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EGACY Yesterday. Today. Tomorrow.

WEDNESDAYS • June 29, 2016

INSIDE

How to help a criminal go straight - 2 Hopelessness of gun conversation - 6 Our offices will be closed on Monday, July 4th for the holiday. Be safe!

Richmond & Hampton Roads

LEGACYNEWSPAPER.COM • FREE

Editor’s note: The following piece, from Propublica, was first published in Nov. 2015. In light of the renewed gun control debate following the Orlando shootings this month, we thought it was a good time to revisit the timely points raised in the report. On a drizzly afternoon in January 2013, almost a month after the school shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, that left 20 first-graders dead, more than a dozen religious leaders assembled in Washington, D.C. They had been invited by the Obama administration to talk about what the country should do to address gun violence. Vice President Joe Biden had been meeting with victims and advocates all day, and he arrived so late that some in the room wondered whether he would come at all. When he finally walked in, the clergy started sharing their advice, full of pain, some of it personal. “The incidents of Newtown are very tragic,” Michael McBride, a 37-year-old pastor from Berkeley, California, recalled telling Biden. “But any meaningful conversation about addressing gun violence has to include urban gun violence.” McBride supported universal background checks. He supported an assault weapons ban. But he also wanted something else: a national push to save the lives of black men. In 2012, 90 people were killed in shootings like the ones in Newtown and Aurora, Colorado. That same year, nearly 6,000 black men were murdered with guns. Many people viewed inner-city shootings as an intractable problem. But for two years, McBride had been spreading awareness about Ceasefire, a nearly two-decadesold strategy that had upended how police departments dealt with gang violence. Under Ceasefire, police teamed up with community

How the gun control debate ignores blacks leaders to identify the young men most at risk of shooting someone or being shot, talked to them directly about the risks they faced, offered them support, and promised a tough crackdown on the groups that continued shooting. In Boston, the city that developed Ceasefire, the average monthly number of youth homicides dropped by 63 percent in the two years after it was launched. The U.S. Department of Justice’s “what works” website for crime policy had a green check mark next to Ceasefire, labeling it “effective” — the highest rating and one few programs received. McBride wanted President Obama to make Ceasefire and similar

programs part of his post-Newtown push to reduce gun violence. He had brought a short memo to give to White House staffers, outlining a plan to devote $500 million over five years to scaling such programs nationwide. His pitch to Biden that day was even simpler: Don’t ignore that black children are dying too. In response, the vice president agreed urban violence was very important, McBride said. But it was clear that “there was not a lot of appetite for that conversation by folks in the meeting,” McBride recalled. Michael McBride, a pastor who has been pushing the president and other politicians to increase support

for programs like Ceasefire. (Deanne Fitzmaurice for ProPublica) Later, other ministers who worked with McBride would get an even blunter assessment from a White House staffer: There was no political will in the country to address innercity violence. When McBride spoke to administration staffers again about dramatically increasing money for programs like Ceasefire, he said, “People were kind of looking at me like, ‘Are you crazy?’ No, I’m not crazy. This is your own recommendation. You should do it!” Mass shootings, unsurprisingly,

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Former Gov. Bob McDonnell gets reprieve - Pg. 4


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