Thesis-Dadaab Refugee Camp

THE INTEGRATION OF SOCIAL AID RELIEF SYSTEMS: Providing the Refugees of Dadaab with an Alternative to Refugee Life.

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

by: Juan RubĂŠn Esparza

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture.

School of Architecture + Community Design

University

C o l l e g e

of

o f

South

T h e

Florida A r t s

Professors: Nancy Sanders, M.Arch, Chair Robert MacLeod, M.Arch, Committee Martin Gunderson, M.Arch, Committee Paul Robinson, M.Arch, Critic

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

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Š Copyright 2 0 1 2 , J uan Ruben Esparza

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Sustenance Distribution: Dependencies:

Acknowledgments

iv ix

Abstract

11

Dadaab:

15

Introduction

The insecurities faced within a refugee camp

The Needs of the Refugee The Typology of Refugee Camp

Refugee Camp as Home

Climate Precedents Notre Dame du Haut Lalibella Musgum Clay Houses

12 17 18 20 20 23 25 25 27

29

32

Socioreligious Integration 37

Process

40

Below ground

42

List of figures

Refugee Agencies

Refugee Architecture:

Table of Contents

Water

Order Principals of the Site

The Shadow Above ground

Topography as Architecture X-ray

Cast Models Above Ground:

The Entrance

44 45 50 64 72

Social Aid Relief Systems 79

Above + Below

41

Sustenance Distribution:

Water Cisterns

Socioreligious Integration:

The Sanctuary

Conclusion Bibliography

86 95

102

106

112 114

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List of Figures

Figure: 1 Figure: 2

IFO, Dadaab. Inverted Map Kenya. Climatic Map

Figure: 3 A woman covers her eyes from wind-blown dust as she

stands with her six children outside a food distribution

point in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/14/ dadaab-camp-kenya-drought

Figure: 11

Climate Graph. It shows many of the climate tenden- cies that affect Dadaab.

Figure: 13

Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view

Figure: 12

Figure: 14 Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view of light well.

Figure: 15 Figure: 16

Figure: 17

site/c.lfIQKSOwFqG/b.7676973/k.B2AA/45000_Tents_Needed_to_ Figure: 4

Tents provided by the UNHCR. http://www.unrefugees.org/

Transfer_SomaliRefugees_to_New_Camp_Areas.htm

Figure: 5 Dadaab population Chart. It depicts the population num-

bers within dadaab currently, as well as prognosticated population growths.

Figure: 6

Figure: 7

Figure: 8

Figure: 9

Figure: 10

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Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, an ariel view of the tent configuration and layout2011.

An aerial view shows makeshift shelters at the Daga- haley camp in Dadaab, near the Kenya-Somalia bor- der, April 3, 2011.

Refugee tents in Dadaab, showing the organizational scheme of the camp.

A girl walks home with firewood in the world’s biggest refugee complex in Dadaab, Kenya on August 22, 2009.

Kenyan Solar Chart. The proposal takes advantage of the solar path to maximize solar exposure, in order to pro- vide energy through a system of solar panels.

Graph. Representing soil temperatures at different levels.

The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Aerial view

The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view of lit corridor.

Figure: 18 Musgum house, Cameroon. Reapplying mud to fa- cade. http://www.greendiary.com/entry/musgum-clay- houses-promote-earliest-natural-building-materials/

Figure: 19

Musgum Clay Houses plan. http:// newsroom.ecocus

Figure: 20

Inhabitants wait eargerly for the arrival of a new water tank that has been installed at IFO camp.

Figure: 23

Newly arrived refugees from Somalia collect water provided by CARE at Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya.

tomhomes.com/?p=12219

Figure: 21

Figure: 24

Young girls and women wait to collect water from a wa ter point at Ifo extension. UNHCR is settling approxi mately 300 families per day at Ifo extension as of the end of July.

CARE poster. CARE promotes information and statis tics about refugees living in Dadaab.

Figure: 25

Dadaab Refugee complex, Ifo, Dadaley, Hagadera, and Dadaab, the largest refugee camp in the world.

Figure: 39 Process, computer graphics Interpreting above and un- derground

Figure: 27

Diagram of map. The analysis explains the intention of a multi-agency system at work.

Figure: 41

Figure: 29

Schematic proposals.

Figure: 43

Figure: 26 Map Dadaab Region, Kenya. Analysis of camp and agency relation.

Figure: 28 Figure: 30 Figure: 31 Figure: 32 Figure: 33

Figure: 34

Figure: 35 Figure: 36

Figure: 37 Figure: 38

Aerial image of Dadaab.

Inverted map used as a conceptual space organizer.

Image used to raster.

Raster image on corrugated cardboard.

Computer generated drawing. Expresses the represen tation of an underground construction with folding sur- faces and crevices.

Computer generated drawing. Expresses the represen tation of an underground structures and the various configurations in which they could be placed.

Process, physical model of a result of raster image.

Physical Model; Interior image of plaster model. It de- picts the spatial quality within the underground as refu- gees would experience as they travel through the en- trance and out through the sanctuary.

Rendering. Underground image of tunnels.

Rendering; perspective of conceptual building.

Figure: 40

Master plan, the black dots around the plan signify nodes.

Figure: 42

Conceptual section.

Figuer: 44 Figure: 45 Figure: 46

Figure: 47

Figure: 48

Figure: 49

Figure: 50 Figure: 51

Figure: 52 Figure: 53

Section. It is a transverse section as it would look through the building. Each rectangular section repre- sents individual chambers fit for one or two people.

Conceptual section.

Conceptual diagram of Ifo.

Process, Ifo image transferred on chipboard.

Conceptual drawing, illustrating a plan of the community space that would be implemented in Dadaab.

A series of images of a models which explores the ideo- logical devices of above ground and underground.

Rendering. It depicts an early example of a subterranean space used for social events.

Rendering, an elevation of the actual surroundings with the proposal as it would look like as constructed.

Rendering from a chamber with in the building.

Rendering depicting and underground view of the project.

Abstract Image. Layering of x-ray images part of a process.

Telephone x-ray - conceptual thinking done with the use of an x-ray machine.

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Figure: 54

Cassette case with cassettes. Cassette case belonged to my grandfather, It was used as a special remem brance to him. The power of mu sic-related content cre ates memories in an non-verbal manner.

Figure: 56

Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. After the execution of a graphics assignment, which led to the construction of a mold, the conceptual model took form. The subtractive method of construction helps to build space in order to create form. It’s a re- verse way of the thinking about spatial qualities and the development and progression of ideas.

Figure: 55

Figure: 57

Speaker. A conceptual image, using speakers.

Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. It is a con- ceptual model investigating relation between the underground and the surface.

Figure: 58 Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. The model

emphasizes the interstitial space with the articulation of elements.

Figure: 59

Computer-aided drawing of an aerial image of Dadaab.

Figure: 61

Conceptual sketch #2 for proposal of a node.

Figure: 60 Figure: 62 Figure: 63 Figure: 64 Figure: 65 Figure: 66

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Conceptual sketch #1 for proposal of a node.

Conceptual sketch #3 for proposal of a node.

Conceptual sketch #4 for proposal of a node.

Conceptual sketch#5 for proposal of a node.

Rendering. A truck supplying a node with water.

Floor plan of a node showing entrance, social classrooms, water cistern and sanctuary.

Figure: 67

Section #1.

Figure: 69

Sections. Multi-leveled interaction of the project.

Figure: 68 Figure: 70 Figure: 71

Section #2.

Physical model, plaster and museum board.

Physical model, close up of the workings of a node.

Figure: 72 Physical model, plaster and museum board. It is an up

close image of the entrance, social classrooms and cistern

holding area. The shaded area provides the inhabitant

with a cool place to gather water and a place to carry out social interaction.

Figure: 73

Figure: 74

Rendering. A man is standing next to one of the sacred spaces above ground.

Rendering, close up of the water cisterns. The below ground level as storage allows water to be maintained at cooler temperatures than in an above ground cistern.

Figure: 75 Rendering, close up of the social classrooms and the wa-

ter cisterns. The room holds space for water distribution services Figure: 76

Shading device detail.

Figure: 78

Rendering. Entrance passing through the water cistern storage area. The ground was carved to with hold the large cisterns, that are filled with water daily..

Figure: 77

Rendering of the underground sanctuary for meditation and or religious services.

Figure: 79 Sacred space attached to the nodes by underground path ways.

Figure: 80 Close up of sacred space attached to the nodes by un- derground pathways.

Figure: 81 Rendering. Underground sanctuary for meditation or religious services Figure: 82 Rendering. Underground sanctuary emphasizing the natural light..

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Acknowledgments

Throughout this project, I received invaluable support and ad-

vice from my chair, Professor Nancy Sanders. Through her patience and dedication, I was able to complete my thesis and graduate. Thank you.

My committee members: Professor Robert MacLeod, Professor Martin Gunderson, and Professor Paul Robinson, whom all responded with great enthusiasm and interest in my thesis when I approached them. When we

started the initial talks about Dadaab, and the severe condition in which it stands, we thought about how an appropriate design and commitment

to a place such as this, could really benefit and spark interests around the community. They all gave great insight to the development and completion of my thesis. Thank you.

Dedication

A special gratification goes to my wife and son, Giauhara and

Ruben, who have supported me throughout the year while developing

myself as a student of architecture. I would like to dedicate all my hard

work to them, for without them I could not see myself receiving this great

accomplishment. My family members who have always shown their sup-

port will not go unnoticed, and this document is proof of the beginnings to a prosperous career and education.

I would also like to thank my fellow colleagues, for it was them

who I learned the most from. At the end of our relationship as classmates, I leave this school with a small piece of each of them, and will guide me through my career for the rest of my life. Thank you!

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opposite page Figure 1: Ifo, Dadaab. Graphic Inverted Map

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The design was structured, firstly, around several casts, built

to investigate subsurface spatial organization. Secondly, models helped

Abstract

This helped locate and orient much of the project to its most efficient position on the site.

This project speculates on relief shelters and ambient space

within the extreme setting of a refugee camp, located on the outskirts of the city of Garissa, along the border of Somalia. The camp refuges mi-

grating groups, most of them women and children, whose lives have been affected by extreme drought, war, or political pressures. The project re-

interprets the refugee camp within a socially integrated relief structure,

creating a long-term strategy where social and religious spaces offer relief, treatment and hope for the community of refugees.

analyze ground, structure, and solar relations with the habitable spaces.

Inspired by local earth-hewn church precedents, the design is

The program of interventions in the existing camp operates as

an extension of the relief agencies already located there. The proposed relief structure engages its users as a distribution point for water, us-

ing cisterns, which are integrated as part of the support members where they come in contact with the ground. It houses space for educational

workshops, aiding people with the tools to be self-sufficient. Finally, it ends through the corridor and into an underground worship area, for the

purpose of emotional healing and tending to the spiritual needs of the refugees.

carved into the ground around communities of shelters. Largely placed

into the earth, to protect from the extreme heat and sand storms, this sanctuary offers an entry point that channels through above ground

activities, such as water distribution and social gatherings, and then through an eighty foot long corridor into the sanctuary.

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composes the design into a series of subproblems such as sustenance

distribution, socioreligious integration, insecurities, dependencies, and

Introduction

In recent years, an increasing amount of attention has been fo-

cused on the refugees of Dadaab. It has been the focus of many media sources as it is the world’s largest refugee camp. As time progresses, this

group of refugees will become even more deserving of our attention,

simply because their numbers are likely to grow (fig. 5). As a camp with the charge of transitioning refugees into shelters, Dadaab is in a position to introduce a completely new architectural element which could con-

tribute to a unification and reconstruction of its image to the world. This element, implementing a social relief system throughout the camp and

functioning as social context for increased interaction and communication, aims to produce a different outlook and give hope and aspirations

to the refugees in Dadaab. Dadaab, as a design task has many problems to solve before hand, and deserves an in depth analysis in order to address all the needs. A hierarchical procedure for conceptual design de-

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identity reconstruction.

While refugee camps have been helpful in housing refugees dur-

ing conflict around the world, they, as a unique social system who depend solely on foreign aid, are not a resourceful system with an integrated in-

frastructure to sustain themselves in their environment. Most of these camps are structured in grid patterns for “it is normal for authorities and relief agencies to require refugees in camps to organise in artificial structures to facilitate communication with the community� (Horst, 79). With these sort of conditions already in place, Dadaab is a prime candidate for an architectural intervention concerning not only the personal needs of refugees, but also the sociological needs of the community.

Some of the problems Dadaab faces arise from a shortage of

resources to provide even subsistence rations. At Dadaab, refugees are

supplied with minimal food, medical care, and very rudimentary shelters

(tents). A very surprising image of the camps (fig. 3) shows the desert-

like environment and the configuration of the complex: a desolate grid of tents. A major concern for the more than 450,000 people that have gathered in makeshift shelters, made of branches and tarps, are the insecuri-

ties that come with the absence of formal public space, particularly the

areas of social gathering and integration.

the targets. But, while refugee camps intend to maintain order, problems

relief, for they are the buffers which maintain, protect, and nourish refu-

threat of crime, usually theft and rape, where young women are usually

immerge from with in. “Not surprisingly, the task of taking care of refugees is falling more and more on military organizations, which have the

skill and discipline to deploy quickly and create order out of situations that might otherwise progress into anarchy.� (Kennedy, 136)

The SARS units take on a responsibility to supply refugees with

gees. This architectural thesis investigates the sociological intricacies of

a refugee community through the form of sculpting ground and integration of a structural unit to aid relief throughout Dadaab.

A new use of public space is proposed in conjunction with a

Social Aid Relief System (SARS), able to supply water from cisterns integrated within its structure, while also providing for social, educational

and religious needs. Part of the process was to design a SARS, based

on the essential needs of a refugee considered, firstly, as necessities for human function, and secondly, as spaces that can provide emotional stability and comfort. The SARS would provide social space and civic function around its perimeter, based on where it is located. Locations were systematically chosen, based on the density of refugee in any area. The

SARS is part superstructure and part substructure, each containing different and separate functions. In an attempt to form community within the natural landscape, the design mediates between above ground and

underground, developing spaces within the complex that can serve as

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Figure 2: Kenya, Climate map

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conflict, heading west into Kenya. More than 1,300 people a day stream

into the complex of refugee camps at Dadaab which is now housing more

Dadaab:

The insecurities faced within a refugee camp

Dadaab is composed of a system of refugees camps with a popu-

lation of about 450,000 people, unofficially making it Kenya’s fourth largest city. The nearest major town is Garissa, which is headquarters of the North Eastern Province in Kenya. Many of the camps within Dadaab are integrated along a dirt road and are about fifty miles south of Somalia.

Many people in the camps of Dadaab have lived here for a major part of their lives, becoming more of a permanent settlement, and depending mostly on the aid of relief agencies and governments.

In the past decade, refugee camps have been flooded with

people, exceeding the capacity for which they were designed. Dadaab, the worlds largest refugee camp, shelters around half a million people,

with thousands more arriving daily. “Somalia is now suffering its worst drought in sixty years. A quarter of the population has fled famine and

than 430,000 people in camps designed for 90,000. Many Somalis ar-

rive near death after journeys of weeks with little food. Large numbers

of them are children, often without parents.” (Rosenberg, 2011) In recent years Dadaab has gone through expansions in order to accom-

modate more people who are in desperate need of aid. Most of the aid that arrives to the camps are supplemented by other countries and relief agencies. Many of them have their own dedicated regional offices within Dadaab and are charged with different responsibilities.

The complex of camps was first established as a temporary

solution more than 20 years ago by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), after Somalia descended into a civil war that continues to this day. The camp already has a system of organization, a

grid layout with tents as shelters, which are provided for by the relief agencies located in Dadaab. Often under political stress “...aid workers

are pressed to erect tent cities within weeks, even days.” (Kennedy, 135).

Officially, a refugee is a person who is outside her/his country of origin (or habitual residence, in the case of the stateless person) and who, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion,

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© Finbarr O’Reilly / Reuters;

Photograph: Roberto Schmidt/AFP/Getty Images

Figure 3: A woman covers her eyes from wind-blown dust as she stands with her six children outside a food distribution point in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/14/dadaab-camp-kenya-drought

Figure 4: Tents provided by the UNHCR. http://www.unrefugees.org/site/c.lfIQKSOwFqG/ b.7676973/k.B2AA/45000_Tents_Needed_to_Transfer_Somali_Refugees_to_New_Camp_Areas.htm

nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion,

and others not for years and even generations. The main concern in the

s/he is entitled.” (Kennedy, 136) Refugee is more than just a state of be-

ter, and health care, is to provide the refugees with a space to gather,

is unable or unwilling to avail herself/himself of the protection to which ing, it is a life pre-occupied with overcoming a set challenges to physical and emotional well-being that occur during the transfix of thousands of

people along any given time or place. For some refugees the problem

of relocation is settled within a couple of weeks, some within months,

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Dadaab refugee camps, in addition to the provision of water, food, shel-

support one another, and educate, and care for children. How can we

attempt to give permanence to the camp, not as a refugee camp but as the beginnings of a city, for the close to half a million people living there?

Any place with a continuous occupancy of this magnitude needs perma-

nent infrastructure regulating its masses.

burglarize, beat, and rape defenseless women and children along the

The Needs of the Refugee

terrorize refugees; violence against women, children, and other vulnera-

Refugees register into the camp and go through a “welcoming”

process which includes the distribution of nourishment, vaccines, and

water. Usually, the medical attention given is the most important for many of the arriving refugees, for the journey may be more than a twenty day walk through the desert. While the long journey through the desert

heat is dangerous, much of the actual danger comes from thieves who

way. “Armed militia and guerilla factions sometimes infiltrate camps and ble people is common.” (Kennedy, 137) Relief agencies usually attend to small children first in newly arrived families, given that they are the most

malnourished and desperate for medical attention. Though registering

with the camp is necessary, the typical wait for a family is usually three to four days. Processing times within the camp continue to worsen, as more and more people arrive daily in search of shelter. In the design of

an infrastructure system that could be implemented within the camps,

it is necessary to understand the needs of a refugee, which consists of basic human needs clean water, food, sanitation, shelter, security, light, refrigeration, telecommunications, medical care, and education.

“Refugee camps exist in order to provide refugees with protec-

tion and assistance. Yet, they are often situated in areas that are neither

safe nor offer a viable livelihood, while assistance provided is insufficient

and declines over time.” (Horst, 80) Refugees within the camps will al-

ways find themselves without freedoms and with the lack of economic Figure 5: Dadaab population Chart. It depicts the population numbers within dadaab currently, as well as prognosticated population growths.

and educational opportunity. Relief agencies focus on refugee care

rather than the growth of individual refugees to become self-sufficient

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(Reuters/Thomas Mukoya)

persons. Agencies find themselves retroceding in their efforts by offering too much humanitarian assistance rather than expressing a developmental aid. “The consequences of this...are felt in most refugee-housing situations and, for decades, attempts have been made to bridge the gap

in order to approach humanitarian assistance from a developmental per-

spective...” (Horst, 81) It is hoped that the approach offered by this thesis may help reduce dependencies from aid relief agencies, and inspire self-

(Reuters/Thomas Mukoya)

Figure 6: Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, an ariel view of the tent configuration and layout2011.

sustaining methods for survival.

The Typology of a Refugee Camp

The current typology of refugee camp arose from the cause of

war and extreme drought, with refugees heading towards the nearest and safest place they know to receive help. “The camps where refugees wind up are usually in poor nations, and they enormously burden local

societies, economies, and ecosystems, leading to a swarm of problems.”

(Kennedy, 137) Refugee camps have provided shelter for hundreds of thousands of people around the world in stunningly short periods of Figure 7: An aerial view shows makeshift shelters at the Dagahaley camp in Dadaab, near the Kenya-Somalia border, April 3, 2011.

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time (Kennedy, 135) and have created a system in which they operate

and function. Refugee camps are situated and laid out in very specific

ways: “Refugee camps are often seen as temporary settlements, but in many places around the world, they have existed for decades and have

become virtual cities. In Dadaab, there are signs of urban planning, especially in the two camps that were set up later, after the initial emer-

gency phase. Ifo, the first camp in the region, consists of seventy-one blocks, which are divided over three main sections, whereas Dagahaley is neatly cut into eight lines and three cross-cutting avenues. Hagadera

consists of two big compact groups. The first is divided into eight sections and three cross-cutting avenues and second divided into three section and blockleaders, who are elected to function as brokers between the refugees and the agencies.” (Horst, 78) Refugee camps have been a

standing option, often times the only option of escaping the difficulties

of war and drought. The interaction between the United Nations High

Figure 8: Refugee tents in Dadaab, showing the organizational scheme of the camp.

Spencer Platt; 2009 Getty Images

tions and one cross-cutting avenue. All sections and blocks have sec-

Commissioner for Refugees is an important aspect of the current institutional architecture responsible for providing protection and assistance to refugees and migrants worldwide.

Refugee camps have become immensely powerful organiza-

tions, standing for the right of the human being. However, as a temporary solution, refugee camps have limited resources, and are becoming

Figure 9: A girl walks home with firewood in the world’s biggest refugee complex in Dadaab, Kenya on August 22, 2009.

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severely insufficient in meeting the needs of many of the refugees living

into the next. Dadaab shows evidence of cluster communities (fig. 8)

to address the diverse problems facing refugee camps such as famine,

camp. Makeshift tents gather into small communities to create a sense of

in them. A systematic approach to maximizing resources is necessary drought, flooding, education, and social belonging.

Refugee Camp as Home

The shelter (home) is the only space that can be called one’s

own space, and with out it, space is overabundant and meaningless. The

a livelihood and possibly a way of adding security to the community. In

trying to make Dadaab a home, the social integration of refugees and the process of community will minimize the stresses of insecurity and help increase a social atmosphere.

home shields the habitant from any external tension, and shelters or in-

Climate

right, yet billions are homeless or living [under] inadequate conditions

is limited to only a few days a year. Although Dadaab is prone to flooding

ternalizes and fortifies the significance of family. “Shelter is a human due to population pressure, war, or environmental disaster.� (Kennedy,

1) The conditions of shelters are restricted to the abundance of resourc-

es employed in the construction of shelter, and should offer their own social and aesthetic comment.

Refugees must look beyond the restricted mobility and idleness

of refugee life and work on establishing community. A unity must exist,

like in any other community containing the relationship between house, neighborhood, and city, where one becomes the threshold which leads

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and depicts the initial process of a social integration within the refugee

Dadaab sits in an extremely arid location where the rainy season

during the rainy season, it does not receive enough water to maintain

the environment and its inhabitants. Many refugee emergencies develop in border areas that are particularly vulnerable to the effects of

climate change, due to their geographic location, general prevailing conditions (e.g. poverty, overpopulation) or relative isolation from political

decision-making. Refugees are affected by extreme climatic events, for they depend on water for sustenance and irrigation for their horticul-

ture. Highly vulnerable populations like refugees face greater risk due

Figure 10: Kenyan Solar Chart. The proposal takes advantage of the solar path to maximize solar exposure, in order to provide energy through a system of solar panels.

to the impact of climate change, thus adaptation measures are essential to reduce vulnerability and build resilience to extreme events. Climatic

events are forces that cannot be avoided, but the integration of a relief ef-

fort, to minimize the impact of future events, may be obtained. “Stressed climates...[are an] extreme type which has a very low or very high tem-

Figure 11: Climate Graph showing many of the climate tendencies that affect Dadaab.

nighttime temperatures, and little or no precipitation� (Golany, vii).

Dadaab’s climate contains all the variables which allows to introduce an

underground scheme within its sustainable methods to minimize the effects of the stressed climate.

perature in the daytime, a great differentiation between daytime and

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Image by http://www.geo4va.vt.edu/A1/A1.htm

In Dadaab, the arid climate facilitates the construction of sub-

terranean structures. The criteria of temperature, solar radiation, wind, and precipitation are all variables included in a subterranean project.

Subterranean dwellings show cooler temperatures year round because they sustain constant temperatures due to the ground’s good insulator

properties. “In hot, dry climates wind is desired only when it is cool or when it can be combined with humidity and used passively to cause cool-

ing by evaporation.� (Golany, 154) The SARS units proposed in this thesis work in conjunction with the above ground and underground properties; the sun helps produce energy and hot water, and the subterranean

construction helps maintain water at cool temperatures. Hot and cold water is one of the most important features integrated into the SARS

unit. The production of hot water may serve disinfecting, cooking, clean-

ing, and bathing; while cold water, besides sustenance, is a good way to moderate high body temperatures. Each SARS unit, besides becoming

a water storage and water distribution unit, could work in conjunction

with current CARE plans to re-drill bore holes, improve distribution lines and increase storage capacity for water.

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Figure 12: Graph, showing soil temperatures at different levels

Image by mb17chung©Flickr

Precedents

From early examples of buildings, the intent to replicate the sa-

edents that have informed the flow of this thesis to the point at which it

Figure 13: Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. Interior view

has culminated, are expressed here. Each precedent has an importance,

particularly the symbolism it brings to a space, as well as functionality.

Some locations include: Lalibella’s monolithic churches, Musgrum clay houses, and Le Corbusier’s Chapel in Ronchamp.

Due to the similarities in climatic temperatures, underground

Image by kymak©Flickr http://www.flickr.com/photos/kymak/1072174094/sizes/z/in/photostream/

cred form of intimacy is present. An introduction of some of the prec-

structures have been prominent. Underground sensibilities can become

more dramatic to nature and less harsh than those above ground. Sun

light can become a focused sacred beam of light, passing across a textured surface. Le Corbusier’s Notre Dame at Ronchamp for example, portrays a massive wall with piercing beams of light, in an effect that

Figure 14: Notre Dame du Haut, Ron-champ, France. interior view of light well.

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Image by Š George Steinmetz/Corbis

Figure 16: The Church of St. George; Lalibela, Ethiopia. Aerial View

Figure 17: The Church of St. George, Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view of lit corridor.

Figure 15: The Church of St. George. Lalibela, Ethiopia. Interior view

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spiritualizes or sanctifies the worship area in the church.

Notre Dame du Haut

Built in Ronchamp, France, Notre Dame du Haut contains quali-

ties resembling those of the monolithic church of St. George in Lalibela.

Ronchamp was constructed in a primitive and sculptural manner, built of

heavy, rough masonry walls, and a large, dark, rough concrete roof. The

monumental pilgrimage chapel was constructed with the aesthetics of a dramatic form, “like a sail billowing in the windy currents on the hill top.” (Stroller) The chapels’ form gives monolithic qualities in its bulky appearance of thick walls, enclosing a comparatively small area for the

human spirit. “In the interior, the spaces left between the wall and roof

and filled with clerestory windows, as well as the asymmetric light from the wall openings, serve to further reinforce the sacred nature of the

space and reinforce the relationship of the building with its surround-

ings.” (Stroller) It is the seclusion of the site and the design of the small

intimate space with soft and indirect light that attributes sacredness to the space. From the inside of Ronchamp, the towers (fig. 14) act as light

wells, and allow light to enter through the clerestory windows, reflecting

down the white walls of the tower. The use and manipulation of light within a space gives a profound meaning to the architecture it inhabits.

Lalibela

Lalibela, Ethiopia contains a series of subterranean structures

and monolithic churches, which were carved 800 years ago,forming connected passageways for the use of religious purposes. The complex

rambles underground, as a labyrinth of narrow passages, causeways, steps and tunnels. Access is typically set at a distance as a carved path,

which gets deeper as the person approaching the church gets closer.

This allows the person to be at eye level, as with any other above ground

structure, by the time they see the church. The church, though seemingly invisible from a distance, blends with the landscape, rendering it virtually invisible to those who are not close enough.

Built as a religious temple in the 12th century, the Church of St.

George is one of eleven monolithic churches in Lalibela. It was carved from solid red volcanic rock in the Twelfth Century, and is the most

well known and last built of the eleven churches in Lalibela. The dimensions of the trench are 25 meters by 25 meters by 30 meters, and

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there is a small baptismal pool outside the church, which stands in an artificial trench. The interior image of the sacred space (fig. 17), shows the instance of natural light slowly filling a corridor of the underground

church. The image portrays a shadowy room with a sense of sacredness and tranquility. The temperatures in the church are typically cool and sometimes damp, giving people the experience of thermal comfort and a break from the hot, arid climate.

Psychologically and aesthetically, the subterranean chambers

and corridors provoke sensations of hope, reflection, and reverence, which are all qualities which are important for a successful refugee camp. Since, underground is a unique experience, it could be a breaking point, from the monotonous life of above ground living.

Figure 18: Musgum house, Cameroon. Reapplying mud to facade. http://www.greendiary. com/entry/musgum-clay-houses-promote-earliest-natural-building-materials/

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Musgum Clay Houses

The Musgum are an ethnic group in the northern province of

Cameroon, where they have constructed their dwellings from compressed mud-brick. These are tall conical dwellings constructed in a

circular pattern, creating a common space (fig. 19), used as a gathering area for the village. The dwelling’s facade features geometric raised patterns (fig. 18), giving it a “functional facade”, and allowing inhabitants

to use it as scaffolding in order to reapply mud, usually after the rainy

season. The height of the structure allows heat to rise, which then exits

through a small oculus at the top of the dwelling. The absorption of heat through the mud brick throughout the day, allows heat to be released at

night when temperatures usually drop. It’s self-evident that the shape of these dwellings are directly influenced by geographical location, and the environmental issues affecting the particular region. In the same way,

Figure 19: Plan, Musgum Clay Houses. http://newsroom.ecocustomhomes.com/?p=12219

the SARS units identifies with the location in which it is constructed and

operates as a functional piece of the landscape, in order to create the sense of community that concentrates around each unit.

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Jo Harrison/ Oxfam

Figure 20: Inhabitants wait eargerly for the arrival of a new water tank that has been installed at IFO camp.

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Brendan Bannon

Sustenance Distribution: Water

With Dadaab being in its worst drought in over sixty years, wa-

ter is the single most important, indispensable resource. Most of the

land around Dadaab is incapable of sustaining any type of agriculture, strategies...”(Horst, 73). This forces camps and refugees to maintain the reliance on food, brought in from relief agencies world-wide., but in

response to the droughts, aid organizations, like Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE), has constructed an infrastructure,

©Copyright 2012 Planetaterra.org

allowing “[r]elief food [to] become a permanent aspect of [their] survival

Figure 21: Young girls and women wait to collect water from a water point at Ifo extension.

UNHCR is settling approximately 300 families per day at Ifo extension as of the end of July.

consisting of a network of pipes, wells and cisterns, for the storage and distribution of water which provides most of the water to the families in

Dadaab. While CARE has solved the distribution problem of water, they are still unable to meet the demands for a large part of the community in Dadaab.

Figure 22: CARE sponsored water truck, hulling in water for the distribution throughout the camp.

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Water distribution points have been set up around the camps

and infections, like diarrhoea which can kill the malnourished, especially

ter sources. They are emptied into black, above-ground cisterns (fig. 20),

water solely for drinking and take the risk of spreading infectious dis-

and are supplied by water trucks (fig. 21), which come from nearby wawhich are usually raised off the ground floor to minimize heat absorption from the ground’s high temperatures. While being raised off the

ground helps, cisterns still sit outside and are exposed to direct sunlight, where temperatures reach up to 108° F. Cisterns connect to a main wa-

ter pipe, which houses a multitude of spigots (fig. 21), and becomes the main supply for all refugees in the camp. Daily, family members arrive at water distribution points for their water ration using jerrycans, which

are provided to each family upon registering with the camp, yet, it does not meet the demands for many families, whose ration is barely enough

young children. Families struggling with their rations may prefer to use eases.

Since the project is socially oriented, the already existing social

interaction (fig. 23) of collecting water could become part of a new architecture, which could change the social outlook among refugees. Confin-

ing it into a series of functionally-articulated spaces, and expanding on the premise of permanence and community through the implementation

of the SARS unit, Dadaab can become a more socially integrated and constructive place.

for consumption.

CARE is responsible for the water and sanitation systems in the

Dadaab camps, including wells, latrines and health education campaigns

on hygiene and water use. With the shortages of water being a constant issue, great influence in water management is a major concern. A family’s daily water ration consists of roughly around 12-15 liters (3.7 gallons) per day, which is used for both consumption and sanitation. Sanita-

tion is also an important issue in order to reduce the spread of diseases

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opposite page Figure 23: Newly arrived refugees from Somalia collect water provided by CARE at Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya

KATE HOLT

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Dependencies: Relief Agencies

Dadaab is supervised by the United Nations High Commis-

sioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has been ceded responsibility to Dadaab by the government of Kenya. “The UNHCR’s primary role is

one of supervision and coordination, whereas international agencies,

mainly subcontracted by the UNHCR, are in charge of delivering specific services.”(Horst, 80). Some of the international relief agencies in Dadaab providing services are: CARE International (Cooperative for Assistance

and Relief Everywhere), WFP (World Food Programme), MSF (Medicines sans Frontières), GTZ (Gemeinschaft für Technolofische Zusammenarbeit). Each agency has their own responsibilities, concerns towards the

camp as well as type of services rendered. The following are just a few examples of the main support that Dadaab receives:

Figure 24: CARE poster. CARE promotes information and statistics about refugees living in Dadaab.

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• • • •

CARE- community services, water and sanitation and lo- gistics WFP-

responsible for providing food

GTZ-

is concerned with environmental activities like the distribution of firewood and the conservation of the local environments

MSF-

medical services

CARE International is the leading agency in the region. They provide much of the basic sustenance for a family in Dadaab. They are responsible for the distribution and regulation of water for drinking and sani-

tary purposes. The health education poster (fig. 24) shows a graphic of the distribution of water, the uses, costs and amount of people that are served.

Although relief agencies are respectable organizations, there

are some flaws, especially within the UNHCR. “[The] UNHCR practice

in Dadaab...operates in a rather non-participatory and hierarchical man-

Figure 25: Dadaab Refugee complex, Ifo, Dadaley, Hagadera, and Dadaab, the largest refugee camp in the world.

ner; both towards refugees as well as towards its implementing partners.” (Horst, 112) There is no significance to the feeling refugees have

about food or the distribution of it and some have even refused to collect

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their rations as an act of protest in hopes of improving the food quality in

Dadaab. “CARE employees argue that refugees refuse the handouts due

to the poor quality of “yellow maize”, and much of the problems within the refugee camps deals with the allocation of funds.” (Horst) Much of

the money that is spent goes to support UNHCR activities instead of di-

rectly spending money on the refugees. Employees keep a distance to many of the refugees, minimizing contact with them unless it is in a controlled environment such as a field office or in the Rubb Halls (portable warehouses). There are different stages in the relationship between the refugees and UNHCR employees:

Figure 26: Map Dadaab Region, Kenya. Analysis of camps and agency relation

In the emergency stage, the refugees are very happy with the UNHCR preence. At the time, the refugees are still most trustworthy and honest. They follow the ideas of the UNHCR staff since they do not know anything in their new environment.

But when the situation starts to stabilise, the refugees develop new, different needs. They are past the need for food alone and develop other needs that concern their future. They then want durable solutions, or they simply want to visist a friend in town or something of the sort. That is when they start seeing UNHCR staff like an obstacle in the way of getting something. They may become angry or very demanding and approach UNHCR staff like an abstract figure instead of human being.

While problems within organizations exist, volunteers are still the only

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line of defense for all refugees that live in Dadaab, and while volunteers

are there to help, they cannot control living conditions or improve the sustenance that is distributed.

Figure 27: Diagram of map. The analysis explains the intention of a multi-agency system at work.

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Figure 28: aerial image of Dadaab

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Figure 29: Dadaab Maps; Schematic proposals

Figure 30: Inverted map; used as conceptual space organizer.

Refugee Architecture: Sociocultural Integration

The role of refugee architecture primarily exists within Dadaab

istics of their person, place and history; left only with a humanness of

developed in response to the social stigma that Dadaab and many other

integration into society and a self-sustaining method of living with the

due to its typology as a refugee camp and its arid climate. The typology refugee camps have. “There is a picture of horror and powerlessness... refugees stop being specific persons, but are reduced to pure victims of

the worst in humanity. They are stripped of the particular character-

the most basic sense.� (Horst, 12) Refugee architecture allows for an limited resources available to them. Refugees also need a sociocultural

integration that allows them to take part in a society that can treat and understand them as people and not as victims. The main focus of design-

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Figure 31: Image used to raster

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opposite page Figure 32: Raster image on corrugated cardboard

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ing the Social Aid Relief System is to aid the refugees in reclaiming their culture and identity. Refugee architecture, besides allowing refugees to

cope with the external problems of a stressed climate, builds a social role among refugees in Dadaab.

Process

A series of processes, interpreting the ideas of the underground

with the social interaction of refugees, produced a collection of abstract

images depicting the relationship between earth and man. The pro-

cesses were developed through the use of different media: relics, x-rays,

and traces to investigate space and function through abstract images and conceptual thinking. The use of the x-ray was a new method that augmented the effectiveness of existing methods for the conceptual design

stage. Process models were also considered part of the decision makFigure 33: Computer generated drawing. Expresses the representation of an underground construction with folding surfaces and crevices.

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ing process, and were later adapted to holistic view of the project. This method for process development using existing data, produced an accu-

rate computer-aided representation of the camp (fig. 56).

Order Principals of the Site

The series of conceptual sketches are early attempts to organize

the site in a linear fashion with the intention of maximizing the number

of refugees that will benefit from the SARS units. In order to control disordered movements in the camps, a scheme to densify refugees under

ordered and controlled habitats was necessary. The black and white im-

age (fig. 27) is an interpretation of a map of Ifo with black representing

how refugees could be relocated to create densification. Within these dense areas, subterranean programs would be implemented. Concep-

tual models were developed through the process of a map a raster image (fig. 28), which helped (fig. 31) emphasize the relation between earth

and structure. The forms (fig. 32) that are inserted as part of the landscape, as topographic program, house activities and create a dynamic

relationship with the landscape. This model looks at form and space in

order to make connections with the surrounding environment. MinimizFigure 34: Computer generated drawing. Expresses the representation of an underground structures and the various configurations in which they could be placed.

ing the impact upon the arid zone, these structures point to a new typol-

ogy in the morphology of Dadaab, creating the dynamics and movements

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that will engage the refugees.

gious/spiritual areas usually contain a certain level of intimacy created

tual model, interpret relationships between above and below ground.

thoughts. Programmatically, this underground space contains the Cor-

The early sections (fig. 37, fig. 38), developed from the concep-

Where one image shows a case in which a dramatic change of elevation

exists, the other is an example of a level elevation and its interaction with

its environment. It is an area for the social, cultural, and recreational

fabric that provides refugees with different types of spaces. Just like in any project, the importance of scale and dimension give hierarchy and functionality to space. The design aims to play with the landscape and

become an intermediary between nature and human interaction, which can aid in the healing process as well as becoming an established permanent home. The relationship between a person and the natural ele-

ments of their environment, should be the same as the relationship with a person and their home. It is the space they inhabit and the one they feel most comfortable

Below ground

Providing below ground spaces supplement cool, dark areas,

which would provide for religious and spiritual activities. Many reli-

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by small dark areas where a person can feel alone and reflect on their

ridor of Anticipation and the Sanctuary. The Corridor of Anticipation is a long corridor that emphasize the journey which every refugee had em-

barked upon to reach the Sanctuary. “The underground might offer more than just a confrontational image against architecture’s normative social

roles. Work, by contemporary experimental architects . . . considers the

particularities offered by its cool, dark, and moist qualities, re-purposing the underground into an entirely new milieu in which architecture is

conceived and experienced.� (Gissen, 36) The underground identifies a new material-aesthetic between architecture and nature. The building material is the nature of the architecture, it exhibits a new potential

of forms and transitional spaces with different sensations. The carved earth walls as building material, creates a fused ambiance of intimacy,

darkness, and coolness. The topic of darkness and the coolness of such a space, and how it has related to humans, allows people to interact in a space where they are in profound relation with the earth and the subsoil.

Figure 35: process, physical model of a result of raster image.

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surrounds them on a daily basis. “During an overpowering emotional ex-

The Shadow

An important feature of this project comes from the act of carv-

ing. The negative space created during excavation expresses symbolic feeling, of permanence and safety. Created by the shadows and textures

made from the carved earth and rocks, the threshold initiates the se-

quence through the intimate passage to a sacred place. The recreation of intimacy was created through the introduction of the shadow, as they are as important to the project as the built structure itself, “deep shadows

and darkness are essential, because they dim the sharpness of vision, make depth and distance ambiguous, and invite unconscious peripheral

vision and tactile fantasy” (Pallasmaa, 46). The path to the sanctuary (fig. 62) allows the body to rest from the external stresses of the sun, and succumb to a dreamy-like state in preperation to enter the sanctuary.

The sanctuary allows a refugee to take control, for a few min-

utes, of the otherwise uncontrollable life they live. The sanctuary allows

a person to reflect and seclude themselves from external tensions, which

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perience, we tend to close off the distancing sense of vision; we close the

eyes when dreaming, listening to music, or caressing our beloved ones.

(Pallasmaa, 46)

Without this secluded experience a refugee may never have

the time to dream and awaken thoughts which would lay dormant. The model of the cast pour (fig. 54 and fig. 55) investigates subsurface spa-

tial organization, in an attempt to identify ways to design such a space of solitude. The important feature here is the interaction between the

ground and human intervention, where space submerges itself inward

bouncing off interior walls, as sound would, in an experience of interiority. “A powerful architectural experience silences all external noise; it

focuses our attention on our very existence, and ... makes us aware of our

fundamental solitude.” (Pallasmaa, 52) Intimate space and solitude are

essentially qualities foreign to any refugee camp. If space was designed that influenced these feelings, then I believe that architecture has manifested within the soul of the refugee, and could establish the beginning process of healing.

The model (fig. 63) is the final first model that was produced,

based on the interpretations from the x-ray image and mold construc-

tion. It became a very interesting and thought provoking piece for me,

and helped me understand how the simple gesture of experiencing a new media, could help guide a project to further development. As with the x-rays, the model expresses dimensionality that can be obtained through the relations between traces and layers. The model has gone through many transformation to acquire the space it holds, it has the

texture, weight density, and temperature of matter. The folding spaces are a reflection of the chemical processes that formed during the curing

process of the plaster. Just like a surface with polished faces among the

textured cavities of a cave, the model gives light to the experience of an earth dwelling

Above ground

In conjunction with the below ground areas, above ground

structures exhibit the workings of a functional community, and act as beacons identifying areas where resources are found. The symbology

Figure 36: Physical Model; Interior image of plaster model. It depicts the spatial quality within the underground as refugees would experience as they travel through the entrance and out through the sanctuary.

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Figure 37: Rendering. Underground image of tunnels

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Figure 38: Rendering; perspective of conceptual building.

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behind the beacon is one of hope.

The SARS units have integrated shading devices (fig. 72), which

provide shade around their perimeter in order to carry out daily social activities during the hottest parts of the day. In this way the public space

will provide refugees with opportunities for numerous activities and events, enabling them to interact with freedom and spontaneity at any

time of the year. The above ground program of the SARS units are constructed on pillars and are located in large open areas, to minimize the impact on the ecosystem.

Topography as Architecture

Working at multiple scales, I explored and developed an ar-

chitectural intuition with a personal, authentic approach to the design.

An underground situation, where the exploration of microclimates and

habitable spaces introduce the variable of human interaction, to bring

forward a stable subsurface construction. The introduction of these underground structures in Dadaab’s delicate climate are more efficient and

adaptive. These subterranean spaces maintain a constant, stable microFigure 39: process, computer graphics, interpretation of above ground and underground

climate. , which fit the needs for any educational or recreational activi-

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ties within the structure.

“First, subterranean structures can have a microclimate of their own, independent of the exterior; second, their microclimates are almost stable on both a daily and a seasonal basis; third, the stability of their microclimate is primarily dependent on their depth in the ground and less influenced by the fluctuation of the outside climate; and fourth, underground structures can save substantial amounts of energy when extreme climatic conditions exist outside.”

The sub-program of the SARS units will excavate around any

trees or natural vegetation, to avoid further deforestation. The initial conceptual form I generated, allowed the project to function as part of the landscape (fig. 46), creating new underground spatial qualities

where refugees inhabit shaded space within a dynamic spatial randomness. The building’s formal gesture interlocks with overhead spaces (fig.

48) in a multi-scaled relationship between architecture and landscape, creating a diverse environment with the interaction between people,

earth and building in communal, and interstitial spaces. The building

is not a separate piece from the landscape, but an element that is de-

veloped to be part of the connective, sociocultural, recreational fabric of Figure 40: Master plan, the black dots around the plan signify nodes.

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Figure 41: Section. It is a transverse section as it would look through the building. Each rectangular section represents individual chambers fit for one or two people.

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Figure 42: Conceptual section

Figure 43: Conceptual section

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Figure 44: Conceptual diagram of Ifo

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Figure 45: Process. Conceptual diagram of Ifo, transferred onto chipboard.

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Figure 46: Conceptual drawing, illustrating a plan of the community space that would be implemented in Dadaab.

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Dadaab. The dynamic height changes within the structure directly reflects the actual form of the structure (fig. 36). The intention of the underground condition is to have as much open space to allow as much day

light as possible, while still keeping specific areas dark and cool. “The compact, isolated, underground living space deprived of natural light...

sounds, time orientation,and social interaction can certainly have a psychological impact on people if they are exposed to such conditions for a

long time” (Golany, 109). The structure breaks its rhythm in order to create places with views of the interior and to suggest a place of belonging.

The interplay between subterranean space and the above

ground space create a condition like that of Lalibella, where a church is carved from volcanic stone. While the proposal of implementing an underground system in an area such as Dadaab is new, the idea behind this proposal is historic. “Man has used underground structures throughout

history for a wide variety of practical purposes, most of which have involved defense, protection from extremely stressful climates and conservation of land for agricultural needs” (Armstrong, 27). .

Figure 47: A series of images of a models which explores the ideological devices of above ground and underground.

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Figure 48: Rendering. It depicts an early example of a subterranean space used for social events. The

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Figure 49: Rendering, an elevation of the actual surroundings with the proposal as it would look as constructed.

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Figure 50: Rendering from a chamber with in the building

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Figure 51: Rendering from Underground

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X-ray

give form and function, where positive and negative space relate to show In Paul Robinson’s paper, Traces, Relics & X-rays: The Form of

Absence, he states “the Form of Absence portends a multifarious process using both explicit and implicit relationships between traces, relics and

x-rays to critically inform how one can architectonically approach, and ultimately touch, existing structures.� As an experimental piece and gen-

meaning. A person may design the space they live in, due to the sequence of movements they make within that space, forging a feeling of belonging

and a sense of identity. Every person responds to each space differently,

causing a memory or a reaction to a memory, which is associated with a positive, negative or neutral feeling.

erator of ideas, I utilized this tangent of exploration through the layers of an x-ray. With a regular x-ray, the negative space delineates the positve

space, giving form and exposing impression of that object. As an experimental architectonic approach, the x-rays became layers of information

created by the different material qualities integrated within the object, allowing greater interpretation and deeper meaning.

The x-ray of my relics (fig. 51), an old wooden speaker and cas-

sette suitcase belonging to my grandfather, helped my project both for-

mally and spatially, as the x-ray images generated a mold, which later

became a cast model (fig. 54). The mold was constructed to give a 3 dimensional form, based on the x-ray images to cohesively interpret the theoretical essence of the object and the basis of my thesis. Like the xray, architecture is an art where traces and layers are the principles that

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opposite page Figure 52: Abstract Image. Layering of x-ray images part of a process

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opposite page Figure 53: Telephone x-ray - conceptual thinking done with the use of an xray machine

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Figure 54: Cassette case with cassettes.

Cassette case belonged to my grandfather, It was used as a special remembrance to him.

The power of music-related content creates memories in a nonverbal manner.

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Figure 55: Speaker. A conceptual image, using speakers that belonged to my granfather.

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opposite page Figure 56: physical model; poured plaster and basswood. After the execution of a graphics exercise, which led to the construction of a mold, the conceptual model took form. The subtractive method of construction helps to build space in order to create form. It’s a reverse way of the thinking about spatial qualities and the development and progression of ideas.

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opposite page Figure 57: physical model; poured plaster and basswood. It is a conceptual model investigating relation between the underground and the surface..

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opposite page Figure 58: Physical model; poured plaster and basswood. The model emphasizes the interstitial space with the articulation of elements.

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to function and works in conjunction with an underground sanctuary.

Every SARS unit within the proposal will be structured above an exca-

vated space. The unit’s beacon marks the entrance to the progression of

Above Ground:

Social Aid Relief Systems

The above ground Social Aid Relief Systems (SARS) work in PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK EDUCATIONAL PRODUCT

conjunction with underground spaces. They function as spatial units

capable of harvesting, storing, and distributing water. The map (fig. 56) identifies proposed sites for all S.A.R.S nodes within the camp. These nodes, besides serving the use of water distribution points can be taken up as small communal gathering areas. In an attempt to generate meaning through this social exchange, the project attempts to fulfill a persons

basic needs. Currently, the areas with a red circle are the location where SARS are placed, based on the density of tents and the amount of people

that can use them. The distribution helps minimize space between refu-

gees and maximize social interaction by creating the socioreligious areas, both at a macro-scale and micro-scale in the form of community gatherings and individual healing. The system requires a relatively small area

spaces, which culminate at the sanctuary (fig. 63).

The SARS unit is constructed of structural members that sup-

port a series of solar panels, as well as water cisterns that are embedded in the ground to reduce or eliminate the time of exposure to the

sun. In arid climates, the deeper you dig, ground temperatures tend to

be cooler. Taking advantage of the natural cooling of the earth, water, and even dairy products within the cisterns, would be able to maintain

an even and constant low temperature. The image (fig. 12) shows how

temperatures vary greatly at the surface, where the most heat exposure is absorbed. At the same time the graph shows how the temperatures in dry climate soils stay constant at deeper levels. A SARS unit is capable

of harnessing energy from the ground. Similar to the way a geothermal pump works, it draws energy from the earth in order to provide, in this

case, cisterns with cold water. Dadaab has an arid climate with very long

opposite page Figure 59: Computer-aided drawing of an aerial image of Ifo, Dadaab

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drought spells. With an arid climate, Dadaab is a prime candidate for introduction of the SARS as part of the landscape to serve as a prototype

for other arid-region camps. The future of Dadaab lies, not in the continuous aid from relief agencies, which are rendering any social system

useless and making refugees dependent on foreign aid, but with a fully integrated infrastructure system. The design proposes nodes around the camp: social interaction, and distributing water.

Figure 60: Conceptual sketch #1 for proposal of a node

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Figure 61: Conceptual sketch #2 for proposal of a node

Figure 62: Conceptual sketch #3 for proposal of a node

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Figure 63: Conceptual sketch #1

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Figure 64: Conceptual sketch #2

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Figure 65: Rendering. A truck supplying a node with water.

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Above + Below 1. Entrance

2. Water Cisterns

3. Social Classroom 4. Storage

5. Underground Entrance 6. Sanctuary 7. Exit

8. Water Truck

Figure 66: Floor plan of a node from entrance to exit.

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Figure 67: 3.6 Sections, Section, transverse section

A-1 3/32 = 1’-0”

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Figure 68: Sections

A-2 3/32 = 1’-0”

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Figure 69: 3.7 Sections.

68: Section, longitudinal Sections, Multi-leveled section interaction of the project.

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B-2 1/18 = 1’-0”

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Figure 70: Physical model, plaster and museum board

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Figure 71: Physical model, close up of the workings of a node

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The Entrance

The entrance is a long path which slowly deepens as you ap-

proach the sanctuary. It is designed to emphasize the journey a refugee

takes in order to arrive at Dadaab. It is a powerful gesture where after a long walk, a refugee submerges slowly into the ground and starts feeling

changes in temperature, ambient light and sounds. The entrance captivates and compells the inhabitant to start thinking or meditating on their individual spiritual needs in order to find hope.

Figure 72: Physical model, plaster and museum board. It is an upclose image of the entrance, social classrooms and cistern holding area. The shaded area provides the inhabitant with a cool place to gather water and a place to carry out social interaction.

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Figure 73: Rendering. A man is standing next to one of the sacred spaces above ground.

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Figure 74: Rendering, close up of the water cisterns. The below ground level as storage allows water to be maintained at cooler temperatures than in an above ground cistern.

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Figure 75: Rendering, close up of the social classrooms and the water cisterns. The room holds space for water distribution services

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Figure 76: Shading device detail

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Sustenance Distribution Water Cisterns

Figure 77: Rendering. Underground sanctuary for meditation or religious services

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Figure 78: Rendering. Entrance passing through the water cistern storage area. The ground was carved to with hold the large cisterns, that are filled with water daily.

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Socioreligious Integration The Sanctuary

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Figure 79: Sacred space attached to the nodes by underground pathways.

Figure 80: Close up of sacred space attached to the nodes by underground pathways.

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Figure 81: Rendering. Underground sanctuary for meditation or religious services

next page Figure 82: Rendering. Underground sanctuary emphasizing the natural light.

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nity and hope.

Conclusion

The sustenance distribution of water through an above ground/

underground integrated system aims to solve issues of storage and cool-

ing, in the hopes of introducing a sociocultural atmosphere as part of a refugee’s life. A sociocultural integration in Dadaab is necessary due to

Twenty years ago Dadaab was established as one of many refu-

gee camps in the world. For years, thousands of refugees have arrived

there in search of shelter, food, medicine, and water. Today, Dadaab has become the world’s largest refugee camp, and with many media outlets focusing attention on it, a design proposal for its transformation can potentially transform societal views of refugee camps in general.

While Dadaab has done its job in providing shelter to refugees,

improvements in its system of sustainability and social atmosphere are

needed. This proposal for a comprehensive master plan proposes an infrastructure for Dadaab to continue its quest for saving innocent people

while granting them an opportunity for social and spiritual fulfillment.

With no sense of place, refugees have lost the ability to interact with their environment and with each other. By designing a social structure,

integrated with the natural landscape, refugees can be given greater dig-

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immigration and sudden introduction of a clash of cultures, which has

reduced social solidarity. This proposed system aims to become a social activator for the hundreds of thousands of refugees living in camps and

act as a catalyst in to fortify a sense of community. Lastly, identity reconstruction is important, for it contributes to the image that refugees have

of themselves and the image that the world has towards refugees and refugee camps.

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University of South Florida

School of Architecture + Community Design ŠCopyright 2012, Juan Ruben Esparza

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