Online] Retrieved from http://www.shorouknews.com/columns/view.aspx?cdate=06072015&id=e330c23c-a882-4ee5-b933-365dd6b1f148 [Accessed 24 July 2015].

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Abd Rabou, A., 2015. Decision Making in Egypt: What Has Changed Since Mubarak?. [Online] Retrieved from http://timep.org/commentary/decision-making-in-egypt-what-has-changed-since-mubarak/ [Accessed 23 July 2015]. Abd-ElKawy, A., 2015. Professor of Architecture at the American University in Cairo [Interview] (22 July 2015). Abdulaty, A., 2015. Discussion at the roundtable event in Ain Shams university [Interview] (14 July 2015). Abdulaty, A., 2015. Partner at Gateway [Interview] (15 June 2015). Abernethy, B. et al., 2005. The Biophysical Foundations of Human Movement. 2nd ed. s.l.:Marcus G. . Afify, A. & Okba, E., n.d. Institutional Reform as a Strategic Approach to Urban Centers Development. Alghazaly, A. H., n.d. Letter to a Disciple. 2nd edition ed. s.l.:s.n. Al-Khateeb, A. B. A. b. ‗., n.d. Knowledge Mandates Action. s.l.:s.n. AllAfrica Global Media, 2014. Egypt: PM Reviews Plan for Developing 'Maspero Triangle'. [Online] Available at: http://allafrica.com/stories/201412200229.html [Accessed 5 April 2015]. Azouz, N., 2015. Good Urban Governance of Informal Settlements in Metropolitan Areas. Cairo: Ain Shams University. Borham, A., 2012. The Gap. s.l.:CairObserver. Borham, A., 2015. Discussion at the roundtable event in Ain Shams university [Interview] (14 july 2015). Borham, A., 2015. Interview [Interview] (10 May 2015). Cairo from below, 2011. Cairo 2050 20‫ت‬0 ‫ت‬ ‫تتتتتت‬. [Online] Retrieved from http://cairofrombelow.org/cairo2050/[Accessed April 2015]. Cairo Governorate, n.d. ‫تتتتتت تتتتتتت تتت تتتتت‬ ‫تتتت‬. [Online] Retrieved from http://www.cairo.gov.eg/invest/projects/display.aspx?ID=1 [Accessed 05 April 2015]. El-Marsafy, N., 2014. [Interview] (December 2014). Elshaarawy, B., 2015. [Interview] (5 July 2015).

French Institute in Cairo, 2014. Workshop Series “Egypt Urban Futures” 3rd Session: Urban Equity: Egyptian Cities from the Legal Perspective. Cairo: s.n. Gibbons, M. et al., 1994. The new production of knowledge: the dynamics of science and research in contemporary societies. s.l.:Sage. Graham, I. D. et al., 2006. Lost in knowledge translation: Time for a map?. Journal of Continuing Education in the Health Professions, 26(1), pp. 13-24. Gültekin, S., 2014. Understanding Policy Process:Is There A Single Best Way?. Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi (Journal of Administrative Sciences ), 12(24), pp. 43-74. Hallsworth, M., Parker , . S. & Rut, J., 2011. Policy making in the real world. s.l.:s.n. Ibrahim , K. & Singerman, D., 2014. Urban Egypt: On the Road from Revolution to the State? Governance, the Built Environment, and Social Justice. [Online] Retrieved from Égypte/Monde arabe http://ema.revues.org/3281#tocfrom1n1 [Accessed 23 July 2015]. Jensenius, A. R., 2012. Disciplinarities: intra, cross, multi, inter, trans. [Online] Retrieved from http://www.arj.no/2012/03/12/disciplinarities-2/ [Accessed 31 5 2015]. Kamali, M. H., 2003. Islam, Rationality And Science. Islam and Science, 1(1), p. 115. Khalil, O., 2014. The People of The City Space, Laboring and Power In Quest of Unraveling the HOW in Ramlet Bulaq. Cairo, Egypt: The American University in Cairo. Laby, S., 2015. [Interview] (19 April 2015). Maarouf, N., 2013. Political System & Social Injustice Manifested In Built Form, Urban Spaces & Uneven Provision Of Services In Metropolitan Cairo. MADD, 2014. Maspero Parallel Participatory Project (Draft Report), Cairo: still not published. Mansour, D., 2011. Freedom from Poverty as a Human Right? Assessing the Millennium Development Goals in the Case of Egypt. Cairo, AUC Annual Research Conference: Social Justice: Theory, Research and Practice. MarilynStember, 1991. Advancing the Social Sciences Through the Interdisciplinary Enterprise. Social Science Journal, 28(1), pp. 114. Matsunaga, H. & Magdy, M., 2015. How To Fill The Implementation Gap For Inclusive Growth: Case Studies Covering Urban Transportation Case Studies Covering Urban Transportation, Washington, DC: Brookings. May, A., Shaw, . H., Orlando, Y. & Boxelaar, . L., 2003. Developing Social Capability through Participatory Action Research – the application and evaluation of RAAKS.. [Online] Retrieved from http://www.regional.org.au/au/apen/2003/non_refereed/106maya.htm [Accessed 7 July 2015]. Mekawy, H. S. & Yousry, A. M., 2012. CAIRO: THE PREDICAMENT OF A FRAGMENTED METROPOLIS. Journal for Urban Research, Journal of the Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning, Cairo University, Volume 9. Noaman, K., 2014. Egypt‟s mega projects from rhetoric to reality. [Online] Retrieved from https://www.opendemocracy.net/arab-awakening/noaman-khalid/egypt%E2%80%99s-mega-projects-from-rhetoric-toreality [Accessed 22 July 2015]. Owais , Y., 2011. Ramadan supplication series seeking refuge from four things. [Online] Retrieved from http://muslimmatters.org/2011/08/04/ramadan-supplication-series-seeking-refuge-from-four-things/ [Accessed 7 July 2015]. Ritchie, J. & Lewis, J., 2003. Qualitative research practice: A guide for social science students and researchers. London, California, New Delhi : SAGE Publications. Sakamoto, K., 2013. Efforts To Introduce Inclusive Planning In Egypt, Washington, DC: Brookings. Salheen, M. & El Khateeb, S. M., 2012. Integrating Enviromental Assessment in the planning process in Egypt. Samir, A., Dayoub, D. & Waldika, S., 2014. Werk 8, presentation as a part of the Integrated Research and Design module in IUSD. Stuttgart: unpublished. Sandford, S., 1984. Better livestock policies for Africa. Assis Ababa, Ethiopia, FAO. Tadamun, 2014. Coming Up Short: Egyptian Government Approaches to Informal Areas Tadamun. [Online] Available at: http://www.tadamun.info/2014/09/16/comingshortgovernmentapproachesinformalareas/? [Accessed 26 3 2015]. United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2014. The Evolution of National Urban Policies. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme. volunteers of Maspero Youth Association triangle , 2013. Maspero Youth Association triangle volunteer (Facebook Page). [Online] Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/pages/Maspero-Youth-Association-trianglevolunteer/172668542848111?ref=ts&fref=ts [Accessed 26 July 2015]. Wahba, R., 2010. Threat of forced evictionfor Greater Cairo's "Shack" dewellers, s.l.: Housing and Land Rights NetworkHabitat International Coalition. World Bank, 2007. Analysis of housing supply mechanisms , Egypt: Sustainable Development Department Middle East and North Africa, The World Bank. Yin, R. K., 1989. Case study research design and methods, Applied Social Research Series. Volume 5 , 3rd Edition. Washington. DC: Sage publication. Youssry, S., 2015. Urban Development Management towards Improved City Prosperity (The Case of Egypt). Cairo, The 21st AUC Annual Research Conference - MENA Region: Post-2015 Development Agenda.

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“Kafr Wahb” Village as A Case of Social Innovation Social Innovation in Rural Community Development in Egypt Author: Tayseer Khairy* Supervisor 1: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen*Professor of Integrated Planning and Design- Ain Shams University* Supervisor2: Prof. Astrid Ley*Professor of International Urbanism- University of Stuttgart* Social innovation, as an alternative approach in development, attracts many researchers, since, by its nature, it is a multi-disciplinary. It cuts across many sectors and diverse fields of action. This research aims at identifying social innovation as an alternative approach in rural community development. This paper investigates recent trends in literarture review on social innovation to identify its contribution, actors and processes as well as its limitations and constraints in both internal and external environments. In this context, the research investigates social innovation in rural community development in Egypt by using a case study approach. ―Kafr Wahb‖, the Egyptian satellite village in Delta Egypt, was recently promoted as a successful model for self-help development. However, the study conducted here for one village proves the success of the local community and grassroots in developing innovative ways of service provision and generates new ideas of projects, in particular, yet it remains on a small scale. The research revealed multiple constraints to generalise, why it is relevant to encourage more exploratory researches on both theoretical and practical analysis for further understanding and for more deep analysis to investigate both possibilities and limitations of scaling up. Keywords: Social innovation, Rural Community development in Egypt, “Kaf Wahb” Case of social innovation

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1. Introduction As a fact, rural areas in Egypt lack main services or, in some areas, the main services are provided yet they are not sufficient or in poor conditions. The main services vary from main infrastructure, accessibility to clean Water, Energy, and Sewage system and recently in terms of environmental aspects and the encroachment over the agricultural land. This paper sets out to understand the concept of social innovation, its notion and interpretation in the rural context of Egypt and how it contributes to the current conditions. Exploring the current conditions of rural Egypt indicates that, notwithstanding the considerable improvements in the various aspects of the rural environment, there is still a very vulnerable condition with the noticeable deprivation of main services. Today, with the accordance of municipal practice, there is the term of social innovation, from the approach of self-help and community involvement for the provision of services aiming at better quality of living. The paper hypothesis is to examine the positive impact, effective and sustainable way of encouraging and adopting social innovation as an alternative approach in rural community development in Egypt.

2. Rural Community Development According to UNDP (1998), ‗community development‘ is a community practice that aims to enhance and improve the quality of living among individuals through creating new perceptions and practices that lead to improving living standards (Christopher R. Larrison 1999). Rural community development, accordingly, could be understood as community development in a rural context. According to (Elmenofi et al. 2014), the notion of rural development is defined as an integral planned change process that occurs across all life aspects (economic, social and cultural) in participation of the local community in a democratic manner, coupled with governmental assistance. In another definition, ―rural development is the participation of people in a mutual learning experience involving themselves, their local resources, external change agents, and outside resources‖ (Sonne, 2010). According to (France 1999), there are two key features of rural disadvantaged communities. On the one hand, it involves increased rural depopulation and an outflow of community leaders due to the restructuring of rural services and deregulation. In addition, traditional agriculture no longer provides the level of work opportunities it did in the past due to mechanisation and the changing market conditions. Accordingly, rural communities are likely to have limited access to information, services and/or resources from the government. On the other hand, four principal global challenges in rural areas have been addressed, namely globalisation, competitive international labour markets, international development policies and climate change (Poole, 2006) and (Kelles-Viitanen 2005). Similarly, Egyptian national rural development deals with multi-sectorial issues, such as infrastructure, health care and hygiene, education, environment and governance as well as local income generation (JICA Research Institute 1996). Therefore, and due to the fact that there is a huge gap between national rural development challenges and global challenges in rural areas, it is crucially needed to explore the contribution of new approaches in rural community development.

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3. Introducing Social Innovation, SI as an Alternative Approach to Rural community Development According to the aforementioned conditions of and challenges to rural areas, the need for an alternative approach to rural development is essential to shift the focus from agriculture development per se to a wider scope (France 1999) and (Sonne 2010). According to (Bruin and Stangl 2013), the definition of ‗social innovation‘ (SI) is often linked to process and outcome. Process and outcome may be illustrated in terms of a problem-solving matrix. In a different definition, (Hubert 2011) argues that ‗innovation‘ refers to the capacity to create and implement novel ideas which are proven to deliver value. ‗Social‘ refers to the kind of value that innovation is expected to deliver, a value that is less concerned with profit and more with issues such as the quality of life, solidarity and well being. In this sense, SI is adding an extra dimension, which also implies multiple dimensions of output measurement about developing innovative solutions and new forms of organisation and interactions to tackle social issues (Hubert 2011). To understand the driving forces of social innovation, Mulgan et al. (2007) states that the incremental interest of innovations occur when there are incremental unsolved problems and failure of the system to meet what is needed. The other driver of innovation is the ‗awareness of a gap‘ between what there is and what there ought to be, between what people need and what they are offered by governments, private firms and NGOs, supported by (Hubert, 2010). Existing literature identifies various SI typologies, with the aim of further understanding the notion and how it fits into key community aspects; Caulier-Grice et al. (2012) presents different typologies of social innovation. Accordingly, SI can be in five types: technological, economic, regulative, normative and cultural. Caulier-Grice, et al. (2012), presents alternative concepts to SI as follows: -

The process of social change

The process of organisational restructuring

Social enterprises

A model of governance

Butkevi (2009) introduced four aspects to analyse social innovation. The first of which is the process of innovation, namely, the steps through which an innovation is developed, diffused and adopted. The second aspect is the content of innovation, which could be of a technical or a social nature. The third is the context of innovation, which refers to the environment in which the innovation emerges and develops. The final aspect is the impact of innovation, which refers to social or technological change that results from innovation. Therefore, we can conclude that there are different indicators for defining SI, configured in different typologies, such as transformation in civil society organisations, as a model of organisational management and/or as a governmental model. At all levels, their different typology is a way of establishing new values or coming up with new interpretations. In an attempt to indentify the actors of social innovation, Butkevi (2009) indicated the three main actors to SI, as follows:

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



External actors who facilitate the development of SI (top-down approach).



Local actors who develop SI (bottom-up approach).



External actors who facilitate a local institutional capacity to be able to mobilise

 internal resources and develop SI (top-down initiatives to facilitate bottom up activity), cited from (Putnam, 2000). Similary, Savage, et al. (2010) believes that there are two innovation actors in delivering public services: • Local innovation brokers, who bridge the gap between public services and communities. They may be individuals or groups, paid or unpaid, but are always skilled in making connections – navigating both the formal internal structures as well as the complex networks of community infrastructure and entrepreneurial capital. • Thinkers, experts or innovators in residence, are commonly found in the private sector and academia. In conclusion, it is possible to identify actors of SI in rural development in terms of a combination of different levels along internal and external actors. The dominant role evolves from local community members themselves, according to their social capital and structure, connections and networks with formal organisations and or governmental bodies, all of which have a great influence on development progression. From the literrarture review, social innovation could be found across different sectors. According to (Caulier-Grice, et al. 2012), SI can take place along four main sectors – the public, private, nonprofit and informal sectors. Social innovation in the public sector focuses on policy, service models and innovation that are usually so embedded in their programmes. The private sector plays a great role in social innovation since business has a big impact on social change, in terms of providing business opportunities in addition to Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and community investment. The non-profit sector is a sector that is concerned with providing unmet needs that the public and/or private sector could not fulfil. The informal sector is where individuals, families and/or community groups undertake activities that are not taken by the public, private and non-profit sectors, to meet social needs. In support of the role of the informal sector, (Hubert 2011) indicates to the role of SI in the informal sector by stating that the informal economy (individuals, families, informal groups, associations and networks) has been an under-recognised source of SI. It plays a critical role in developing new practices in fields such as the environment and public health. Obtaining resources and access is a big issue of linking the four sectors that, in many cases, overlap all together to achieve SI as shown in table (1). The process of SI is presented in different stages, as shown in fig (1), as argued in academic research by Mulgan, et al. (2007), (Hubert 2011), (Neumeier 2012) and (Caulier-Grice, et al. 2012), where they all agreed on the first three stages of the SI process, which includes the following:

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

Identifying problems or challenges that result from collective steps of local awareness

and personal motivations from people to solve their own problems.   Generating ideas and taking them into immediate implementation through capitalising people‟s networks, negotiations and coordination that encompasses a high level of commitment.   The third stage occurs when SI is sustainable and proves success. At this point, it would be ready for replicability and scaling up. In an attempt to provide a more accurate overview of the performance pattern of the SI process, both Hubert (2011) and Caulier-Grice et al. (2012) added three more stages to the process to enable sustainability and scaling up. This was done through identifying legal forms and income streams to ensure the long-term sustainability of the social enterprise, NGO, charity or community that will carry the innovation forward. The fifth stage is concerned with the spreading of the SI with documented results to the sixth and last stage where entirely new ways of thinking and doing are put in a place that is meant to adopt new ways of doing things to generate a systematic change. It usually involves many elements (social movements, business models, laws and regulations, data, research and infrastructures) and actors from all sectors (public, private, profit making, non-profit and informal).

Figure 8 , the process of SI Source: Caulier- Grice. et.al (2012)

4. SI in Rural Communities Development Methodology Poole (2006) stated that innovation and rural development processes are complex by nature. They result from the interaction of many diversified and complementary actions, coordinated by different actors. Moreover, he argues that decision-making processes are the result of power, knowledge and information relationships. According to (Butkevi 2009), the SI process in rural development is a collective effort between local community residents, institutional governmental organisations and external agencies. (Cajaiba-Santana 2014) refers to two approaches that structured the research on SI in rural areas development. One approach is based on an individualistic perspective that maximizes the role of the social movements of individuals in social change, stated by (Mulgan, et al. 2007) in which enterprise and organisations of charity in rural areas take advance. (Lettice and Parekh 2010) referred to another approach, which follows a structural perspective that implies more about the structure and context in which the process of SI took place. However, Cajaiba-Santana (2014) highlights the need for an integrated prespective for both approaches to identify SI in a holistice

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view in relation to its context. Looking deeply in academic research, and as summarised from Hubert (2011) and (Lettice and Parekh 2010), SI constraints are seen as both external and internal. The external are more embedded in the system of the state that includes financing and scaling up, governance and coordination, legal and cultural constraints, especially in the informal and the non-profit sectors (Caulier-Grice et al. 2012). This is in addition to the Skills, education and training level as well as the lack of data, evaluation, and clear assessment criteria due to the ununified definition for SI. The internal limitations to SI, as stated by Mulgan, et al. (2007), included efficiency between what is planned and implementation, the conflict between different types of people‘s interest, and change in the mind-set and relationship and networking as most of the SI happened in rural areas are based only on a personal storng network and relationships. Scaling up in development theories can be both vertical and horizontal. It can be vertical in the sense that the community itself would benefit directly from the development process, while horizontal through widely spreading the experience on the national level and adopting the approach in policy and governmental plans. Since practicing SI in rural areas is usually on a small scale, governments should invest to promote rural innovation. Investments should be geared towards exploiting rural-urban linkages. Investment priorities should be determined across the region, and thus, the role of national actors is to facilitate informed strategic investment decisions within coherent regional development strategies (Wakeford and Clark 2006). As a conclusion, most of the literature refers to SI as a collective theme from both bottom-up and top-down approaches that are meant to achieve systematic change. Stimulated from the local community and driven by their recognition of their local resources, local awareness and existing networks are needed to identify new solutions for problems and unmet needs.

5. Profiling the village of “Kafr Wahb” The village of ―Kafr Wahb‖ is a small satellite village under the province of Quesna city in Almenofeya governorate which follows the municipality of Arab Alraml, the mother village as the nearest administrative authority geography (GOPP 2015). It is located at the West of the CairoAlexandria agricultural road. It is a 13.82 Feddan (58.04 Km2) area. The village is surrounded from the East by the village of ―Kafr Abdou‖. Accordingly, both villages share borders from the North – East to South – West that include the urban expansions over the farmlands. The village has 1483 inhabitants, yet when applying the rate of population growth 1.6 (WB, 2013), the population of the village could be 2372 inhabitants.

6. Identifying Social Innovation in the case of “Kafr Wahb” Understanding SI in ―Kafr Wahb‖ is a goal in itself in this research and, in order to achieve that, investigating, the process of service provision, actors, types of challenges and how ―Kafr Wahb‖ demonstrated a high recognition of building on human assets, and resources are guiding the research here. A survey on a wide sample as a tool for assessment, measurement of contribution and evaluating SI in ―Kafr Wahb‖ was conducted to identify data occurring as well as conducting both formal and informal interviews with the local residents inside the village.

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The findings highlight aspects of interventions that are concerned with the following: -

Provision of missing main services such as connecting the village to the main drinking water network, and the pavement of internal and external roads.

Improving existing services such as changing electricity networks into more saving ones as well as the establishment of water bureafication station, waste collection system and greenery inside the village.

The establishment of the CBO, the health centre and the office mail inside the village and privatising a premesis for them for socio economic and public health improvement.

These projects indicate different types, forms, actors and processes of social innovation. Tracing development projects in ―Kafr Wahb‖ demonstrates a high level of local participation. The approach that could explain how ―Kafr Wahb‖ develops and maintains access to services and more to establish new ways of activities, it could be seen as a collective of two patterns of approaches conducted earlier in the literature review. On the one hand, the first pattern maximizes the role of individuals especially in early generations. Mayor, (Omdah), elite families and the well-educated play a dominant role that meets and supports (Mulgan, et al, 2007) where the local residents take responsibility to meet certain needs. On the other hand, the second pattern is reforming new structures of organisational form when they (local leaders and elite families) established the CBO to receive funds, regulate donations as well as accept financial support from governmental bodies and representatives that meet literature from (Savage, et al. 2010). This approach meets the same as those of (Tapsel and Wood, 2010) and (Cajaiba, Santan, 2014). Reflecting the impact of interventions on both micro and macro levels to identify the change of living conditions inside the village as well as change in the personal behaviours and attitudes. The results show that the interventions have a dominant indirect impact on ―Kafr Wahb‖ of a 43.9% percentage, which is recognised in service provision, and/or improving existing ones and/or raising awareness towards a problem by changing attitudes. On the other hand, 29.3% of the sample indicates a direct impact of interventions identified in the provision of missing services and / or enhancing the economic level by securing income and providing jobs. 26.3% show that interventions had both a direct and indirect impact on the village of ―Kafr Wahb‖. Investigating main actors of intervention and projects provided in ―Kafr Wahb‖, by analysing the results, actors of SI in ―Kafr Wahb‖ came as a combination of efforts from both internal and external actors. The internal actors include the dominant role of individuals, elite families, and the CBO of ―Kafr Wahb‖ while the external actors are representatives from governmental bodies to facilitate the process of change and supporting interventions. The approach used to understand the SI process in ―Kafr Wahb‖ developed around the idea of understanding steps and stages of interventions from realising the missing needs, generating ideas until taking them into implementation, supported from several authors such as Mulgan, et al. (2007), Hupert (2011) as well as Caulier-Grice, et al. (2012). It was found, from the survey conducted, that the process of any intervention demonstrates a high motivation from the local residents to meet their missing needs and high level of awareness. ―Kafr Wahb‖ went through the

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stages of generating ideas including pilot projects, developing them by practice and, when it proves success, it grows as well by wider support from the government. They realised the need to a legal form to ensure long-term sustainability of projects by the establishment of the CBO. The phase of spreading by documenting their experience by different means (written reports and social media) the process of SI ―Kafr Wahb‖ village, is illustrated in Fig (2). Exploring constraints facing the ―Kafr Wahb‖ experience, the results show generally many constraints which vary from internal challenges to external ones in the system itself. The results highlight the negative competition between groups and community members especially in the beginning as well as a lack of funding which affirms literarture from Hupert (2011) and Lettice and Parekh (2010). In addition to the absence of awareness, especially in the beginning, bureaucracy and lack of coordination between the different governmental bodies which meet Mulgan, (2007) and in order to overcome bureaucracy and centralised budgeting, they depend always on enterprise and charity to prove their readiness to take responsibility for any projects as part of their high sense of social responsibility. The study finidings showed that the case of Kafr Wahb is in the phase of sustainment and it is hard to predict whether it is going to deteriorate or to wide spread as it is only based on local community efforts and a limited capacity.

Figure 2 , Process of SI in “Kafr Wahb” Source: Author

The need to prove that encouraging SI as a competitive approach for rural community development is underlined in this study in different ways. The findings identified an extreme change which occurred in ―Kafr Wahb‖ and which started in 1975 until now. These changes in practices and attitudes were a combination of accomplishments of collective circumstances and conditions characterised in both factors related to the village of ―Kafr Wahb‖. They are identified in both socio-economic and spatial factors, as well as factors that are related to the SI scale, type and process.

In conclusion, ―Kafr Wahb‖ repointed a high level of awareness of environmental aspects in most of the projects and service provisions. It was led by values and beliefs of strong social ties and high motivation supported by a strong network and the good leadership style from externals (governors and representatives from governmental bodies) to facilitate decision-making in the centralised system of the state and support funding for their projects. What might be innovative from the case of ―Kafr Wahb‖ is that it is a role model for the ‗active village‘ that commits to bring the quality of life that was recognised in the physical, socioeconomic and environmental aspects.

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7. Conclusion& recommendation The main objective of this paper is to understand social innovationâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s contribution in rural community development, process, actors, limitations and constraints as well as to explore factors of successful practices and possibilities of scaling up and replicability in rural areas in Egypt. The case study that was presented here and the literature review reveal the meaning of the notion of social innovation in practice. It has to be stressed that opportunities for scaling up based on one case of SI is difficult, since the SI is dependent on context, yet possibilities of encouraging research more on social innovation contribution in rural areas are encouraged and rethinking structural reform in institutional, legal and organisational as well as policy level as is highly urgent and recommended. What is clear from the case study findings here is the achievementsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; encompasses collective efforts from local residents with their endless efforts and the process of learning they went through when trying new ideas of projects that did not work out for them. Factors that may contribute to successful rural community development, such as the personal external networks and the ability of a community to commit and organise themselves for a long-term achievement, need further research. However, the new trend of social innovation, the practice of social innovation in rural community development, embedded participation and self-help development is not new, as most of the rural areas used to act positively to have access to missing needs. The main aim is to enable SI to reach systematic change to happen on a wider perspective. Hence, there is a reason to assume a general positive perspective for supporting social innovation and encouraging its contribution in rural areasâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; development. The existing practices of participatory approaches in rural development might give an opportunity to explore scaling up practices of social innovation, yet there are the limitations of a methodological framework, capacity building and awareness in small groups or communities, within the centralised system of Egyptian government, that put many limitations and constraints. There is a need to train both local leaders from the community and local government to new skills to facilitate creating climate of social innovation. This would not happen without outstanding contribution from both government and communicating local community as well as to ensure a good and trustful representative from both levels. The benefit of encouraging social innovation in rural development as a win-win strategy. As the government would have free resources and would get cheaper outcomes based on building on the local community relationship strength which gives them confidence to widen their knowledge and impact for reaching other groups or communities. Longer-term vision is needed to widen the impact of social innovation in the regional context. Therefore, the essential role of the government is to establish a mechanism of transferring the knowledge of best practices to encourage and to learn from them. Moreover, it is recommended to tackle the handicapped system in the Egyptian government that kept community development from bottom-up approaches limited and to encourage social innovation to take place in the centralised system that is rooted by major obstacles. Therefore, it is of an urgent need to the Egyptian government itself to be innovative in order to unlock the productivity and progress of similar actions that are taken from a random bottom-up approach for more organised and systematic ones.

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Figure 3 , Recommendation on Local, National, Organisational and Policy level Source: Author

References Bruin, A.D.E. & Stangl, L.M., 2013. The Social Innovation Continuum : Towards Addressing Definitional Ambiguity. New Zealand Social Innovation and

Entrepreneurship Research Centre Massey Universi, p.17. Available at: http://www.emes.net/site/wp-content/uploads/de_Bruin___Stangl_ECSP-LG1368.pdf. Butkevi, E., 2009. Social Innovations in Rural Communities : Methodological Framework and Empirical Evidence. , 1(1), pp.80–88. Available at: http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/37276220/social-innovations-rural-communities-methodological-framework-empirical-evidence. CajaibaSantana, G., 2014. Social innovation: Moving the field forward. A conceptual framework. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 82, pp.42– 51. Available at: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0040162513001236. Caulier-Grice. et.al, 2012. Defining Social Innovation, Available at: http://siresearch.eu/sites/default/files/1.1 Part 1 - defining social innovation_0.pdf. Christopher R. Larrison, 1999. A Comparison of Top-down and Bottom-up Community Development Interventions in Rural Mexico. , pp.67–76. Elmenofi, G. a. G., El Bilali, H. & Berjan, S., 2014. Governance of rural development in Egypt. Annals of Agricultural Sciences, 59(2), pp.285–296. Available at: http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0570178314000566 [Accessed February 24, 2015]. France, M., 1999. New Zealand Department of Labour Occasional Paper Series Literature Review on Community Development by. , (November). Available at: http://employment.govt.nz/PDFs/op1999-7.pdf. Hubert, A. (Bureau of E.P., 2011. Empowering people, driving change. Social innovation in the European Union, Available at: http://www.net4society.eu/_media/Social_innovation_europe.pdf. JICA Research Institute, 1996. Chapter 4 Effective Approaches for Rural Development 1. Available at: http://jica-ri.jica.go.jp/IFIC_and_JBICIStudies/english/publications/reports/study/topical/spd/pdf/chapter4.pdf. Kelles-Viitanen, A., 2005. New Challenges and Opportunities for Rural Development. , (November), p.10. Available at: http://www.ifad.org/innovation/presentations/newopp.pdf. Lettice, F. & Parekh, M., 2010. The social innovation process : themes , challenges and implications for practice. Internatio nal Journal of Techology Management, 51(1), pp.139158. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/435297/The_Social_Innovation_Process_Themes_Challenges_and_Implications_for_Practice. Mulgan, G. et al., 2007. Social innovation: what it is, why it matters and how it can be accelerated. Working paper, Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship, Oxford Saïd Business School. Available at: http://eureka.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/761/1/Social_Innovation.pdf. Neumeier, S., 2012. Why do Social Innovations in Rural Development Matter and Should They be Considered More Seriously in Rural Development Research? - Proposal for a Stronger Focus on Social Innovations in Rural Development Research. Sociologia Ruralis, 52(1), pp.48–69. Available at: http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1467-9523.2011.00553.x [Accessed February 3, 2015]. Poole, N., 2006. Innovation challenges , constraints and opportunities for the rural poor opportunities for the rural poor. Innovation, (January). Available at: http://www.ifad.org/events/gc/29/panel/e/poole.pdf. Savage, V. et al., 2010. Public services and civil society working together. Young, (March). Available at: http://youngfoundation.org/wpcontent/uploads/2012/10/Public-services-and-civil-society-working-together-promising-ideas-for-effective-local-partnerships-March-2010.pdf. Sonne, L., 2010. Pro-Poor, Entrepreneur-Based Innovation and it’s Role in Rural Development. UNU-MERIT Working Paper Series, (31), pp.1–22. Available at: http://www.merit.unu.edu. Wakeford, R. & Clark, M., 2006. Investment Priorities for Rural Development, Available at: http://www.oecd.org/gov/regional-policy/InvestmentPriorities-for-Rural-Development.pdf.

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Branding Cairo (un)intended Influences on a German tourist's perception of Egypt's capital Author: Gregor Schopf Supervisor 1: Prof. Dr. M. Tamer El Khorazaty. Professor of Urban Planning and Design, Ain Shams University Supervisor2: Prof. Astrid Ley, Prof. of International Urbanism - Stuttgart University Supervisor 3: Dr. Mona Helmy , Adjunct Professor at University of Stuttgart, Assistant Professor at Dar AlHekma University, Jeddah, KSA

Nowadays places face the urgent need to brand themselves in order to compete with other places for talent, labour, investment, experts or tourists. Egypt is a country that relies strongly on tourism, since it represents one of the most important sectors of economy for the country. Consequently, ambitious attention is paid to the branding of the place for tourism. Unfortunately, the recent political crisis harmed the tourism heavily and caused a severe decline in visitor numbers. Obviously, the brand of Egypt and Cairo was weakened by the complex incidents. This research focusses on the official branding of Cairo, and highlights the additional aspects contributing to the brand. Although these aspects become part of the place brand, they are free of any branding intention – the unintended branding influences are an important drive and a critical dimension for any place brand. Egypt‘s and Cairo‘s brand seems to have been affected negatively by them, which causes the need to be aware of it. Keywords: Place branding, tourism promotion, unintended influences on branding, brand awareness

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1. Introduction Different steps are taken to brand Egypt and its capital â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the most obvious and loudest voice might be the promotion of tourism, which makes more than 10% of the country's economy (pwc, 2013, p.40). According to Nada Tarbush (2012), Cairo too prepares itself ambitiously for the creation of a desirable city image. Nevertheless, the city's image is a product of multiple influences and various actors, including both positive and negative elements. Place branding is heavily challenged by these external, uncontrollable influences, which contribute to the brand as well. Therefore, the research, distinguishes between intended influences on the brand, such as anything belonging to the branding strategy, and unintended influences on the brand, including everything that shapes the place imagery beyond the scope of official place brander's control. The research's issue is 1) examining the Cairo-brand for tourism, created intentionally and unintentionally and 2) investigating the resulting tourist's urban imagery. The German tourist receives the main attention due to its great meaning for Egyptian tourism and because of the particularly strong decline in visitor numbers. Furthermore, the following objectives were used: investigating the Cairo-brand, created by the official tourism-actor; discerning unintended elements contributing to the Cairo-brand and examining the Cairo-brand awareness and perception held by tourists. The research was guided by the following questions: How do tourists imagine Cairo and perceive its brand? How is Cairo branded for tourism by tourism actors? Which unintended aspects are affecting the brand additionally? Furthermore, two hypotheses were set: the Cairo-brand is influenced by numerous, intended and unintended aspects and; branding authority uses selective images, to create a positive urban imaginary.

1.1. Methodology and limitations In order to gain an understanding of Cairo's branding for tourism, the observation focused on the available promotion material, officially published by the main tourism entity, egypt.travel, belonging to the Ministry of Tourism. Apart from the officially published materials, a samplecheck investigation was done on other tourism actor's online promotion of Cairo. In order to cover the unintended aspects of the place's brand, the overall representation of Egypt and Cairo in the German news and additional factors were examined. The second main aspect of the research was to investigate the Germans' urban imagery. It was the main intention to understand which aspects shape the brand and have the strongest position in the tourists' mind. The results of the observations and surveys were summarized and compared, according to a modified version of the brand communication and positioning strategy by Risitano (2008) (see figure 0.1). The unintended aspects were added to the graphic, as they were originally not part of it. The results of the whole research were, in the end, put into a SWOT analysis, which led to concluding recommendations on how to improve and stabilise Egypt's and Cairo's image as a destination. The research faced limitations which complicated the research process. In this regard, the language barrier appeared to be problematic occasionally. Generally, the willingness of the people to answer the survey was little. The broad scope of influences on the placeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s imagery is, in regard to the

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available research time, a limitation as well. It is impossible to generate a true understanding of all the aspects that influence the perception of the different kinds of tourists in Egypt. By limiting the research to only German tourists, the scope was narrowed down clearly, which was the only way to barely cope with this particular limitation.

2. Place Image between intended and (un)intended influences 2.1. Tourism economy in Egypt 2.1.1. Facts and figures The number of visitors in Egypt has dramatically nosedived (pwc, 2012). As monitored by the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and published by the Business Monitor International (2013), a total number of 14.731.000 tourists arrived in Egypt in 2010, whereas in 2011, after the political changes started, only 9.845.000 tourists visited the country. The contribution of tourism to Egypt's GDP 284,9 billion USdollar (Germany Trade &Invest, 2014) number was estimated in 2014 to be a little higher than 12%, according to the World Travel &Tourism Council. In the same year, more than 1,250.000 people were directly working in tourism all over the country, which represents a little bit more than 5% of the entire economy's employment (World Travel &Tourism Council, 2014).

Egypt can offer a great variety of tourism products, which are naturally derived from its great span of geographical features or its long-lasting traces of civilisation. Egypt's Minister of Tourism, HeshamZazou, argues that tourism in Egypt has ―two feet to stand on‖ (Zazou, H. macropolis.net, 2015), which refers to the main tourismproducts: 1.) culture and 2.) sun & sea (see figure 2.4-2.9). Clearly, culture is a most important USP (unique selling proposition) to the country's tourism. Nevertheless, the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism bemoans the current weakness of its ―culture tourismproduct‖ in comparison to the ―sun &sea tourismproduct‖. The latter makes a share of up to 95% since the tourism crisis has started. Attacks in Cairo, partial loss of the state‘scontrol in Sinai, threats in the Western Desert, problematic situations in neighbour states or ongoingprotests are continuous problems ofthe country's safety. Consequently, the German Federal Foreign Office announces travel alerts until now and stresses that high attention and awareness should be paid all over the country, including the very tourism-based sites along the Red Sea. The Egyptian Minister of Tourism calls it an urgent need to abolish, or at least soften, the travel bans and announces two main priorities for 2015 and the following years: 1) Gaining back the market share as fast as possible, and2) improving the perception of Egypt among potential tourists. In the recent problematic years, Cairo witnessed a particularly strong decline in visitor numbers. According to Prof. Dr.Rafai from Helwan University, the hotels in Cairo have a utilisation of only 20% nowadays. It is one of the places in Egypt that recover very slowly. According to Olaf Collet (DRV, 2014), the city plays no role within the German tourism statistics. Generally, visitors come in most cases within guided daytrips to the capital starting from the strong tourism destinations along the Red Sea. Tourists usually visit up to three of the following sites in and around Cairo: the Pyramids of Giza, the Egyptian Museum, Khan el Khalili, Islamic Cairo, Coptic Cairo, the Citadel and a selection of mosques and churches. Numbers on individual travellers are not available, but it is safe to say that they are a small minority among the tourists who come to Cairo.

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2.1.2. German tourists in Egypt The most famous region for German tourists outside Germany is the Mediterranean Sea, having a visitor share of 36,2% in 2014 (DeutscherReiseverband, 2015). Even though Egypt de facto belongs to this region, it does not have a position among the top destinations. Statistika (statistika.com, 2014) places Egypt inposition number 13 among the German's favourite destinations, grouped as North Africa, together with Morocco and Tunisia. Both in 2013 and 2014, it had a share of 2% in the travel statistics. Still, certain places within the country manage to climb high in other statistics. Hurghada is the strongest motor within the Egyptian tourism machine, having a market share of 8% and position number three, behind Antalya (33% market share) and Palma de Mallorca (28% market share) among the German package holiday destinations which were booked online (traveltainment, 2015). Germans lost their strong position to the Russians, who represent by far the highest number of tourists in Egypt nowadays. Still, Germans are an important visitor nation for Egypt, and the Minister of Tourism expects more than 1.2 million to come in 2015.

Different actors are competing in the field of destination promotion on the German market. The strong dominance is held by TUI, Der Touristik, SchauinslandReisen and Thomas Cook, all of which offer very similar holidays along the Red Sea. Smaller actors such as ETI or Selket'sĂ&#x201E;gypten, for example, try to offer specialised programs with more varieties. Regardless ofthe size and character of tourism agencies, website are nowadays the strongest booking tool for holidays in Germany â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 43% of the 53,5 billion Euros made in 2014, were spent through online payments in Germany (traveltainment, 2014).

2.2. Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x;s officially promoted tourism place brand identity Based on the analysis of the officially published videos and Internetsite, the official brand identity's six elements of Egypt's tourism promotion can be described as follows:

Brand culture tells the unique and typical aspects of local culture that form the brand. The destination Cairo is understood mainly as a cultural product oftourism. It offers a huge variety of historical sights, which are considered as a USP for Egyptian tourism. Consequently, the strongest promotion focus lies on the architectural monuments of Islam, followed by those of Coptic Christianity and Pharaonic times.

Brand character is the result of a complex network of information which goes far beyond the scope of any branding campaign. It includes especially the international perception of a place, which highly involves political dimensions and the position on the international political and economic arena. The focus of the promotion lies clearly on the aspects which are currently easy to sell. Cairo, being the centre of political change and related violence, is not portrayed in a prominent position in the tourism promotion.

Brand personality as the association of a place with human characteristics is an abstract and

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individual process. The campaign egypt.travel attributes and personalises Cairo, its sites, hotels, parks and monuments with words such as: vibrant, exhilarating, exotic, fascinating, welcoming, incredible, stunning, charming, beautiful, pleasant, lovely and so on/, etc. Generally, the descriptions, used to describeCairo, tend to drastically overemphasise and beautify the given reality. Brand's name represents the officially promoted title of the destination. The authorities rather neglected the immense importance of Cairo for the country. Its position and rank in the whole promotional communication is just equal to the various other possible destinations presented. The word Egypt / Ägypten is the only title in use. Brand logos, symbols and slogan in use is “Egypt – where it all begins‖. According to Pike (2005), slogans are widely understood as a needed formulation of the place's branding strategy. The logo belonging to the slogan refers to Pharaonic heritage and names in Egypt only – no logo is used to portray Cairo.

2.3. Unintended influences - a critical dimension for place brands Every detail that somehow refers to a place, contributes to the shaping of aparticular place imagery. The weight of the detail within a person's imagery of a placehighly depends on the image that a person already holds. All the influences on the brand creation, which go beyond an official branding strategy, are summarised as unintended influences. They can be differentiated according to the following categories:

2.3.1. Word of mouth / word of mouse It is argued that a friend's recommendation for something, but particularly a friend's advice against something, is one of the strongest creators of an individual‘s perception (Anholt, 2007). The huge variety of opinion sharing platforms offered through the Internetadds numerous layers to the place brand. The online platform,Tripadvisor (tripadvisor.com), for example, is a strong tool to exchange holiday experiences and share recommendations regarding hotels, sites, sights, activities, guides, etc. worldwide. 655.142 assessments are dedicated to Egypt only. Cairo, as well as its surroundings, has at the same time an amount of 57.032 descriptions (status April 2015). Facebook has a strong meaning for place branding, as well. In groups dedicated to places, people share opinions in an uncontrollable manner. In May 2015, 90 groups, focusing on Egypt, in the German language existed. 68 of them make tourism or tourism-related topics the subject of the discussion.

2.3.2. Media depiction A high amount of negative content is/formthe nature of the news – crisis, war, terror, revolution, violence, bankruptcy, etc. are dominant topics. Thecountries of Middle East and North Africa, in particular, receive a strong, and mostly unfortunate media attention in Germany. Egypt looks back on years of political change, which certainly was the main issue debated in the media since 2011. Apart from the highly appreciated attempt to introduce democratic standards in Egypt, the media depiction was strongly dominated by critical reports about brutal violence in demonstration, suppression of free opinion, deaths, putsch, death sentences, military control or harassed women.

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After an enthusiastic start, the course of incidents in Egypt was widely received with a certain attitude of disappointment in German news. Sample checks in Germany's five most visited online newspapers were piloted to get a glimpse of the media image dedicated to Egypt in Germany. Main topic's categories were terrorism, politics, refugees, culture, holiday and others. A strong dominance was noticeable in the first two categories.

2.3.3. Public Diplomacy According to Simon Anholt (2007), public diplomacy is an essential aspect of place branding, which needs to be understood as such and treated with appropriate care. He argues that, through means of public diplomacy, places can create a strong bond of trust, which will strengthen the brand strongly. Nevertheless, public diplomacy, as an ―influence of public attitudes on the formation and execution of foreign policies‖ (Ahnholt. S. 2007, p.12.), is often neglected within the attempts brought on?? places. A strong means of public diplomacy is the existence of active and vivid foundations that one country runs in another country. The goals of such cross-national partnerships, for example, are to: create and maintain visibility in the host country in question; communicate with the values and visions of the guest; enable cultural exchange between both countries; support political, cultural and social processes in the host country; strengthen economic partnership and ease business between both countries; and create and maintain trust between both countries, which supports the creation of a positive reputation. Egypt and Germany share a long history in this respect – different strong dimensions of public diplomacy exist. Goethe Institut, Hans Seidel Stiftung, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Deutsches Wissenschaftszentrum, DAAD, Humbolt Universität, Technische Universität Berlin, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, KfW Bank or Friedrich Naumann Stiftung are examples of German organisations working in Egypt. Mostly, they are engaged in cultural, political and educational projects. The Egyptian representation in Germany is comparatively small. Only few attempts have been undertaken to get Germans in touch with Egypt. Apart from the Egyptian Embassy in Berlin, the Egyptian tourism office, cultural office and the commercial mission represent the only examples for Egyptian projects in Germany. Bernd Erbel, former German ambassador in Egypt, explains that there is currently no noticeable widespread impact. He recommends to enlarge the scope of Egyptian presence and to build a stronger and solid scaffold of multi-layered representations in Germany.

3. (Potential) Tourist's Brand Awareness The intention to gain an understanding of the place imagery, held by German tourists, was approached through two different, quantitative surveys. Both were mainly held online, targeting Germans in Germany. The first survey addressed Germans who visited Egypt in the previous years as tourists, whereas the second one targeted potential tourists, who have never been to Egypt. Generally, the main focus of both surveys was to understand the place imagery in regard to brand identity and brand channels.

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3.1. Perceived Brand Identity The following surveys' results will be compared with the brand analysis of chapter 2 in order to analyse the brand awareness of the tourists. A categorisation of the brand identity (2008) was applied. Perceived brand culture was, in both surveys, presented through Pharaonic heritage. The participants also dedicated a big attention to certain flair and atmosphere of the orient, mainly found in bazaars in Cairo. Cairo, particularly, received great attention from potentialtourists and was mostly understood as a vivid and chaotic place. Nevertheless, both groups stressed on culture and sun and sea and portrayed them as an essence of the brand culture. Additionally, the tourists focussed strongly on the friendliness of local people. Perceived brand character was mainly promoted and communicated as a ―unique experience‖ and ―something that everybody should see in life‖, with special regard to the culture of the place. Again, it is especially the Pharaonic heritage which incorporates such promises and expectations. The Red Sea's underwater world was also understood as a main characteristic. At the same time, it became evident that many of the participants of both surveys do not trust the Egyptian state and are concerned about the development of poverty, law and order, terrorism and Islamic strictness, for example. Perceived brand personality was, unlike the official promotion, mostly derived from the local people. Welcoming, friendly and honest were attributes often used by the tourists, whereas the potential-tourists often narrated exoticness, friendly curiousness and hospitality. Furthermore, terms like vivid, chaotic, wild, loud, sleepless, etc. were used frequently to describe Cairo, which received great attention. The Pharaonic monuments were often attributed as majestic, mystical or alien. Perceived brand logo, name, and slogan were much in the awareness of the participants. They showed knowledge about the most important symbols like the beach, sea, desert, Pharaonic monuments (especially the Pyramids), for example. Cairo, in particular, was symbolised through different terms such as chaos, bazaars, certain smells or the oriental atmosphere. Only 23,88% of the tourists have been exposed to the officially published material of the tourism ministry, which means that the rest of the participants do not know the official logo or the slogan of egypt.travel.

4. SWOT and recommendations 4.1. Strengths and weaknesses From the analysis done in chapters two and three, the main strengths and weaknesses of the Cairo's place brand have been detected, which are relevant for the main vision announced by tourism minister/the Minister of TourismHeshamZazou – ―improving the perception of Egypt‖

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4.2. Recommendations - Creating a holistic branding approach The vision, ―improving the image of Egypt‖, announced by the Minister of Tourism, serves as the strategy's head and policy, that creates the uniting element. Through the different layers, the strategic sketch refers to the main findings of the SWOT analysis and intends to use strengths in order to cope with weaknesses. To achieve the vision, the strategy aims at regaining and strengthening trust through four levels of public diplomacy and tourism promotion in Germany and other partner countries (see figure…). It, generally, intends to create an atmosphere of trustworthiness and visionary change that is being communicated proudly and honestly. In this sense, the branding of Egypt and Cairo has to be understood not only as a promotional effort, but also as the strong cooperation between public diplomacy and promotion though all the brandchannels.

- Cairo – branding through weaknesses? The surveys done in the research showed that the participants are very much aware of certain realities of Cairo

–the chaos and crowd, in particular, were elements mentioned often and described precisely. These aspects might be considered, by its inhabitants, as one of many major urban problems in Egypt's capital. Nevertheless, they represent a particular characteristic of the mega city that cannot be neglected. For most of the tourists and potential tourists, it might represent something very exotic and alien. Bearing in mind the fact that tourism is, in many cases, motivated by the curiosity for something foreign, unknown and strange, it can be assumed that the chaos is a particularly interesting aspect of Cairo. The surveys showed a great interest in Cairo‘s contemporary urbanity – a harmonic combination of 1.) Old, majestic, folkloric, mystical, traditional and 2.) New, chaotic, dynamic, diverse and urban might be the solid ground for a city image that is proud, honest and pleasant. - Online presence of the city for tourism Clearly, an official website addressing foreign tourists is a standard of today's city-communication and a missing element in the promotion of Cairo's tourism. Most of the cities with ambitions towards tourism dedicate particular attention to it. Websites represent a logical and useful way of communication for five main reasons: 1.) they are the easiest way to reach the audience; 2.) they are an extremely flexible tool to communicate with the audience; 3.) establishing and maintaining them needs a very small budget only; 4.) they can cooperate with social networks, etc.; and 5.) they allow interaction with the audience. Currently, Cairo is represented only through the website of ―egypt.travel‖ where it receives a share that is inappropriate for a city that is meaningful and rich in terms of culture and urbanity.

5. Conclusion The research intends to analyse a place brand's complexity, with a focus on understanding the elements that create the image of a place. They were grouped in two categories, according to their intention, to contribute to the branding of Cairo into: 1) intended influences, which deliberately try to create a place brand and 2) unintended elements, which might be baring any branding intention. Particular focus was, furthermore, set on 1) tourism, as an important economic sector, and 2) Germans, as a very important visitor nation for Egypt. The current situation of Egyptian tourism is particularly interesting from the place branding point of view, since it faces a crisis which seems to be related to the overall political situation.

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First, the official tourism promotion was analysed, since it represents the main voice of intended brand creation. It became evident that the clear focus onall promotional effort is to highlight Egypt's two most important tourism products – culture and sun and sea. It is remarkable that the tourism promotion of Egypt allocates only a small share to Cairo. By using adjectives like majestic, breathtaking or speechless, Egypt is described as extraordinary and incomparable. The slogan ―where it all began‖/ „woallesbegann‖ highlights the idea of Egypt's global importance and meaning as a place of cultural origin. By paying attention to the unintended branding influences, the research sample checked the media depiction of Egypt, which appeared to be problematic for the place brand of Egypt and Cairo due to a strong dominance of negative topics. Apart from the news depiction, public diplomacy was understood as an unintended aspect of place branding, as well. Only very few Egyptian organisations exist in Germany, mostly as sub-entity of the embassy. Clearly, a great potential lies in the field of public diplomacy, which can be activated by acknowledging its essential meaning for place branding. Two surveys have been done to analyse the brand awareness for people who are addressed by the promotional effort. The first survey targeted potential tourists from Germany who have factually never been to Egypt and the second survey, those Germans who have been to Egypt as tourists. The participants' general perception, knowledge and attitude towards Egypt were investigated. It became evident that the vast majority of both surveys connect culture, especially the Pharaonic one, as well as the sun and sea, with the country, which matches exactly the core value presented by the official promotion. Surprisingly, Cairo was, for potentialtourists, the main topic that they could relate to. The city was mainly associated with chaos, crowds of people, bazaars, exotic smells, heat or adventurous walks in oriental streets. A certain fascination seems to exist for the capital and its exotic, hectic and alien urbanity – a possible asset for the destination that is completely neglected by the promotional efforts. Generally, the results of both surveys can be summarised as a positive attitude towards Egypt and Cairo. Tourists particularly stressed on the local people as an important quality of the country. Apart from that, it was obvious that severe concerns exist regarding the political situation in Egypt. Clearly, the image held by people is mainly created by factors different from any branding campaign. Nevertheless, the general image about Egypt is close to the promoted image. In special regard to Cairo, the research discovered main strengths of the place brand in regard to the vision stated above: 1) local people, 2) culture and 3) the strong visual image. At the same time, the following weaknesses were detected: 1) state's reputation, 2) safety and 3) non-activated public diplomacy. From the strengths and weaknesses, it was possible to give recommendations that should support the process of improving the image of Egypt and especially of Cairo. Within a four-layer strategy, the implementation of a public diplomacy structure in partner countries appears to be a needed step to reach the goal. Aiming at strengthening the relations with foreigners and creating trustworthiness, the public diplomacy should be built up systematically through the layers of policy, program, plan and project. Parallel to this, a complex visual communication strategy for Cairo should be established –one that uses the strengths to cope with the weaknesses. It is important to create a visual communication that conveys honesty and that will consequently keep the given brand promise. The particular features of chaotic urbanity should be understood as an asset in regard to tourism, which should be used rather than hidden. The communication should implement strong digital tools, especially a very dynamic cityhomepage that meets today's requirements and expectations in terms of design and technicalities. All place-branding attempts face the dilemma of a very limited control over the actual image creation. No place will ever be able to eliminate the unintended brand influences, not even the strictest dictatorship that uses

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restrictions of speech and censorship. The actors deliberately engaged in the intended branding of a place should understand it as an enriching challenge rather than an obstacle.

References Anholt, S. (2007) Competitive Identity, TheNew Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions, Plagrave McMillan New York, USA Anholt, S. (2010) Places: Identity, Image and Reputation, Hampshire: PalgaveMcmillan Bierzynski, A (2011) Destination Branding and First Impressions, American University Washington, D.C. USA Business Monitor International (2013) Egypt: tourism report, London, UK Deutscher Reiseverband ev (2015) Fakten und Zahlen zum deutschen Reisemarkt 2014, Berlin, Germany Dinnie, K. (2008) Nation Branding: Concepts, Issues, Practice Elvesier, Oxford, UK Freire, J.R. (2007) â&#x20AC;&#x17E;Local People â&#x20AC;&#x; a critical dimension for place brands, Brand Management Palgrave McMillan, New York City, USA Govers, R. & Go, F. (2009) Place Branding, Palgrave Mcmillan, Hampshire, Great Britten Grodach, C. (2009) Urban Branding: An Analysis of city homepage imagery, Journal of Architectural and planning research, Locke Science Publishing Company, Chicago, USA Helmy, M. (2008) Urban Branding Strategies and the emerging Arab Cityscape, University of Stuttgart, Germany Kapferer, J-N (2008) New Strategic Brand Management, Kogan Page Limited, London and Philadelphia, USA and England Kerr, G. (2005) From destination brand to location brand, University of Wollongong, Australia Lindstrom, M. (2006) Brand Sense Build Powerful Brands through Touch, Taste, Smell, Sight, and Sound, Audio Tech Business Book Summaries, Willowbrock, Illinois Pike, S. (2005). Tourism destination branding complexity, Journal of Product & Brand Management, Emerald Price Waterhouse Coopers (2012) Africa gearing up, UK Research and Markets (2013) Egypt Tourism Industry by 2013, USA Risitano, M. (2008) The role of destination branding in the tourism stakeholders system. The CampiFlegrei case, University of Naples, Italy Tarbusch, N. (2012) Cairo 2050: Urban dream or modernist delusion?, Columbia University, New York, USA

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Ruins of Urbanity: Rethinking the prospective of urban voids for a sustainable urban development A special focus on Tunis Author: Maroua Ennouri First Supervisor: Ghada Farouk Hassan, Ain Shams University Second Supervisor: Antje Stockman, Stuttgart University The research described through thispaper, explores how to rethink the prospective of urban voids as a pressing and growing issue in order to achieve development, sustainability and liveability in the inner urban fabric. The research is presented in a form of a series of international and local case studies and two main cases to develop in the focus area. In a first phase and in order to have a clear vision about the discussed issue, the research tried to understand the phenomenon of urban voids through defining the void through the forces and reasons that contribute in the regeneration of urban voids and, in certain cases, hinder the development of those vacancies. Urban voidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; redevelopment scenarios are a subject that stimulated many researches and experiences through the world. In the second phase of the following study, the focus was the analysis of three international case studies: the case of Philadelphia, the case of Bab el Faraj in Aleppo and Karlsruhe in Germany. However, in this phase, the focus is mainly the documentation of the strategies and ideas developed during the different cases. On the level of Tunis as the focus study area, previous scenarios that dealt with urban voids were explored through two case studies. The strategies were assessed according to circles of sustainability, considered as an important factor in any future vision. The extracted conclusions contributed in the reflection on the urban voids in Tunis, in two different locations, as well asthe elaboration of a process for the revitalisation in Tunis.

Keywords: Urban Voids, vacant land, abandoned properties, urban policies, integration strategies, sustainability, development

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1. Introduction The image and the landscape of our cities are being altered daily due to countless reasons such as industrialisation, deindustrialisation, suburbanisation, urban sprawl, defective urban planning policies, war and other natural and environmental disasters. All these factors are changing the urban consistency of the majority of the cities worldwide. These phenomena generate emptiness and abundance on the level of the urban fabric. These leftover spaces, commonly called urban voids, characterise the landscape of major cities since the 1960s (Catarina Cirelli, 2002). Yet an urban void is a large and complex concept and contains many layers and subcategories such as vacant land, dead space, abandoned property, remnant parcel, under-utilised land, urban wasteland, brownfields or more modern terms such as TOAD, in-rem foreclosure property, etc… In his article ―Filling the voids of urbanity‖, Bo Gronlünd defines urban voids asfollows: ―Voids - the word can refer to many different kind of phenomena, as we are not talking about voids in an absolute sense. 1) Lacking function. 2) Lacking people. 3) Lack of aesthetic experiences. 4) Lack of difference.‖ (Grönlund, 1994, S. 2). They represent, on a spatial focus, an important potential to improve the social, economical, physical and environmental aspects on the regional scale of cities such as in the Mena region (Bowman & Pagano, 2004).

2. Research Aims and objectives Through investigating the causes and effects of urban abandonment and emptiness, in addition to studying strategic policies for redevelopment, the research aims to highlight and emphasise the role that urban voids, as spaces of opportunity, can perform in reshaping and reinventing the urban image of our inner cities, with a special focus on Tunis‘s inner city centre.The objectives of the research are mainly to understand the reasons and causes behind theurban voids‘ regeneration and to investigate the potential of urban vacancies in alleviating the environmental, social and economic issues of Tunis‘s inner urban centre. This acts as a step towards ameliorating its liveability through identifying the mechanism that hinders or counters the generation of urban voids and research more adequate strategies to deal with urban voids, based on assessing the implemented reintegration strategies through specific criteria of sustainability.

3. Research Questions: Through international and Tunisian case studies, the research aims to answer the following questions: 1- Why doesa void occur within an urban fabric? 2- How can we deal with the leftover spaces once abandoned by the inhabitants and the investors? 3- Can we reuse or take advantage of this existent niches for inventive development and flexible interventions? 4- Is Tunis infected by the phenomenon of Urban Voids? 5- How can an urban void be reintegratedin Tunis? Is it a successful approach to alleviate the issues of the inner urban fabric of Tunis?

4. Methodology The research is divided mainly into three phases: The first phase is to define the issues or the research problem through investigating why an urban void occurs and the related challenges, in general, and in the case of Tunis, in particular. This phase of the research is highlighted through the first part, entitled ‗Prologue‘, to theurban voids‘ concept. The second phase is to research what was done previously when it comes to reusing urban

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voids. This phase will shed light on three international cases firstly and then on two Tunisian cases that will perform as an introduction to the targeted research context of the inner city centre of Tunis. The third phase of this research consists of studying two neighbourhoods located in inner Tunis (La Petite Sicile and El Kherba), which are witnessingthe urban voids phenomenon through observation, questionnaires and interviews with adequate experts. Those urban voids will be analysed and categorized according to quantitative and qualitativelevels in order to produce typologiesfor the aim of developing pilot processes and scenarios as recommendations for theurban voidsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; redevelopment strategies in the specific Tunisian context.

Figure 9: line of the Research Source : Author, 2015

5. Classification of Urban Voids Urban void, as a concept, includes several typologies. However, the researcher will adopt a classification of urban voids that depends on the aspect of developability. Developability is a crucial factor that influences the

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future image of an urban void. Unfortunately, due to certain limitation, not all urban voids can be reused. Three main categories are pre-set and stimulated from Ray Northam‘s definition of developability (Northam, 1971). Developable: Ray Northam (1971) defines developable vacancies as the parcels that can, by simply introducing new functions and usages, attain their ―maximum utility‖ (Northam, 1971, p. 354). Developable with prerequisites: thesevoids have the ability and the potential to accommodate new functional usages under specific conditions and with the help of certain prerequisites such as legislation, natural and physical features, etc. Undevelopable or unbuildable: thesevoids ―cannot accommodate usual forms of urban development … depending on whether the limitations on their development are natural or societal‖ (Northam, 1971, pp. 345, 350). The natural causes are divided into three main aspects, which are ―extreme slopes, flood hazard and unstable sub-surface materials‖ (Northam, 1971, p. 350). The parcel dimension and geometry, in addition to the institutional will to preserve the void as an open space, constitutes the societal factors that hinder the developability of an urban void (Northam, 1971).

6. Sustainability Assessment The assessment is a process that aims to provide an interpretation of the level of sustainability of cities, regions and neighbourhoods. As shown in the following figure, the criteria of assessment of the extracted strategies are based on four domains: economy, ecology, politics and culture. Each domain has two subsections that refer to specific strategies. For example, in the economy domain, resourcing can refer to the revenue maximising strategy implemented in Philadelphia.

Figure 2: Criteria of Assessment

Source: Author, 2015

7. Best practices and lessons learned Philadelphia: Initially, the policy of the city was directed towards increasing and generating fiscal revenue. Still, other strategies that deal with the development aspect of the city had to be considered in order to enhance the living conditions and livelihood of affected residents by urban voids. Hence, the plan was to stabilise and manage the targeted sites as a first step ―to ultimately reclaiming them for redevelopment purposes, focusing

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initially on areas with existing investments and community assets to „build off‟‖ (Kromer & Kingsley, 2010, p. 34). One of the key features of the rehabilitation operations, that were conducted in Philadelphia, is the local communities‘ participation and the involvement in decision making, planning and the implementation of these actions in order to engage the residents and other stakeholders into the process, increase their sense of belonging and, most importantly, to secure their commitments to maintain and preserve those improvements once completed. This strategy was strongly highlighted in the urban gardening initiative. Karlsruhe: This case offers another context. The city‘s authorities and major actors within the urban development frame dealt with leftover spaces as their rations that can constitute alternatives for development. Once a need, new urban projects that can provide necessary services to the inhabitants and to cope with the demographic growth, was increasing. The city searched or was forced, due to financial constraints, to look for affordable and developable lands. Urban voids – and here, the term includes specifically vacant and derelict lands and abandoned properties – were seen as an existent prospect to be realised and exploited. ―The existence of vacant lands offers…a unique opportunity to re-figure the city to meet the needs of the twenty-first century‖ (Bowman & Pagano, 2004, p. 4). More on the strategies level, the highlight of the strategic thinking of the city was to include and to integrate the inhabitants in the revitalisation process itself which shifts the government-citizen relation to the level of a partnership approach which has a great impact on raising the level of satisfaction of the users of the architectural and urban spaces. Aleppo: It is unquestionable that the rehabilitation project of the old city of Aleppo is worldwide recognised as one of the best practices in a historic urban fabric due to the will of preserving the Authentic oriental living traditions of the local inhabitants. Planning regulations, land use and building regulations were ratified. A development plan (DP) was studied (1993-1997), proposed to the authorities in 1999 and approved in 2000. It served as a guide for the development and construction projects and defined possible functions of a plot according to its location and access. Priority Areas of intervention (areas action plans) were defined and several have already been the subject of projects and achievements. However, and since its partial demolition, Bab el Faraj didn‘t evolve much unless considering that eight floors imposedmassive hotel (the Sheraton Aleppo) as a triumph forthe development of the area. Yet in the end of the 21st century, the international and national organisations finally focused their efforts on the rehabilitation possibilities of Bab el Faraj. Unfortunately, the outset of the Syrian conflict put an end to these efforts. Immeasurable further destruction is still altering the urban features of Bab el Faraj, located in the centre of the battle between the Ba‘athist regime and the Free

Army. Questioning the future of the development of Bab el Faraj, once the conflict is over, is a must.

8. Lessons learned: The Tunisian context The Medina of Tunis underwent, since the 1960s, the consequences of the crisis instigated by the intrusion of the market economy that led to the disarray of corporations and the decline of handicraft products. In addition, the area witnessed a massive influx of people from rural areas, which settled and occupied the voids regenerated by the departure of the original residents who preferred to settle in the periphery.

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Figure 10: Interrelation between the implementedstrategies (Hafsia and Oukalas)

Source: Author, 2015

response,

authorities

the

conducted

two urban acupuncture projects in two locations inserted

within

the

walled city – the first was

Hafsia

reconstruction

project

and the second was the Oukalas

project.

Although the two

initiatives coincided sometimes geographically and chronologically, they are relatively diverse and targeted two different issues of the rehabilitation of historic urban voids. Several strategies were implemented in both cases and led to the relative success of the projects. Nevertheless, those two projects were mainly based on urban policies that were tailored specifically to deal with those two specific contexts and were inspired from the French heritage policies (Aawali, 2015). It was expected, however, that asin the case of the Oukalas project that was instigated by the success of the Hafsia, other initiatives would take place. Yet those two actions didn‘t trigger a series of projects that will target other urban voids in the larger scale of the inner city of Tunis. According to Aawali (2015), there is a lack of a clear vision for the whole historical core which doesn‘t only include the medina but even the European city due to the richness of the architectural and urban features: is it the vision of an economical hub or that of a ville-musée?Is it an enhancement ofthe residential character of the city? The government doesn‘tknow yet. In parallel, other voids popped up as hosts for informal activities or no activities at all, such asthe European city district ―la petite Sicile‖ or ―El kherba‖, for example, that hasbasically, although ideas and projects were suggested, never been revitalised mainly due to the lack of the political will and urban policies that can offer the frame and strategies to follow. ―Everyone knows that planning is a process…it is a spark that sets off a current that begins to spread‖ (Lerner, 2014, p. 3). This is what, according to Lerner (2014), establishes a real good urban acupuncture for urban voids.

9. Voids in Tunis: La Petite Sicile La Petite Sicile neighbourhood, as it is now and despite itsdifficulties, itsfatigues and itsexpectations for better days to come (Ammar, 2009), is worth to be closely analysed. Furthermore, policy and decision makers must be attentive to the islets streets, to the buildings, to the inhabitants who lived there for years and even to those early century Europeans, Tunisian craftsmen or docker houses that bulldozers and heavy engines of an untimely renovation project will irrationally take away along with the old warehouses and garages (Ammar,

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2009). Meanwhile, and due to the neglect of the architecture and urban features, La Petite Sicile is endorsing a lack of interest through vacant lands, abandoned and derelict properties. According to Leila Ammar (2009), the urban renewal of La Petite Sicile and the city‘s picture is a complex process. It requires beyond sketches and renderings designed by a winning architect. It requires the resolution of the problematic land issues, the coordination of all stakeholders, departments and divisions in order to ensure the harmony of the different projects (infrastructure, demolition, rehabilitation, reconstruction, etc.) (Ammar, 2009). Urban voids lean towards inducing a negative image of the infested neighbourhood (Grönlund, 1994). Emptiness, decay and abandonment require alternative improvements through design and activities. According to the study held in Tunis in 2015, the most appealing rehabilitation purpose, for the inhabitants and the users of La Petite Sicile neighbourhood, was mainly economic enhancement through implementing commercial activities that will provide employment opportunities, specially that the country and the city of Tunis incubate a high rate of unemployment, particularly among the higher education graduates that reached to 31.4% in 2014 (INS, 2015). However, if a revitalisation strategy will affect the neighbourhood of la Petite Sicile, it is crucial to integrate the immense void that represents, today, the old harbour of Tunis bordering La Petite Sicile. Yet due to the fact that the Harbour of Tunis is listed under the category of DPM1, thisimplies a high level of complexity in order to re-integrate it within the urban realm. This vacant public property can serve, however, as an important asset to beautify the city centre in addition to enhancing the aesthetical, cultural and economic value of the adjacent neighbourhood including mainly La Petite Sicile.

10. Voids in Tunis: El Kherba Mdak el Halfa, or what is known today among the inhabitants of Tunis as ―El kherba‖, is a 6.5-hectar district in the edge of the heart of the old city of Tunis. During the Second World War, this neighbourhood was bombed, which created, on the level of the urban fabric, more than 7000 m 2of land vacancy. Thus, the development of the district was centred on this empty space. However, almost thirty years after a multitude of suggestions for the redevelopment of the area, el Kherba is still undeveloped. On the contrary, the decay process is worsening. Due to the proximity of this void to many vibrant commercial arteries of Tunis downtown, as mentioned before, and the strong commercial dedication of the buildings surrounding this vacant land consisting mainly in shops and trades in the ground level and residential units in the upper floors, El Kherba ended up with time hosting, informally, a very crowded and noisy market. The invasion of the space by this market instigated several damages on the urban level, clearly shown through an increasing rate of garbage on site and the difficulty to access El Kherba. Unfortunately, due to the hostile environment related to the informality and the illegal presence of those street vendors, photographing the area wasn‘t really welcomed.The results of the conducted questionnaire in the area demonstrate the need of the people in El Kherba to augment and ameliorate the economic and commercial vitality of the community living and working through providing employment, sustaining the existent shops, implementing commercial centres, etc. in addition to the need to enhance the image of the site by upgrading the vehicular accessibility of the neighbourhood, totally blocked to the vehicles during the occurrence of the market, ameliorating the Social Welfare and creating leisure and recreational activities. The future development of El Kherba depends a lot on

Public maritime domain

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the shift of the governmental vision towards a Kherba that constitutes an opportunity to invest in a designconscious public enhancement.

11. Recommendations As shown in the two previous examples of La Petite Sicile and El Kherba, certain areas and, specifically, the historical core of Tunis are witnessing an urban decay that needs an effective action plan. Soliciting the public eye is an important factor in re-imagining a city as shown in the examples of Karlsruhe and Philadelphia where participatory processes played a major role in shaping the outcomes of the implemented actions. In order to start or test the response of Tunisians nowadays towards such culture of dialogue and participation and to benefit from the results, a questionnaire on urban voids and their perception in Tunis was conducted. Even though the results of the questionnaires in La Petite Sicile and El Kherba generate an idea about the opinion and the position of Tunisâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; inhabitants, it was needed on this level in order to elaborate recommendations to question people familiar with the context of the large scale of the city. The results that outcome this questionnaire have an important role and a major impact in shaping urban reuse ideas and scenarios that provide guidance and recommendations through this research. It was noticeable that the response was higher from the youth and prime adulthood in which the age ranges between the mid-twenties to mid-thirties, mainly due to the higher presence of this age group onsocial media. Seventy per cent of the respondents are currently living in Tunis, which insinuates a higher level of familiarity with the specific context of the capital and its historical nuclei than the remaining thirty percent. By familiarity, the researcher means how often the respondents of the survey are used to walk and to which extent they know the districts of the city centre such as la medina de Tunis or la ville europĂŠenne. The outcome of the survey gives a clear idea of the urban expectancies and image that the prime adulthood in Tunis is seeking. It emphasizes, as well, the level of awareness of the respondents to the urban challenges and potentials that Tunis is currently facing. Those results, in addition to the extracted strategies from the best practices chapter, will shape and guide, as mentioned previously, the most adequate way to deal with urban voids in Tunis. Yet this is a city that already implemented several singular urban acupunctural projects, which didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t provide a structure or a revitalisation process that can offer a clear framework to be followed and adapted to thedifferent contexts of urban voids in Tunis.Providing solutions or specific scenarios that are tailored to each case will not alleviate the general problemsin Tunis but will only deal with thisspecific point. There is a need for general guidelines that can be replicated and adapted once actions are required.

The research suggests a revitalisation process that consists often steps that can be adjusted to each location. It represents a summary of the findings of the analysis of the best practices both internationally and nationally. Those ten steps are divided into five main phases that condition the success or failure of the process itself (inspired from Stillmann, 2014). The planning phase: During this phase, previous experiences have to be investigated in order to learn and to gather knowledge about the phenomenon of urban voids. Then, the efforts have to be focused on understanding the city of Tunis as an incubator of this phenomenon, its generating dynamics and how it can be used as a potential instead of a burden. It is mainly the phase where a vision has to be shaped (Zurb, 2015).

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The design phase: This is the phase in which the vision has to be concretised through strategies and ideas that can be explored through prototypes (chosen locations) (Zurb, 2015). The intervention phase: Implementing and deploying the strategies that were explored in the previous phase in order to test the community‘s acceptance and attract investments to enhance what was already implemented (zurb, 2015). The assessment phase: In this phase, the outcomes of the implemented strategies have to be defined in order to evaluate it and then to reflect the failure/success in order to ameliorate the decision-making process and the strategic visioning of the city (Zurb, 2015). The maintenance phase: This phase aims at maintaining the usage of this process and to launch a series of actions on the broad level of Tunis (Zurb, 2015).

12. Conclusion When urban voids are mentioned, the first image that comes in people‘s mind is the one of a garbage dump or drug dealers‘ meeting points.They are terrifying images that strengthen the seclusion of those vacancies from the urban realm. The challenge, at this level, is to convince the public opinion of the potential of urban voids. Abandonment and decay are just phases in the lifespan of building or a parcel of land.It is both the problem and the solution for the city. As shown in the previous sections of this paper, alternatives are more than possible for urban voids. Reusing urban voids is identical to recycling. It is a process of changing an unused product and, in this case, it varies from vacant land, abandoned properties, brownfields, remnant parcel, etc.; in order to create a new useful product that will avoid the consumption of other raw resources such as agricultural lands and will fulfil the needs of the city as an urban, social, political and economic arena. Hence, like in any recycling operation, a stable supply of lands or structures is accessible and provides the opportunity for cities to reinvent, reshape and redevelop their image. ―Vacant land can be a catalyst for achieving a vision, for building a city. It often provides a tabula rasa, a clean slate upon which new ideas can come to fruition.‖

(Bowman & Pagano, 2004, p. 189). The Brookings institution identified several stages in order to reach valuable reintegration process (Bowman & Pagano, 2004) such as: -

A strong knowledge and familiarity with the city‘s territory. A citywide redevelopment vision Neighbourhood planning in partnership with the locals A legal framework for the redevelopment projects Effective administration Profitable and in-demand opportunities Fiscal improvement Natural and historical characteristics as assets to consider Gentrification and relocation as a delicate topic

References Aawali, R., 2015. Arch. [Interview] (Mars 2015). Aawali, R., 2015. Rehabilitation et Renovation de la Hafsia (presentation) Ammar, L., 2009. le quartier de la petite sicile à Tunis, histoire ancienne et enjeux actuels. Patrimoines partagés de la méditerranée, concept, gestion et mémoire collective, pp. 237-248. ASM, 1994. Etude de l‘impact social et economique du project Hafsia. ASM , 2013. Tunis Living Heritage. 1ere éd. Tunis(Tunis): Association de sauvegarde de la médina. Bowman, A. O. & Pagano, M. A., 2004. Terra Incognita: Vacant Land and Urban Strategies. Washington D.C: Georgetown University Press. David, J.C. & Boissière , T., 2014. Alep et ses territoires: Fabrique et politique d‘une ville (1868-2011). Beyrouth - Damas: Presses de l‘Ifpo.

David, J.-C. & Boissière, T., 2014. La destruction du patrimoine culturel à Alep : banalité d‘un fait de guerre ?. Confluences Méditerranée, Issue 89, pp. 163 - 171. Dechow, P., 2015. Dr. [Interview] (20 february 2015).

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Grönlund, B., 1994. Filling the Void of Urbanity. Arus School of Architecture. Insitut national des statistiques. 2014. [online] Kromer, J. andKingsley, C., 2010. Vacant property reclamation through strategic investment, in eastern-north Philadelphia, 1998-2010, Philadelphia: Fels Institute of Government, school of Arts and Sciences. Lerner, J., 2014. Urban Acupuncture. s.l.:Island Press. Municipality of Tunis, 2005. ‫م ي ي قت ري س عور شم ل ـ ياك و ال ي ناب م الو ي ت ال ددهت راي و ن الاب‬, Tunis: s.n. Rahmann, H. andJonas, M., 2011. URBAN VOIDS: THE HIDDEN DIMENSION OF TEMPORARY VACANT SPACES IN RAPIDLY GROWING CITIES, s.l.: The University of Melbourne. Stillmann, J., 2014. The 4 phases of creativity. [online] Retrieved from: http://www.inc.com [Accès le 29 6 2015]. Yin, R. K., 1994. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Applied social research methods series, Volume 5, pp. 1-53. Yount, K. R., 2003. What Are Brownfields? Finding a Conceptual Definition. Environmental Practice, march, V(01), pp. 25-33. Zaeri, R., 2014. ‫س نوت‬ ‫ق وس « ي دي س ل يدن موب » ب لق دا ص ت ق الا ي زاوم ال ي ف‬, [online] Retrieved from: http://www.afrigatenews.net.

Ziehl, M., Oßwald, S., Hasemann, O., Schnier , D.(eds.), 2012. Second hand spaces – Recycling Sites Undergoing Urban Transformation. ZKM, 2015. zkm.de. [online] Retrieved from: http://zkm.de/en/about-us/history [Accès le 17 june 2015]. Zurb, 2015. Design process: a look at our lifecycle flow to help you develop better products. [online] Retrieved from: http://zurb.com

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Towards Multifunctional WaterHarvesting Landscapes The Case of Akoura Author Nada Jouni Supervisor 1 Prof. Dr. Ghada Farouk Hassan Supervisor 2 Prof. Antje Stokman Since the whole world is facing water scarcity and crisis in most of the countries already, harvesting rainwater is an approach to using abundant wasted water and not let go of it. For centuries, Lebanon has been undergoing some sustainable traditional practices such as having rainwater-harvesting ponds. This research examines the possibility to undertake enhancements and development to the pondsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; areas since there is lack of recognition and awareness of its value.

This shows in inspecting regulations and controlling strategies through surveying and observing to keep such projects maturing and to secure the success of the development. The biggest potential out of promoting rainwater harvesting is using the ponds, not only for agriculture, but also for creating socio-cultural landscapes. It is significant, generating both multifunctional purposes and spaces, benefiting from the existence of several landscape layers that would also promote the development of such purposes. Keywords: Rainwater harvesting, rainwater harvesting ponds, multifunctional landscapes, landscape elements, Akoura, multifunctionality, Lebanon.

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1. Introduction It rains on an average of 8 billion cubic meters in Lebanon a year, which is equivalent to 3 million Olympic swimming ponds. The estimated water available in Lebanon is 2.7 billion cubic meters during a typical year.Aside from this, 2.2 billion cubic meters comprise surface water resources from 17 permanent rivers, and the remaining 0.5 billion cubic meters compose of groundwater resources, in 8 aquifers mainly. Yet only 17% of available water is made use of, bearing in mind that, in 2010, the annual water demand was estimated to be 1.5 billion cubic meters, which exceeded the total withdrawal capacity and created a deficit of 73 million cubic meters (EBML, 2014). Water scarcity has been a tremendous problem in Lebanon. There is waste of water such as uncultivated rainwater. Knowing that Lebanonâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s water sources are mainly rain, rivers and streams, there is a need to having efficient use of available water. Lebanon does have enough rainwater available. Nevertheless, there is lack of techniques to capturing water resources. At a time of rising awareness of water scarcity and increasing action to manage the sustainability water resources, sustainable traditional practices sustainability,that have been in place for centuries, are abandoned. These are not only necessary but also valued heritage in some Lebanese villages in the North and South, and this is the case in Akoura.

2. Problem There is a current potential to promoting rainwater harvesting. Talking on a two-levelbasis, there is the rainwater-harvesting pond used for irrigation and there are the environmental aspects that affect the surroundings. Atthe moment, water collection ponds have a mono functional use. This is an agricultural landscape, a cultural landscape owned, maintained and used by a local community, so it is important to make use of such spaces and for people to interact. It is significant to have multi-functional purposes and to create multi-functional spaces (i.e. leisure, recreational, aesthetic, fishing, working opportunities, etc.) for there are benefits for a multifunctional landscape approach for the local community. Making use of the several layers of landscape promotes the development of such purposes. â&#x20AC;&#x2022;A multifunctional landscape design solution must embrace the various ecosystem services that have already been bequeathed to a land areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2013; (Yang et al., 2014). For the local community, benefits of a multifunctional landscape approach include: supporting and biophysical facilities such as enhancing water quantity and quality and protecting biodiversity; regulating services (i.e. waste reduction and reuse) and to cultural and social services (i.e. visual quality, human health, and recreational opportunity). Along with the involvement of people, this plays a role in forming the natural and built environments for accomplishing sustainability goals and better human good (Yang et al., 2014). Through good water management, harvesting ponds are transformed into multi-purpose layers in the system of multifunctional landscapes.

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3. Methodology and Objectives The study, initself, is an application-led approach research, anchored within some theories and qualitative methods that aim to find recommendations for managing and knowing the focal roles of landscape. Consequently, the research objectives are highlighting and developing considerations that have an effect on rainwater harvesting ponds aside from pointing out the natural factors and their uses and rasping the physical, social as well as the ecological dynamics underpinning the development. And last but not least, the research elaborates on the framework for negotiation to prompt the enhancement of the activities around the ponds.

Therefore, on three different levels are the objectives of this research that relate, in oneway or another, to the development of human beings, biodiversity, conservation, the paradigms regarding development and conservation. They relate more to the landscape existence and dynamics, whether socially, ecologically, or economically, concurring to stakeholders as well as the handlers of development in the case studies of Kfar Tebnit, AlBarouk, and Bnachii in reference to Akoura.

The first objective is to study the feasibility of rainwater harvesting system from a social (and environmental) point of view through interviews and surveys analyzing the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; socio-economic aspects and their interests in the implementation (rainwater data collection and consequent designs of different systems undertaken for conclusions, based on agriculture and other possible uses for collected water).

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The second objective is to tackle the issue with theoretical examination (concentrating on the literature review) according to systems and methods used, and compareAkoura to other case studies to find gaps and come up with suggestions.

Figure 2: Diagram of the Relation between Rainwater-Harvesting and Multifunctionality of Landscapes Source: Author, 2015

It is important here to show clearly the importance of the case study in the field research. This depends largely and primarily on data collection from primary resources.Site observation (survey), where the existing condition is described, stakeholders are defined and semi-structured interviews (questionnaire) are conducted in such a way that the project framework is kind of understood and likely to be studied and adjusted with suggestions. The mapping process indicates comparing analysis with several similar cases. This is done, firstly,by identifying icons to be mapped. Forexample, proposing guidelines for the multifunctional use of the pond areas, and secondly by noticing what materials and tools are used.

3.1. Rain Water Rainwater harvesting is just an old technique of making use of the water as a natural resource. In many areas over the whole world, it has been a common method for collecting water that has mostly been developed individualistically. Besides, it is being expanded and extended in semiarid regions where it rarely rains annually, only in certain monthsand in different spots (Gnadlinger, 2000).

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Within topographies and some limited number of populace, ground water, as well as surface, one would be narrow in several areas and regions in the world‘s cities. Consequently, this leads rainwater to be the one and single accessible source of water. At the same time, water techniques that are constructed and arranged are not likely achieved because of certain life and land conditions (Woltersdorf, 2010). ―We believe that rainwater has to go in alliance with river and groundwater as equivalent freshwater resources‖. (Gnadlinger, 2000)

3.2. Landscapes Multifunctionality The relations between the several landscape breadths, the economic, social and environmentaldimensions create multifunctional landscapes. These three different landscape functions are advocated by the sustainable development‘s framework, certainly, revealing the presence and combination of the three dimensions with the proposal of offering facilities and amenities in numerous demesnes (Wiggering et al. 2003).

In multifunctional landscapes, places (i.e. areas with rainwater-harvesting ponds) can nurture outdoor activities (i.e. walking, hiking, and jogging) and other forms of health-associated activities, environmental learning (i.e. nature, ecosystems and biodiversity), communal meetings, and a runaway from the urban and industrial atmospheres. The location of trails, wildlife viewing areas, and settings for educational programs are often spatially associated with the location of wetlands (Moore and Hunt 2011).

Figure 3: Conceptualdiagram of multifunctional landscape framework through economic, environmental and social dimensions Source: Author, 2015

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3.2.1Different Rain Harvesting Ponds in Lebanon

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The cedar nature reserve in AlBarouk (Mount Lebanon) has two ponds – the bigger, used as a bird corridor for the immigration of birds, and a smaller one for birds and animals to drink from. These ponds‘ purpose is to be used for turning off fires, for irrigating plants, as well as being a corridor for birds passing above it. For that, the big lake is fenced. The pond in Kfar Tebnit (South Lebanon), that has been there for ages and is used forswimming, washing and irrigating, has turned into a rural natural park destination for citizens and visitors. They enjoy the landscape and the glittering waters, especially at the sunset, and being a reason for having a verdant home, particularly in the spring. It is considered to be a meeting point for people from different ages and places. Bnachii (North Lebanon), which was just covered with olive trees and vines in the past,   has slopes that seemed small, like narrow valleys topped with wild trees. Then later, it turned into a project of transforming into an artificial lakethrough which the pond was readily opened with a dam that accommodates about hundreds of thousands of m3 of water. As days passed, the Bnachii Lake and its banks turned into a tourist destination with cafes spread around it. Further, it became one of Lebanon‘s natural reserves. In the case of Akoura (Mount Lebanon), using the ponds only for the purpose of irrigation is a non-profit point for the village. It would be a loss of an opportunity to gain what other cases have in terms of development and conservations onalmost all levels.   The problem is that Akoura, as a result of the field research case studies, faces a couple of problems, which if tackled and managed properly, would be enhanced or upgraded on the economic, environmental as well as socio-cultural levels. The comparison of the outcomes and conclusions that came up of the different listed scenarios shows that Akoura, more or less, is a lost case, though, the ponds were created for the purpose of using the natural resource for irrigation. The reason for this is developing a guideline and recommendations for Akoura to be developed. Economically, the village would gain extra income if the ponds were used for other purposes that activate it more on the social and touristic levels, bearing in mind that there is a snow issue – when the area is covered with snow almost half a year in time, irrigation doesn‘t take place. Further, by using the ponds (collected rainwater) for fishing for instance, and for winter activities like snowshoeing when there is snow, the economic situation in the village would be enhanced by at least 10%. Besides, to achieve multifunctionality, there should be political, economic, social and cultural requirements and regulations, as well.

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Key Findin By relating the various landscape breadths, multifunctionality is achieved and multifunctional landscapes are created. Advocating the different landscape functions by the framework of sustainable development reveals the presence in the combination of the different landscape dimensions and offers facilities in numerous features such as amenity. Having this successfully applied, all of the community, economy and environment would benefit, each on its own way, and themselves together when combined for several purposes.

Table 1: List of findings into the case studies

Source: Author, 2015

4. Conclusion Covering the impacts and feasibility assessments from environmental, economic and social perspectives and addressing these impacts in correlation to Akoura ends with having criteria for the pondsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; usages. For instance,

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the ponds on upper hills are used to irrigate, naturally by gravity, the lands below. But ponds in lower levels, rather than investing more in them to pump water up, they could be used as cultural hubs or as areas where one could go and meditate or just read a book in an atmosphere with beautiful vistas and sceneries. Fish farms can take place and reactivate the restaurant in the valley and eventually enhance the economic status of the area. Regarding spreading awareness, firstly, it should be on thecommunity and governmental levels regarding the construction and management of the rainwater harvesting ponds to avoid any pond collapsing that could lead to severe dangerous damages such as killing and destroying villages and neighboring lands. Secondly, raising awareness should target the need to conserve and recycle water. Since water scarcity is taking over, grey-water, at least, should be so clean. In return, groundwater would definitely not be contaminated. One of the most powerful steps is developing criteria to protect existing water resources from all kinds of pollution and enhance ways to collect rainwater for harvesting. By supporting innovations and projects of small scale, such as domestic rainwater harvesting, the community would be encouraged for enhancements and developments. Authorities should invest much in building efficient and well-maintained water infrastructure and should be able to assess water-intensive agricultural and industrial activities. As for tourism and multifunctionality purposes, bringing in opportunities for multifunctional uses and multifunctional landscapes, different landscape objects or layers help generate multifunctional areas. In the case of a rainwater-harvesting pond, fishing and swimming could be two activities combined in one place. Further, adding small elements to an area, such as hiking and snowshoeing trails, would engage in building a multifunctional landscape. On the otherhand, food production in croplands can, at the same time, be an exhibition and a center for a market. Yet the presence of social, economic and human capitals all, at the same time, bread in achieving multifunctionality.

Table 2: Capitals for the multifunctionality of landscapes Source: Author, 2015

References EBML (Establishment of The Water in Beirut and Mount Lebanon). 2014, Facts and Figures. Weblog. [Online] Retrieved from: http://www.moe.gov.lb/Sectors/Water.aspx?lang=en-us. [Accessed: January 10, 2015]. Gnadlinger, J. 2000, Rainwater Harvesting in Rural Areas. [Online] Retrieved from: http:// www.irpaa.org/colheita/. [Accessed: June 10, 2015].

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Moore, Trisha L. C., and William F. Hunt. 2011, Ecosystem Service Provision By Storm Wa- ter Wetlands And Pondsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;A Means For Evaluation? Water Research 46 (20): 6811â&#x20AC;&#x201C;6823. Doi: 10.1016/j.watres.2011.11.026. MSCIPP-Management Support Consultant Investment Planning Program Environment. 2003, Landcover-Landuse, Map of Lebanon. Wiggering, H., Helming, K. 2003, Sustainable Development of Multifunctional Landscapes. Springer, Berlin Woltersdorf, L. 2010, Sustainability of Rainwater Harvesting Systems Used for Gardening in the Context of Climate Change and IWRM: An example from the Cuvelai-Etosha Basin in Namibia. Yang, B., M-H and Li, Sh. 2014, Design-with-Nature for Multifunctional Landscapes: Environ- mental Benefits and Social Barriers in Community Development, pp. 5433-5458. [Online] Retrieved from: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3863853/. [Accessed: January 28, 2015].

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The relationship between the built environment and obesity An assessment of Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s built environment Author: Teresa Maria Fellinger Supervisor: Dr.AbeerElShater, Associate Professor for Spatial Planning & Urban Design - Ain Shams University, Egypt Supervisor: Prof. Antje Stokman, Professor for Landscape Planning & Ecology - University of Stuttgart, Germany

Egypt has one of the highest obesity rates worldwide. Physical inactivity and consumption of unhealthy food are the main reasons that the weight status of many Caireens is out of control. At the same time, Cairo city seems to be out of control as well: overcrowding, high-volume traffic, heavy use of motorized transportation, poor air quality and lack of recreational facilities. The consequence of these conditions is the absence of the opportunity for walking, cycling and other forms of exercise. This research is fed by two different, but equivalent parts. In the first part, a theoretical framework is developed in order to prove that a relationship between obesity and the built environment exists as well as to define parameters to be able to measure this relationship. In the second part, the relationship between Cairoâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s built environment and obesity is explored based on the parameters defined in the theoretical framework.Research results show that a relationship exists.

Keywords: overweight/obesity, built environment, food environment, physical activity, walkability, Cairo

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1. Introduction Urban living, known for offering many opportunities including potential access to better health care compared to the rural area, nowadays concentrates health risks and introduces new hazards. Until recently, the principal link between urbanization and public health was air pollution, but now this is changing as obesity spreads dramatically. Today‘s cities tend to discourage physical activity and promote unhealthy food consumption. A variety of urban factors including overcrowding, high-volume traffic, poor air quality and lack of safe public spaces makes it difficult to undertake physical outdoor activities. The megacity Cairo suffers from these conditions as well. This kind of urbanization results in absence of space for the opportunity for walking, cycling and other forms of exercise. Physical inactivity and consumption of unhealthy food together often lead to weight gain. The result is obesity, reaching epidemic proportions worldwide. Obesity is emerging as a leading global public health concern, no longer confined to the industrial world. Nearly a third of the global population is affected. In Egypt, the fattest African nation, nearly 70% of its adult population is overweight or obese with a significant difference between the urban and the rural population.

Being obese is not just an aesthetic issue; it damages human health, steals vitality, consumes time and money. But recently it is established that diseases can be moderated by how our human environment is being designed and built. Current urban environments, mainly designed for vehicles, are leading to a lifethreatening level of physical inactivity. Egypt, having one of the highest obesity-rates in the world, still does not recognize the medical and economic burden coming towards the country. Experts demand mass awareness campaigns to protect the next generation from obesity. With its poor healthcare system, it will be a tough challenge for Egypt to provide treatment for people suffering from the side effects of obesity, especially as obesity is spreading all over socio-economic classes due to heavily subsidized food. Being aware that Egypt faces many other political, economic and social challenges, this paper should shed some light on an existing disease to which not enough attention is currently dedicated. Therefore, it will be explored if Cairo‘s urban built environment contributes to the obesity epidemic or not.

2. The relationship between built environment and obesity (theoretical framework) 2.1. Overweight and obesity The World Health Organization (WHO) defines overweight and obesity ―as abnormal or excessive fat accumulation that may impair health‖ (WHO a). Most commonly overweight and obesity are classified by the body mass index (BMI). It is defined as a person‘s weight in kilograms divided by the square of his height in meters (kg/m²). A BMI greater than or equal to 25 means a person is overweight, a BMI greater than or equal to 30 means a person is obese (WHO a). An increased BMI is a major risk factor for catching a noncommunicable disease. The major health risks developing out of excessive fat accumulations are type 2 diabetes, various cancers, cardiovascular diseases and hypertension. Worldwide obesity causes around 2.8 million deaths each year, thus causes more deaths than underweight (WHO b). Further, obesity creates a number of serious public health problems with negative physical, social and mental health consequences (Pearce & Witten 2010, p.3). Since 1980, obesity rates have been rising rapidly among both children and adults. In 2014, more than 1.9 billion adults, 18 years and older, were overweight (BMI ≥ 25). Of these over 600 million were obese (BMI ≥

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30). Additionally 42 million children under the age of five were overweight or obese in 2013 (WHO a). Once considered a high-income country problem, overweight and obesity are now on the rise in low- and middle-income countries, particularly in urban areas.The fundamental cause of obesity and overweight is an increased intake of energy-dense foods that are high in fat and an increase in physical inactivity due to the increasingly sedentary nature of many forms of work, changing modes of transportation and increasing urbanization. Until now the challenge to fight against obesity was clearly framed as a medical problem. Only recently, a growing recognition developed that a more holistic approach is required to successfully combat the rise in obesity.

2.2. Built environment The built environment itself ―consists of all the many features that have been constructed and modified by humanity‖ (Lopez 2012, p.5). The built environment contains following elements: land use patterns, the distribution across space of activities and the buildings that house them; the transportation system, the physical infrastructure of roads, sidewalks, bike paths, etc., as well as the service this system provides, urban design, the arrangement and appearance of the physical elements (Handy 2002, p.64ff). Public health research has broadened the definition of built environment. Recently the term includes healthy food access, community gardens, ―walkability‖, ―bikability‖ and sustainable development which aims smart growth (Lee et al. 2008). This broad terminology for the built environment from different scientific fields is the basis for this paper. The term obesogenic environment refers to an ―environment that promotes gaining weight and one that is not conducive to weight loss‖ (Swinburn et al. 1999 in Powell et al. 2010) within the home or workplace. It is the

―sum of influences that the surroundings, opportunities, or conditions of life have on promoting obesity in individuals or populations‖ (Lake & Townshend 2006, p.262). The technological advances of the last decades had a huge impact on the design and development of buildings, the way of communication, transportation and how populations are fed. The affordability of private transportation revolution due to the industrialization transformed society and had an effect on our residency and way of life. The practice of zoning and separation of land uses created a distance between residences and their workplace as well as their daily needed services and therefore increased travel times.With good intention, housing density within a suburb was constrained, but planners at that time did not recognize the inadvertent consequences for walkability and physical activity. Additionally the technological revolution of home labor saving devices and mobile phones brought major societal changes fuelling the obesity epidemic and transformed ourselves to consumers rather than citizens (Giles-Corti et al. 2010, p.133ff).

2.3. The relationship between the body and the city Back to history, already the ancient Roman military engineer Vitruvius (31 B.C.–A.D. 14) debated the ―relationship between the body and architecture in his classic, Architecture, a persistent and recurring theme has been to reflect the human body as the measure of all things in Western philosophy (Spickler, 1970; Gallop,

1988) and urban planning (Rapoport, 1977)‖ (Sui 2003, p.80). Nietzsche, Kafka, Foucault as well as Deleuze argued persistently ―that bodies should be considered primary objects of inscription surfaces, on which values, morality, and social laws are inscribed‖ (Sui 2003, p.80). Further statements like from Short (1996, p.392) ―the phallic symbolism of high-rise tower blocks; the modern skyline of many big cities is often a solid metaphor for male virility and masculine strength‖ or Pile (1996, p.208) ―the body and the city are mirrored one in the other‖ imply that the human body has acted as a powerful template for imagining the city. Cities create spaces, divisions and interconnections which simultaneously

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profile individual bodies as subjects and organize social rules and expectations. This means that different cities and different socio-cultural environments actively shape the bodies of their inhabitants (Grosz 1999, p.386). More illustrative, obesity causes illnesses as heart problems and diabetes. By analogy, sprawling (fat) cities such suffer traffic congestion and inner-city problems, disproportionate concentration of poverty and crime; so fat cities have ―heart‖ problems. As a fat body has to circulate blood through pounds of useless electricity, in a fat city power is wasted through e.g. traffic jams (Sui 2003, p.77). Another illustration, sewer blockages and overflows in cities across the world are becoming more frequent, because restaurants often pour cooking residue into drains and local governments lack the resources to monitor grease disposal. Harvey (2003, p.34) argues that ―cities are constituted out of the flows of energy, water, food, commodities, money, people and all the other necessities that sustain life.‖The contingencies and movements of fat bodies (as individuals), cities

(as a collective action) and sewers (as infrastructure) emphasize a ―multiplicity of urban metabolisms, each with different interconnectivities and forms of instability‖ (Marvin &Medd 2006, p.313).

2.4. Built environment characteristics and obesity Three major environmental characteristics were chosen, considering the environmental aspects of the sides of the energy balance equation: energy out (physical activity environment) and energy in (food environment). Policies can either support or neglect this energy balance equation. These environmental characteristics are:

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The relationship between the physical activity environment and obesity

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The relationship between the food environment and obesity

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The relationship between policy responses and obesogenic environment

2.4.1 The relationship between the physical activity environment and obesity The fact that walking requires physical effort and is time consuming makes people naturally very conscious of their choice of transportation.Parameter that influence the choice to use motorized or non-motorized transport are based primarily on two fundamental aspects of the way land is used, namely proximity (distance) and connectivity (directness of travel).But the length of the way is not the only deciding reason if a walking distance is acceptable or not. The quality of the route, both with regard to protection and to stimulation en route, plays a major role. For this reason ―the pleasantness of a place is partly contingent on protections from danger and physical harm, primarily protection from insecurity due to fear of criminality and vehicular traffic‖

(Gehl 2011, p.171). Further parameters are: safety from traffic, safety from crime, protection from unpleasant weather and the presence of urban elements (e.g. attractive sights or building facades, benches). 2.4.2 The relationship between the food environment and obesity The term food environment includes any opportunity to access food. This definition of food environment can implicate ―physical, socio-cultural, economic and policy factors both at micro and macro-level. It includes food availability and accessibility on addition to food advertisement and marketing‖ (Lake & Townshend 2006). No doubt that a genetic basis for obesity exists, which may predispose individuals to obesity, but as recent research concluded the effect size is only little (Yang et al. 2007); this result further supports the view that obesity is primarily shaped by environmental forces. Peters et al. (2002, p.70) remark: „The environment encourages overeating through an abundant food supply that is high in fat and energy density, easily available, relatively inexpensive, good tasting and served in large proportions.‖Since studies evidenced a few years ago that the distribution of groceries and restaurants within micro-environments, like neighborhoods, are a crucial determinant of residents diet and health behaviors, more attention on research was given. Most commonly the

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impact of the food environment is measured with the presence and density of food stores within a neighborhood. Either studies explore a single food outlet type or multiple outlets (include chain brand supermarkets, midsize independent grocery stores, smaller convenience stores, greengrocers, fast food outlets and restaurants). 2.4.3 The relationship between policy responses and obesogenic environment Changes are needed to address to worldwide obesity epidemic. As already mentioned the individual cannot be blamed solely, policy responses regarding the food and built environment are an important measure to protect a large number of people from the excess of high-dense energy food and to promote activity by shaping a built environment that helps to adopt and maintain an active lifestyle. Policy interventions and public policies include laws, regulatory measures, guides to action or funding priorities at any level of government.

The WHO released several calls for action. The framework Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health by WHO (2004), combines the interventions for food environments and physical activity. It aims to ―promote and protect health by guiding the development of an enabling environment for sustainable actions at individual, community, national and global levels that, when taken together, will lead to reduce disease and death rates related to unhealthy diet and physical inactivity‖ (WHO 2004, p.3).However, the implementation of frameworks and policies require highly committed governments. For each environmental characteristic are a number of research papers and case studies available proving an existing relationship between the built environment and obesity in different cities, mostly in the U.S, Europe and Australia.The development of a theoretical framework helped to define parameters which are necessary for measuring the relationship of built environment and obesity in Cairo?

3. Assessment of Cairo‟s obesogenic environment (field work analysis) ―In Cairo, a war against weight is underway‖ (Fleishman 2011), ―Obesity balloons in Egypt‖ (Rose 2014) and ―Egyptians are the fattest Africans, says WHO‖ (Charbel 2010); these are the titles of articles of famous Egyptian and international newspapers from the last couple of years regarding the weight status of Egyptians. But not only Caireens reached health damaging sizes, also the city of Cairo, Egypt‘s capitalwith its estimated 22 million inhabitants (Cairo metropolitan region), suffers from the side effects of its size.

3.1. Overweight and obesity in Cairo and Egypt With 62% of its adult population overweight and 28% of them obese, Egypt is one of the fattest nations in the world in the year 2014. Among Egyptians above the age of 18 more women than men are overweight and obese. Estimated 68% of females in this age group are said to be overweight, 37.5% out of them are obese; in comparison with approximately 56% of Egyptian males being overweight, with 20.3% out of them obese (WHO c). According to Ahram Online (2015), the Egypt Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) of 2014 counted 85% of Egyptian women being overweight with 48% of that percentage suffering obesity. Statistics issued by the Egyptian Medical Association for the Study of Obesity in early 2010 estimated that 15% of Egyptian (school-age) children are obese. In comparison in 1990 only 6% were being estimated obese (Charbel 2011). As the results from the EDHS of 2008 (UNICEF) show, there is a significant difference between the weight status of men and women living in rural or urban areas.

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According to Health Intelligence (2013) 15.6 % of Egyptian adults (20 – 79 years) suffered from diabetes mellitus in 2013. This is one of the highest percentages worldwide. Egypt‘s rate of cardiovascular disease is three times higher than the one of the U.S. (WHO Global Infobase). For Egyptian women breast cancer is one of the leading death causes. Poor nutrition and physical inactivity among post-menopausal women have been linked to this type of cancer (Olsson, & Berglund, 2003 in Mowafi et al. 2011, p.1274). Musaiger (2004, p.791) discovered that exercising is the least done activity during leisure time for Egyptians. 2% of adults (20–70 years) stated to practice exercise on normal weekdays, 8, 5% during the weekend and 2.5% during their annual leave.

3.2. The development of Cairo‟s obesogenic environment In order to understand how Cairo got to where it is now, it is best to start in the middle of the twentieth century after WW II and the July Revolution in 1952. The city started to recover from its wartime restrictions and the massive Allied Forces armies. At this time Cairo had around 2.8 million inhabitants. Basic infrastructure was built such as roads, Nile bridges, railways, wastewater systems, power grids and trolley lines and the population growth of Cairo was over 6% per year.The expansion of Cairo‘s historic, traditional town and the European Sector (today‘s Downtown) continued to the north along two axes: Shubra/Rod al-Farag and al-Wayli/Heliopolis/Ain Shams and to the south to Maadi and Helwan. Between 1952 into the 1960s the state instructed many public housing projects combination with private housing companies. The formal Cairo expanded essentially until June 1967. The war with Israel brought Egypt the shift to wartime economy. But due to President Sadat‘s infitah (open door policy) in the mid of 1970s, local business men and entrepreneurs

―began to remerge and Egyptian workers started to flood the Gulf countries and send back remittances. A real-estate boom began to change Cairo‘s landscape, with residential tower blocks, new hotels, and office complexes. Building controls seemed not to exist (…). Infrastructure projects, mainly symbolized by the Sixth of October Bridge and flyovers, began to appear‖ (Sims 2010, p.52). In the 1980s the first metro line was introduced along with new highways like the Autostrad. In the 1990s and 2000s for a better flow of traffic, the Cairo Ring Road was constructed as well as more flyovers and the Al-Azhar tunnel (Sims 2010, p.56). Despite the huge infrastructure investments, hours-long traffic jams are the daily struggle for Cairo‘s motorists. Due to traffic accidents, there are 42 annual road deaths per 100,000 Egyptians– compared with just 2.75 in Britain. This is one of the highest worldwide. 20% of the deaths are pedestrians (WHO 2012). A fact which proves that Cairo‘s urban built environment got out of human scale. Another indicator that the development of Cairo ran out of control is the disappearance of urban public space. Due to social, economic and political forces the general population lost their rights in urban realm to participate in social and physical space. The streets of Cairo used to be major spaces for public gatherings and spatial integration. Now they have been reduced to a ―simple space for movement‖ (Levy 1999 in Attia 2012, p.12). Nowadays, if people want to meet they have to seek for a coffee shop to be able to sit and talk in peace, because the few existing parks are fenced, walled or full of trash. One reason is the privatization of space, e.g. both waterfronts of the Nile River are nearly not accessible. Another reason is that ―citizens are separated into social groups or classes and are placed into separate realms‖ (Attia 2011, p.11). The disappearance of public gardens and public squares is the result of social segregation. Egypt‘s urban planning struggles for symbolic dominance. Urban space mostly reflects the interest of the upper class capitalists. Lower socio-economic

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classes are perceived as a â&#x20AC;&#x2022;threat to public wellbeing and thus displaced from social space through physical, social and symbolic barriersâ&#x20AC;&#x2013; (Attia 2011, p.12). Up to now only a few individual groups and initiatives have recognized the need to start the fight against obesity in Cairo. The National Organization for Urban Harmony (NOUH) is the institution which is responsible to follow up and control the implementation of their developed design guidelines for urban public spaces, sidewalks, city centers, and heritage sites in Egypt. But their willingness to create an environment for the people is weak and the Egyptian residents are powerless to avoid the downgrading of their urban environment.

4. Field research Field research took place in four different shiyakha (smallest administrative boundary in Egypt) of Cairo governorate.Data regarding the height and weight of Caireens come from the Cairo Urban Inequity Study (UIS). These were kindly provided by the Social Research Center of the American University in Cairo. The American University in Cairo conducted the UIS which was a large survey funded by UN-Habitat from May till August 2007 with the aim of identifying potential intra-urban health inequities in the Cairo governorate of Egypt. Out of the examined areas of the UIS, the four shiyakha (Garden City, Ard El Golf, Hadaeq and Hadaeq El Qubbah) with the highest socio-economic status were selected in order to eliminate the socioeconomic status of the residents which might be a determining factor for obesity in Cairo.Garden City has a compounded BMI of 23, 30, Ard El Golf of 24, 39, Hadaeq of 27, 89 and Hadaeq Al Qubbah of 29, 53. These shiyakha were examined into depth through several site visits. Applied research methodologies are based on the defined parameters of the theoretical framework and literature review. Research methodologies and results are presented in table 1.

Parameter

Street network

Applied methodologies

Results of Pearson correlation with compounded BMI

Interpretation of results of Pearson correlation and presentation of results which cannot be correlated with Pearson correlation

Integration 1200m

r= 0.721, p= 0.279

Medium inverse relationship which means that the streets of the shiyakha with a higher BMI are greater integrated on a radius of 1200m than those with a lower BMI which is not in line with the theory

r= -.680, p= 0.320

Medium negative relationship which means that the higher integrated shiyakha on a level of Cairo metropolitan region, tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

(Space Syntax) Global integration (Space Syntax) Density

Population density

r= 0.982, p = 0.18

Strong inverse relationship, the less the population density, the lower the BMI which is not in line with the theory

Land use mix

Walk Score

r =-0.091, p= 0.090

No relationship

Street connectivity

Link-node ration

r= -.337, p= 0.623

Slightly negative relationship that means that people living in a shiyakha with a higher link-node ratio tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

Intersection density

r= 0.979, p= 0.021

Strong inverse relationship that means people living in a shiyakhawith a higher intersection density show an increased BMI which is not in line with the theory

Perceived neighbourhood

Questionnaire:

surrounding

Sidewalk experience

----------------

In shiyakha with a higher presence of sidewalks and better maintained sidewalks, residents tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

Presence of trees

----------------

In shiyakha with a higher presence of trees, residents tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

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Presence of food stores

Presence of garbage

----------------

In shiyakha with a lower existence of garbage in the streets, residents tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

Presence of attractive sights

----------------

In shiyakha with a higher presence of attractive sights, residents tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

Presence of attractive buildings/facades

----------------

In shiyakha with a higher presence of attractive buildings/facades, residents tend to have a lower BMI which is in line with the theory

Safety from traffic

r= 0.779, p= 0.221

Medium strong relationship meaning that where traffic is perceived more dangerous, people tend to have an increased BMI which is in line with the theory

Safety from crime (daytime)

r= 0.993, p= 0.007

Strong positive relationship, as safer the neighbourhood that lower is the BMI which is in line with the theory

Safety from crime (night)

r= 0.900, p= 0.100

Strong positive relationship, as safer the neighbourhood that lower is the BMI which is in line with the theory

Number of food stores per 1000 inhabitants

----------------

No indicatory result

Table 6: Research results of applied methodologies for measuring the physical activity environment and obesity as well as the food environment and obesity Source: Author

5. Conclusion This research is a pioneer concerning the measuring of the relationship of built environment and obesity in a developing country as well as regarding the combination of the different qualitative and quantitative methodologies together. More research is needed to find the optimal combination of research methodologies, best in an interdisciplinary research team. Moreover, big cities in developing countries have a different progression than those in industrial countries as well as their own laws and rules. Thus the validity of theories has to be redefined so they can be applied to the cities in developing countries. Nevertheless, research results show that a relationship exists between built environment characteristics and the compounded BMI of the inhabitants of the four analyzed areas. The city of Cairo does not offer its inhabitants places for relaxation. Traffic congestions, the absence of safety in traffic, high population densities and air pollution even contribute to the struggle in the big city life. Egyptians suffer from inability of their authorities and the lack of commitment for the implementation of policies which would increase the quality of life in Cairo. The complexity of problems that Cairo faces in the year 2015 on a political, educational, cultural and social level contributes to the obesity epidemic. The demand for better health care and education were raised by many protesters during the revolution in 2011 (Shukrallah& Khalil 2012, p.485). Both have a direct linkage with obesity. The lack of knowledge about nutrition of Caireens contributes to their increased weight status. Awareness of having a balanced diet is low and once people suffer from a disease related to obesity, only a minority has the money to be treated by a doctor. The fight against obesity in Egypt needs a holistic plan ranging from micro to macro-level and from short to long-term. This challenge has to be accepted from individuals as well as government departments and international organizations. Not only in Cairo the human dimension has been seriously neglected in connection with built environment in the past 50 years. Idem in the economically developed world, planning ideologies considering rapid motorization were given the preference. In developing countries cities grow very fast due to the rapid urban population growth and the burgeoning of economic opportunities. A few European cities already managed to overcome the planning mistakes of former times and recognized the need for creating cities built for people.

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Walking, bicycling, and taking public transportation has become trendy in European cities. The same development becomes apparent with unhealthy food. The first fast food chain had to close branches in Germany due to narrow market. People in the developed world experience and suffer from the consequences of too less physical activity and the consumption of unhealthy food. That‘s the reason for the current change of behavior and adjustment of mind-set of people living in developed countries. The challenge is now to persuade people living in cities in developing countries not to repeat the same mistakes and that a big belly and owning a car is not symbol of affluence.

References Attia, T. (2011): Rethinking public space in Cairo. The appropriated Tahrir Square.TRIALOG 108. Ahram Online (2015): 85 pct of Egyptian Women are overweight: 2014 EDHS. Ahram Online.[Online] 10th of May. Available from: http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/129902/Egypt/Politics-/AboutUs.aspx [Accessed: 24th of May 2015]Gehl, J. (2011): Life between buildings. Using public space.Island Press. Washington. Fleishman, C. (2011): In Cairo, a war against weight is underway. Los Angeles Times.[Online] 31st of October. Available from: http://articles.latimes.com/2011/oct/31/world/la-fg-egypt-women-obesity-20111101 [Accessed: 31st of March 2015] Gehl, J. (2011): Life between buildings. Using public space.Island Press. Washington. Giles-Corti, B., Robertson Wilson, J., Wood, L. & Falconer, R. (2010): The Role of the Changing Built Environment in Shaping Our Shape. In: Geographies of Obesity. Environmental understandings of the obesity epidemic. Eds.: Pearce, J. & Witten, K. Ashgate. Surrey. p. 131 - 150. Grosz, E. (1999): Bodies-cities. In: Feminist Theory and the Body. Edit.:Price, J. &Shildrick, M. Routledge. New York. p. 381 – 387. Handy, S., Boarnet, M., Ewing, R. &Killingsworth, R. (2002): How the built environment affects physical activity: Views from urban planning. American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 23. p. 64 – 73. Harvey, D. (2003): The city as a body politic. In: Wounded Cities: Destruction and Reconstruction in a Globalized World. Eds.: Schneider, I. &Susser, I. Berg. Oxford. p. 25 – 46. Health Intelligence (2013): Prevalence of Diabetes in the World, 2013. [Online] 18th of November. Available from: http://healthintelligence.drupalgardens.com/content/prevalence-diabetes-world-2013 [Accessed: 24th of May 2015]

Lake, A. & Townshend, T. (2006): Obesogenic environments: exploring the built and food environments. In: The Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health. 126 (6). p. 262-267. Lee, V., Mikkelsen, L., Srikantharajah, J. & Cohen, L. (2008): Strategies for enhancing the built environment to support healthy eating and active living. Oakland, CA: Policy Link, Healthy Eating Active Living Convergence Partnership.Lopez, R. (2012): The built-environment and public health. Wiley. San Francisco. Lopez, R. (2012): The built-environment and public health. Wiley. San Francisco. Marvin, S. &Medd, W. (2006): Metabolism of obecity: flows of fat through bodies, cities and sewers. In: Environment and Planning A. 38. p. 313 – 324. Mowafi, M., Khadr, Z., Subramanian, S., Bennet, G., Hill, A. &Kawachi, I. (2011): Are neighborhood education levels associated with BMI among adults in Cairo, Egypt? In: Social Science & Medicine. 72. p. 1274 – 1283. Musaiger, A.O. (2004): Overweight and obesity in the Eastern Mediterranean Region: can we control it? In: Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal. 10 (6). p. 789–793. Pearce, J. & Witten, K. (2010): Introduction: Bringing a Geographical Perspective to Understanding the ‗Obesity Epidemic‘. In: Geographies of Obesity. Environmental understandings of the obesity epidemic. Eds.: Pearce, J. & Witten, K. Ashgate. Surrey. p. 3 – 14. Peters, J., Blakely, T., Donahoo, W. & Hill, J. (2002): From instinct to intellect: the challenge of maintaining healthy weight in the modern world. In: Obesity Reviews. 3 (2). p. 69 – 74. Pile, S. (1996): The city and body: Psychoanalysis, space and subjectivity. Routledge. London. Powell, P., Spears, K. &Rebori, M. (2010): What is Obesogenic Environment? Fact Sheet 10 – 11. University of Nevada Cooperative Extension Rose, A. (2014): Obesity balloons in Egypt. Daily News Egypt.[Online] 2nd of June. Available from: http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2014/06/02/obesityballoons-egypt/ [Accessed: 31st of March 2015] Short, J. (1996): The Urban Order. Blackwell. Cambridge. Shukrallah, A. & Khalil, H. (2012): Egypt in Crisis: Politics, Health Care Reform and Social Mobilization for Health Right. In: Public Health in the Arab World. Eds.: Jabbour et al. Cambridge University Press. p. 477- 488. Sims, D. (2010): Understanding Cairo. The logic of a city out of control.The American University in Cairo Press. Cairo Sui, D. (2003): Musings on the fat city: Are obesity and urban forms linked? Urban Geography 2003. 24. 75 – 84.

UNICEF: Malnutrition. [Online] Available from: www.unicef.org/egypt/Eng_Malnutrition.pdf [Accessed: 01.06.2015] WHO (2004): Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health. [Online] Available from: http://www.who.int/dietphysicalactivity/strategy/eb11344/strategy_english_web.pdf [Accessed: 2nd of June 2015] WHO (2012): Road Safety in Ten Countries. Egypt Profile. [Online] Available from: http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/road_traffic/countrywork/egy/en/ [Accessed: 8th of June 2015] WHO (a): Media Centre. Obesity and Overweight. [Online] Available from: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs311/en/# [Accessed: 8th of February 2015] WHO (b): Global Health Observatory data on Obesity. Situation and Trends. [Online] Available from: http://www.who.int/gho/ncd/risk_factors/obesity_text/en/ [Accessed: 11th of February 2015] WHO (c): Global Health Observatory data on Overweight and Obesity. [Online] Available from: http://www.who.int/gho/ncd/risk_factors/overweight/en/ [Accessed: 31st of March 2015] Yang, W., Kelly, T. & He, J. (2007): Genetic Epidemiology of Obesity. In: Epidemiologic Review. 29. p. 49 – 61.

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An Approach to Enhance Outdoor Thermal Conditions: A study in Baghdad, Iraq Author: Sari Abdullah Supervisor 1: Jose Luis Moro, Professor of Architecture, University of Stuttgart. Supervisor 2: Mohamed Salhen, Professor of Integrated Planning and Design, Ain Shams University. Supervisor 3: Ingo Helmedag, DAAD Visiting Professor for Architecture.

Abstract This study analyze the impact of modifying H/W ratio and orientation of streets and compactness for residential neighborhoods on air temperature, sun access, and PMV. The main objective is to generate an urban configuration adapted to climate in the city of Baghdad/Iraq. The study assist traditional and modern neighborhoods of the city relying on available thermal measurements, field surveys, and computer simulations. Modifications on the selected influencing factors were tested and a new urban scenario were proposed and tested as well. Keywords: Outdoor thermal comfort, urban configuration, Baghdad, hot arid climate, Envi-met, Ecotect, PMV, simulation. Urban Microclimate. H/W ratio, Orientations of streets.

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1. Introduction Rabid urbanizations and economic purposes in developing countries push for the ignorance of thermal comfort in design decisions, especially on the urban scale. Resulting in poor outdoor thermal conditions causing several consequences on people‘s health and it can be more noticeable in warm cities. In Iraq, Baghdad this issue increased in the years after the war; however this issue was apparent even before the war, when different urban configurations were implemented, to find a solution to the increase in population or modern life requirements rather than climate adaptations. Currently, most of the existing urban design configurations in the city are often inspired from those of temperate climatic cities that have different climatic conditions.

2. Related Works The work studied in this research is ―The dependence of outdoor thermal comfort on urban layouts‖ by Alireza Monam and Klaus Ruckert. The study tried to analyze through simulation the effect of the changing in the urban layout on the thermal comfort, in Tahran-Karaji region/Iran. Two types of urban configurations were analyzed, low-rise and high-rise buildings compounds. The

results showed the possibility of getting better outdoor thermal comfort with low-rise

buildings regarding the location of study and confirmed clearly that outdoor thermal comfort can be achieved with few modifications in a urban layout and can be tested easily using computer simulations. (Monam and Rückert, 2013).

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3. Methodology The aim is to find out a way of analysis, which considers the climate and current living requirements of the city to produce a suitable configuration that can be applied in modern life.

4. Case Study The city of Baghdad has passed through several urban deformations. The first modern city planning were done by Bereck and Bronoweiner of berlin in 1932, which then continued in 1952 by the British firm Miniprio, their work was mainly on improving land use and transportation. The city urban expanding was increased later by the migration of people toward the capital. The urban expansion was estimated in 1970 by four times of what it was in early twentieth century. (Al- Akkam, A. 2012).

4.1. Traditional Urban Context Of Al-Kadhimiyah Al-Kadhimiyah represents a typical Arab Muslim city with a very high H/W ratio (3 or more) and extremely narrow and winded streets, this configuration is not compatible with the current traffic services in Baghdad.Fig 2.

Figure 1: Traditional Urban Context Of Al-Kadhimiyah. Source : Author, Google maps).

1.1-

Modern urban context of Hay Al-Jameah

Hay Al-Jameah has a grid layout with wide streets, which caters to vehicular movements rather than pedestrian, and it shows the adoption of the western suburban design with very low H/W ratio (0.27 or less). Fig 3.

Figure 2: Modern urban context of Hay Al-Jameah. Source: Google maps, Author.

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5. First Questionnaire This questionnaire conducted to get an overview of people‘s sensation toward their surrounding environment based on ASHARAE 7 point thermal sensation scale; respondents were living mainly in modern neighborhoods. Results: Extreme heat stress outdoor mostly during the whole day, without protection against direct sun incident. moreover, people have mostly the same thermal sensation regardless the orientations of streets due to high levels of heat stress, which creates extremely uncomfortable thermal conditions that prevent people from feeling any differences with the variation of the orientation factor. Results also shows that heat stress outdoors is extending to indoors as a result of long period of relative extreme heat stress outdoor and directly affecting people even under shelters from the sun and pushing them to use air conditioning units during the whole day if they exist.

6. Assisting existing urban configuration Several scenarios representing the actual streets within the case studies were studied in a selection area of 160 x 160 m (25600 m2) and have been simulated in a typical summer and winter days. 6.1-

The Traditional Neighborhood of Al-kadhimiyah

This case study is characterized by:    

NS, WE, NW and NE streets orientation. Average buildings heights = 9 m Average streets width = 3 m Average H/W = 9 m / 3 m = 3

6.2-

Modern Neighborhood of Hay Al-Jameah

6.2-1.

This first scenario is characterized by:    

6.2-2.

NS and WE streets orientations. Average buildings height: 6 m Average streets width with houses in front spaces: 22 m Average H/W ratio = 6 m /22 m = 0.27

The second scenario is characterized by:    

NW-SE and NE-SW streets orientations. Average buildings height: 6 m Average streets width with houses in front spaces: 22 m Average H/W ratio = 6 m /22 m = 0.27

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Simul ation Outco mes:

Figure 3: Air Temp & PMV results in 1 and 3 :Hay Al-kadhimiyah streets, during July. 2 and 4: Hay Al-kadhimiyah streets, during January. 5: Hay Al-jameah streets, 1st scenario during July. 6: Hay Al-jameah streets, 1st scenario during January. 6: Hay Al-jameah streets, 2nd scenario during July. 8: Hay Al-jameah streets, 2nd scenario during January Source: Author.

7. Testing modified H/W ratio and streets orientations For minimizing testing options, the study imposes that the minimum street width which can serve the current modern life requirements of the city would be 8m (2 car sides + pedestrian lines) the street width is fixed, while buildings heights is modified. Six proposals were built to give different H/W table 2, tested with 4 different orientations (NS, WE, NE-SW and NW-SE)

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Table 1: Tested H/W ratios, author. Buildings Height

H/W ratio

Buildings Height

H/W ratio

0.75

1.875

1.125

2.25

1.5

2.65

Simulation outcomes The following diagrams illustrates the simulation outcomes.

Figure 4: PMV Results for different H/W ratio within specific street orientation, during a typical summer day. Source: Author.

8. Proposing a typical case study for getting the optimum results The research demonstrates a basic proposal for future neighborhood that could improve outdoor thermal conditions in Baghdad. This proposal tests also more compacted urban configuration which obtained by eliminating the spaces in between buildings. The proposal consists mainly from streets in NS orientation (w=8m) and a main intersecting street in NE orientation (w=10m). The buildings vary from 5 to 7 floors (h= 15 to 21 m), giving a range of H/W ratio between (1.87 to 2.62) and randomly distributed. This approach was also simulated using Envi-met during summer and winter.

Figure 5: Typical example for getting the optimum outdoor thermal conditions in Baghdad Source: Author.

Outcomes

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The proposal showed positive outcomes compared to the current conditions of modern and traditional urban configurations in the city of Baghdad as showed in the diagrams below.

Figure 6: PMV range for the tested design example during summer Source: (left) winter, (right) Author

The high compactness level of the proposal also played a role in maintaining steady thermal conditions. It is worth mentioning that this proposal shows the high benefit from using NS and NE-SW oriented streets. However, it does not prevent implicitly the use of other orientations accompanied with the required H/W ratio discussed earlier. Additionally, for the sake of experiment the proposal focused simply on straight streets, however including winded or tortuous streets in the design will likely improve the outdoor thermal conditions also by stabilizing the wind movement.

9. Questionnaire to the experts working in the field of urban design The aim of this survey is to ascertain the extent to which climate issues are being considered in urban design and planning in Baghdad. It targets experts working in climate, city design and construction fields. In order to help placing an initial assumption for part of the problem concerning climate conscious urban design in the city. Results: There is few or no consideration for climate in urban design regulations and standards of the city. In addition to, not complying with what is existing due to several reasons. 1) No strict or clear regulations. 2) Lack of awareness and knowledge in this issue between all parties. 3) The lack of interest in this issue for economic reasons as well as the weak emphases on it by the city consul.

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10. Discussion and Conclusion 10.1 The effect of H/W ratio and sun access The duration and intensity of heat stress are strongly affected by H/W ratio, orientation of street, compactness level and total sun access and can be manipulated to get better comfortable thermal conditions. The modern neighborhood has a very low H/W ratio of 0.27 and it shows a higher level of thermal discomfort than in traditional neighborhood reaching a PMV of more than 6 in summer. The low H/W ratio of 0,27 allows a high amount of sun incident for longer period of the day with complete lack of shades. Traditional neighborhood has a better thermal comfort level in summer with average PMV of 3 but in contrary, it shows a higher level of thermal discomfort in winter than modern configuration with an average PMV of -3 due to the very high H/W ratio.

10.2 The effect of streets orientation In summer, street orientations tend to have nearly no impact on outdoor conditions when H/W ratio is too low such as 0.2 or too high such as 3. However, in detail comparison, the streets with H/W ratio of 3 or more shows that NW-SE and NE-SW oriented streets tend to cool earlier during the day. NS oriented streets showed colder conditions and more stable in thermal behavior, followed by NE-SW oriented streets while EW streets are much warmer during the day. For the modern configuration, the orientation effect confined on small parts closer to the houses, which are mostly shaded during sunrise and sunset. In winter, the orientation factor shows unnoticeable effect for both configurations. 10.3 Recommendation of improving future urban design of the city The research recommends a H/W ratio between (1.87 and 2.62) in design projects, more than this range can give slightly better results but might produce uncomfortable thermal situation and block sun access in winter. While less than this range will not give the optimum results, especially with WE oriented streets. Street are recommended to be mostly when possible within NS and NE-SW orientation for getting the optimum results. However, in case of EW oriented streets are included in the design; the research highly recommends a H/W ratio not less than 2.62 for these streets (this also can be obtained by putting higher buildings in the southern part of the street). A higher compactness level is also advised and can be obtained by eliminating the spaces between buildings on both sides of the streets.

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10.4 Recommendation for enhancing current urban configuration The research proposed various possibilities to increase the H/W, which can be seen in fig 7. South

Figure 7: illustrate the possibilities for obtaining the suitable H/W ratio. Extensions highlighted in blue A: vertical cantilevers. B: Horizontal cantilevers. C: Prolongation in the upper floors. D: building on setbacks. E: Building higher floors. F: higher floors on south direction. G: Dense line of tress on both side of street. Source: author

References Al-Akkam, Akram JM. "Towards Environmentally Sustainable Urban Regeneration: A Framework for Baghdad City Centre." Journal of Sustainable Development 5.9 (2012): p58. Monam, A. & RĂźckert, K. 2013. The Dependence of Outdoor Thermal Comfort on Urban Layouts, Univ.-Verlag der TU.

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Innovation and refugee camps: The role of innovation in developing the humanitarian system with special focus on Al Zaatri refugee camp, Jordan Author: Adham Sannaa Supervisor 1: Dr. Yehya Serag Supervisor2:Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley ―Humanitarian innovation‖ is the new trend evolving and expanding in the Humanitarian field. Borrowed originally from the private sector, the concept aims to develop the way the system works by introducing new partnerships, technologies and policies. It claims to have practical sustainable durable solutions that help refugees living in urban and camp contexts.

Scholars, universities and independent organizations adopted the term of ―humanitarian innovation‖ and started to participate in the discussion to crystallize and conceptualize the idea. Supporters of this ―movement‖ claim that innovation is currently working on two levels, the top-down: by transforming the humanitarian systems and structures and the bottom-up level: by supporting refugee‘s ideas and skills to create innovative, sustainable solutions. Nevertheless, practical examples show that the refugees‘ opinions are frequently being marginalized, their needs are usually assumed and their skills are disregarded. In many cases the use of technology leads to more dependency rather than self-efficiency. The interest of the private sector is raising the question of accountability. The involvement of many actors challenged by ethical constrains, damaging local power dynamics and increasing cultural sensitivities. In order to have a closer understanding on humanitarian innovation the case of Al Zaatri, the biggest Syrian refugee camp, will be examined. Since 2012 this camp started to witness innovations on a daily bases which made it a platform for change. The research aims to investigate what role innovation can play in Al Zaatri camp, and how innovation can find solutions for the current, complex challenges in the region. Keywords: Humanitarian innovation, Refugee, Camp, Aid, Planning, Technology, Partnership.

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1. Introduction According to UNHCR, the number of displaced people around the world has tripled in the past few years. Meanwhile new technologies, concepts and partners came to the scene introducing different strategies and solutions to help the humanitarian system to be more efficient. The concept of innovation gained recognition and became an important changing tool to the extent that one of the main themes of the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit will be ―transformation through innovation‖ (Betts, 2014). In the meantime, UNHCR High Commissioner António Guterres warned that, ―the humanitarian financing system is nearly bankrupt," and finding innovative solutions to reduce the costs of basic needs provision for refugees has become a necessity (UNHCR online, 2015). Since 2009 many governments pushed towards alternative solutions and strategies to be introduced into the humanitarian sector. Funds were allocated for that purpose and consequently many actors were attracted to participate in the new debate (Betts & Bloom , 2014). At the same time, innovation as a term started to develop, though it already existed as a practice since UNHCR agents and managers usually change norms and tactics spontaneously on the ground to be more suitable for the context they are dealing with. This new trend along with the criticism many scholars had on the classical way of managing the humanitarian sector led to the establishment of research centers following the UN organizations, governments, universities or the private sector. Ever since, researches are focusing more on improving outwards innovation that deals with establishing new partnerships, improving organizational processes and restructuring the classical system to adapt with the new technologies. Alexander Betts the Director of Humanitarian innovation Project thinks that the debate should take into consideration the user-led innovation. Being done with the refugees themselves makes it according to Betts a more sustainable, integrating strategy that has an immediate effect on people‘s lives (Betts, 2014: 2).

2. Syrian refugee crisis and Al Zaatri camp: background The UN High Commissioner for Refugees describes the Syrian conflict as ―the worst humanitarian crisis of our times, combined with the worst regional destabilization in any part of the world, and the worst threat to global peace and security‖. (UNHCR online, 2015) AL Zaatri camp symbolizes the Syrian crisis. Lying on the Jordanian-Syrian borders, the camp hosts 83,000 Syrian refugees and came to be the 4 thlargest city in Jordan. Although Al Zaatri camp is facing enormous challenges and rapid urbanization, also it remains a space for evolving innovations.

3. Research objectives The research aims at investigating and highlighting the processes of humanitarian innovation taking place in Al Zaatri camp. The research focus will be more on the outward innovation and its role in transforming Al Zaatri refugee camp. Thus, the research examines the innovation theories, and at the same time, looks for practical translation in the context of Al Zaatri. The objective of the research would be achieved through: •

understanding the theories criticizing the camp planning traditional practice that preceded the

formation of Humanitarian innovation concept •

conceptualizing humanitarian innovation through existing literature.

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â&#x20AC;˘

Reflecting on the innovation processes and practices in

international case studies. â&#x20AC;˘

examining and categorizing the different types of innovation

processes taking place in Al Zaatri camp, focusing more on the outward innovation and connecting them to the case studies and the innovation theory.

4. Research methodology To understand humanitarian innovation, the research took a theoretical approach based on an extensive literature review and the assessment of international case studies to give a framework to evaluate the case of Al Zaatri. The case was explored through available data and studies in addition to in-depth interviews with experts.

The research was made through extensive literature review, analyzing maps, data, reports, combining the results of several

Figure 2:Humanitarian innovationtracksSource:Author, 2015

related studies and in-depth interviews (qualitative methods). The in-depth interviews were conducted with experts, representatives of humanitarian relief organizations, NGOs representatives, and University professors.

5. Definitions

Figure 11: graph shows the researchmethodology Source: author, 2015

Inward innovation: Inward, local, bottom-up, refugee led or user-led innovation illuminates how refugees engage with markets, technologies and with the private sector to improve their life-quality and welfare.

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Refugees used their skills, resources and intelligence to participate in formulating sustainable systems and strategies to deal with the new circumstances (Betts, Bloom & Omata, 2012). Outward innovation: outward or top-bottom innovation seeks to recognize the outside partners and the creative minds whose products, processes and ideas might develop relief delivery and foster the innovation coming from the local and national actors (Betts, Bloom & Omata, 2012). Product innovations: This prominent form of innovation works through developing or introducing a product or service to improve the living conditions of an affected population. Essentially, humanitarian organizations within the limited fund try in all sectors to provide products needed in each context. Commercial actors, without the consultation of refugees or their representative, develop their products outside the humanitarian sector. Humanitarian organizations on behalf of refugees purchase from this limited market products originally made for hiking or military use. Process Innovations: This type aims to change how the system operates and in contrast to produce innovation that happens frequently inside the humanitarian ecosystem since this innovation is usually initiated by staff members of humanitarian agencies. Applied examples for this innovation are cash programming; community led total sanitation (CLTS) and the emergency mapping. Still process and product innovations work mostly together and this rigid suppuration is not always possible since many processes like the cash in emergencies are followed by innovative supportive products to deliver the direct benefit.

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Different interpretations for doing single activity. Position-based innovation aims to reframe the meaning of organizational work to have a broader scope or to fit to a new context. Organizations grow depending on how successful they are in gaining fund, for that, there is a need for innovative methods of fundraising and donor participation (ALNAP, 2009). Paradigm-based innovations: This innovation reshapes the paradigms of the entire system or organization. It can be understood as a mental model that redefines the organization. In the humanitarian sector paradigm innovation can, for example, take the bath of assigning a central role for refugees or increasing local responsibility as an alternative to the international dominant system of response. Humanitarian paradigm innovation can even suggest ―radical‖ ideas like ―the disaster risk reduction approach‖ which would, if succeeded, cancel the need for any humanitarian response (ALNAP, 2009).

6. International case studies findings: Analyzing the three cases (Figure 3) shows that the host governments had small or no contribution in establishing innovation in the camps. In the three cases, the role of the researchers and refugees is essential in forming and accommodating innovative ideas. Other findings extracted from analyzing the case studies are: • Outward innovation does not aim to generate capital. It comes with ideas to provide better service, promote change or to create selfmanaged systems. The current practice focuses more on improving products and process rather than changing positions and paradigms.

• Technology-based innovation is well accepted and considered to be a changing tool in contexts where conventional solutions do not work. Yet, the three cases main driver for innovation is partnership. Communicating with the private sector and scholars offered durable opportunities and new perspectives on the problems facing refugee camps. • On the one hand, the inward innovations can be redefined as the ideas initiated and explored by refugees themselves in order to improve a service or to generate income through aresearch built on understanding. On the other hand, inward innovation can be also described as the ways refugees accept and deal with new ideas brought by humanitarian organizations or by external systems.

Figure 3: the role of actors in innovation within camps: Uganda, Lebanon, Kenya Source:Aurthor, 2015, based on the framework

7. Al Zaatri camp and innovation

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Al Zaatri camp has grown into a living city with all the aspects and challenges that faces any urban agglomeration. Yet, the dominant image of the camp is the dusty isolated exile full of people in-need, seeking the daily minimum standards of living. The camp population were exponentially increasing and decreasing between 2012 and 2014. Lately the number of people residing in the camp settled on 83.000 refugees. Moreover, tents and caravan are the dominant structures that shape the image of the neighborhoods in the camp.The camp‘s system is

Figure 40: problemlistfacing Al Zaatri camp

Source:Author, 2015 based on diffrentstudies.

built on the repetitive daily activities of providing aid and basic needs by organizations and NGOs. Furthermore, various aspects of the camp are determined according to available donations. Still, Al Zaatri is facing challenges in providing the basic needs and services for its inhabitants.Consequently refugees have created parallel systems to cope with these challenges. Nowadays, livelihood plays an important role in the development and the urbanization of the camp. Syrians have created more than 2500 shops despite the camp‘s strict system against official employment. Regarding humanitarian innovation in the camp, Al Zaatri has become a laboratory for testing many innovations. Countless ideas were discussed and tested. Some were adopted and scaled up and the others were rejected or dissolved. The main reflections on the processes of innovation in Al Zaatri are: •The innovation cycle begins with recognizing a problem or Identifying an opportunity. In the context of Al Zaatri, many outward innovations began be identifying opportunities outside the camp (technology partnerships or business models) and reintroducing them inside the camp. Other innovations were built upon the identification of problems within the camp through surveys and observations. •Outward innovations in Al Zaatri do not always respond to the major needs of people but relate to the agenda and background of the agency or individual managing the idea. •Innovation in Al Zaatrimostly takes the form of Product or process and radical innovations are usually rejected by the camp system. •There are little interaction and integration between the inward and outward innovations in Al Zaatri camp

8. Conclusion The research recommends certain changes in the framework of innovation in order to integrate the inward innovation as a main approach to improve and sustain innovations in camps. Furthermore, the findings of this paper comments on the role of innovation in Al Zaatri camp and the nature of the challenges facing the innovation process taking place in the context of Al Zaatri. The research promotes a system based on cooperation between the different stakeholders in order to put the camp on the track of sustainable development. Furthermore, the research concludes that innovation processes should consider the needs of the refugees in order to rebuild relationship based on trust with humanitarian organizations.

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Conventional practice of refugee-camp planning is turning these temporary cities into extraterritorial zones, places out of context, disconnected from the surroundings with little importance for location or future prospective (Herz, 2005). Humanitarian innovation represents an opportunity to connect camps with not only the surrounding but also with the economic, social and technological changes happening in the world. Outward innovation in Al Zaatri camp plays an important role in developing the quality of services within the camp. Furthermore, implementing these ideas, especially the ones brought in by the private sector and the academics, would carry with it, advantages like pushing forward the traditional process and make them matching with the rapid changes within the camp. Still outward innovation dependency on external fund turns it into acupunctural creative actions that do not create self-sustaining systems. The current framework of outward innovation needs to adapt a communal incubator by repositioning the refugees to be the reference and the host for innovations. Partnering with refugees will guarantee not only the eligibility of the process but will also sustain them when the outward actors leave the camp. ◊ Camp-planning practice is built on a particular set of numerical guidelines and depends on limited closed markets and resources. Besides, the practice is heavily influenced by politics. The host countries play an essential role in steering the development process of the camp. ◊ The unified needs and the idea of universal approach in relief without any adaptation to the context or the culture is a fundamental concept in humanitarianism that is heavily criticized by scholars. Despite this, the humanitarian organizations are familiar with these facts, Humanitarian innovation was only lately introduced, in 2009, because the system was bankrupted and did not afford relief costs any more. Change became a necessity. ◊ Humanitarian innovation is based on knowledge brought from other fields and experiences combined with relief goals and principles. Its role is to open the humanitarian system to accept new strategies, partners and contextual changes. Since the bureaucratic system currently resists position and paradigm-based innovations, the most common forms of humanitarian innovations are product and process innovations. Furthermore, Innovation is not limited to introducing new processes and strategies. It can use traditional humanitarian practices and common urban theories such as participation, in order to promote new relationships and more integrative systems inside the camp. ◊ the current framework on innovations increases the emphasis on the outward innovation and the inclusion of technologies and partners within the system, giving less priorityto the inward innovation and the skills and insights of the affected population. ◊ Al Zaatri camp is a camp-city created as an emergency and is moving towards development and urbanization. The image of the in-need powerless refugees does not define the reality of the camp. The camp is facing many challenges, yet contains potentials, entrepreneurs, artists, inventors, highly educated people and leaders. Moreover, refugees create social and economic structure parallel to the donor and aid-based systems. People in the camp enforce their ideas and cultures on the unified system of relief provided by organizations. Contrarily to assumptions, refugees do not limit themselves to the camp and its resources. They seek any possible opportunity to life-quality enhancement. This is why, Al Zaatri camp is a transitional phase for many Syrian refugees. Other Findings regarding Al Zaatri camp:

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- Livelihood plays an important role in Al Zaatari refugee camp. It is an essential logic that drives the survival of any agglomeration including camp refugees. Yet there is a lack of research about livelihood in Al Zaatri.

- Since elections in the camp are strictly forbidden, there is a lack of representation of refugees which minimize their impact on the camp management and encourage the rise of informal governance. - The NGOs play the role of distributor of aid, negotiator and translator of Humanitarian organizations actions in the camp. However, the majority of their work depends on external funds which is uncontrolled and unstable. In addition, they are limited by humanitarian principles and host country policies. ◊ Different forms of innovation are being initiated, tested and adopted in Al Zaatri camp. The use of technology is well accepted to push forward the improvement of products and process in the camp. Yet there are essential needs and services which are not solved or not tackled by traditional means of relief. Some proposed innovations had a clear vision but were refused by UNHCR because the result will make radical change or suggest re-positioning the role of humanitarianism towards refugees. ◊ Outward innovations in Al Zaatri camp does not necessarily respond to priority needs of refugees and carries with it diverse ideologies. ◊ Inward innovation is recognized as informal or illegal activities done by refugees. Consequently, organizations initiating outward innovation are not built on the ideas already existing in the camp. There is a need to look at inward innovation as a base to sustainable integrative camp plan. Recommendations ◊ Innovation is a long-term investment and the structure of UNHCR is not made to implement long-term sustainable strategies in camps. On the contrary, the organization is more concerned with the emergency phase and with keeping people alive. Consequently, each refugee camp need to have an entity responsible for carrying out the long-lasting actions. ◊ Planners have a duty to take part in organizing camp cities, dealing with each camp as an individual case in which there is no previous assumptions. They should pay attention to the refugees‘ opinions as well as the host community. The planning process should reflect the needs and specificities of the displaced population. Moving towards development is more suitable than freezing the camps in a status of dependency. ◊ managing the camp on the level of the district is more efficient than trying to solve problems on the wider scale of the entire camp. Organizations will be able to interact on daily basis with the refugees allowing for a real engagement of refugees in the development process. ◊ Humanitarian organizations should work with host countries to locate potential opportunities that brings benefit for both populations, the host and the hostess.In addition to this, the early cooperation with the host countries will make it possible to plan effectively for disasters such as pre-planning the possible locations of camps before the rapid influx of refugees cross the borders. ◊ connecting the camp with the world is essential to improve innovation processes within the camp. There are great ideas out there that can improve services in the camp.Internet access, for example, would make it possible to launch online- education practice similar to these in Kenya.

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◊ since technology is a promising well-accepted tool to introduce innovative ideas in Al Zaatri, ―digitalizing‖ all the aspects of the camp will assure faster, better and easy solutions in the case of temporary or permanent situations. Technology can turn into the mediator between the camp management and refugees, keeping in mind that technology will not assure accountability or justice nor will it redistribute the power in the camp or guarantee healthy social transformation.

References Agier, M. (2002). Between War and City: Towards an Urban Anthropology of Refugee Camps.Ethnography, 3(3), pp.317-341. Betts, A., Bloom, L., Kaplan, J. and Omata, N. (2014). Refugee Economies Rethinking Popular Assumptions. Oxford: Published by the Humanitarian Innovation Project, University of Oxford. Carta, M., Moro, M. and Bass, J. (2014). War traumas in the Mediterranean area. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 61(1), pp.3338. Corsellis, T. and Vitale, A. (2005). Transitional settlement. Oxford: Oxfam GB. Crisp, J. and Jacobsen, K. (1998). Refugee camps reconsidered. Forced Migration review, (2), pp.27-28-29-30. Cuéllar, M. and Surendra, A. (2014). Learning curves and collaboration in reconceiving refugee settlements. Forced Migration review, (47), pp.11, 12, 13. Dalal, A. (2014). Camp Cities between Planning and Practice Mapping the Urbanization of Zaatari Camp. Masters of Science. Ain Shams University & University of Stuttgart. Hakiza, R. (2014). Entrepreneurship and innovation by refugees in Uganda. Forced Migration review, (38), pp.1819. Harvard Field Study Group, (2014). Non-Paper on the International Response to the Syrian Refugee Crisis. Herz, M. (2007). Refugee camps in Chad: planning strategies and the architect‘s involvement in the humanitarian dilemma. Policy Development and Evaluation Service United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, (147), pp.1-14. Herz, M. (2013). Refugee Camps of the Western Sahara. Humanity, 4(3), pp.365-391. Humanitarian Innovation Project, Refuges Studies Centre, University of Oxford, and in collaboration with: UNHCR and The Spigit Innovation Services Team, (2014). Independent review of an online platform pilot used for collaborative innovation within and beyond The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Kennedy, J. (2005). Challenging camp design guidelines. Forced Migration review, (23), pp.46, 47. Ledwith, A. (2014). Zaatari: The Instant City. Boston: An Affordable Housing Institute, pp.1-94.

Poncette, I. (2014). Unsettled A Cultural Analysis of Zaatari Refugee Camp. Masters of Arts in Applied Cultural Analysis. REACH and UNHCR, (2015). AL ZA‘ATARI CAMP POPULATION PROFILING. Al Mafraq Governorate, Jordan Camp Population Profile. Geneva: REACH, pp.2-17. REACH, (2015). Al Za‘atari Camp Wastewater Assessment. Geneva: REACH, pp.221. Cover Photo credit:Cover photo, Muhammed Moheisen

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Place Attachment of Different Influx Groups in West Amman, Jordan The Case of Palestinians and Iraqis Author: Jude Al Issa Zada Supervisor 1Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen, Professor of Integrated Planning and Design at Ain Shams University Supervisor2 Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley, Professor of International Urbanism at University of Stuttgart This paper aims to investigate the influx groups that live in west Amman and their attachment to the city. It concentrates on three of the influx groups which are: Jordanian nationals who have been displaced from Palestine in 1948, Jordanian nationals who have been displaced from the West Bank in 1967, and Iraqi refugees who have been displaced between 2003 and 2007. This topic is of importance because Jordan has been welcoming several waves of immigration flows in the past few decades due to its political security in its geographical context, thus causing quick and unnatural changes in the social and community ties. The assumption is that, with each of these influx groups arriving at different points in time, with different socioeconomic and emotional levels, they have developed different attachment levels with their host environment. In this research, this bond is investigated according to Scannell and Giffordâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s (2010a) tripartite framework which studies the person, process and place aspect of attachment. It was concluded that these influx groups do have attachment to Amman with slightly different extents. 1948 Palestinian refugees have the highest attachment among the influx groups. Attachment seems to be affected by different factors such as age, length of residency, legal status, memories, and scale of place. Keywords: attachment, place, refugees, Amman, Jordan, sense of place, identity, physical attachment, social attachment

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1. Introduction The political security of Jordan, in its geographical context, has induced several major waves of immigration flows into the country in the past few decades (Chatelard, 2009). Many of the influx groups initially intended Jordan to be a transit residence, but a considerable number of them still reside there (Chatelard, 2010). This immigration trend has been occurring in Jordan for decades, and at the time of writing this paper, Jordan continues receiving Syrian refugees. The majority of these influx groups settled in the capital, Amman, causing quick and unnatural changes in the city‘s demography at a large scale and in social and community ties on a smaller scale. The assumption is that, with each of these influx groups arriving at different points in time, holding different socioeconomic and emotional levels, they have developed different attachment levels with their host environment. Meanwhile, as Amman becomes increasingly diverse, several critics claim that Amman‘s residents do not have a strong sense of belonging to it, and accuse Amman of lacking an identity of its own (Daher, 2011). With the previously noted tendency of the influx groups to stay permanently, and with the lack of evidence of this trend to stop any time soon, it, therefore, seems important to investigate the validity of the critics‘ claims through studying the relationship that these influx groups have, attained with their new environment. This paper aims to investigate this relationship by figuring out if Amman‘s resident‘s are attached to their city in general and to what extent, and to infer which of the influx groups is more attached to Amman, how it compares to those born and raised in Amman, and why.

2. Scope of research This relationship will be studied in terms of place attachment, according to Scannell and Gifford‘s (2010a) tripartite framework. Their tripartite framework (PPP) aims to study attachment according to the person, process and place dimensions. The persons are the focus influx groups, who are: Jordanian nationals who were displaced from Palestine in 1948, Jordanian nationals who were displaced from the West Bank in 1967, and Iraqi refugees who were displaced as a result of the Iraqi War between 2003 and 2007. The process under investigation is the emotional, cognitive and behavioural aspects of attachment as described by Scannell and Gifford (2010a). West Amman is the place of investigation according to Ababsa‘s (2011) boundaries – (see figure 1). The research concentrates on west Amman due to time limitations and for several reasons, including the fact that residents of both sides generally live in the same side for their entire lifespan, giving each side different collective memories, and that residents of west Amman appear more homogeneous and integrated and have similar economic opportunities. Therefore, it would be interesting to investigate their attachment to the city by marginalising factors such as the living environment and economic situation that are highly significant for studies in east Amman, but are less important to studies in west Amman.

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Figure 1: The virtual line that separates east and west Amman

Source: Ababsa (2011)

3. Place attachment Place attachment, in general, is a theory concerned with the relationship between the person and the place. In the past few decades, there has been an increasing interest in place attachment in several divisions of social science such as: geography, environmental psychology, sociology, economics, human geography, cultural anthropology, urban studies and much more (Lewicka, 2011). Due to the involvement of different disciplines in the study of place, and the existence of different theoretical styles by authors, there appeared to be a wide spectrum of terms for this relationship, namely: place attachment, place identity, place dependence, place satisfaction, sense of place and rootedness. In the current research, the entity to be studied is ‗place attachment,‘ and this is due to the fact that attachment has been the object of investigation in situations of immigration, mobility, displacement and disaster psychology, which are similar to the objectives of this research. As much as there is a confusion of terms, there is also a wide spectrum of definitions. Regardless of these differences, several authors agree on the definition that place attachment is the bond that people develop with places (Low & Altman, 1992; Hidalgo & Hernandez, 2001; Hernandez, et al., 2007; Lewicka, 2008). Since there is a confusion and overlap of terms in the course of literature, this study takes Scannell and Gifford‘s

(2010a) tripartite framework for place attachment. In their framework, place attachment is considered in abstraction, with some reference to aspects incorporated in place identity, bonding, and sense of place.

3.1. The Tripartite Framework (PPP) Scannell and Gifford (2010a) developed a three-dimensional framework (person, process and place) that structures the scattered definitions in one comprehensible framework. The ‗person‘ signifies the one who is attached, and is categorised into two levels: the individual and the collective levels. The individual level describes the personal bond that persons develop with a place and can be matured through personal memories and experiences that give the place a meaning. On the collective or group level, it involves the shared symbolic meanings that are developed through experiencing the same history, culture, religion and values. Factors that could affect the person‘s dimensions are age, sex, cultural background, religion, personality, or other psychological factors that might affect their perception. The ‗process‘, the psychological process through which they get attached, is: affection, cognition and behaviour. Affection means the emotional involvement in a place, which includes love, pride, fear, satisfaction,

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hatred, and happiness. Regarding the cognitive aspect, it refers to the meanings that persons formulate from perceiving their physical and social environments and, consequently, strengthening their bonding with a place. The meanings are derived through the cognition of the surroundings, familiarisation with features in the environment, and accumulation of memories. As for the behavioural aspect of process dimension, it is an interpretation of actions. Actions such as maintaining proximity to a place, attempting longer residency, or displaying effort to return to a place show high levels of attachment. The ‗place‘ is the place to which these persons are attached. It can be characterised according to its social and physical aspects. They refer to Riger and Lavrakas‘s (1981) categorisation. The social aspect (bonding) is represented by social relationships, feelings of belonging, and acquaintance with the neighbours, while the physical aspect (rootedness) is represented by the length of residency, ownership, and attempts not to leave.

4. Place Attachment: The Case of Amman 4.1. The Person Dimension Since the establishment of Jordan in 1921, Amman‘s population did not exceed 5,000 inhabitants (Findlay and Samha, 1985). The population then increased gradually until 1947 to reach almost 40,000 inhabitants (Kadhim and Rajjal, 1988). Due to Jordan's political stability, and its "open-door policies," the country received several waves of immigrants and refugees from the neighbouring Arab countries (De Bel-Air, 2007: 2-3). This resulted in a significant growth in the capital at a pulse-like pace. According to Ababsa (2011), 100,000 Palestinian refugees immigrated to Amman in the first wave in 1948, 300,000 in the second wave in 1967, 350,000 Jordanians with Palestinian origins returned after the Gulf war in 1991, and 300,000 Iraqis immigrated in several waves between 1991 and 2007 due to the Iraqi war. The most recent crisis in Syria led to the influx of significant numbers of Syrian refugees beginning 2011 – (see figure 2).

Figure 2: The influx groups in Amman Source: Department of Statistics

4.1.1. Palestinians: The influx of Palestinian refugees in its two waves in 1948 and 1967 resulted in major regional geopolitical changes and affected the political, societal and economic status of Jordan significantly (Chatelard, 2010). The number of displaced Palestinian refugees in 1948 was 700,000 (2015), with a huge number arriving to Jordan, comprising half or maybe even the majority of the Jordanian population (Ryan, 2011). Another major

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displacement in 1948 was to the West Bank, from which around 300,000 were displaced again to Jordan in 1967. Some refugees stayed with their families and friends in Jordanian cities and towns. The rest lived in camps provided by UNRWA in different towns in Jordan and the eastern parts of Amman (Ababsa, 2010), with 60% in the capital (Abu-Dayyeh, 2006). Palestinian refugees arriving in the West Bank and Jordan in 1948 received the Jordanian nationality and a national number/national ID in 1949 (Ababsa, 2011), and the ones displaced from the West Bank in 1967 were given extra yellow documents to smoothen their crossing of the River Jordan. The groups‘ settlement in Amman led to an exponential growth in terms of population, economy and construction. Those living in west Amman are, in general, completely integrated in the work force (especially the private sector), highly educated and receive quite the same opportunities as any Jordan nationality holder. 4.1.2. Iraqis: After the war in Iraq in 2003, a large number of Iraqis sought refuge in Jordan between 2003 and 2007 (Fafo, 2007). In 2007, 450,000-500,000 Iraqis were living in Jordan, most of whom originated from Baghdad and settled in the capital Amman (Fafo, 2007). They were not easily given the refugee status due to the Jordanian concern that this will change their temporary status into a permanent one, just as it happened with the Palestinians (Weiss Fagen, 2009). Consequently, the majority of the Iraqis living in Jordan are considered as temporary ‗guests,‘ do not hold legal residency papers and are not allowed to work, thus end up working in the informal sector (Chatelard, El-Abed and Washington, 2009). Iraqi displacement to Jordan was in large numbers, and thus affected the Jordanian society in general, and most intensively Amman. Their influence was both positive and negative as a result of the wide spectrum and different segments of Iraqis in Amman (Weiss Fagen, 2009). Wealthy Iraqis purchased properties and invested in enterprises, which might have caused inflation, while the poorer ones were a drain on the infrastructure of the city.

4.2. The Process Dimension The process dimension is concerned with the psychological changes that cause attachment, which are: affection, cognition and behaviour (Scannell and Gifford, 2010). Through the conducted interviews with the influx groups, it was clear that these changes are different according to their different experiences and memories in the place. For the first influx group, Jordanian nationals displaced from Palestine in 1948, seem to have confusing feelings. On the one hand, they show huge content to Jordan for offering a secure home, they show feelings of satisfaction and pride in Amman, and use the word ―home‖ when talking about Amman, which indicates their feelings as natives. They indicate their desire to go to their previous city to visit only. A large number of this group also mention that they forgot how they lived in their previous city because they were young when they were displaced. On the other hand, some indicate feelings of frustration from the quick-changing physical and social setting, dissatisfaction with the rapid increase in population, and feelings of unfairness regarding their origin. The second influx group, Jordanian nationals who moved from the West Bank in 1967, seem like they have two homes. The interviewees mention the word ―home‖ while describing both cities. As yellow cardholders, they seem to visit their relatives in both cities frequently, making their adaptation easier. In general, they show

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huge content to the security and safety of Jordan, and are satisfied with their lives in Amman. Nonetheless, they show their desire to go back to the West Bank if the security status changes. As for the third group, Iraqi refugees generally indicate their love of the city, happiness and satisfaction. There is a general content with Jordan‘s role in providing a safe and secure haven. They show appreciation to Amman‘s physical and social development and the vibrant social life. Their active social life helps them feel more at home, contrary to what their legal status categorises them – as ―guests.‖ Generally, most of Iraqis show their need to leave Amman, not because they do not like it, but because they cannot work legally in it.

4.3. The Place Dimension Since Amman is the place of attachment, it is important to understand the development of Amman. Amman is a very young city, and since its establishment, it has gone through exponential urban reformation and major changes in its physical setting in a very short time. In the 50s and 60s of the past century, Amman‘s residents were one big community living together with different religious, ethnic and/or economic backgrounds. The urban setting also encouraged these values as neighbours lived close to each other and had strong social ties. After the 1970s, as modernity started invading the city, the physical and social structure of the city started to change with the introduction of modern architecture, cinemas, and cafes. The social fabric started disintegrating bit by bit with the increase in population (influx of 1967 Palestinians), urban growth, and the civil war. The civil war, which took place between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Jordanian national army, lasted only a few days but had a huge impact on the social ties in the community. Later, the era between 1973 and 1983 is considered by Kadhim and Rajjal (1988) as the decade of the ―boom‖ since, in this decade, Palestinian migrant workers in the Gulf were sending money to their families in Jordan who, in return, were contributing to the economic growth of the country, building and sprawling to newer areas in Amman. But this was soon to be followed with a recession period (Kadhim and Rajjal, 1988), and the expulsion of a significant number of Palestinian workers who returned to Jordan due to the Gulf War. Later, due to the influx of Iraqi refugees, wealthy Iraqis started investing in Amman, causing inflation. Consequently, with the money pumped into the city by Iraqis and Gulf investors, gated communities and fancy towers started emerging, bringing with it the consumerist ideologies and setting the road to a future of ―major neoliberal urban restructuring‖ as named by Daher (2011: 83). This transformed Amman from an inclusive city to a socially and physically exclusive one. Such urban transformation naturally changed the character and spirit of the city in a relatively short time, during the lifespan of its residents, which might have affected their relationship with the city. According to Daher (2011), people would disagree on their opinions towards Amman. On the one hand, some would see it as a huge tank of memories where its residents‘ memories are collected and accumulated through their social interaction with each other and their environment. On the other hand, others might view Amman as a young city that lacks history and suffers from an identity crisis, allowing its residents to have weak attachment to it (Daher, 2011).

5. Methods This research is application-led and is highly dependent on results from quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with researchers and experts on the

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development of Amman's image and refugees in Amman. Structured questionnaires were distributed on the stratified samples physically and through social media. The questionnaire was adapted from several case studies and valid place attachment scales (Hidalgo and Hernandez, 2001; Knez, 2005; Hernandez et al., 2007; Lewicka, 2008). It contains quantitative (Likert scale and evaluative scales) and qualitative questions that were designed to assess place attachment of the different influx groups. The questionnaire was answered by 129 participants over a period of 7 weeks. The stratified groups are summarised in the table below: Influx Group 1

Influx Group 2

Influx Group 3

Native Group 1

Native Group 2

[IG1]

[IG2]

[IG3]

[NG1]

[NG2]

Iraqi national

Jordanian national

Jordanian national/ yellow card holder

Born in Palestine

Born in Iraq

Born in Amman

Moved to Amman

Born in Amman

1948

1967

2003 - 2007

Jordanian family

Palestinian family

6. Discussion A very interesting phenomenon, noted throughout conducting the interviews, is the interviewees‘ constant reference to famous local proverbs or sayings when describing their feelings. Proverbs in Jordan are used commonly in everyday language and are transferred through generations. These proverbs signify a deeper level of emotions that somehow explains the results obtained. Following is a set of Arabic proverbs commonly used by the interviewees that refer to the different conclusions inferred in this research.

6.1. We must not speak ill of the bridge that carries us safe over ‫البير اللي تشرب منه مترميش فيه الحجر‬ A very important aspect that seems to play a role in the relationship between the influx groups and their city is their legal status. The legal aspect here refers to the influx groups‘ acquisition of a Jordanian nationality or a legal residency in Jordan. The assumption is that the groups that have the same legal status as Jordanian nationals, who were born and raised in Jordan, should theoretically have similar attachment to the city. In this research, the results did not always comply with this assumption; IG1 has the highest attachment and it is similar to NG1, followed by IG3, NG2 and IG2. As it seems, IG1 is as attached to Amman as the Jordanian nationals descend from Jordanian families and have similar feelings as natives, due to the fact that they have a similar legal status and a longer residency time than the other influx groups. IG2 shows the least attachment among the groups. This could be explained by the fact that most of this group‘s participants hold a yellow card that enables them to commute between the two sides of the river. Thus, they have a close relationship with both countries, rendering them less attached to one side and more to both, as is clear by their strong keenness to go back to their previous cities. Therefore, it seems that both, their legal status that gives them the ability to commute and their proximity to their previous cities, allow them to be multi-locational. IG3 also shows less attachment than IG1 and NG1, which is understandable, as most of the participants cannot work in Amman and instead have to go to another country, and thus are much less satisfied than the other influx groups. Another reason implied by the participants is their inconvenient ‗guest‘ status that increases their bureaucratic

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procedures for their stay in Jordan. A very surprising result is the very low attachment of second generation displaced Palestinians (NG2), which, if the previous assumption were true, should have similar attachment as NG1 as they have a similar legal status. In the following sections, attempts would be done to explain this result.

6.2. A drowning man will clutch at a straw ‫الغريق يتعلق بقشة‬ A very interesting result obtained from the questionnaires is the feeling of security in Amman. The results show that the three influx groups feel much more secure in Amman than those who were born and raised there. And a possible explanation for this is the fact that the influx groups are first generation displaced people, who have experienced insecurity before and compare their current status with their previous unsafe status, and thus feel relatively secure in Amman. The influx groups also show less desire to leave Amman than the native groups. It can be concluded that the feeling of security is a relative perceived feeling based on previous experiences. This can be proved further by investigating the security status of Amman as a city throughout the years. A huge turning point in the history of Amman was the civil war in 1970 that took place between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Jordanian national army. For the first time during the monarchy, Amman was not safe for a few weeks, which was a shock for those who had never experienced political instability before and another setback for the influx groups who already experienced it. As it can be seen, these few days of insecurity seem to have affected its inhabitants, as those who were adolescents living in Amman during the war currently have more appreciation for Amman‘s political stability and are keener on staying in

Amman, similar to those who were previously displaced, while others do not see this factor and have a greater desire to leave Amman.

6.3. Out of sight, out of mind

‫البعيد عن العين بعيد عن القلب‬

This saying has been mentioned often by IG1 participants and sometimes by IG2 participants indicating their disappointment in themselves for forgetting how it was to live in the cities where they previously lived because they have been away for so long. IG1 participants used the word ―home‖ to describe Amman in the interviews, and the results show that none of them indicated that Amman reminded them of their previous city, instead they answered: ―I don‘t remember.‖ This is due to the fact that this group left their cities when they were very young, and that it has been 67 years since this incident, meaning that they have accumulated much more memories in Amman than they did in their previous cities. This is quite similar to IG2 participants but less intense; since they were older during the immigration, meaning they have better recollection of their previous cities, in addition to the fact that this group has the ability to visit their previous cities. Analogously, this means that the city is not completely out of sight, and eventually not too out of mind. This is obvious in the results, as this group is less attached to Amman than IG1, feels less like a native, and is keener on going back to their previous cities.

6.4. Let bygones be bygones

‫اللي فات مات‬

A very strange result is the clear difference between first generation displaced Palestinians and the second generation. The second generation seems to be less satisfied in Amman, less attached, feels less like a native and is more likely to leave than their parents. In terms of memory, the second generation seems to share their parents‘ memory of the physical structure of the city as is clear in their high appreciation of historic districts,

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which are derived from the memories of their parents or grandparents who lived there. However, there is still a huge gap between the generations in terms of their relationship with the city. This could be explained by their evaluation of security (as explained before), or the fact that the history that brought their parents to Amman – and made them appreciative of the city – is forgotten by the second generation and is thus ‗bygone‘.

Since the second generation has not experienced them hands-on, their parents‘ displacement-related emotions were not successfully transferred to the second generation, resulting in a less emotional relationship with the city.

7. Conclusion In general, the influx groups that are the most attached to Amman are Jordanian nationals displaced from Palestine in 1948. This group comprises the eldest members, lived in Amman the longest, and had the upper hand in developing the physical and social structure of the city. They are as attached to Amman as the ones who were born there and descend from Jordanian families, and feel as much as natives as they do. This group would not leave the city as they are strongly attached to it, feel highly secure living there, and are very appreciative of their situation. Regarding the second group, which is Jordanian nationals displaced from the West Bank in 1967, they are attached to the city, but are less attached than the first group. The reason for this is that this group is multi-locational and has the ability to commute between their cities in the West Bank and Jordan, which gives them the ability to have family and friends in both cities, and thus be less attached to one city and more to both. This group also feels safe and satisfied, and is not keen on leaving Amman. As for the third group, they are as attached to Amman as the second group is. This group is deeply integrated in the city in terms of tenure, social life and activities. Their attachment to Amman mainly comes from the social ties they created in Amman since they arrived and their feeling of security. Nonetheless, their desire to leave Amman to a third country is due to their illegal status in Jordan. The most surprising finding is that the group that was born and raised in Jordan with Palestinian origin families are less attached to Amman, has a stronger will to leave, and does not feel secure. This shows large differences between first generation and second generation displaced Palestinians in terms of attachment, feeling as native and the desire to stay or leave Amman. This could be due to the fact that this group never experienced instability in comparison to the first generation and, thus, does not appreciate it as much. In general, the ones born and raised in Jordan show a higher will to leave Amman than the influx groups. They are not as satisfied with their situation in Amman; they have a low evaluation of the availability of public facilities and believe they would have better opportunities abroad. In conclusion, contrary to the said critiques about Amman‘s week identity, its inhabitants seem to have quite a high attachment to it. Amman does appear to be a hospitable environment to newcomers and its safety plays a vital role in the inhabitants‘ attachment to it.

References Ababsa, M. (2010) 'The Evolution of Upgrading Policies in Amman', Second International Conference on Sustainable Architecture and Urban Development, CSAAR, MPWH, Amman, 1-17. Ababsa, M. (2011) 'Citizenship and Urban Issues in Jordan', in Daher, R. and Ababsa, M. (ed.) Villes, pratiques urbaines et construction nationale en Jordanie, 1st e Kadhim, M.B. and Rajjal, Y. (1988) 'Amman', Cities, no. November, pp. 318-325. dition, Beirut: Presses de l'Institut francais du Proche-Orient. Ababsa, M. (2011) 'Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman', in Daher, R. and Ababsa, M. (ed.) Villes, pratiques urbaines et construction nationale en Jordanie, 1st edition, Beirut: Presses de l'Institut francais du Proche-Orient.

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Abu-Dayyeh, N. (2006) 'Prospects for historic neighborhoods in atypical Islamic cities: the view from Amman, Jordan', Habitat International, no. 30, pp. 46-60. Chatelard, G. (2009) 'What visibility conceals. Re-embedding Refugee Migration from Iraq', Dispossession and Displacement: Forced-Migration in the Middle East, London, 1-21. Chatelard, G. (2010) Jordan: A Refugee Haven, [Online], Available: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/print/4357#.VQbd6I6UeUk [16 Mar 2015]. Chatelard, G., El-Abed, O. and Washington, K. (2009) Protection, Mobility and Livelihood Challenges of Displaced Iraqis in Urban Settings in Jordan, Geneva: The International Catholic Migration Commission. Daher, R. (2011) 'Understanding Cultural Change and Urban Transformations. Qualifying Amman: The City of Many Hats', in Daher, R. and Ababsa, M. (ed.) Villes, pratiques urbaines et construction nationale en Jordanie, 1st edition, Beirut: Presses de l'Institut francais du Proche-Orient. De Bel-Air, F. (2007) 'State Policies on Migration and Refugees in Jordan', Migration and Refugee Movements in the Middle East and North Africa, Cairo, 1-20. Fafo, D.J.G. (2007) Iraqis in Jordan 2007: Their Number and Characteristics, Amman: Norwegian Research Institute. Findlay, A. and Samha, M. (1985) 'The impact of international migration on the urban structure of Amman', Espace, populations,sociétés, vol. 1, no. Migrations et urbanisation - Migrations and cities, pp. 93-99. Hernandez, B., Hidalgo, M.C., Salazar-Laplace, M.E. and Hess, S. (2007) 'Place attachment and place identity in natives and non-natives', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 27, pp. 310–319. Hidalgo, M.C. and Hernandez, B. (2001) 'Place Attachment: Conceptual and Emperical Questions', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 21, pp. 273-281. Kadhim, M.B. and Rajjal, Y. (1988) 'Amman', Cities, no. November, pp. 318-325. Knez, I. (2005) 'Attachment and identity as related to a place and Climate', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 25, pp. 207-218. Lewicka, M. (2008) 'Place attachment, place identity, and place memory: Restoring the forgotten city past', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 28, pp. 209–231. Lewicka, M. (2011) 'Place attachment: How far have we come in the last 40 years?', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 31, pp. 207-230. Low, S.M. and Altman, I. (1992) 'Place Attachment', in Irwin Altman, S.M.L. (ed.) Place Attachment, Springer US. Riger, S. and Lavrakas, P.J. (1981) 'Community Ties: Patterns of Attachment and Social Interaction in Urban Neighborhoods', American Journal of Community Psychology, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 55-66. Ryan, C.R. (2011) 'Identity Politics, Reform, and Protest in Jordan', Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, vol. 11, no. 3, pp. 564-578. Scannell, L. and Gifford, R. (2010a) 'Defining place attachment: A tripartite organizing framework', Journal of Environmental Psychology, no. 30, pp. 1-10.

UNRWA (2015) United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, [Online], Available: http://www.unrwa.org/content/arab-israeli-war [18 Mar 2015]. Weiss Fagen, P. (2009) Iraqi Refugees: Seeking Stability in Syria and Jordan, 1st edition, Qatar: Center for International and Regional Studies.

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Source : Aljazeera (Wiles, 2014) (W ght: a return. Source: Al jazeera

Resistive Urbanism in the Spatio-Genesis of Self-Awda Spatial and Non-Spatial Variables of IDPs‘ SelfRepatriations to Palestinian depopulated villages Author: Maram M. Sha‘ban Supervisor 1. Mohamed Salheen, Professor of Integrated Planning at the University of Ain Shams Supervisor 2. Wolf Reuter, Professor of Urban Planning at the University of Stuttgart Supervisor 3. Fatima M. Al-Nammari, Assistant Professor of Architecture at the University of Petra This thesis broadly addresses Self-Awda in terms of speculative expressions of collective and alternative self-organized spatial patterns developed by Palestinians to realize their right of return. Despite their legitimate right of return to their depopulated localities, Palestinian refugees and internally displaced Palestinians (IDPs) are yet banned to perform AlAwda (return) due to Israel‘s/the Israeli legislative and spatial employed power. Inside the green line (i.e. present-day Israel), empirical forms of different levels of ‗self-repatriations‘ are emerging in multiple Palestinian depopulated villages.

It is true that these token, other more deliberate, self-repatriations appear only in few depopulated localities. Nevertheless, since IDPs remain a core issue with regard to the right of return and the struggle for Palestinian existence, these self-repatriations could be seen as a new form of civil spatial resistance in the context of Palestinians. In light of this, the research attempts to explore relevant literature and news that covered the self-repatriation scene. It explores these self-repatriations seeking to understand the reasons behind having only a small number of ‗active‘ Palestinian depopulated villages out of a total of 531 other ones. This is achieved through identifying self-repatriation variables by taking Galilee and Haifa as a case. In other words, the aim of this research is to understand possible incentives for IDPs‘ self-repatriations through the identified variables. The milestone of this work lies in the thematic framework it attempts to offer with regard to the identified variables while it opens doors for future research. Along with this, the selfrepatriation ladder and two paradigms are offered as main outputs from the research. Keywords: Al-Awda, Internal displaced Palestinians, IDPs, Power in Planning, Spatial resistance, Right of Return, Depopulated Village

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1. Introduction 2

This paper in hand is based on a master‘s thesis to which the reader can refer for further details. This paper is meant to briefly preview selected methodology and findings of a four-month research work regarding self3

repatriations of some internally displaced Palestinians (IDPs) to their depopulated villages (DVs) inside the 4

green line . However, these small-scale token and deliberate self-repatriations cannot still be grasped as a Palestinian return model or as a serially reproduced action between the Palestinian DVs. This phenomenon shows more visibly and on different levels only in some Palestinian DVs that lie inside the green line. Having said that, the research attempts to explore relevant literature and news that covered the ‗scene‘. IDPs‘ different self-repatriations are scarcely discussed or even covered in the academia. They are not also tackled from a spatial point of view. For that, the research has been relying heavily on data collected during the four months of this study. The research, by its means, has mainly been an empirical exploration based on a case study that has generated phenomenological results. This is according to the premises of the thesis that is concerned more with the empirical reflections of the case study due to the lack of sufficient literature in the field. The aim of the work, accordingly, is to investigate and identify the self-repatriation variables. It attempts to understand underlying reasons by on-ground explorations. In other words, the work aims to understand possible incentives for IDPs‘ self-repatriations through the identification of such variables. 5

This thesis has viewed IDPs‘ self-repatriations in the name of Awda or right of return as a new form of spatial resistance in the context of Palestinians. It points out that the third IDP generation today is developing contemporary forms of spatial resistance through their multiple levels of self-repatriations. The work understands resistive urbanism as the emergence of an anti-state and large-scale space-dynamics that are being constructed by a subordinate population to proclaim a spatial right. By bringing cemeteries to life, opening and reviving closed mosques and abandoned churches, having a daring step of sleeping in confiscated lands, and disregarding the current land use reflect different levels of alternative popular self-organized accessibilities, usages and spatial patterns. The existence of IDPs within the bounds of the land is the base on which this type of resistance is being developed. This is why their issue is seen as a mutual struggle not only for return, but also for existence (Wakim, 2001). On this account, Self-Awda6, as a collective Palestinian grass root return movement, is broadly introduced in this thesis as a part of a rebellious manifesto that is anti-state and viewed illegal by the dominant power. It belongs to a rebellious manifesto that demonstrates itself as a response to implications of military urbanism, control, and biased exclusionary planning against Palestinians‘ needs and rights. Since the scope of this research has addressed urban resistance at the level of villages, the term ‗spatial resistance‘ is used instead as the tackled self-repatriations and DVs are not necessarily urbanized.

Conducted by the author within the ―Integrated Urbanism and Sustainable Design‖ (IUSD) master‘s program, jointly organized by the Universities of Stuttgart and Ain Shams. The category of the internally displaced Palestinians (i.e. IDPs) is a part of the Palestinian minority that remained existing within the borders of their homeland (i.e. what has become to be considered as Israel in 1948). IDPs were expelled from their properties but continued to live in the Israeli-controlled territory after 1948 where they have been granted Israeli citizenships in 1952 under the Israeli Nationality law. Those received, like other Palestinian refugees out of bounds, support from UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) but it did not last for long when the Israeli government considered their issue as an internal Israeli one in early 1950. (Cohen, 2003; Khoury, 2013). 4 The Demarcation line placed in the armistice agreement in 1949 between Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria after the Arab-Israeli war in 1948; also known as the armistice line. 5 Awda, in Arabic, literally means return. It refers to the right of the Palestinian refugees to return to their depopulated localities. The Palestinian right of return has been a legitimate and a protected right by the UN after their mass displacements in 1948. 6 The term was developed during the work of this thesis to refer to collective Palestinian grass root returns to the depopulated localities. 3

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In the end, the spatial right (i.e. right of return), illegal status, and rebellious manifesto are important to correlate in such work that subject the formed spatial patterns and movements to expected violence threats.

2. Literature review: The employed power on the space The Israeli mechanisms of space jurisdiction are continuously exemplified in studies that target ‗power in planning‘ (Yiftachel, 1995; Yiftachel, 1999; Flyvbjerg et al., 2002; Yiftachel & Yacobi, 2003; Graham, 2011; Gazit & Latham, 2014) where analyzing spaces of control and Israeli spatial hegemony became a dedicated subject by many authors (See for instance Falah, 1989; Falah, 2003; Weizman & Segal, 2003; Yiftachel & Ghanem, 2004; Yacobi, 2004; Weizman, 2007; Zureik et al., 2011; Lambert, 2012; Abujidi, 2014). However, this has been only louder in the academia, particularly between the Jewish-Israelis, in the last two decades or so. Yiftachel (2002) points out that, prior to the nineties, the nature of the Israeli state as ‗democratic and Jewish‘ was a given fact and consequently scarcely discussed by the scholars. To him, ―[t]he wave of the critical works highlighted the nature of Israel as not only a Jewish, but also a Judaizing state‖. Regarding the built-up literature about spatial resistance, or urban resistance in the Palestinian context, on the other hand, one can mainly find it tackled either as a ‗form of agency‘ (See for instance Barclay, 2010) or as ―spatial protests‖ (i.e.

Yacobi, 2004) linked with the right of housing or the right of existence as in the case of the indigenous population of Negev or elsewhere (e.g. Hamdan, 2005). Furthermore, it has been researched and proposed like how Gazit & Latham (2014) refer to it as ‗spatial alternatives‘ or ‗counter-Sovereignties‘ forms. Israeli-Palestinian spatial arguments are often presented in the frame of various legitimate human rights such as the Palestinians‘ right of existence, right of movement, right of housing, right of self-determination, and right to the city. As Falah (2003) also mentions, the Palestinian right of return and history of Palestine land confiscation have been also exhaustively investigated issues in this sphere. It yet remains very unlikely that the return of Palestinian refugees, aside from the right to it, is researched from a strategic planning de 7

facto narrative . Meanwhile, IDPs continue to be overlooked in the international discourse about the Palestinian right of return (See Wakim, 2001; Cohen, 2003). Having the mass media and the concurrent political discourses diminishing the Palestinian struggle into West bank and Gaza piecemeal increases the sidelining of the Palestinian minority inside the green line. However, the emergence of agencies in the context of the internal Palestinians brought them a little to the public eye. The IDPs‘ status, nonetheless, is rather being discussed in academia but only in terms of the fulfillment of certain human rights (e.g. housing, existence, and access to the city), that is for being anyhow a part of the internal Palestinians. Their right of return, among the other rights, continues to be ignored in academic as well as political fields. Having said 8

that, however, a shy alternative media coverage of the ―unrecognized villages‖ and some rights-based organizations have resulted in an increased interest by the academia in hosting more research in the area of IDPs and the indigenous Palestinian population in Negev. During the past two decades, IDPs have found a way to represent their selves and voice their ‗cause‘. Having their right of return treated as an internal issue by the Israeli government, and subsequently excluded from Oslo‘s accords negotiations in 1993, dissimilar to the right of return of Palestinians refugees, encouraged the 7 See, nevertheless, Abu Sitta‘s studies in the feasibility of the Palestinians‘ return from a spatial narrative (e.g. 1997, 2000, 2007). Additionally, more recent

efforts have emerged in the form of initiatives/projects implemented by few organizations (e.g. Badil and Zochrot). According to Davis (2011), there have been more than 120 published memorial books on the Palestinian depopulated villages. These helped to become the base for such studies/projects to be founded on. 8 For further understanding in regards to the so-called unrecognized villages, see schechla 2001.

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IDPs to develop their own defensive body that can lobby for their right and represent them exclusively (Wakim, 2001; Cohen, 2003). Thus, the Association for the Defense of the Rights of the Internally Displaced (ADRID) was born independently for that purpose. What is interesting to observe in the IDPs‘ context today is the gradual development in the way which they choose to navigate with their right of return and depopulated localities that are only few kilometers away. Like all other Palestinian refugees, they are banned from returning to their depopulated original properties by the Israeli legislative and militarized system (e.g. present absentee law). In the last two decades or so, 9

their tawasul (communication) with their DVs has developed into more like ‗physical models‘. This is due to the shift in their return‘s vision from annual token commemoration (like the Palestinian refugees) to more physical self-grounded repatriations that are maintained across the year (See Watad, 2013; Derbas, 2014; Eid, 2014, Wiles, 2014). This behavior, as mentioned before however, is unfolded only in multiple DVs inside the green line.

3. Research Methodology The prime research strategy has been based on a case study. The northern region of historical Palestine (i.e. present-day Israel) is taken as the case. It refers, in this research, to the Galilee region along with Haifa city and its sub district. The large number of DVs located in this region (See Khaldi, 1997) was not the only reason that has driven the author‘s attention towards it, but also the large portion of IDPs and ‗active‘ depopulated villages (ADVs) placed in there (Jeries A, 2015; ADRID A, 2015). Appropriately, a random sampling in such a qualitative research would not have been suitable for the exploration of the tackled phenomenon. The research for that has followed a purposeful sampling strategy since the aim is to develop a focused exploration of the phenomenon rather than a generalization of the population (See Creswell, 2012, 2008, 2005, 2002). 10

The purpose, in this research, has been the ADVs . It is important to mention that, by utilizing the ADVs as the research purpose, the researcher has sought to learn from the active IDPs who are the knowledge banks in the locus. Within the ADVs, the varied spatial and non-spatial dimensions of such a phenomenon show up more explicitly and more transparently. Thus, ADVs can be easily communicated and undoubtedly turn to a more effective information source. While across the ‗inactive‘ depopulated villages, there is no explicit phenomenon to observe. On this account, the researcher has defined the population of the case study as the locus (place) of all the IDPs‘ depopulated villages (IDPs-DVs). While the sample, necessarily and accordingly, has become to be the ADVs that are hosting ‗return activities‘ by the IDPs. It is important to note that the methodology of the research faced some limitations. It upended when the researcher was not given access by the Israeli authority. This resulted not only in conducting the study in an absence of a field visit, but also in margining the data sources and methods used throughout the data collection process. It might have caused also ―limited communication‖ that can indirectly affect the ability of the researcher to totally realize the interviewees and key informants‘ recognition of the phenomenon (Creswell, 2012, 2008, 2005, 2002). An alternative plan for the research, however, has been used to ensure it is reliable 9

Al Tawasul is a term that has been used by many contacted insiders to tell that there has been ‗a contact‘ between them and their depopulated localities.

The author only considered in this research the Palestinian villages that were completely depopulated between 1947-1949 (lying inside the green line) and are active in the current scene of ‗self-repatriation‘.

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and valid regardless of the field visit. This is done through basing the research on multi-methods and various data sources (See Yin, 2003). The research, accordingly, has relied on seven main data sources, which are: archival records of IDPs and DVs; documents; eleven interviews with local experts and knowledge banks; adhoc discussion with a group of insiders where the researcher had access to one of their events, instructed questionnaires (conversational and written) with key informants from the ADVs; an online focus group with ADRID that lasted for two weeks and a series of informal interviews with three ADRID members that took place face-to-face. Since the research has started, the exploration of this phenomenon took place with humble knowledge and minimal prime data. The snowball sampling was followed to partially confirm the sample in the northern region and reach key informants from identified ADVs. Nevertheless, the maximal variation sampling has been kicked off once the snowball was underway and more ADVs were highlighted. All in all, the population of this study (i.e. IDPs-DVs) has been equal to 82 where the sample (i.e. ADVs) has reached nineteen. This is reached after a continuous process of crosslinking between the different data sources in this research. The 11

identification of the IDPs-DVs has relied on the input of the different concerned organizations . Eventually, the research has been able to study seventeen out of the nineteen purposeful samples. The data gathered has been processed through several analytical and verification stages. The reader can refer to the thesis document for further details.

4. Active depopulated villages (ADVs) and their codification ADVs have been mapped and identified according to the cross-linking between multiple data sources. The research has further developed a codification system for the IDPs-DVs based on different data sources and insiders perceptions regarding the level of self-repatriation on the DV scale. Four main batches have been generated where each expressed a certain understanding of DV‘s Level of activation: The boiling spots (IDPs‘-DVs that host day and night activities with a continuous physical presence in the land), hot spots (IDPs‘-DVs that host day-return activities and is exposed to extensive physical presence over the year

but not a continuous one), tepid spots (IDPs‘-DVs that have a local committee or have hosted a return collective march but is ‗inactive‘ today) and cool spots (IDPs‘-DVs that are inactive). The researcher has codified the population within this system as a way of mapping the phenomenon. Nevertheless, it was not to state a de facto level of activation for each DV, which is not the aim of the research. The research has added then a fifth batch that is the dead spot to refer to DVs that belong to Palestinian refugees who are physically out of bounds.

5. A Probe into Self-Repatriation: The Genesis of Variables The investigation process has brought to light 31 variables associated with the IDPs‘ self-repatriation phenomenon. The reader can refer to the original document to gradually trace down the findings. The research, however, has inclusively addressed physical attributes of ADVs. Some of these variables were found spatially related while others were related to other non-spatial fields such as governance and community.

Mainly ADRID and Al Aqsa foundation. It has been based on their memory, experience, local knowledge and the recognition of a local-based committee or organization of the DV. For further details, see the original thesis document and appendix by the author.

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The variables have been further thematically analyzed depending on their ‗influential characters‘ on the selfrepatriation. Seven main themes have been developed and the 31 variables have been clustered. Spatial, political, legislative, socio-economic, cultural, trend, and organizational themes have hosted the variables and explained their main influential characters in regard to self-repatriation. However, some variables have been found double belonging and inter-dependent where they can belong to two themes simultaneously. The theme of each variable, nevertheless, has been determined according to the variable‘s influential character(s). The identified variables have been generated after a comprehensive analysis of data accumulation from different sources. The process of investigation realized fourteen macro and micro scale spatial variables. The location of the DV, type of existing surrounding, DV distance from the main locality with most IDPs‘ and DV‘s accessibility are all part of the macro context analysis. On a micro scale, the variables identified were: the scale of the DV; entry; remaining physical structures; type of remaining physical structures; current land use; existing basic infrastructure; type of Israeli settlement built over the DV; mass of the empty remaining lands and ‗spaceviolence‘. Non-spatial variables are ones that were more related to the domain of governance or to community. The governance domain has contained the political and legislative themes. One variable identified as political (i.e. expulsion mode) and two as legislative (i.e. current land ownership, and the Supreme Court of Israel‘s ruling in the DV‘s favor). By that, the Community includes the socio-economic, cultural, trend and organizational themes. Six socio-economic variables have been identified as well on the DV scale (i.e. presence of IDPs, IDPs mass that remained, cohesion between IDPs, IDPs‘ need for housing, violence practiced against active IDPs, and IDPs level of awareness), two variables as cultural (i.e. IDPs religious background, type of ‗return activities‘), three variables for the trend (i.e. time of activation, level of activation, youth presence) and three variables for the organizational (i.e. organizational support, financial support, utilization of social media). Each theme of these incorporates one or more non-physical variable that might have a potential relationship with the DVs‘ activation.

6. Diagnosis of Variables The 31 identified variables have been further diagnosed to reach the spatial and non-spatial ones that are acting as incentives behind the self-repatriation scene. The diagnosis of the variables gave birth for six main variable genres: the veto; the catalyzing; the effective combination; the potential effective; the passive interrelated and the temporarily trivial variables. Each of these six genres has contained a group of variables according to the variable influential character(s) in terms of the DVs‘ activation. The genres have been generated after a process of cross-linking and referencing between the identified variables. The self-repatriation is possibly strengthened and induced by some of the identified spatial and non-spatial variables. The research has realized that a DV is hard to be ignited or activated without the must-presence of a few variables. It reached the understanding that, as long as the DV is accessible, it can be at least partially entered, and has existing IDPs who hold awareness and a will to activate their right; a self-repatriation to the DV can be possibly ignited. Those ‗veto‘ variables consist of spatial and non-spatial variables, which stress the importance of both dimensions in such phenomenon. Once the DV is activated, the self-repatriation tends to be placed within different levels and types starting by token forms and moving to more deliberate ones. All

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this relies on the presence of the catalyzing variables, the effectiveness of the combined variables and the potential effective combined ones. The research has also highlighted other catalyzing variables as singular stimulants or an effective combination that flame the level of the self-repatriation. The presence of youth, financial and organizational support, remains of an old structure (e.g. cemetery, mosque, church), having a church (and Christian IDPs who can, internationally, claim their right to it), existence of empty lands, having an Israeli ruling in the village‘s favor, cohesion between DV‘s IDPs, having some lands of the DV non-governmentally (i.e. non-Israeli) owned, distance between IDPs and their DV, having some lands of DV not being reused residentially or for military means, all play a catalyzing role that induce the self-repatriation level. Other effective combinations of variables have developed further scenarios. In these effective combinations of variables, the spatial variables are dominating the genre and are shown more explicitly. For example, having entry to some parts of the DV is dependent on the current land use or type of the remaining structure. This manifests the significance of the relationship between the physical attributes of the ADVs and self-repatriation levels. The research has also reached some variables that are related to self-repatriation but with no clear tendency to influence it. These are the DV‘s scale, DV‘s topography, religious background of IDPs, IDPs‘ need of housing and locus of DV.

7. The Self-Repatriation Ladder Based on the identified self-repatriation variables and incentives, the research has generated a ladder that explains different levels of self-repatriations. Six main levels are identified based on the investigations and the review of available literature and news regarding the phenomenon. It is connected by its means to scales of spatial resistance that can emerge in the context. Going up the ladder is dependent on the physical tawasul of the expelled Palestinian populations with their DVs. Also, it depends on the return activities types and frequency. The highest level of self-repatriation in the ladder is the closest one to an effective return, and consequently, the one that produces a larger scale of spatial resistance. This means that the first one or two levels are closer to token returns. The research found that al tawasul between the Palestinian expelled populations and their depopulated localities was mainly configured into two – a physical and a non-physical tawasul. The spiritual self-repatriation is the first identified level in the ladder, which expresses a non-physical relationship between the expelled and their depopulated locality. This mainly resembles the Palestinian refugees who are out of bounds and are not physically present inside due to the politically rigid borders. Another to which the author referred to as a metaphysical selfrepatriation follows this level. Metaphysical self-repatriation also reflects a spiritual tawasul but connotes a slight spatial and physical dimension. In this level, the expelled population practices physical return activities in a space but not necessarily ‗the space‘ (e.g. Awda marches from the diaspora). The other four levels in the ladder, however, target the physical tawasul but on different levels. They mainly reflect the phenomenon of IDPs self-repatriations, as they are the Palestinian expelled category within the bounds of the land. The third level of the ladder expresses a ceremonial self-repatriation, which represents a ceremonial tawasul with the place during the year. The level coming after reflects a casual self-repatriation where IDPs have extensive presence over the space with a wider spectrum of return activities. A deliberate self-repatriation then comes, which is more insisting on establishing a lifestyle and a physical presence during day and night. Nevertheless, the de facto self-repatriation, as the highest level recognized in the ladder, can

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possibly happen with a continuous mass physical existence in the DV, implementation of a practical lifestyle and a mass return by the repatriates. The self-repatriation ladder leads to self-Awda that is more possible to take place if a collective of deliberate and de facto self-repatriations in DVs arise.

8. Conclusion The thesis attempted to introduce a new perspective in the field of Palestinian spatial resistance in which self-repatriation in the name of Awda can be viewed as one form. The thesis also introduced Self-Awda as self-organized and collective spatial patterns developed by the Palestinian population to demonstrate a spatial right. It belongs to a rebellious manifesto that echoes a possibility of alternative popular land usages, new forms of accessibilities and other arriving spatial patterns on the long run. Revisiting literature found on performing Al-Awda in the context of Palestinian refugees and IDPs, along with linking this to the findings of the investigation, it has been noticed, through this research, that there has been a general piecemeal shift from token Awda implementations to more deliberate ones since the Palestinian exodus. However, Awda performances differ yet between Palestinian refugees in the diaspora and the ones within the bound of the land (i.e. IDPs). For the Palestinian refugees, the Awda performance remains on a token level or as a form of activism. In the current context of IDPs, on the contrary, it resembles more deliberate proactive performances, especially with the youth-led wave in the last years. Based on this, the research developed a ladder that explains the different levels of self-repatriations within the context of the expelled Palestinian population. However, the ladder is yet focused on the context of the IDPs‘ being the studied phenomenon in this research. This ladder further explains the relationships between those village-based levels of self-repatriation, the scales of the spatial resistance in the context and their reference to self-awda as a collective phenomenon. The ladder contains six main levels of self-repatriations – the spiritual, meta-physical, ceremonial, casual, deliberate and de facto. The research also found the variables and incentives of the IDPs‘ self-repatriations to Palestinian DVs. The research reached 31 spatial and non-spatial variables associated with IDPs‘ self-repatriations. It found that there are multiple spatial and non-spatial variables with different potentials associated with the phenomena. It found also that these variables are double belonging and interdependent in the frame of multiple themes concerned with space, politics, legislation, socio-economics, culture, trend and organization. These variables were found with different influential characters in terms of the scale of their effectiveness on the selfrepatriation. The 31 identified variables were further diagnosed. The diagnosis of the variables gave birth to six main variable genres: the veto, the catalyzing, the effectively combined, the potential effectively combined, the passive inter-related and the temporarily trivial variables. Each of these six genres contained a group of variables according to the variable influential character in terms of the level of activation of the DV. Since the research is exploratory based, its value is not only in the findings it has generated from a newly studied phenomenon, but also in the doors it has opened for future potential researches. This thesis can support future researchers that aim to focus on self-repatriations from alike or other dimensions, namely socio-economics, politics, culture, legislation or/and other variables such as people, time, political context to complete the implicated picture, systematically develop the consciousness, frame today‘s self-repatriations

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wider and demonstrably add to the collective Self-Awda projections. The research has also developed a foundation to base the level of activation of these DVs through a codification system. It is a significant implication for understanding spatial resistance as a continued process in the context of Palestinians, this time through placing Al-Awda on ground as token and deliberate grass root trials. The findings are also important for active IDPs. They identify locus attributes and self-repatriation variables in parallel to producing primary maps and illustrations that ease the reading of such a complex phenomenon. In conclusion, the thesis is meant to serve as a catalyst to the quest of Self-Awda that is possible to be raised by future interested communities. What the research mainly encourages other researchers to is to consider the shift of Al-Awda doctrine from theoretical models into more empirical ones. Today, there are around 300,000 IDPs within shouting distances from their depopulated localities and more than five million registered Palestinian refugees residing in neighboring countries or the diaspora. Having an ongoing flush of 12

Jewish immigrants to the land since the Palestinian‘s ‗nakba‟

echoes a question of spatial Justice in the

context. Planners and urbanists are partners in it. This is to encourage future researches in this field with awareness to the formed right-based spatial resistance, not only in the Palestinian context but also in other analogous contexts around the world. References Abu Sitta, S., 1997. The feasibility of the right of return. In I. Karmi and Cotran, ed. The Palestinian Exodus 1948-1998. London. Abu Sitta, S., 1999. Palestine Right of Return: Sacred, Legal, and Possible. London: The Palestinian Return Centre. Abu Sitta, S., 2000. The Palestinian Nakba 1948: The Register of Depopulated Localities in Pales- tine. 2nd ed. London

Abu Sitta, S., 2007. The return Journey: A Guide to the Depopulated And Present Palestinian Towns and Villages And Holy Sites. London: Palestine Land Society. Abujidi, N., 2014. Urbicide in Palestine: Spaces of oppression and resilience. Routledge. Abunimah, A. & Ibish, H., 2001. The Palestinian right of return. Barclay, A., 2010. Resisting Spaciocide. [Online] Retrieved from: HYPERLINK „http://arenaof speculation.org/research/publications/resisting-spaciocide/― http://arenaofspeculation.org/ research/publications/resisting-spaciocide/ [Accessed 2014].

Cohen, H., 2003. The Present Absentees: The Palestinian Refugees in Israel Since 1948. 2nd ed. Beirut, Lebanon: Institute for Palestine Studies. In Arabic. Published originally Hewbrew. Creswell, J.W., 2012,2008,2005,2002. Educational research: planning, conducting, and evaluating quanitative and qualitative research. 4th ed. Boston, United States of America: Pearson Education, Inc.

Davis, R.A., 2011. Palestinian Village Histories: Geopgraphies of the displaced. California: Stan- ford University Press. Derbas, N., 2014. Going back to the roots. AL Araby Al Jadeed, 16 May. In Arabic. Eid, R., 2014. The right of return in practice: Iqrit, Kafr Biri‗m, Me‗ar, Saffuriyya, Al Lajjun, Ma‗loul, Ghabisiyya. Journal of Palestine Studies, 97, pp.150-65. In Arabic.

Falah, G.-W., 2003. Dynamics and patterns of the shrinking of Arab lands in Palestine. Political Geography, 22, pp.179209. Falah, G., 1989. Israeli ‚Judaization‗ policy in Galilee and its impact on local Arab urbanization. Political Geography, 8(3), pp.229-53. Flyvbjerg, B., 2002. Bringing Power to Planning Research: One Researcher‗s Praxis Story. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 21(4), pp.353-66. Gazit, N. & Latham, R., 2014. Spatial Alternatives and Counter-Sovereignties in Israel/Palestine. International Political Sociology, 8, pp.63-81.  Graham, S., 2011. Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism. Verso. Graham, S., 2011. Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism. Verso. 12

The common Arabic term used to refer to the expulsion of more than half of the indigenous population residing in Historical Palestine and the depopulation of hundreds Palestinian localities in 1948. Meaning in Arabic; the catastrophe.

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Hamdan, H., 2005. The policy of Settlement and „Spatial Judaization― in the Naqab. Adalah‗s Newsletter, March.

Jeries, R., 2015, local knowledge bank; Media and oral history project coordinator with Zochrot, interviewed by Maram M. Sha‟ban (March 3, 2015 and May 5, 2015). Khalidi, W., 1997. All that remains: The Palestinian villages Occupied and depopulated by Israel in 1948. Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies. Khoury, A., 2012.The internally displaced Palestinians in Israel. Al Majdal-Palestinian Citizens of Israel Defying the Ongoing Nakba Lambert, L., 2012. Weaponized Architecture: The Impossibility of Innocence. New york: dprbarcelona. Pappe, I., 2006. The ethnic cleansing of Palestine. London: Oneworld Publications. Schechla, J., 2001. The invisible people come to light: Israel‗s „Internally displaced― and the „Ure- cognized villages―. Journal of Palestine studies, 31(No.1 ), pp.20-31. Wakim, W., 2001. „Internally displaced―: Seeking Return within One‗s Own land. Journal of Palestine studies, 31(No.1), pp.32-38. Wakim, W., 2015. Head of ADRID, Interviewed by Maram M. Sha‟ban in series of online conversations (Between March 11, 2015 and May 11, 2015) Watad, M., 2013. A youth Palestinian project implement the right of return. Al Jazeera, 27 Augest. In Arabic. Weizman, E. & Segal, R., 2003. A Civilian Occupation: The Politics of Israeli Architecture. Lon- don: Verso. Weizman, E., 2007. Hollow Land: Israel‗s Architecture of Occupation. London: Verso. Wiles, R., 2014. The evolution of direct action in the struggle for Palestinian return. [Online] Retrieved from: HYPERLINK „http://www.middleeasteye.net/essays/evolution-direct-action- struggle-palestinian-return-1640234501― [Accessed 20 May 2015]. Yacobi, H., 2004. In between Surveillance and Spatial Protest: the production of Space of the ‚Mixed City‗ of Lod. Surveillance and Society, 2(1), pp.55-77. Yiftachel, O. & Ghanem, A., 2004. Understanding ‚ethnocratic‗ regimes: the politics of siezing contested territories. Political Geography, 23, pp.647-76. Yiftachel, O. & Yacobi, H., 2003. Urban ethnocracy: ethnicization and the production of space in an Israeli ‚mixed city‗. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 21, pp.673-93. Yiftachel, O., 1995. Planning as Control: Policy and Resistance in a Deeply Divided Society. Pro- gress in Planning, 44, pp.115-84. Yiftachel, O., 1999. ‚Ethnocracy‗: The politics of Judaizing Israel/Palestine. Constellations, 6(3), pp.364-90. Yiftachel, O., 2002. The Shrinking Space of Citizenship. MER 223 - Barriers to peace: Palestine and Israel. Yin, R.K., 2003. Case Study Research Design and Methods. 3rd ed. SAGE Publications. Zureik, E., Lyon, D. & Abu-Laban, Y., eds., 2011. Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine: Population, territory and power. Routledge.

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Host Communities: between Solidarity and Hardship Refugee Inflow Reshaping Mafraq's Housing Sector

Road to Mafraq Source Author

Author: Razan Alshadfan Supervisor 1: Dr. YehyaSeraj, Associate Professor of Urban and Regional planning - University of Ain Shams Supervisor2: Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley, Professor for International Urbanism - University of Stuttgart Being the first city after the Jordanian-Syrian border, Mafraq has become the city of arrival to thousands of Syrian war refugees (Buryan, 2012). As Zaâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;atari camp was created in a dust-filled border zone lacking the basic services to host the refugees, the vast majority of Syrians decided to reside outside the camp and were hosted by the local community of Mafraq. Unable to cover its own peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s needs, Mafraq was overwhelmed with the newcomers, thus leaving both the locals and the new Syrian inhabitants with social tensions, housing shortage, poor services, unemployment and unbearable living expenses (Ali et al., 2014). However, REACH declared, in one of its reports, that housing is a major driver of tension between the host and refugee communities, and stated that the main incentive for social tensions is the lack of affordable housing. Consequently, this paper attempts to add to this line of inquiry by examining and assessing the trends of housing transformation in Mafraqcity after the Syrian crisis. It attempts to accomplish that this through adding towhat has been mentioned in the secondary data analysis regarding the Syrian crisis and the housing problem in Mafraq with the field findings, observations and interviews. Thisis achievedthroughanalyzing the underlying drivers of tension and revealing the influencing factors behind the housing crisis. This paper's findings and results are part of a thorough field research that took place in Mafraq city between February and May 2015 in an attempt to identify and allocate some access points for future interventions in the area. Keywords: refugee camp, border city, housing shortage, affordable housing, adequate housing, vulnerability and resilience

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1. Introduction Following the Syrian crisis, a substantial number of refugees settled in Jordan; a country that suffers from scarce natural resources, a small-sized economy and economically struggling communities. However, Mafraq city hosted the biggest share of refugees in Jordan. Already poor and now with a population of 70,050 Jordanian inhabitants, Mafraq city is overloaded with the extensive demand on the local resources and services caused by the number of refugees that are steadily flowing into the city, who have reached 90,000 refugees so far (JRP, 2015). After the jump in the number of inhabitants in Mafraq, rents tripled, jobs split between both Jordanians and Syrians, and a colossal pressure was put on water and electricity. The city is also suffering from inefficient garbage waste management. Municipal services, such as hospitals, cannot keep pace with the flow of patients, and schools are overflowing with students (Ali et al, 2014)). The rising competition between Jordanians and Syrians on basic survival needs is rapidly increasing and causing social tension between both communities, which might lead to serious social conflicts that should not be ignored (Buryan, 2012). According to a recent REACH report, the majority of residents in host cities in northern Jordan indicated that the three primary drivers of tension were: availability of affordable housing, education, and income-generating opportunities. However, 47% of the communities, whichasserted tension, pointed out that the lack of affordable housing was the root of the existing tensions between the Syrian refugees and the Jordanian hosting community (REACH, 2014a).Being in this exceptional situation, Greater Mafraqwas chosen as a case study area for this paper.

2. Housing There is a growing need for adequate, affordable housing in the Jordanian host communities, as only 20% of the Syrian refugees live in refugee camps and the rest reside in rural and urban areas in hosting communities. According to the Jordanian government, the Jordanian housing market faced an annual shortfall of 3,400 housing units in the seven years prior the Syrian crisis. In the current time, additional 120,000 housing unitsare needed to accommodate the number of registered Syrian refugees in Jordan. This housing shortage resulted in refugees living in inadequate households, identified by earth flooring, poor ventilation, outdoor bathrooms and informal temporary, overcrowded housing units (NRC, 2014). As a resultof the high demand on housing units, the rental prices have risen up to 200-300% of the original rental price in the northern governorates that accommodate the highest numbers of Syrians. Approximately 44% of the vulnerable Jordanian families, who rent their households, have been hit hard by the rising rental prices, leaving them more vulnerable to shocks. Correspondingly, Jordanians and Syrians are not only facing the challenge of inflating rental rates, but also the problem of inadequate housing which results in less resilient communities (REACH, 2014c). This problem led to one fifth of the Syrian refugees living in temporary informal housing, as 12% of the Syrian community in the Mafraq governorate alone lived in temporary tented structures. The lack of affordable housing and adequate living conditions has forced the Syrian and vulnerable Jordanian communities to resort to a number of coping strategies such as selling house products, moving with other relatives under one shelter, moving in unfinished buildings, living in temporary structures with limited access to basic services, or living in substandard accommodations not meant to accommodate human beings such as storage and retail spaces.

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The fact that the Syrian refugees have a lower social capital than their Jordanian counterparts does make them more vulnerable than the Jordanian host community (ibid). The lack of affordable housing also resulted in the increasing competition between the Jordanian and Syrian communities, which fueled up the growing tensions between both communities. According to a REACH study done in the northern governorates of Jordan, access to affordable housing has been identified, by 83% of the Jordanians and 77% of the Syrians, as the number one cause of tension between the two communities. While 44% of the Syrians and Jordanians indicated the challenges of housing as ―very urgent‖, 36% of the Jordanians and 32% of the Syrians indicated the challenges as ―extremely urgent‖. The majority of Jordanians imply that the problem of housing goes back to the lack of housing, while the Syrians believe that the problem goes back to the high housing costs. Whereas 96% of the addressed Jordanians view the access to housing in their community as inadequate, as did 51% of the Syrians (ibid). The housing problem has reached young men wanting to marry in the Jordanian community, where they cannot afford establishing a new family. The marriage delay remains undocumented, while the frustration is growing within the Jordanian community as the social norm remains disrupted. The Jordanian community‘s solution to the housing problem favors the Jordanians over the Syrians, as they suggest that the Jordanians should not be affected by the increasing rental prices (Buryan, 2012). On the other hand, Syrian refugees in Jordan are facing the challenge of unsecure tenure, as most of them do not get the chance of signing basic rental agreements. They end up moving from one place to another looking for affordable secure tenure, which threatens their legal status with the Jordanian government, as they have to report their place of accommodation each time they move to be able to access the local services (NRC, 2014). Due to the extravagant increase in the rental prices in Jordan, NRC injected the housing market with affordable housing stock in an attempt to decrease the rental prices. Since mid-2013, NRC has provided shelter assistance to more than 5,100 Syrian refugees in Jordan. Their solutions included providing consultation to local landlords to bring new affordable housing units to the rental market. Furthermore, they conducted agreements with the local landlords through upgrading their households in exchange for accommodating vulnerable refugee families for free for a specific period of time. Unfortunately, after conducting a phone call with the NRC office in Jordan in March 2015, they declared, at the time of the call, that the lack of funds is restraining them from finding solutions to the housing issue in Jordan. Some NGOs were implementing the ―cash for rent‖ approach, which can generate inflation in the housing market. On the other hand, the provision and development of secure affordable housing in host communities ensures stabilized rental prices and reduces competition over housing (ibid).

3. Influencing Factors of the Housing Problem Aside from offering shelter and security to the houseowner, the house plays a major role in serving as an asset. The process of purchasing a house represents a lifelong investment. The delivery process of housing in a country depends on crosscutting sectors, which include finance, land, infrastructure, building materials and building legislations and policies. In the following section, these sectors will be briefly discussed to explain the process of securing a house to help understand how the crisis is affecting this process. >>Finance Housing finance is defined as the method by which the construction or purchase of a house is financed. In many countries, individuals of lowincome cannot afford constructing or purchasing a house, since most of the

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loans are channeled to high- and middle-income families. UN-Habitat alleges that the informal job market, which supplies a significant amount of employment for the low-income society, does not generate a regular or enough income to finance the construction, purchase, or even the improvement of a house (Atati, 2014). As extracted from interviews in Mafraq, the Jordanian community is limited to two sources of finance when deciding to purchase or build a house. The first conditional option is when the individual is retired from the military â&#x20AC;&#x201C; which is very common in Mafraq.He has the privilege of applying for a military housing loan, while normally, in the second option, people apply for a regular bank mortgage. With the growing competition over informal jobs after the Syrian crisis and the decreasing wage average, individuals have become unable to apply for house mortgages, thus unable to buy a house. Likewise, in the case of families who turned to the option of renting their houses, where the increasing demand on renting houses caused escalating rental prices that reached up to six times the original prices, and with the decreasing wages, families found themselves evicted from their homes and living in inadequate housing. >>Land Land division and regulations in Jordan areexecuted by a department subsidiary to the Ministry of Municipal Affairs. The residential lands in Jordan are divided into four categories: A, B, C and D. These categories differ in the size of the division of land, the allowed built area on the land and the minimum setbacks between each land division. For instance, category A must not be less than 900m2 in area, the percentage of the plot not more than 39% of the land area, the side and front setbacks not less than 5m and the back not less than 7m. Concerning categories B, C and D, the area of the division decreases, the plot area increases and the setbacks decrease. This leaves category A more expensive with more green areas and less congested urban areas. While in the B, C and D categories, the green areas continue to decrease by order (Potter et al., 2009).

During an interview withthe Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC), they claimed that one of the main reasons for the lack of affordable housing in Jordan is the high percentage of the high priced category A land divisions. On the other hand, in Mafraq city, this does not seem to be the case as most of land divisions are from categories C and D, while categories A and B are rarely found. The figure below displays amap of Mafraq city with its land-division categories. Since the beginning of the Syrian refugee flow into the city, land prices have increased exceptionally. According to Jordanians working in real estate, the land prices in Al Hashmi neighborhood in Mafraq increased from around USD19, 000 to USD35, 000 per 1,000m2. Some local Jordanians even claimed that there are wealthy

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Syrian refugees willing to pay double and triple the price of land just for money laundry, which, in turn, raised the prices of lands in the city. >>Infrastructure With the vast areas of empty lands, Mafraq is rapidly expanding horizontally, according to Eng. Mai Asfour from HUDC, unlike Irbid city, which has been expanding vertically, since the beginning of the Syrian crisis. This rapid horizontal growth is much worrying for the Ministry of Public Works and Housing (MPWH), as the growth has extended to areas that are not linked to basic services and infrastructure. Providing services and infrastructure for the growing neighborhoods is quite burdening, and leaving them without any services might turn those neighborhoods to informal slums. >>Building Materials The prices of building materials in Jordan are significantly affected by two major factors: the supply and demand, and the oil prices. In the case of Mafraq, the demand on construction has drastically increased within a short period of time, which led to

Figure 1:Mafraq‟s Municipality‟s Residential Land Divisions Source:map adapted from the Ministry of Municipal Affairs

an increase in the prices of construction materials, and thus housing. >>Legislations and Policies In Jordan, building regulations are related to the type of land division, whether from category A,B,C or D, as well as the land-use regulations. Since the Syrian crisis in Mafraq, there occurred many building violations as familiesstarted torelializethe value of space, which became exceedingly valuable. Jordan has a free market policy where prices are determined by an unrestricted competition between consumers and sellers, according to supply and demand, away from any governmental restrictions or interventions. With the growing housing problem and the increasing rental prices, the Jordanian government has not yet set new housing legislations to control the growth or limit the problem. However, the Host Community Support Platform (HCSP) has promised, in its National Response Plan (NRP), to address structural weaknesses in the housing market, but has not yet published any details in this regard (JRP, 2015).

Additionally, Jordan does not have a fixed social housing policy. None of Jordan‘s housing programs was adopted and converted into a fixed governmental policy; instead, all programs were limited to a certain fund and definite period of time. In the case of Mafraq, there have been constant complains regarding forced family evictions, exploitation of renters by landlords, and leasing without legal tenancy agreements. However, the Jordanian response plan, released in 2015, did not include suchissues in any of its objectives policies for the shelter resilience response, but included the revision of the National Housing Policy and revitalization of the HUDC (JRP, 2015).

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4. Reading the Physical, Social and Spatial Transformation of Space in Mafraq City >>Evidence on City Transformation

Other than the increasing number of building construction sites in Mafraq, which can be observed in the increasing number of building permits, interviewed Jordanians claim that the city has transformed in various manners since the beginning of the Syrian flow into Mafraq. The change started with the crowded markets, rising numbers of pedestrians in the streets, and the increasing quantities of solidwaste in the city. Others expressed

their

contentment

towards

the

Syrian

restaurants, bakeries and markets that opened recently. However, Mafraq has plenty of empty lands; therefore, the rise in the number of houses did not result in overcrowdedness in the density of the built-up area. The urban sprawl is growing towards the southeast direction as the West part of the city is blocked by Al-Albayt University, and the North is blocked by the military airport. On the city level, Jordanians expressed their displeasure towards the dissimilarities between their community and the Syrian community. During the interviews, Jordanians explicitly explainedtheir concern towards the markets being open until midnight, with young men wandering in the streets, as they are a conservative community and do not find this act ethical or respectful. For the Jordanian tribal community of Mafraq, this is considered highly

Figure 2 :Mafraqâ&#x20AC;&#x;s Growth Map Source:Author, base map: Ministry of Municipal Affairs

unusual

and suspicious. Additionally, Jordanians find it socially unacceptable for women to stroll in the streets late at night, which is, on the other hand, fully acceptable by the Syrian society. During interviews, some Jordanians implied the spread of brothels in the city without giving hard evidence on that.

>>Evidence on Neighborhood Transformation

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During interviews in Mafraq, Jordanians pointed out that Syrians are highly concentrated in three neighborhoods in the city, where the wealthy refugees settled in Al Hashmi neighborhood, the underprivileged settled in Al- Hussein neighborhood, and the middle-class refugees stayed in Al-Janoubi neighborhood. On the neighborhood scale, Jordanians also stressed on the contradictory habits of Syrians, where they are seen as less religious, as they constantly tend to use curse words, and disturb the neighborhood by staying up late at night. Additionally, Jordanians observed the increasing number of out-of-school children who regularly play in the streets, blocking multiple roads. On the other hand, Syrians feel that they are suffocating from all the judgments haling back at them by the Jordanian host community. The three neighborhoods‘ urban growth is very evident in the maps. It is observed that Al-Janoubi Neighborhood has witnessed the largest urban growth among the three neighborhoods. The rapid growth in Al-Janoubi neighborhood can be justified bytwo reasons; the first would be the abundance ofempty lands, unlike Al-Hussein neighborhood where empty lands can be

Buildings built till 2010

Buildings built from 2010 till 2014

Figure 3 : Evidence on the Neighborhoods‟ Urban Growth

Source : Author, Base map : Ministry of Municipal Affairs land maps was put on Google Earth, then buildings from 2010 were mapped from Satellite images in google earth history, and again from 2014

hardly found. The second reason would be the lower land prices in Al-Janoubi neighborhood when compared to the land prices of Al-Hashmi neighborhood, since the lands are divided into areas of 500m 2 in Al-Janoubi neighborhood, while in Al-Hashmi neighborhood lands are divided into areas of 1000m 2, thus making them more expensive. The urban growth is not very evident horizontally in Al-Hussein neighborhood, since the lands were already almost fully occupied with houses before the crisis; however, the growth can be noticed in the vertical additions of floors as well as the extra rooms built in the front setbacks.Despite being crowded, the low land prices encouraged the underprivileged Syrian refugees to reside in Al-Hussein neighborhood as the lands there are divided to smaller land divisions – around 300m2 each – making it cheaper than the other two neighborhoods. >>Evidence on Household Transformation The sudden increase in the housing demand with the constant supply lead to an excruciating increase in the housing prices that reached up to six times the original rate, which resulted in a severe lack in affordable housing. Being already vulnerable, the residents of Mafraq are struggling along with the Syrian refugees to cope with the new rental prices, which forced them to move to inadequate shelters.

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According to the director of housing policy management in the HUDC, Eng. Mai Asfour, the occurring housing problem is threatening their unending efforts in attaining their goal in turning Jordan into a ―slum-free zone‖. The reason is thatthe

lack

affordable

housing

obliges

vulnerable families to move out of their homes and form a shape of informal housing. In Mafraq governorate, informal tented settlement scored the highest of all Jordanian governorates hosting refugees. However, Mafraq city itself still does not hold a considerable number of informal shelters to be considered a serious problem (REACH, 2013). Mafraqis known for being a tribal region, where people are known for their generosity and hospitality. Therefore, it is very common to find a wealthy head of household owning large areas of lands

and

building

houses

for

his

sons,

orunderprivileged siblings. Having a

―Madafa‖ in each household is also a common typology, where guests are always welcome in this space, which is detached from the main household but still lies within the house property.

Figure 4 : Transformation of Households in Mafraq Source :Author

From the fieldwork visits, it was observed that the tribal community realized that they could exploit the situation they are in by making financial benefit from the ―extra‖ space that they own. Consequently, the ―madafas‖ were transformed into small one-bedroom houses and rented to Syrian refugees for high prices, denying the guests from being welcomed or hosted. Fathers evicted their own sons and siblings for the material gain. Syrians, in some cases, areforced to fit up to 20 persons in one household, since they canno longer afford the increasing rents as a single family. As the Jordanians‘ attitudes have grown less warm towards the Syrian refugees, locals of Mafraq initiated housing investment by building additional stories above their houses, introducing the apartment building typology into the city, instead of the common single detached house typology. Some invested in entire apartment buildings, while others started offering their storing units as houses for the underprivileged refugees and locals. Those unable to afford adding an entire floor on top of their houses settled to subtracting parts of their houses or building an additional illegal room in the setbacks and turning it into a small one bedroom or two-bedroom apartment ready to be offered for rent. All the above-mentioned behaviors are considered contradictory with the tribes‘ traditions, religion, culture and beliefs.

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5. Conclusion As

the

Syrian

crisis

continues,

its

implications are being magnified by the growing tension between both communities â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Syrian new comers and the host Jordanians. The top three drivers of tension in the host communities were summarized by the

competition

over

income-generating

opportunities, education, and the lack of affordable and adequate housing. All three crosscutting

issues

have

different

implications on each other. The downward pressure on wages in the informal market caused by the competition over jobs, due to the large number of job seekers and the lack of job opportunities for the Syrian refugees, is also a major driver of tension and an influencing factor ofthe housing problem. The increased rental prices arealso affecting the building of the human capital of the households, as desperate families are forcing their children to leave schools to get a job in the informal market, while settling for wages

less

than

consequently,

the

minimum

imposing

wage,

downward

1Sub-division of the household

5Turning retail stores into households 2Living in unfinishedhouseholds 3Addingrooms in the set-back

pressure on the wages. Being the most basic human need, housing is still voted as the number one driver of tension.

4Changing the "madafa" into a household

6Adding multiple stories to the household

Figure 5 : Examples of Households Transformation in the Three Neighborhoods Source : Author

The lack of affordable housing has forced both, the host community and the Jordanian host, to turn to a variety of adaptation methods embodied in many shapes. Whereas some families decided to move in together under one household, other families moved to sub-standard accommodations, not meant to accommodate human beings, such as storages and retail spaces, or unfinished buildings.

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Amateur housing investments by locals of Mafraq emerged as a new practice to seize the opportunity of the severe housing shortage after the crisis. The response to the lack of space can be clearly observed through the city, whether by adding extra floors to the household, introducing new building typologies – apartment buildings and several story buildings, changing the use of spaces, such as guest houses ―madafa‖, storage units and retail spaces – or subtracting or adding spaces from and to the households. Jordanians started investing in housing and offering the households for rent for exaggerated prices. Such risein the housing prices was one of the main influencing factors behind the housing problem, and thus a significant driver of tension.

The dynamics of the influx of Syrian refugees to Jordan remains highly unpredictable, and the housing problem, its complications and implications, is one example of the emerging issues accompanying the Syrian crisis in Jordan. Although the solution to such a complex manifold problem can be very critical, the conclusion resolves in a sustainable, comprehensive plan that gives Syrian refugees the right to live in dignity, and for the Jordanians to reclaim the sense of identity, territory and security, and for both to live in social cohesion, harmony and peace.

References Ali, D. et al. (2014). A Town's Sudden Growth: Jordanians and Syrians Share the Poverty of Mafraq. Retrieved in May 2015 from http://www.7iber.org/2014/04/mafraq/ Atati, F. (2014). An Investigation into the Factors that Influence Housing Finance in Developing Countries: A Case Study of Kenya Buryan, E. (2012). Analysis of Host Community-Refugee Tensions in Mafraq, Jordan. Mercy Corps JRP (2015). Jordan Response Plan for the Syria Crisis NRC (2014).A Precautious Existence: The Shelter Situation of Refugee from Syria in Neighboring Countries Potter, R. et al. (2009). ‗‗Ever-growing Amman‘‘, Jordan: Urban expansion, social polarisation and contemporary urban planning issues. Habitat International

33 REACH (2013). Informal Tented Settlements in Jordan: A Multi-Sector Base-line Assessment REACH (2014a). Evaluating the Effect of the Syrian Refugee Crisis on Stability and Resilience in Jordanian Host Communities. Preliminary Impact Assessment REACH (2014b). Understanding Social Cohesion and Resilience in Jordanian Host communities. Assessment report REACH (2014c). Housing Tensions in Jordan Communities Hosting Syrian Refugees. Thematic Assessment Report

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The Human Dimension a Key for Sustainable Community Development: The Case of the Basaisa Author: Dina Mahdy Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen (Ain shams University) Supervisor: Dr. Antje Stokman Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Hamed AL Mously Nearly 60% of the Egyptian inhabitants live in rural villages, where most of the labour force works in agriculture (World Bank statistics 2012). The number of village inhabitants varies from 1,000 to 15,000 inhabitants. In addition, they rely on fossil fuels as the major source of energy with an energy consumption of 96% of total energy resources, which resulted in a CO2 emission of 204776.281 kt. This has lead to high environmental costs, which are increasingly being recognised as public health issues and economic costs externalities. This paper discusses the main problems of rural Egypt that lie/represented in the lack of public awareness and lack of high quality education dealing with the environment, health and economic issues. Also, poverty and ignorance play the main role in impeding development and using new approaches or appropriate technologies. According to the Global Ecovillage Network (GEN), an ecovillage is a traditional community which proceeds in a participatory approach on three different levels: the ecological, economic, social and cultural dimensions. This paper studies the case of Basaisa which was promoted to be a model of rural development in light of the above definition as an eco-sustainable village which was a grass-root initiative aiming at the construction and development of a productive settlement using innovation, integration, production, services and renewable energy resources, based on participatory development approaches. This paper first reports on the innovative development action that combines renewable energy technology promotion, youth employment, construction of new settlements, poverty eradication, social integration and equality into a coordinated and participatory plan, based on integration and participation, and focusing on the socio-cultural dimension. Secondly, the paper discusses the development of the Basaisa community to date as an educational process of participation with minimal resources, reaching maximum achievements as well as highlights the significance of the social and cultural community behaviour. The methodology carried out is aided by personal interviews, questionnaires and onsite surveying, observations and analysis. Keywords: Innovation, integration, knowledge transfer, participation, sustainability

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1. Intoduction 1.1 Context Nearly 60% of the Egyptian inhabitants live in rural villages, where most of the labour forces work in agriculture (WB 2012). The rural village in Egypt is dependent/depends on the number of inhabitants that varies from 1,000 to 15,000 inhabitants1. A rural village can be categorisedas small minor villages that either neighbour or belong to a central village (local unit). The central village is provided with basic services (such as an elementary school, clinic, commercial activities and an administrative office) by the government. These minor villages are called following villages and are not provided with services but follow their administrative province units. In Egypt, agricultural lands represent 3.6% (WB 2012) of the total area of Egypt and 29.2% (WB 2011) of the population are employed in agriculture. Subsequently, by comparing the ratio of the agricultural lands, the number of rural inhabitants and the number of citizens employed in agriculture, it is concluded that agricultural activities comefirst before education (employments based on educational degrees). Accordingly, the percentage of literate villagers is 13.6% to 62% illiterate (21% males and 42% females) (Report 2008) which represents the lack in awareness and lack of education. This resultsin a lack ofknowledge transfer, lack of access to information and spread of disease, poverty and minimal life quality. Agriculture represents 14% of the total percentage of the GDP, which shows that it cannot be the only source of income (WB 2013). The recent national survey showed that the average per capita share of cultivated land and inhabited land in Egypt continued to fall from 1.0 feddans, and 1.4 feddan in 1800 to 0.13 feddan, and 0.2 feddan in 2006, respectively (Arafa 2011). In addition, the reliance on fossil fuels as the major source of energy production places a heavy load on the rural society with a fossil fuel energy consumption of 96% of total energy resources, whichresulted in a CO2204776.281 kt emission. Thishas lead to high environmental costs, which are increasingly being recognised as public health issues and economic costs or externalities. This fosters our concerns towards renewable energy resources and represents a sustainable approach of dealing with the challenge of supply and demand. Nevertheless, studies on the energy in rural Egypt have shown that 76.4% of the gross consumed originated from burning crops such as rice straw (El-shimi and Arafa 1985).

1.2 Problem identification The main problems of rural Egypt lie in the lack of awareness in terms of education, dealing with the environment and health issues. Also, poverty and ignorance play the main role in impeding development and using new methods or technologies rather than the old traditional methods. In addition, the process of development and the different governmental orientations and programs affected the rural sector directly and lead to its deterioration (Teama 2012). On the other hand, the government invested in capital cities and metropolitan areas as the main resource for development, which correspondingly resulted in an unjust process of services distribution (Amin 1994). Consequently, most of the capital investments were centred on the capital cities, which resulted in a decline in the rural resources and deterioration of the living conditions, in addition to problems related to unemployment and poverty (Toth 2001).As a result, massive internal migrations took

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place from the rural villages to the central cities to regain working opportunities, better connection to services, infrastructure and better life quality, despite the competition (Jobes 1990).

Figure 12.Graphs illustrating the Internal Migration Rates versus Unemployment.

Date source based on: (Beshal 1996)

All this had an effect on the socio-cultural structures of the rural (communities?)due to the complex values, culture, linkage and social aspects which got out of order by moving to another context within the different social values and new living conditions.

1.2 Definition of solutions The problems mentioned above were adjusted, aiming at comprehensive development strategies. Thus, the problems were classified to socio-cultural, economical and environmental division and solutions were oriented to solving the mentioned problems within the different dimensions. The solutions target development in terms of enhancing the quality of life, raising the educational level, raising awareness towards the environment, pushing income-generating activities and promoting renewable energy means. Subsequently, villages grow and develop within the mentioned dimensions towards achieving economically developed sustainable villages. This can be defined within the frame of an ecovillage.

1.3 What is an ecovillage? According to the Global Eco-village Network (GEN), an ecovillage is a traditional community which proceeds in a participatory approach on three different levels: the ecological, economic, social and cultural dimensions.In light of the previously mentioned definition, this research will study the Basaisa village as a model of rural development to an eco-sustainable village which was a grass-root initiative aiming at the construction and development of a new productive settlement, using innovation, integration, production, services and renewable energy resources, which is based on a participatory development approach. It is considered as a living model for an organised autonomous countryside village with emphasis on developing the human stress on the economic, ecological and socio-cultural aspects, in addition to introducing the use of renewable energies through the participation of local citizens.

2. Introduction the case study 2.1 Location The Basaisa village is located in Sharkeya governorate, northeast of the Nile delta. It is considered the third

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most populated governorate after Cairo and Giza with a number of 6,174,048 inhabitants (2013) . Sharkeya is divided, administratively, into 15 administrative centres and its capital is the Zagazig Centre (Zagazig City). Sharkeya‘s main activities are based on agriculture and fishing. It supports a variety of irrigated crops, including cotton, corn (maize), rice, wheat, soy-beans, peanuts (groundnut), sesame, and citrus fruits. As for life stock, cows, ducks and chickens are raised either in the peasants‘ houses or in special farms. Zagazighas an area of 321.13 km2 and is populated by 1, 305,00 inhabitants (CAPMAS 2013). Zagazig is composed of two main cities and 11 local units, divided into 75 villages and manors (GOPP 2013). Each village contains manors and subsidiary villages

(Qurahtabe‘a)that sum up to 351. However, the main services are located in the

local units such as schools, clinics and economic activities. Local units also have better means of transportation, access to electrical resources, infrastructure and social services. Accordingly, this makes the other manors and subsidiary villages assemble around and rely on them for providing services. In other words, the subsidiary villages and manors assemble to the local units to benefit from the services.

2.2 Description of the village The Basaisa is inhabited by 493 persons living on an area of 5.16 feddans (21,672 m2) with an annual growth rate of 2.66% (GOPP 2013). The population density is 95 person/feddan living in houses between 1 to 3 floors and a maximum of 4 floors. It belongs to the administrative province of the Tayebalocal unit. The Tayeba local unit consists of 4 villages. Its coordinates are 30°39‘13.25‖N and 31°25‘47.36‖E, according to Google Earth March, 2015. It is connected to Al Tayeba village, administratively, where most of the services are located, whether commercial, educational, health, social and recreational or administrative.

Figure 13.The Basaisa village today. Author's own (Date: March 2015)

2.3 Historical Background The Basaisa village was called (Izbet) Ibrahim Albadri. It was named after Ibrahim Ali Albadri who bought a land of 125 feddans in 1867 and settled with his family in the destination which is the current agricultural rein of the village. The family started to extend by marriages and relatives from different destinations (either nearby villages or from the family origin in Damanhour). Ibrahim Ali Albadri‘s descendants inherited the land which leads to its division unequally among the generations. It also leads to uneven income resources, which was one

http://www.citypopulation.de/php/egypt-admin.php?adm1id=1

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of the weak aspects that lead to the poverty levels and low life quality in comparison to the individual village members. The village receives no services from the government and is limited to the mosque and the primary school. People had to walk to the neighbouring villages for education, health services and stock. In terms of services, the connectivity and communication to the outside was very hard due to the absence of communication means such as radio and television. The government supplied the village with the electrical line in 1978, which was an achievement for them as it was the first among its neighbours.

2.4 Daily life pattern The life pattern was based on agricultural activities; each had their own land and their own cattle. It was their only income resource. The only other job was when families would their sons to volunteer in the army, which was, back then, considered a guaranteed job. They grew rice and maize in summer, and cotton and trefoil in winter, which is considered as food for them and their animals. Every house had its own livestock, which they depended on for producing food (for breakfast and dinner). Therefore, they do not need a supermarket like the people living in cities nowadays. The village is too small that it did not have any restaurants, coffee shops or even a marketplace. This is why it could be considered a self-sufficient village. The main meals were composed of dairy products such as cream, cheese and milk. Otherwise, the peasants were too busy in their daily routine, suffering from problems related to issues such as energy resources, infrastructure, health and education.

3. Development process 3.1 Introducing the role model The development started in 1974 when a team from the American University in Cairo, lead by Professor Salah Arafa, decided to carry out an integrated, educational, participatory, development project with the villagers, aiming at rural development. He felt adhered/He dedicated himself to the village each Friday for five years. Despite the progress and results, he decided to stay committed to the village and to the experiments, reaching the goals, putting into consideration that the development will not come from the first step and that it needed integrated multi-disciplinary strategies and, most importantly, effective community participation. The village, at first, suffered from poverty, health and education problems, which were not only educational in the sense of scientific learning but on the awareness level and general basic knowledge, as well. Knowing that he is a doctor, the simple villagers thought that he was a physician and they all came to him with medical problems and complaints, so he responded to their basic needs and made privileges out of it to win the villagers. The development direction started here by initiating a primitive clinic to cure the village inhabitants after knowing that 96% were suffering from the Bilharzias disease. He did this by bringing two physicians over to the village and assigning volunteers from the youth to work as assistants in theclinic. In parallel, awareness sessions were given by Prof Arafa and his team as an introductory tool for development and for creating a common language to proceed with through productive community dialogues. The dialogues were open for everybody and aimed at addressing different age groups and genders to understand the problems and needs on the different levels

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which attracted youth, kids, men, ladies and elderly men.

Figure 14.Salah Arafa and the villagers in the beginning of the development project. Source: Arafa 2011

3.2 Project aims The primary strategy of the project was based on the concept of direct dialogues between the intellectuals and the locals as the starting point for the innovative process. It was also based on the identification and awareness of the existing village problems to be solved as seen by both parties, based on common vision. Furthermore, an organisation has been founded to mobilise the people who suffered most from these problems in order for them to participate/so that they would participate in doing something innovative about it. Here, innovation was the end rather than the beginning of the process, not in the achievement but in the process itself. The innovative process was, thus, seen to involve both an increasing consciousness of grassrootsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; problems and the innovative action to solve these problems on the local level. Collective and individual discussions were held, not only in the village with the inhabitants of Basaisa and its neighbouring communities, but also with project volunteers and staff. The methodological approach was also based on basic anthropological fieldwork methods: census taking, genealogical charts, participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; observations, points of view, surveys, literature reviews, field surveys, seminars, field visits, and use of external consultants where necessary (S Arafa 2011).

3.3 Steps of implementation The project was designed through exploring possibilities and scientific ways to meet the needs of the village in a process of integrated sustainable development. He started by building up dialogues, knowing the inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; needs and interests and where they would like to go, based on science, which was how everything started. Due to poverty, they decided to start, first, by income-generator activities such as tailoring ateliers for women and knitting workshops, carpentry and metalwork workshops for men, then they started working with indigenous technology and renewable energy means such as PV cells and biogas units to solve problems. Besides to themed awareness lectures that used to take place weekly every Friday at the Madyafa next to the ongoing workshops and evening educational classes, there was a work system agreed upon from all the community members. They organised the financials through a common savings box, which was considered the financial capital of all the ongoing activities, and they assigned a lady to work as the accountant responsible for the organisation of this/the box. The scale of the projects started to grow more, the beneficiaries increased, showing more interest in the different offered programs, and the procedures started to get more complex in terms of financials, registration of activities and members' assemblies. Thus, at this stage, particularly in 1983, they started to consider legalising their activities by registering them under the governmental umbrella. Accordingly, a community development association and a technology centre were founded, adopting the activities, whileprojects started earlier, offering services supporting different categories. The activities were mainly

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addressed community education and awareness, financial supports and income-generating activities, besides promoting renewable energy means.

Figure 15.The collective PV cells unit on the roof of the CDA building used for lighting some of the village houses. Authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s own (Date: March 2015) Figure 16. The metal workshop of the village which was first initiated with the beginning of the project

3.4 Current status of the village Currently, the Basaisa is promoted as a unique rural village, achieving records in education and development. The inhabitants are feeling proud of their hometown; social ties are quite strong, represented in the spirit and positive atmosphere, the strong sense of belonging and public responsibility. In addition, there is a presence of strong cultural traditions between neighbours and community members. Most of the village houses are newly built using concrete structures and red bricks, accommodating all family members in separate dwellings, replacing the old mud houses.

4. Basisa as an Ecovillage 4.1 Parameters of an Ecovi An ecovillage is most frequently known as a human-scale settlement with a small number of inhabitants (not more than 500 inhabitants). It should provide food, manufacturing, leisure, social opportunities, and commerce. The human activity is integrated into the environment in a way that supports healthy development in physical, mental, and spiritual ways, and is able to continue into the indefinite future (Bang 2005, 27).A level of energy and resource independence is desirable. Ecovillages do not aspire to be completely self-sufficient, nor are they meant to be isolated communities. Rather, ecovillages are intended to be linked in networks of social, economic, and political ties.

4.2 Is the Basaisa an Ecovillage? The development projects started in 1974 at the old Basaisa village with plenty of objectives and aims that were achieved and that had an influence on the development of the village. This mobilised the whole community, built up a social capital, and assigned social responsibilities, pushing young people to think about the future and build it carrying responsibilities and common goals. Through the whole process, different stakeholders were involved, addressing different agendas that lead to the development of the Basaisa. Accordingly, based on the aims and objectives behind the development process carried out at the Old Basaisa, an assessment matrix was developed, highlighting the major aims and objectives that have been applied to date. The aims are

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classified according to the developmental aspects to facilitate the analysis process and to point out the gaps. The measuring and evaluating procedure is based on the activities as indicators which are classified to sociocultural, environmental and economic aspects.

Figure 17.An assessment matrix showing the different dimensions of development. Author‘s own

The diagram illustrates the implemented projects as indicating parameters of development, which are evaluated, based on questionnaires and personal interviews, measuring the level of their efficiency and their current usage.

5. Results and Conclusion 5.1 Is the Basaisa an Ecovillage? This section will provide information on each of the three parameters defined in the introduction that make up an ecovillage and how they are met in the Basaisa village. It is illustrated in the form of an assessment matrix that indicates to which level the Basaisa has succeeded to fulfil the three major dimensions forming/that form an ecovillage to act as an example to be followed and as a tool for future rural development strategies, focusing mainly on the human dimension as a tool for social innovation. 

Ecological

Renewable energy is highly promoted in the village. For electricity, some houses depend on the energy acquired from the sun. With Prof Arafa‘s expertise and intervention, the community was able to regenerate electricity from solar panels, which they installed on their roofs. In addition, the use of biogas energy, which shares in the waste management solutions, is common. Also, awareness classes addressing environmental preservation and utilising the usage of primary, natural resources are given. 

Economical

The main income resources depended on agriculture, farming, livestock and crop trading. Also, some families had sons who worked in the railway company or volunteered in the army, which was a good, paid job back then, but they were few within the scale of the village. One of the values of the Basaisa village is that it promotes autonomy. It is a small village which does not depend on the government for any support. The people of the village have learned that if they wanted something done, they would have to do it themselves. The people of Basaisa worked on providing different methods of income sources such as founding a wood workshop, an ironwork workshop, a tailoring workshop, and a culinary

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project. Moreover, the community worked on different techniques of marketing to promote their methods of renewable energy. Lastly, the organization they created (the CDA) offered loans for micro projects such as: - Providing bicycles and motorbikes by way of loans to be paid on instalments to facilitate an environmentfriendly means of transportation; - Individual loans for financing productive projects; - Collective saving projects in the form of monthly instalments without interest. 

Socio-cultural

Within this criteria of evaluation, it can be mentioned that the development of this community was done based

Figure 18. Assessment figure of the three main dimensions of the eco-village performance showing ratios of the results.

Author‘s own

on participatory approaches where everyone in the neighbourhood worked together in unity. A common goal was developed aiming to support and serve all the community members, which raised the sense of responsibility and sense of belonging. Subsequently, it acted as the tool that empowered the whole community and created strong social ties between the members. Also, by empowering women and allowing them to work, it was a cultural redefinition of her role and education. It was also the initiation and promotion of a comprehensive policy based on technical approaches to the development, planning and operation of rural communities. The whole community worked as one team, reaching high levels of development based on the community‘s open dialogues with all categories, pushing education and knowledge transfer, which increased the responsibility and social awareness. In conclusion, it can be said that the Basaisa village is strongly on the path of becoming an ecovillage, according to the assessment shown below. The participatory development approach was a key feature of this project, allowing more room for improvement and awareness. The chart below shows the author‘s assessment of the Basisa village on the three main dimensions mentioned earlier: the environmental, economic and socio-cultural dimensions. This, by the end, implies that development should invest in the human being as the key factor, creating social systems that result in community mobilisation. This encourages innovation and generates communities aware of the current challenges and performs, in sustainable manners, towards better life qualities and towards productivity.

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References Amin, G 1994, Developmentalism and Beyond: Society and politics in Egypt and Turkey, AUC press, Cairo. Arafa, S 2011, 'Renewable Energy Solutions for development of rural villages and desert communities', 3rd international conference of the African renewable energy alliance, Abuja, Nigeria. Dina Mahdy, Dynamics of development in rural Egypt to new desert communities: The case of the Basaisa. (unpublished masters' thesis, IUSD program Stuttgart and Ainshams universities, 2015) Hautecoeur, JP 2002, Ecological Education in Everyday Life: ALPHA 2000, University of Toronto Press, Canada, <https://books.google.com.eg/books?id=vB9zPrZ25oUC>. P.M, 2014. The power of neighbourhood and The Commons F. Frohofer et al., eds., Brooklyn, USA: Autonomedia. Beshal, AA 1996, Development in the age of liberalization Egypt and Mexico, AUC press, cairo Egypt. Jobes, ASWAPC 1990, 'Economic and Quality-of-Life: Considerations in Urban-Rural migration', Journal of Rural Studies, pp. Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 187-194. http://gen-europe.org/ecovillages/about-ecovillages/index.htm

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Figure 1: Land-use Map of Siwa Oasis Source: L. GĂ¤nsbauer 2015, based on Samy 2010, GOPP 2014 and google earth 2015

Towards a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy for Siwa Oasis. Author: Lisa GĂ¤nsbauer Supervisor1: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen, Ain Shams University, Professor of Integrated Planning and Design at Ain Shams University Prof. Antje Stokman, University of Stuttgart The past years have witnessed a rapid urbanisation process impacting water resources and the environment, fostering a discussion about sustainable development for cities. In the context of arid regions, cities are especially facing major water-related challenges, as resources are declining. With regard to Egypt, cities and villages are facing problems of water scarcity and wastewater, boosted by rapid population growth, urban sprawl and missing strategic planning. Tackling these problems, the master thesis aims at outlining a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy, which is a strategy that considers the water cycle in a holistic way and integrates the cycle within the urban environment. Through a participatory approach, the thesis further aims at empowering the local community. Developing the strategy, the thesis considers the theories of Water-Sensitive Urban Design, Integrated Urban Water Resource Management, Green Infrastructure, Commons and community-based knowledge. To explore the opportunities of water-sensitive, bottom-up solutions and setting up a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy, Siwa Oasis serves as a case study. On-site, local stakeholders in interdisciplinary stakeholder workshops, propose water-related development challenges, principles for future development and important measures to take. The proposals are complemented with expert interviews, literature reviews and site visits and reintroduced to the stakeholders in an iterative process. Finally, a catalogue of exemplary, bottom-up, low- tech and applicable measures is outlined. This catalogue is set out to help Siwa overcome challenges and move towards a more sustainable development. Moreover, recommendations for implementation are provided. The study demonstrates that interdisciplinary stakeholder workshops are a valuable methodology for gathering local experts, exchanging knowledge and engaging the community in an important discourse. They facilitate outlining wellneeded, feasible and socially acceptable solutions as well as raising awareness about challenges and opportunities. It is expected that local stakeholders can benefit from the methodologies introduced and measures proposed in the thesis. Further, they can offer valuable knowledge and guidance for other arid urban landscapes in finding sustainable, integrated and community-based solutions.

Keywords: Siwa Oasis, water sensitive planning, integrated design, participatory approach

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1. Introduction Egypt is a country in the Middle East, North Africa (MENA) region, facing a rapidly growing population along with sprawling urban areas, pressuring on limited resources. A strong competition is taking place on the limited land and water resources between the agricultural and urban areas. Different renewable, nonrenewable and non-conventional resources cover the national water supply (CAPMAS 2015, 175). The Nile River supplies 73% of the total water sources. Increasingly pressured by the agricultural, industrial and domestic sectors, the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s scarce natural water resources have reached limits, causing a strategic problem in the country. In order to improve the local water situation and development in Egypt, there have been and still are many discussions and on-going attempts. Recycling wastewater and an Integrated Water Resource Management are on the national agenda (World Bank 2007; MWRI 2014). Unfortunately, the situation remains challenging as existing frameworks lack precise implementation, management, responsibility and design strategies as well as upgrading approaches of existing settlements (Wahaab and Omar, 2012). In general, experts call for strategies that include possibilities for water reuse, required water qualities as well as rules and monitoring for a secure use of water and sustainable solutions. In the 21st century population growth, climate change as well as the depletion of resources have led towards a global shift of paradigm. A fifth paradigm has evolved based on the concepts of Integrated Resource Management (IRM) and sustainable water centric eco-cities. Following a holistic approach, the paradigm requires a balance between economy, social development and environment, as well as a high level of political cooperation (Novotny et al. 2010). Further, Novotny et al. (2010) suggest that planning sustainable cities should be target-oriented, strategic, scenario driven, interdisciplinary and flexible. Some remarkable cities have managed to introduce sustainable development policies and planning approaches in an integrated and community-based way. However, the shift towards the new paradigm still requires cities to expand their ambitions and scope and strategic planning is often missing or in- distinct (Picon, 2005). Advantages for introducing and implementing sustainable solutions in developing countries might be the nonexistence of large central infrastructures as they are hardly feasible. Low-cost green solutions, such as constructed wetlands, are available and have been implemented (Novotny et al. 2010). Experts call for urgent research on strategies and best practices in order to bring cities towards the fifth paradigm. The urge for sustainable strategies further comes up when considering the growing population living in dry climate regimes. These regimes are more and more impacted by climate change and population growth, hence process along with strategies needed to adapt to this harsh environment (Aronson, 2008).

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Figure 2: Methodological framework towards a Water Sensitive Development Strategy for Siwa Oasis Source: L. GĂ¤nsbauer 2015

Research Objectives, Aims and Methodology The thesis explains, discusses and maps the water-related development challenges and strategic potentials in Siwa Oasis based on a field research and stakeholder workshops. Precisely, the water cycle, status quo of planning, and landscape features are analysed. Water cycle schemes demonstrate how the cycles in Siwa Oasis function, as well as where and why they are challenged. In order to overcome the challenges and to set a base for future planning, principles and measures are developed together with local stakeholders. Current measures are evaluated, adapted and new measures proposed, contextualised and outlined for the local community. The overall research objective is to conduct a study on the water-related development challenges to gain a holistic understanding of factors and variables shaping and hindering the development in Siwa Oasis. Based on a holistic approach, principles and measures are outlined towards a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy. This strategy further includes proposals and methodologies for adapting existing urban elements,

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redistributing tasks and responsibilities and empowering the community for sustainable development. The Water-Sensitive Development Strategy for Siwa Oasis is designed in several phases in an iterative process, using different research methodologies, as shown in Figure 2. Setting the theoretical framework for the Water-Sensitive Development Strategy, the planning approaches of Water Sensitive Urban Design (WSUD), Integrated Urban Water Resource Management (IUWRM), Green Infrastructure (GI), as well as the theory of Commons and adaptive Water Management through Social Learning, are selected. The selected theories and approaches need to be adjusted in order to be applicable to an arid context. The approach of WSUD is holistic and clear in looking for practical solutions, while integrating general aspects of planning and design (Hoyer, 2011). IUWRM promotes, considering the water cycle in a holistic way and GI addresses urbanisation challenges while taking into consideration the demands of the ecosystem services and ecological cycles (Ben- edict, 2006). Additionally, the resourceprotective theory of Commons and the social learning and management theory, which supports active stakeholder involvement are included (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007). Together, the theories consider and span up the theoretical framework relevant for a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy. They provide guidance for the methodologies selected and set up the framework under the topics of planning, environment, spatial design and culture across three scales. In order to reach a strategic resilient approach solutions must be integrated in each scale and topic.

2. Siwa Oasis - Characteristics and Land-use Siwa Oasis is located on the edge of the Western Desert in Egypt. It was chosen as a case study as it is located in a unique, fragile landscape and its cultivated, as well as urban areas and thus life, depend on the availability of water. Different land uses form Siwa Oasis, agriculture, settlements, lakes, marshes, cultural heritage sites and the desert (see Figure 1). Due to the growing population, economy, land and resource demand, a struggle between the different land uses is taking place to satisfy all the demands. The majority of the land area, around 88 km2, is agricultural land. It includes palm groves, olive groves and gardens and is the land-use with the highest water demand and hence influence on the water cycle. Water is a Siwan land use that includes lakes, springs, roman baths, reservoirs, and irrigation and drainage canals.

Four shallow and salty lakes are located in the Oasis, Zaytoun Lake, Aghurmi Lake, Siwa Lake and Maraki Lake. Their depth ranges between one and two meters, while Aghurmi Lake has the highest salinity level of all. The settlement area in the oasis consists of five villages from west to east, el Bahey el Din, el Maraki, el Aghourmi, el Abu Shrouf and el Zeitoun and the city Siwa. The urban area, which covers an area of 14 km2 today, is sprawling. It is expected to grow up to 17.49 km2 until 2020 (Samy 2010). Particularly in the city, a densification process can be noticed, as stories are added on existing buildings or new buildings are constructed on properties and in gardens. Siwaâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s marshes are man-made salt marshes and natural wetlands (Nagy 2001, p.40). Both wetland types are expanding, pressuring the agricultural land (Samy, 2010). The Western Desert of Egypt, a landscape of yellow sand dunes and interesting rock formations, starts directly behind the oasis. It is one of the most arid regions in the world where water sources are often hundreds of kilometres apart. Inheriting the history of the oasis, a variety of cultural heritage sites can be found all across the oasis. The main heritage site in the centre of town is the old town, Shali that impresses with its ancient urban pattern. Every land use has its own potentials and challenges.

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3. Stakeholders, Roles and Interrelations â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Coexistence of National and Local System In order to gain an overview of planning and decision making in Siwa, the current actors are introduced and listed according to their responsibilities, as shown in Table 1. Planning in Egypt often remains on a national level, in the case of Siwa it is represented by six ministries in charge of water and sanitation, housing, environment and cultural heritage. Different governmental and non-governmental institutions are active in Siwa, the local council is mainly in charge of administration, permissions and regulations. It includes departments, such as the GOPP or the Depart- ment of the Environment. Apart from the governmental system, traditional organisation structures are practiced in the community today. The community is still organised in tribes under different natural leaders that inherit power, land and rights. Local organisation structures managed by the tribes are social trusts such as companiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; funds or the community fund for medical services.

In general, the tribes offer security for and preside over the families. Further, next to the governmental system, the tribes have significant influence in different authorities and institutions. The coexistence of the governmental and tribal system is an important and complex situation. Traditional Structures have to be considered to facilitate setting up a sustainable planning strategy.

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4. Proposing Water Related Development Challenges, Visions and Measures The water cycle is central for the Water Sensitive Development Strategy as it determines the development of the Oasis. Water is available in Siwa through groundwater flowing from both hand-dug wells and natural springs. The currently existing water sources are drinking water, irrigation water, drainage water, grey and black water. The municipal network coming from the Dakrour well, a 1000m-deep well tapping the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer, supplies the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s drinking water. Local deep drinking water wells supply the villages el Barein, el Maraki and AbouShrouf; Aman Siwa Company further supplies two villages from their company well. The water is brought unstrained to the houses. In general, the water supply is covered, yet problems occur as the high iron content of the water is blocking wells, pumps, taps and filters. The objective is to propose and analyse water related development challenges, visions and measures as worked out with the local experts, as shown in Figure 3. Proposed by participants in the first workshop, the challenges, visions and measures are presented as results and are arranged in three matrixes (Table 2-4). The challenges proposed are explained and further outlined in water cycle schemes on three different scales. Concluding the measures proposed in the workshop are processed. This includes describing why current projects fail and what the requirements for treating and reusing water are. Community-based proposals are complemented with expert knowledge and set the base toward the Water Sensitive Development Strategy. The first interdisciplinary stakeholder workshop took place in the Siwa House on 14th of March, 2015. Different stakeholders and experts from the private sector, governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, private persons as well as date companies, water companies and agricultural companies, were invited. The aim of the workshop was to gather local experts in order to gain a holistic, community-based understanding of water- related development challenges, visions and necessary measures. Another objective was to check if and how an interdisciplinary stakeholder workshop helps the local stakeholders to gain a wider understanding of the water- related development challenges and opportunities in Siwa Oasis.

Figure 3: Participants of the first Interdisci- plinary Stakeholder Worksop Source: L. GĂ¤nsbauer, 2015

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Table 2-4: Water-related development challenges, visions and measures as developed with the local stakeholders Source: L. GĂ¤nsbauer, 2015

The second interdisciplinary stakeholder workshop took place in the Siwa House on 9th of May, 2015. The stakeholders were gathered in order to verify the reorganised and added water-related development challenges and to further discuss and verify outlined principles and developed measures as well as to contextualise the developed measures. Outcomes of the workshop are three verified matrixes, a contextualization of measures and an idea of the effectivity and challenges of interdisciplinary stakeholder workshops. According to the comments given, the matrixes were adapted and finalised and the measures contextualised. The participants were interested in the workshop from the beginning and knew about its relevance. Hence, 10 out of 15 participants agree that a stakeholder workshop is useful and helped them in gaining a wider understanding of the water-related development challenges and opportunities in Siwa. How did it help them? In providing a space for sharing their ideas and getting to know the ideas of others, as different actors from the community participated and they got to know tools to interact in a workshop. Taking this feedback into consideration, the proposals need processing and evaluation according to the discussion and further expert knowledge.

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5. Principles and Exemplary Measures towards a Water Sensitive Development

Strategy Principles are

standards or rules which help to specify measures towards achieving the most

sustainable development by describing what is necessary or desirable in a certain context. Constituted on visions proposed and approved by the participants, sensitive and integrated principles are Community-Based Joint Planning, Water- Sensitive Urban Environment, Integrated Spatial Design and Protection of Common Heritage. According to these principles and stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; proposals, problems and solutions found on site, local expert knowledge and literature review exemplary measures were developed. The measures offer guidance regarding organising planning, participation, protection of water-sensitive environments and water-reuse as well as a know-how of ecological, water-treatment technologies and integrated, multifunctional open

space design. For the implementation, it is recommended to use local materials and techniques as far as possible, engage local experts and workers and include Every measure proposed can be installed by itself. However, more than one measure will be necessary to solve one problem and only all measures combined at different sites and scales will solve most of the water-related development problems. In the water cycle, grey water is introduced as a new water resource which can be recycled and reused as new water. Treating wastewater properly and separating grey water, most of the wastewater problems in town can be solved. Through reusing excess water, less water is wasted into the watersheds on the oasis scale. Discussion and Recommendations

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Chosen as a case study, Siwa Oasis holds many challenges and unused potentials, which proved important for working towards a Water-Sensitive Development Strategy. Despite national and local efforts, water and wastewater problems in Siwa remain as a planning strategy is missing. Practiced by the national government, Integrated Urban Water Resources Management (IUWRM) should bring together stakeholders to identify how to satisfy the societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s long-term water requirements and authorise communities on determining their safe water access. However, community empowerment in Siwa has just begun and requires guidance regarding regulations, plans, projects, and a planning strategy. The Water-Sensitive Development Strategy developed and hypothesis posed in this thesis might serve as a starting point. Implementing measures can start as part of a plan to restore nature and infrastructure in the problematic areas where solutions are urgently necessary and therefore will have great effects. Specifically defined for each measure, technical and administrative requirements need to protect users, riparians and farmers. The residents have to be involved in the projects and management and have to be informed and consulted. Therefore, trainings should be established at all levels from design to implementation and management of projects. Based on local knowledge and skill, the measures can be implemented in a testing phase. Afterwards, they should expand in a pre-set network to improve the whole situation in the oasis.

6. Conclusion Successful and effective, interdisciplinary stakeholder workshops brought together experts to share knowledge and come up with feasible and socially acceptable solutions, yet other methodologies were necessary, facilitating and complementing the workshops. It was primarily the theories, setting up a solid base for a theoretical framework and spanning up a range of important topics to discuss. Confirming the hypothesis, the majority of participants agreed that the workshop helped them in gaining a better understanding of water-related challenges and opportunities, by sharing views on the water issue. Although the approach taken and tools used in the workshop were new to the participants, they were well accepted and proved to be important. Facilitating workshops, a set of tools is necessary and presentation, cards, questionnaires and dots might be useful for future workshops and decisionmaking. Unfortunately, stakeholders, who are responsible for most of the water-related problems in Siwa and could have contributed greatly, did not participate, yet this might demonstrate a general problem of in-transparent activities. Concluding, the methodologiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; acceptance presents an important bottom-up approach towards a Water- Sensitive Development Strategy that can bring up a variety of feasible measures to overcome the current water- related challenges. Relating the research question, how feasible measures can be created to overcome current problems, stakeholder workshops proved fruitful, yet had to be supplemented by expert knowledge. Despite many failing projects, conven- ient, low-tech and external measures, which can be integrated in the context, exist and the local stakeholders and experts know which measures can work. Contextualising measures, local stakeholders recommend thirteen feasible measures that are outlined in a manual to serve as guidance for future plans and projects. To effectively improve the water cycle, the measures have to be implemented first in the city and interlinked cross-scale and over the topics of planning, environment, spatial design and culture.

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References AHERN, J. (2007) Green infrastructure for cities: The spatial dimension. In: NOVOTNY, V. and BROWN, P. (ed.) Cities of the Future: Towards Integrated Sustainable Water and Landscape Management. London: IWA Publishers, pp. 267-283. AL DUMAIRY, A. and DAHLFELT, H. (2012) Siwah Oasis: The Heritage Routes. Egypt: Siwa and Tangier Project. ARONSON, S. (2008) Aridscapes: Designing in harsh and fragile lands. Barcelona: SL. BENEDICT, M. A. and McMahon E.T. (eds.) (2006) Green Infrastructure: Linking Landscapes and Communities. USA: Islandpress. BOLLIER, D. (2002) The Commons: A Neglected Sector of Wealth-Creation. US: Heinrich Böll Stiftung North America. CAPMAS (2015) Egypt in Figures: Water Resources [Online] Retrieved from: www.ms-rintranet.capmas.gov.eg/pdf/Egyptin- Figures2015/EgyptinFigures/Tables/PDF/20-%20 ‫الم ائ ية‬ %20‫الم وارد‬/Water.pdf [Accessed: May 2015]. EL HOSSARY, M. (2013) Investigating the Development Challenges to Siwa Oasis, Northwestern Desert, Egypt. New York Science Jounal, 6 (4), pp. 55-61. HOYER, J. et al. (2011) Water Sensitive Urban Design. Principles and Inspiration for Sustainable Stormwater Management in the City of the Future Manual. Berlin: Jovis Berlin [Online] Retrieved from: www.switchurbanwater.eu/outputs/pdfs/W5-1_ GEN_MAN_D.1.5_Manual_on_WSUD.pdf [Accessed: June 2015]. MINISTRY OF WATER RESOURCES AND IRRIGATION (MWRI) (2014) Water scarcity in Egypt. The Urgent Need for Regional Cooperation among the Nile Basin Countries. [Online] Available from: http://www.mfa.gov.eg/SiteCollection- Documents/Egypt%20Water%20Resources%20Paper_2014.pdf [Accessed: June 2015]. NAGY, H. M. (2001) Hydrological and Environmental Characteristics of Wetlands in Egypt. Lowland Technology International, 3, pp. 40-55. NOVOTNY, V. et al. (eds.) (2010) Water Centric Sustainable Communities: Planning, Retrofitting and Building the Next Urban Environment. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. OECD (2013) Water and Climate Change Adaptation an OECD Perspective. OECD Publishing [Online] Retrieved from: http:// www.oecd.org/env/resources/Water%20and%20Climate%20Change%20Adaptation-%20brochure.pdf [Accessed: April 2015] PAHL-WOSTL, C. et al. (2007) Managing Change toward Adaptive Water Management through Social Learning. Ecology and Society, 12(3), pp. 30 [online] http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/iss2/art30/ [Accessed: July 2015]. PICON, A. (2005) Constructing Landscape by Engineering Water. In: Institute for Landscape Architecture, ETH Zurich (ed.) Landscape Architecture in Mutation. Zurich: Gta Verlag, pp. 99-114. SAMY, A. (2010) A Desertification Impact on Siwa Oasis: Present and Future Challenges. Research Journal of Agriculture and Biological Sciences, 6 (6), pp. 791-805. SOULIE, M. (2013) Review and Analysis of Status of Implementation of Wastewater Strategies and/or Action Plans. National Report Egypt. WP1 in Sustainable Water Integrated Management. UNESCO (2012) World Water Development Report 4. [Online] Available from: www.unesco.org water/wwap [Accessed: Mai 2015]. WAHAAB, A. R. and OMAR, M. (2012) Wastewater Reuse in Egypt: Opportunities and Challenges [Online] Available from: www.arabwatercoucil.org/administrator/Modules/CMS/Egypt-Countr-Report.pdf [Accessed: May 2015]. WORLD BANK (2007) Making the Most of Scarcity: Accountability for Better Water Management Results in the Middle East and North Africa. In: MENA Development Report. Washington DC: The World Bank.

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Port Said No Future without the Past Integrated Rehabilitation Concept for the Urban Heritage Author: Stefanie Anna Maria Wladika* Supervisor 1: Prof. Dr. Mohamed Salheen* Professor of Integrated Planning and Design - University of Ain Shams* Supervisor 2: Prof. Dr. Astrid Ley* Professor of International Urbanism - University of Stuttgart* Supervisor 3: Prof. Dr. Dalila ElKerdany* Professor of Architecture - University of Cairo* Port Said, a former colonial city located at the edge of the Mediterranean See and the Suez Canal, is struggling between new urban development and urban heritage preservation. A fight between nostalgic memories and modern life style dreams, between lost urban identity and appreciated globalization. This research seeks to identify the threatened urban heritage of Port Said, its current conditions and threats within the on-going urban developments. Out of these gained information the research aims to formulate an integrated rehabilitation concept. In order to understand the complex construct and needs of historic urban landscape and sustainable rehabilitation approaches, a theoretical framework is elaborated first. Keywords: urban identity, urban heritage, rehabilitation, historic city centre, Port Said, Suez Canal, Suez Region

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1. Introduction Historic city centres, often the spatial core and origin of cities, are the ‗lighthouses‘ of the past. Their urban topography illustrates ―various phases of evolution and transformation, growth or decline‖ recalling ‗invisible social networks‘ and ‗ethical and aesthetic values‘ (Bianca 2010). These tangible and intangible elements make historic city centres the most complete witnesses of lived culture and collective memory. At the same time they allow ―people to become emotionally rooted in their built environment‖ (Bianca 2010, 28) and create their urban identity. All over the world the impact of globalization and urbanisation on the ‗identity and visual integrity‘ (Corten 2014) of historic city centres can be observed. Traditional areas formerly representing the heart of the city are loosing its ―functionality, traditional role and population‖ (UNESCO Constitution 2011).

Persistent underdevelopment, lack of maintenance and missing investment, in combination with proceeding decline and decay (Corten 2014) lead to inhabitants' loss. Often ending in demolition of historic areas and identities. ―Destroy a place and you destroy part of the identity of its inhabitants, change it and you change part of the identity of its inhabitants‖ (Adam 2010, 82). These described influences and challenges of historic city centres can also be observed in the historic city centre of Port Said in Egypt, the spatial context of this research. Is it the aim of preserving the physical urban heritage and its related urban identity of Port Said, it has to be discussed, how the preservation of the physical urban heritage can be linked with social needs, cultural identity and belonging (Tweed 2007), while giving enough space for future transformations (Meurs 2014). The research seeks to answer the questions: What defines and describes the urban heritage of Port Said? How can the urban heritage of Port Said be rehabilitated beneficially for the future development of the city? Analysing and elaborating the qualities and characteristic of the urban heritage of Port Said and its rehabilitation concept, in a qualitative research, demands a theoretical framework on urban heritage rehabilitation and concepts, based on relevant literature review, first.

2. Urban Rehabilitation – Between City and Community Urban heritage can be described as a collection of tangible cultural heritage, such as monuments, groups of buildings and / or sites of exceptional cultural value, which are part of the physical built environment of the urban cultural landscape of a certain place. Within this the urban heritage is defined by its intangible cultural heritage describing the social and cultural network and life. This multi-dimensionality of the urban heritage can be described further with the analysis of the four dimensions – the social, functional, special and atmospheric dimension. Rehabilitation, however, implies not only the preservation-oriented repair of monuments and buildings. It also includes necessary modernizations and changes of building uses according to the demands of current living conditions. Within the context of the urban cultural landscape and the urban heritage, rehabilitation asks for identification of qualities and values of historic urban area - threats and its potentials - in order to create a vivid social-cultural and economic system, which gives life to the historic physical environment. In order to achieve sustainable urban heritage rehabilitation within the multi-dimensional cultural landscape the political, cultural, social, economical and urban aspects, characterizing the area, have to be analysed in depth. According to this, urban heritage and rehabilitation represent the tangible and intangible elements, characterizing and defining the physical and social dimension of the urban cultural landscape. They see an inseparable link between the special relationship of the built elements and the interactions happening in-between, among the inhabitants and its social community. ‗Both levels have to be

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thought together, as one without the other cannot exist‘ (Baum 2008). This overlap within urban heritage and rehabilitation, and its perception of the description and analysis of existing multi-dimensionality within the urban cultural landscape, is summarized in a common ‗concept of characterization‘ (integrated in Figure1).

The UNESCO identifies and categorizes historic towns as part of these cultural landscapes, with a specific focus on sustainable preservation of its fragile urban fabric within inhabited historic towns, for example. Due to this the UNESCO integrated historic towns into its ‗operational guidelines‘ for implementation and preservation. The ‗Operational Guidelines‘ aim the ‗special protection‘ of cultural and natural heritage of ‗outstanding universal value‘ against the dangers, which threaten them (UNESCO 2013, art. 4). Ensured by the identification of the valuable property, its protection and conservation as a ‗contribution to sustainable development‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 5 and 6) and ‗transmission to future generations‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 7). The ‗Operational Guidelines‘ must be seen as ‗minimum interventions‘ (Rodwell 2010), which can be summarized as a ‗3-Steps-Approach‘. Following the objectives of enhancing ‗capacity-building‘ by the

Figure 19: Integrated Urban Heritage Rehabilitation Concept – Conceptual Version Source: S. Wladika

inclusion of global and national training strategies and regional co-operations, ‗raising awareness, understanding and appreciation‘ by conducting training sessions and increasing ‗participation of local and national population in the protection and presentation of heritage‘ by direct integration from the scratch

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(UNESCO 2013, art. 211). A similar integrative perspective on urban heritage rehabilitation is aimed by following alternative approaches such as ‗Conventional Conservation Approach‘ (Doratli 2004), ‗AreaSpecific Approach‘ (Meurs 2014), ‗Alternative Approach‘ or ‗Integrated Conservation‘ (Geuerts 2014) and ‗Comprehensive and Integrated Approach‘ (Steinberg 1996). They all ‗seek solutions to effective renewal within the specific characteristics of context and location‘ (Steinberg 1996). But all in all, an urban heritage rehabilitation concept asks for consistency on all levels. ‗It is the human inhabitants who create and constitute the social-cultural and economic systems, which give life to the physical environment‘ (Steinberg 1996) and it is the building structure, providing the spatial and physical frame for the urban heritage. In order to create a full image within the aimed rehabilitation approach, all identified aspects are interlinked to the ‗Integrated Urban Heritage Rehabilitation Concept (see Figure 1).

3. Port Said – The Urban Heritage and an Integrated Rehabilitation Approach This ‗Integrated Urban Heritage Rehabilitation Concept‘ forms the base for the conducted qualitative research on the urban heritage of Port Said. The research is structured in three steps. Step #1 deals with the identification of the urban heritage property, based on desktop research. Step #2 is elaborating the current conditions and threats of the identified heritage, based on ‗empirical‘ analysis. Data are collected by desktop research, a survey of the physical conditions of the urban heritage fabric (observations, mapping, and photographical documentation) and semi-structured interviews. The evaluation of the gathered data followed an interpretive qualitative content analysis. Step #3 describes the integrative urban heritage rehabilitation concept for Port Said exemplarily on three conceptual projects, seeking to answer the questions: What defines and describes the urban heritage of Port Said? How can the urban heritage of Port Said be rehabilitated beneficially for the future development of the city? The city of Port Said was founded in 1859, in an originally remote, peripheral desert location, on ―a thin slip of sand stretching between the Mediterranean Sea and Lake Al Manzalah‖ (Crosnier-Leconte 2006). Port Said was established as a ―European settlement on Egyptian land‖ (Awwad 2013) inhabiting the workers and engineers digging the Suez Canal. The location of the city was chosen due to its closeness to the future construction site of the Suez Canal, which was built between 1859 and 1869 by ―Egyptian labour, and through Egyptian land‖ (Elshahed 2012) but with the technical know-how of the French engineers. After the inauguration of the Suez Canal and its following economical prosperity, Port Said developed to a cosmopolitan, multi-ethnical city between two continents. These glorious times during the colonial era found its end with the

‗Nationalization‘ on July 26, 1956, under Gmail Abdel Nasser, but Port Said experienced second ‗glorious times‘ with the introduction of the city as a Duty-Free Zone by President Sadat in 1976. The city started to attract people from all over Egypt aiming to have a share in the new prosperity of ‗one off the most orderly and beautiful cities of Egypt‘ (El Amrousi 2012). But, after years of economical success and urban growth, sanctions were set towards the city by former President Mubarak. Until nowadays, the city did not recover from these sanctions, which led Port Said into partial ‗poverty and degradation‘ (Ahmed 2014), going along with a physical destruction of the unique ‗urban and architectural heritage‘ giving the city its remarkable ‗physical identity and attraction‘ irretrievably.

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Step #1 – ‘Identification of the Property’ The urban heritage of Port Said is located in the Al Afranq, Al Arab and Port Fouad quarter of the city. Its urban heritage is a conglomerate of buildings, which can be considered as ‗cultural heritage‘ representing the ‗combined works of nature and of man‘ (UNESCO 2013) within a ‗still inhabited town centre‘ (UNESCO 2013). A town centre of a ‗new town of the 19th and 20th century‘, which is an outstanding physical manifestation of cultural fusion and harmonization, representing the beginning of globalization and seaborne trading activities between Europe, Africa and Asia due to the establishment of the Suez Canal as a connecting sea water canal (UNESCO 2013, Criteria ii, iii and iv). But the unique value of Port Said is located in its urban heritage and related architecture. The material urban manifestation represents the influence of French town-planning design on the Egyptian urban design. The urban heritage is based on rectangular grid pattern, following the style of the ‗Hausmannian‘ time and representing the European urban image of socio-cultural space. Trailing the ‗modern, functional needs and organization of the Beaux-Arts tradition‘ (El Amrousi 2012) for ‗hygienic‘ urban living conditions and automobile oriented cities. The urban structure was manifested through a strictly applied building code, formulating the backbone for the individual architecture and public space, giving the city its unique touché. ‗The appeal (of Port Said) lies (…) in the homogeneity of their facades, combined with an infinite variety of design‘ (Crosnier-Leconte 2006). The architecture of Port Said clearly represents the style of European 19th century architecture (Ezzat 2011). ‗Continuous alignment of facades with their connecting wooden balconies‘, give the historic city centre of Port Said its specific flavour (Crosnier-Leconte 2006). The wooden galleries operate as a ‗second skin‘ (Crosnier-Leconte 2006) and protect from direct sunrays. This ‗tropical‘ architecture can be found all over the world in former colonial cities, but the ‗the height‘ of the buildings (3 to 5 floors) and the ‗scale of the constructions‘

(Piaton 2011) in Port Said is unique. Additionally, new unique architectural and decorative hybrid forms, visible in Al Arab Quarter, created out of merging modern European architecture with Islamic ornaments and local handcraft traditions (El Amrousi 2012) can be found. Trying to analyse the urban heritage of Port Said leads automatically to the Suez Canal – Egypt‘s artificial sea-level waterway connecting the Mediterranean Sea and the Red See. The canal is a masterpiece of engineers‘ art and for Egypt a symbol of global trade, national pride and economical wellbeing. A ‗cultural heritage‘ of ‗outstanding universal value‘ symbolizing the starting point of global trade by allowing a direct ship connection and direct trade between Europe and Asia. Further, the Suez Canal is a symbol of inter-cultural collaboration.

Built with ―Egyptian money, by Egyptian labour, and through Egyptian land‖ (Elshahed 2012) but with the technical know-how of the French engineers. But the Suez Canal, it is no autarkic monument. It is imbedded in a surrounding cultural landscape (UNESCO 2013) of the cities Port Said, Ismailia and Suez, which were built in parallel to the canal. With the construction of the three cities a new settlement and urban design pattern was introduced to Egypt, causing sustainable ‗visible changes to the natural and urban landscape‘ (UNESCO 2013). Step #2 – ‘State of Conservation’ Within analysing of the urban heritage following conditions and threats could be evaluated:

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In the frame of the tangible dimension, it became obvious that the historic skyline of Port Said is at risk. Its traditional monuments, closely linked to the image of the city are in danger in-between the new appearing multi-storey houses. A currently discussed future expansion of Palestine Street into the Mediterranean Sea could threaten the historic panorama of the city. New multi-story buildings are the biggest threat for the historic urban tissue. The buildings do not follow the traditional building heights and facade patterns. Especially in Al Afranq area new multi-storey buildings start to eat-up the historic urban tissue by spreading from the main street into the medium size streets. In Al Arab quarter, they are located at the fringe next to the wide streets. Small street widths within the area stop their expansion until now. In general the historic buildings are mainly in weak physical conditions. About 60 buildings are at immediate risk and in danger of being lost irreplaceable within short time. The bad physical conditions are often caused by a lack of maintenance and manipulation of physical stability. A gap in the legislation allows listed heritage buildings with instable structure to be removed from the list. The building can be torn down after a successful application for demolition and replaced by a new multi-storey building. The analysis of the intangible dimension showed, that a crucial social class difference between the inhabitants in Al Afranq and Al Arab exists. Al Afranq can be characterized as the noble district of the city. High land and property prices lead to growing gentrification within the area. Residents of Al Arab quarters are mainly poor. Owners sell heritage buildings for financial gain but expensive living space in Port Said stops many people in Al Arab from selling - one of the reasons for the almost intact urban tissue of Al Arab. No applied funding system for the preservation and rehabilitation could be identified. No large organisation is connected to heritage preservation in Port Said. All investigated NGOs and CBOs are lacking funding. Support from governmental side or international donators and organisations are missing. Within the framework dimension it became obvious that, the existing legislation for listed heritage buildings and control of its demolition contains several gaps. As Pierre Alfarroba stated: ‗The law does not protect the building, it supports the owner‘. Further, no specific building code and protection zone could be identified. New buildings apply the national building code of Egypt. Lack of support of the administrative and governmental body of Port Said was identified, too. Interest for heritage preservation exists among several NGOs and CBOs. They are mainly active in the field of raising awareness (Ala Ademo) or documenting the heritage, but do not collaborate with each other. Within the last years several international institutions (Institute Françoise, etc.) conducted research on the architectural heritage in Port Said. But the last of them resigned in the beginning of 2015, parallel to several activists. Currently the city is going through heritage crises – loosing its support in this topic. Despite the combined dimension, existing of cultural and identity elements showed that certain monuments, such as the administrative headquarter of the Suez Canal, at the harbour, and the lighthouse represent the urban identity and image of Port Said. They are undeniable linked to the identification of the city but threatened by the on-going developments. Beside of the physical identity many tangible heritage buildings and the urban tissue of Port Said are related to intangible identity values. Several people shared memories, related to the urban heritage area or certain historic buildings. A need for a local historic museum, telling the stories of the past and making the city more representative for tourists could be identified. Step #3 – „Protection and Management‘

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The summary of the current situation of the urban heritage of Port Said showed the complexity of the ongoing processes threatening the urban heritage. At the same time it raises the question: How can the urban heritage of Port Said be rehabilitated beneficially for the future development of the city? In general a protection and management concept should ensure the ‗Outstanding Universal Value‘ including its ‗Integrity and Authenticity‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 96). In order to achieve this step the implementation of ‗legislative and regulatory measures at national and local levels‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 98), ‗boundaries‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 99 to 102) and ‗buffer zones‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 103 to 107) have to be proposed within the rehabilitation approach. The demanded ‗Management System‘ should include the ‗involvement of partners and stakeholders‘ for ‗capacity building‘ (UNESCO 2013, art. 108 to 118) and a ‗sustainable use‘ concept for the heritage (UNESCO 2013, art. 119). But the analysis of the urban heritage of Port Said has shown that more then a standardized rehabilitation concept is needed. A detailed development programme for the historic area and buildings are needed next to design regulations - applied and controlled effectively. At the same time sustainable rehabilitation asks for professional management systems, funding and rehabilitation programmes. All these aspects are related to long-lasting top-down decision processes. But the decline of the heritage will continue until the top-down tools reach the ground. The question that arises is, how much of the urban heritage will be still existing then? Due to this, the three introduced rehabilitation concepts are trying to give an answer by integrating the existing potentials, capacities and powers of the urban heritage area. Sources that is accessible easily without big financial sources and long administrative processes. Activate able within short time span and direct ways of communication. The introduced rehabilitation concept tries to bring up easy applicable bottom-up approaches that can be developed easily by local activists themselves. Pilot Project - can have positive push effects on identity and support. If it is conducted with low tools, by activating local capacities (physical, material, knowledge, human) it can be realized as a community project, in shorter-time. Without fund and financial support it cannot be realized but activation of local sources reduced the costs. Further participating supporter can be used for future rehabilitation projects. The pilot project can also be seen as job and knowledge generator.

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Figure 2: Integrated Urban Heritage Rehabilitation Concept â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Port Said Source : S. Wladik2a

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Management Concept - Until a rehabilitation coordination team can be established, the local NGOs and activists can start their own local rehabilitation organization (LRO). It allows them to star rehabilitation projects in short time. Existing NGOs and CBOs as well as other activists can merge and coordinate their work together. Further the LRO could create a local database, including all conducted researches and materials related to the urban heritage. Due to their close connection to the ground / local inhabitants, the LRO can access data, information and needs easily – a further powerful source. Due to this the LRO would increase its power as ‗professional local experts‘. Allowing them to collaborate with ministries and research institutions.

Later on the LRO could become a partner in the rehabilitation coordination team. Funding and Re-Activation Concept (Temporary Projects) - The local NGOs and CBOs in Port Said lack financial sources. Due to this the aimed rehabilitation of a pilot project did not progress. Realizing a pilot project could bring big change in the perception of the inhabitants towards their heritage and the necessity of rehabilitation. Followed by reduction of demolition and the start of constructive rehabilitation discussions. Having only limited financial sources, but vacant heritage buildings, a creative art scene and lack of cafes, event locations and art activities in the city of Port Said, could be used for the development of an alternative self-funding project through re-usage of vacant heritage buildings.

4. Conclusion Trying to rehabilitate the urban heritage of Port Said is a challenging and tempting task, which asks not only for conventional top-down and bottom-up approaches but also for individual integrative solutions. The historic meaning and importance of Port Said in the context and history of the Suez Canal demands a powerful rehabilitation program, which needs the supported of the Egyptian government. Collaboration between local activists and a governmental supported rehabilitation organization is required, in order to overcome to corrupt and criminal conditions and circumstances of destroying one of Egypt‘s most important witnesses of history and urban development. Seeking a solution for the urban heritage rehabilitation of Port Said, automatically leads to the Suez Canal. The meaning of the canal as a symbol of globalization but also as a symbol of Egypt‘s history and national pride similar to the Pyramids - requests responsibility. But the canal cannot be seen as an autarkic monument. It is undeniable connected with its surrounding cultural landscape, formed by the historic city centres of Port Said,

Ismailia and Suez, which transformed Egypt‘s perception towards urban planning until nowadays. Due to this the application of the ‗Suez Canal and its surrounding cultural landscape, with the historic city centres of Port Said, Ismailia and Suez‘ as an UNESCO - World Heritage site of modern times is proposed as an end statement of this research work. A food for thought that should be elaborate further with governmental, ministerial representatives and other relevant stakeholders in order to ensure the future existence of this remarkable heritage landscape in the next generations of Egypt.

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