Proceedings of the Third International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (1966) by jahrastafari89

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ADDIS I\BABA f ·966

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tNSTITUTE OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES H AILE SELASSIE I UNIVERSITY

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. PROCEEDING&1 OF THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES

Adclis Ababa I' I- / .' '

1966

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Institute of Ethiopian Studies· .Haile Sellassie I Uoi'\'·ersity

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Addis Ababa

OHIO UNIVERS,nf . lfBRAR.'V

June 1969

TABLE OF CONTENTS '.

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Relations entre la Nt1bie chretienne et l'Ethiopie axoumite ...

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Churcl1 and State in t11e Aksun1ite Period

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Sergelv Hable Sell,1ssie

Sur l'epi graphie ethiopienne de langue grecqt1e

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S. Pierre Petrides

Jfenri de Co11te11so11

The Sea Voyages of Ancient Ethiopians in tl1e Indian Ocean Y11.

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Kobiscl1anov

South Arabia and Etl1iopia - African Elements in tl1e South Arabian Population

R.B. Se,jeant

Alcuni vestigi dell'isola di Dahlac Chebir e Ia leggenda dei Furs

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G. Puglisi ••

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Sharif Yusuf Barkhadle: the Blessed Saint of Somaliland

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Note storiche sulle isole DahJac ...

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Salvatore Tedeschi

J.M. Lelvis

Introduction generate aux eglises n1onolitl1es du Tigrai Abba Telvellle Mecllzin Joseph

An Outline of Falasba History

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Robert L. Hess

Lost Provinces of Ethio pia

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G. W.B. Huntingforci

The PalmelJa Manuscript of Dom Joao de Castro's Roteiro de Goa a Suez ...

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Donald M. Lockhart

Jeronimo Lobo reveals Ethiopia to Europe in the Middle of the XVIIth Century ... Manuel G. Da Costa

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.1-1.iob Ludolf, Father of Ethiopian Studies in EurO J)C ,

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.Eike flaberland ../ A . Second Nole on the Ethiopian N·ational Flag, with Con1n1en1s on jts .1-Iistorical and Sociological Sources ... . .. ... .. . .. · .. · ·.. .. · .. · ·.. 137

Sta11isla1v Chojnacki Les docun1ents Arnaud d'Abbadie

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Regionald Roger Izarn. The Saint Simonians �lncl Ethiopia

Riclrarcl Pa11klr11rs1 The Ad\va Peace Treaty of 1884 ...

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Seven R11be11so11

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ll traLtato di pace italo-etiopico de) 26 OLtobre J 896

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Carlo Giglio I

Early Russian Contacts v.1ith Ethiopia

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Czesla111 Jes111a11 Motives, M.ethods and Son1e Results of the Unification of Ethiopia during t11e J{eign of f\1enilek ll ... ... ... ... ...

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1-!arolcl j\tfarc11s Collation of Son1e Sources on the Menilek l'eriod

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Bairu Ta/la The Patriotic Works of Dejazn1atch Aberra Kassa and Ras Abebe Aragaye ...

Sa/011,e Gebre-Egziabelrer The incorruptible Ethiopian ... . ..

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Clarissa B11rgo_v11e Etiologic et finalite des genealogies echiopiennes

S. Pierre Pteric/<Js

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LIST OF PARTICIPANTS as registered on the Opening Day

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Dr. NI. Abir .Dr. Abral1am Den1oz Abba Agostino Tedla Dr. Abba Ayele Takla-l-layn,anoL Like Tebebt Aklile Berhan Dr. An1salu Aklilu Like Set1n1an Aklilu Gebre .Kiros .Dr. Akli.ltl f.lapte D . r. Aklilu :Len1111a Ato Alen1ayeht1 'ivloghes Dr. B.\V. AI1drzeje\vski Mr. F. Anfray Li.ke Tebebt Ayaleou Tan1ru Mr. Bahar Bashed Ato Bairu Tafla : Prof. Jan,es Barr Dr. P.T.\:V. Baxler Mr. Alpl1. van Bavel Prof. C.F. Beckingha111 Mrs. C. Burgoyne Ato Beide Melaku Dr. D . Carlson. Mr. M·. Bot1tros Ghal i Prof. A. A. Castagno Monsieur J. Chavaillon Monsieur E. Chedeville Prof. S. Chojnacki • Prof. M. Cittadini Mr. C.S. CJapban, Prof. D. Cohen Dr. J. Co111haire Monsieur H. de Contenson Prof. G.A. Costanzo- :Beccaria .Rev. F.P. Cotterell Prof. H. D e Yot1ng, Prof. J. Doresse Prof. A.J. Dre\ves Ato Duri Moha1nmed Alaka En1bakon1 Kale Wolde Ato Fecadu Gadan1u Prof. L. Fusella Mr. John Gardner Dr. Gebren1ikael G. Sellassie Dr. Getachew H,Lile Prof. C. Giglio, Monsieur A. Gingolcl Duprey, Dr. G. Goldenberg, Prof. P. Guerra Monsieur J.P. Gutnecl1t Prof. E. Haberland Like Sultanat Haile Mari,1m Dr. Abba f-lailu Gabre Yest1s

Alo I-Iail11 Wolde En1n1anuel Mr. C.R. I-Iallpike Prof. Dr. E.E.M. Ha1nmersch111idt Mr. R. 1-Ietzron Prof. . R .L. I-less Prof. R.L. l:-leyer Dr. A. Hoben Mr. R.F.I-losking Dr. C. Jesn1an Dr. Y.'ivl. Kobishchanov Dr. L. Kot1bbel Prof. G. Krzecuzunowicz Mr. G.C. Last Prof. J. Leclant Prof. W. LesJau Dr. H.S. Lewis Prof. .I. Lewis Prof. D.M. Lockl1arL 1 l.E. Balan1baras Mahten1e Se! lassie Wolde-Maskal Dr. fl.S. Mann Prof. 11.G. Nfarcus Prof. :rvlesfi.n Wolde rvtarian, .Dr. S. Messing Mr. V. Nastasi Dr. A. Ore11t Prof. R. Pankhurst Prof. K. Petracek Mr. S.P. Petrides Miss M. Phillips Dr. W. Phillips Miss B. Play ne · Prof. M..Rodinson Dr. I. R.01nn1el Prof. S.A. Rubenson Woizerit Salon1e Gabre-·Egziabher Dr. B. Sarosi Prof. Georges Savard Prof. A. Schall Madan1e M. Schneider l'v1onsieur R. Schneider Prof. R.B. Serjeant .Dr. Sergew Hable Sellassie Prof. N.J. Singer Prof. I-l. Sn1eds Prof. S. Stanley -Mr. J. Stauder Mr. W. Steen Dr. R. Stiehl Prof. S. Strelcy1J Dr. J. Sutton Dr. Tadesse Tan1ral

l-!is !1111Jeric1/ 1vlajest_v Hc1ile Se/lassie I.

OPENING SPEECH BY HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY Ethiopia, as is ·well known, l1as a long tradition of recorded history running back to the inscriptio11s of Aksum. The country has also been fortunate in its scl1olarship ce.ntred on the age-old. schools of our church (universities of tl1e age) which has been the guardian of our culture throughout the ages. Ethiopia has been no less fortunate i. n attracting the interest of the international world of scholarship, as well as tl1at of foreign well-wishers in far-off lands. Almost half a millenium ago, in 1513, the German Johann Potken, pri_ nted the first Ge'ez Psalter at the Vatican, and a few years later we find a Florentine trader, Andrea Corsa.Ii, contemplating the printing of Ge'ez books for the Emperor Lebna Dengel. Some two l1undred years later, in the m.iddle of the seventeenth century, tbe Ethiopian monk Gregorius held his first meeting witl1 the German scholar Job Ludolf. The friendship between these two learned men from the two ends of Christendom, Germany and Etl1iopia, w;1s most fruitful. Ludolf, wl10 l1as jt1stly been called tl1e ''Fatl1er of Ethiopian Studies'' in Europe, proceeded to produc· e a nu1nber of significant works· in the field of history and linguistics, among tl1en1 bis Historia Aethio/Jica, i11· Lati11, which first appeared in 1681, and his Le.xico,i r1etlziopico Latin1.11rz of 1681 and l1is Gra111111atica Lin.gi1ae A111f1aricae, tl1e first Amharic grarumar, of 1698. It is not 11ecessary here to ent1merate tl1e 1nany schools of qene a11d ze111a; the scl1ools of the Old and the New Testaments; the scl1ools of the Church Fathers and tl1e n1onks; the schools of 11istory, art, a11d literature; but We would not pa.ss them without mentioning the na1nes of Yared and Afawarq, so well known to you all. Of the foreign scholars of Etl1iopia, We should like to n1ention the Scotsman Bruce; the German ·J)illn1an; the Frencl1 Halevy; tl1e Italian Guidi; and tl1e Russian Turaiev and Kratcl1ovsky. The high traditions of learning set by these and other scholars, long deceased, have been continued by the Ethiopiacists of our own time, many of whom are now gathered in our capital. With a view to encouraging such research., We established the annual Haile Sellassie I Prize for Ethiopian Studies which was first awarded in 1964 to the distinguished French savant Marcel Cohen and in 1965 to the noted American scholar Wolf Leslau. We are happy that the Third International Conference of Ethiopian Studies should be meeting in Our capital where the Institute of Ethiopian Studies bas now been operating for three years as an integral part of our University. We hope to see the Institute expand and make a substantial contribution to the growth of scholarship in our beloved land. We wish you every success in your deliberations in the coming days.

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CHURCH AND STATE IN THE AKSUMITE PERIOD Serr;e1rv Hable Se/lassie

So far the relfttio11s of Cht1rch a11d Slate i11 Etl1iooia have 11ot been a topic i n the scl10Iarly world. The reaso11 111ight be b�cat1se this problem was not so acute as it was i11 Medieval Europe. 1 But s.ince Etl1iopia has remained a Cl1ristian country for sixteen co11secutive centuries, tl1e re1a tions of Church and Stale sl1ould I1ave been developed in a positive or negative way and. tl1at is actt1ally a11 object of study in itself. The nature of, this study presents two approaches, theoretical and practical. Tl1is paper atte1npts to give a backgrou.11d of tl1e problem by analysing main factors of l1istory wl1icl1 imply tl1e relations between Cl1urcl1 and State in Ethiopia. It is true tl1,tt tl1e Ethiopians were officially converted to Cl1ristia11ity around 340 A.D.2 Frumentius, a 1na11 of Syria11 origin, was consecrated as the first bishop of Aksum by Atha.na-sit1s the Great. Tl1e 11ew bisl1op, upon rett1rni11g to Ethiopia, converted Ki11g Eza11a and the royal fan1ily and .later gradually tl1e co111n1on people..Here if we com1Jare tl1is fact with tl1e Greco-Roman world.'s conversion, we find quite a differe11t approacl1. In tl1e Greco-Roman world, Cl1ristianity began in t11e lo\.ver classes and gractt1ally after three centuries s u · cceeded i11 gaining some members of the Royal Family. ·Evet1 tl1e co11version of Constanti11e tl1e Great does not mea11 that Chrislia11ity became tl1e otficia.I religio11 of tbe Roman Empire but religio licitrt. In Etl1iopia it is the otl1er way around; Christianity starts from tl1e upper classes and gradually spreads dow11 to the lower classes. Conseque11tly, tl1is different W3)' of expa11sion of Cl1rist ianity in Etl1iopia implies a different relationship between the Cl1urcl1 and the State. I Doci1111ents of the Christia,i Church, ed. H. Beltenson, Oxford, 1953, p. 319 ff., H. Ro,nmen, Tl1e State in ·catholic Thought, London, 1950, ·p. 521 ff.; W. Ull n1a.nn, The Gro�vt/1 of Papal Govern1r1ent in. the Middle Ages, London, 1955, ,p. 87 ff. 2 Ru.finus, flistoria Ecclesiastica, ed. Bidez-Hansen, 1960 (GCS 50); E. Liltmann,

Sc1biiische, Griechische i,ncl r1ltabessi�1ische Jr1sc/1riften, in De1.11sche-Aksun1 E,rpe clition, Vol. IV. Berlin, 1913, p. 32 ff.; ibicl., Aetiopische !11schri/1e11 in Miscel la11ea Acacleniica Berolinensa, 1.12, Berlin, l 950; Athanasius, Apologia acl Co1z sta11tiun1, ed. Szyn1t1siak, 1958; A. Dillman, Zur Geschichte des Aksun1itische11 Reiches i,11 4. bis 6. Ja11rlzunrlert, Berlin, 1880; J. Deramey, J11trod1.cction et restauratio11 c/11 christianisrne en. �'1 b_yssinie, in Revue cle I' hist 1ire {,es rel gions, Vol. XX.XI, I 895; C. Conti Rossini, A propos des textes ethiopie,1 concer11a11t Sa!a111a (Fru111enti11s) in Aet/1iops, Bul/eti1i Ge'ez no. I, 1922; ibicl., Storia cli Eli<Jpia, Bergamo, 1928, p. 145 ff.; I. Guidi, La Chiesa 11 bissi11a. in Orie11/e Moclerr10, JI, 1922/23; J. Doresse. Les JJre111iers 1r1011un,,ents chretiens cle L'Ethiopie et l'eg/ise archaiqite cle Yeha in Novu,11 Testa111en.t1.rn1 1, 1950; J. L1,cllf, A Ne1v l-listor.v of Etlziopia, London, I 684, p. 247 ff.; J.B. Coulbeaux, Histoire politique et religiet1se cl'Ab)1 ssinie, Paris, l 929, Vol. I, ·p. 145 ff.; E. Ullendorff, Note on. the !11trocluction of C/1ristic111it_y into Etf1iopia, i11 ,,,, frica Vol. XIX, 1949; R.. Hennig, Fr11r11e11tius uncl Aeclesi11s itn .F?.eiclie A.ks11111, in Terrae Incognitae. Vol. Ir. 1950.

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�----.. The introd uction of Christianity to Ethiopia brought a big change in the life and concept of the people. It is the turning point of Ethiopian history. Tl1e new period is consid ered as ''light'' and ''peace''. According to local legendary sources3 the two twin brothers who were ruling the country at tl1at time were Abr eha which means light and Asbeh.a which means dawn of the ligl1t. Tl1ese are Ezana and Saizana, his brother in the i nscription4 and in the letter of ,Consta11tius.s Bisl1op Frumentus afte r h e introduced Christianity was named Kesate Berl1an, revealer of the light, or Aba Selama, father ,of peace. The Ethiopians at the same tin1e accepted t11e Christian era wl1ich tl1ey name d Amete Mihre t, the year of mercy. Since Christianity became the center of life in tl1is country, it is obvious that the co11sequence is a Cl1ristianized civilization. This happened also in the Greco-Roman world. In Etl1iopia before the introduction of Cl1ristianity the Aksun1ite civilization had a different character. The peo ple at that ti1ne use d to erect mont11nents 1nainly for their commemoration a11d t'heir ow11 glory.6 Art decorates private hot1ses and implements for d aily use. Altl1ougl1 tl1e inscriptions 1nentio n God's nam e, their purpose is to describe pers-onal achieven1ents in a certain field, such as war and don1estic welfare. Fox exan1ple, before Eza na's conversion, he emphasi zed in l1is i11scriptioru that l1e is tl1e son of tl1e i nvincible god Ares7, an d lie jt 1stifie d l1is victory because of tl1is merit. But after his conversion to Cl1ri:.tianity l1is attitu de was quite different. H e \Vas then no longer a son of god an d achieve1nent i11 the battle-field does not belong to him. He is lt1e organ of tl1e Al1nighty Go d of heaven who is the Lord of heaven and tl1e earth. Now whe11 tl1e inscriptio n begins, he d-oes not use a stro ng expression like "Ezana King of Aksum, of Hyn1iar, of Raidan, or Salchen, of Saba ... Ki11g of Kings, so11 of invi11cibl e Ares". 8 Instea d , l1e uses a new religious ter111: "By tl1e power of th.e Lord of 'heaven and of the earth''. 9 I-Iere we see that l1e became very l1 t1mbl e and tl1e facts \vl1icl1 he describes belO\V are tl1e result of the \viii of the power of the Lord of l1e aven . Tl1e insc,riptio11 i11 general sl1ows deep religious feeling an d b elier in God. On his coins he e11graved crosses as Consta11ti·11e once used on t11e shoul ders of l1is soldiers. He built tl1e Akst1m Sion catl1edra1 10 and became a cl1ampion of the Christian faith. Anotl1er factor whicl1 shows closely the co11nection bet\veen church and_ st �te is the way in which Cl1ristia n ity expand ed in Ethiopia. The Etl11op1an Orthodox cl1urch l1 as 1 1ot suffered persecutions as have occurred in other Cl1ri�tia11 countries. When Frurne ntius preached tl1e Go5:pel in this country l1e did not face serious diffict1lties. Eve11 in latter time wl1en tl1e Nine Sai nts were cl1anging temples i11to c11urcl1es in different parts of 3 ?edl � Abreha ��nd Asbe/za (unpublished manus�ript). . , 4 E. L1 ttn1a nn, Sab 1sc _ � �1e, }J. 4 ff.; for tl1e Engl1sl1 version, see E.A.\V. Budge, A Ii1s1 o_ry of Etl11op1a, London, 1928, Vol. I, p. 245 ff. 5 Athanas1us, Apologia, Englisl1 text in S ..Pankhurst ' Ethiopia ' A Cultural J{istory' London, 1955, p. 58-59. " E. -ittn1ann. Sabiiische, p. 61; ibicl., A,i Ole/ /11scriptio11 fro,11 Berenice Road J 1n o�rn_al of the Royal Asiatic Society 1954; E Ullendorff, The Obelisk of 3/.ata,_ a in Royal lo11r11al,_ of Royal Asiatic Society, 1951; ibid., The Ethiopic nsc�ipti_on fro,n Egypt 111 Jo11r11al of the Royal Asiatic Society 195 · 5 ' 7 T i 1ttmann, Sabiiisclie, p. 4 ff.; Budge, p. 245 ff. 8 i, ; . 9 E. L..ittmann, Sabiiische, p. 32; Budge, p. 255 ff. IO Gedle Abrelia and Asbeha (unpublished manus cript)·' Conti Rossini, Liber Aks111nae.

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northern Ethiopi � and �estroying cults in many places, none of them su£fu �ed persec11t1on. This does not mean that ·the old religion had no fana�tcal followers wh� were ready to preserve their religion by using any poss1ble mea·ns. But since the King of Kings was -the first convert to the Christian religion l1 e guaranteed protection for the new faith and that is we �e 1:ot disturbed seriously in the accomplislunent of w'h- � the _ p�eachers _ their m1ss10 � !n _Etl11 ? p1a. Ethiopians iare proud of the fact that they accepted C:hr1st1an1ty �1t�1011t shedding the blood of Christian preachers as happened 1n other Chr1st1an countries. A decisive factor in tl1e relations of church and state at that time is \91hether the church was recog11ized as a separate institution with its own head. Tl1is idea is · n ot made clear so fa:r from available sources. The fact is tl1at the old ''son of God'' was substituted with ''elect of God", and in this capacity the Emperor has ra certai11 right i n church affairs. This can be illustrated better if we study the letter of Constantiu.s, Emperor of tl1e Eastern Roman Empire, addressed to the ''precious brothers'' Ezana and Saizana in about 356 A.D. 11 In tl1is letter it is stated: ''therefore send Bishop Frumentius as quickly as po�sib]e to Egypt to the most honourable Bishop George, and the -otl1er Bishops in Egypt who have the authority to ordajn, and. jud.ge affairs of this nature." 12 Here we h1ave an element of jurisdiction of tl1e En1peror over the cl1urch. 011 the ot11 er hand, tl1e abo,ve-me:nt.ioITT-ed protecti,on of the En1per, or wl1icl1 he g11aranteed to, the Christain preacl1 ers is something more than Christia11 d11ty. This bad an impact on tl1 e further developme11t of churcl1 administration in Ethiopia. We know th-at Frumentius was tl1e 011ly bisl1op wl10 l1as bee11 ordained by Athanasius as a bishop of Aksu1n. Wl1at happened after Frumentius? It seemed that tl1e Ethiopians preferred to be u11der tl1 e Alexandria11 See. According to the Ethiopian bisl1ops' list, Minas stands next to Frumenti11s as a bisl1op of Aksum. The question here is w11etl1er Mi11as \Vas an Ethiopian or a.n E,gyptia11 . This we can11ot prove or dispro,,e fro111 co11temporary sources. B11t if we j11dge from tl1e later facts, 11e \Vas an Egyp tian. Anotl1er questio·n wl1ich can be raised here too is whether he was the only bishop or were there other bishops i11 the Aks11mite Empire afier Frumentius? We l1ave at least certain l1ints to support tl1e latter view. A Greek Christian writer Palladius (368-4-30) says that when l1 e can1e to Adulis for -the purpose of continuing 011 his \.Vay to In,dia, he took witl1 him the bishop of Adulis, Moses. 13 I1· 1 the fiftl1 century there is an obscu,re controversial list ofi participants in the Co1111cil of Chalcedo11 (451) in which is n1entioned that the bishop of Adulis participated in the Council. 14 In the sixth century Cosmas Indicopleustes says that at t:l1at time in Aksum and , other countries ''there are everywl1ere ch. urches of the Christians and bishops, martyrs, monks and recluse wl1ere the Gospel of Christ is pro claimed''.1 5 This indicates that at least there were m,ore than t\VO bishops in Ethiopia up to the sixth century. J 1 S. Pankhurst, p. 58. 12 Ibid. 13 U. Monneret de Villard, MrJse vescovo di A,li,lis in Oriente Cristia110 Vol. XIU, 1947. 14 E. Honigmann, Urz eveque d'Adulis a,, Concile de Chalcecloi11e in Byzantio11, 1950; Ed Schwartz, Ei11 Bisc/10/ der ron1icher1 Reichskirche in A bessi11ien in Pl1ilolo{?11s, No. 91, 1936. 15 Tl1e Christian Topography of Cosn1as /11dicopleustes, ed. Winstedt, Cambridge, I 909, p. 119; J.W. MacCrindle, The CJ1ristia11 Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk, Hakluyt Society, London, 1897, p. 120.

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Dt1ri11g tl1is period tl1e relations betwee1J the church and th.e state sl1ow a. sligl1t change. The Emperor Caleb appears as defender of the f�1itb .on a large scale. I-le unde· rtoo,k two successful expeditions in South Arabia mai11ly for religiot1s purposes in 523 and finally in. 525. But at that time we see tl1at tl1e cl1t1rcl1 also appeared as .a separate institution. - - ear between human and In other wo. rcls, a distinct Jjne started to app divine institutions. According to Etluopia11 a11d ]ate Byzantine writers, Caleb abdicated from l1is tl1rone and sent his crown to the Holy Sepulchre. Not 011ly that b11t he also sp-ent tl1e re st of hjs life in tl1e heremite of Abba Pantalewon not far from Aksum. 16 -Tl1is actu,:1lly de monstrates better the f:urtl1er development of tl1e rela.tio11s of cl1urcl1 a1Jd state. Tl1e joinjng of a. mo11astic life by Cale b is far more tl1a·n a religious devotion. It is a sort of recog11ition of tl1e st11Jeriority of the cl1urcl1 over tl1e state. But· tl1is sl1ould not be und erstood in tl1e sense of papocaesarism since the de facto l1ead of :the church ren1ains the ki·ng l1imself. But from this time on a new id ea starts about a king, tl1at is, tl1at h.e embodies tl1e power of pr!estl1_ood._ According to tl1e Etl1iopian co11cept, a king 1s equal to a priest 111 his bel1aviot1r. 17 BLtt it is qt1ite a .nether thing wl1ether tl1is idea eve r came into practice. .

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Budge, 1'1,e Book of ihe S aints OI 1 I . pta �e E ·t I 1/0 . n Church, Can1bridge , 1928 ' Vol. III , p . 914 . F. M . Esteves 1>er"'..., . cos 11--1<: Ii · tslo . ria I 111artyres cle Nagran, Lisbon, 1899, p. 121. Nfarl, ,· 1 .- tl ae 1;1 _Ac_ta Sa11_ctoru111, Y?l- X, p. 758 ff. 17 �bu Salih, the Arn;enian) �;�� :� � � 1 e E 1 13: du.r11�g the reign of LalibeLa, gives Lhe fol.lo,,ving sta.tenlcnt a� ut. ��t�:P iopian �1o gs: "All the kings of Abyssinia are priests and celeb � _ E ra e tlle riturgy w1tl11n the san�tuary." The _ _ G_,h urc hes and Jvf onasleries of gypt at1d so111 e Ne1gh bour111g Co11111ries, ed . B. Evetts, Oxford, 1895, p. 286_ - 8 --

SUR IJ'EPIGR.API-IIE ETHIOPIENNE DE LANGUE GRECQUE l�.

Pierre Petric/es

En cette 1966eme ,1n11ee de grace, gu'il me soit pa.rdon11e de penser . tl1iopie sonl tres ava11cees, beau que nos connaissa11ces stir I'l1istoire d' E coup plus ava11cees qu'elles 11e l'etaient atl ,debt1t de ce siecle; qu'il me soit 1 aussi permis d'esperer c1t1e c,es connai·ss,ances etant suffis-amment nom breuses. coherentes et convergentes, 11011s auro11s bientot cette synthese historique valable qui - nous -rail e11core de1 faut, q11e - nous attendons tot1s, et qui not1s do11nera enfin Ja c]ef de l'enigme que fut et dt1 probleme qu'est l"Ethiopie: qui eclairera le passe, expliquera le present et revelera peut etre l'a,,enir d'un pays fasci11ant entre 'tous, qui nous est cher et qt1e nous reve.fOllS preciseme11t d'avoir voulu et Sll rester Jibre pendant 30 siec}es mouveme11tes, et pour etre aujourd'ht1i le plus vieil empire cl1retien independ,mt du mon.de. L'histoire. science du passe et prescience de l'avenir, den1eure tou jours, a nos )'eux, l'art de r e, co11stitt1er, daos le vrai et dans le bea11, le passe, avec ses erre11rs et ses reussites, pour servir d'exe1nple, de le1yon et de modele, aux artisans d.'un avenir meilleur. Mais si son b11t reste le meme, ses moyens ont beaucoup evolu,e, s11rtout da11s les cinqt1ante dernie res a .nnees. Sa n1ethodologie n'est plus le je11 du hasard et l'enjeu de l'in1provisation:- elle est deve11ue t111e tech11ic1L1e ou aL1c1111e erreur de me tier :n'est plus to]eree, une disci;pline scientifique precise, d'u11e rigueur quasi m.athematique et aussi impeccable qu'un mo11vement d'horlogerie. Prod,uit de cent fleurs diverses, le miel de l'l1istoire est a11jourd'l1t1i raffine selon des prooedes qui 11e sont plus cet1x d'hier et qui pour evolutifs et perfectibles qu'ils soient. ne nous paraissent pas mains avoir attei1rt uo degre de perfection des plus appreciables. - '' Un tas de pier.res n'est pas une catl1edrale'', disait Barres. Or, s1 Je tas de 110s connaissances en matiere d'histoire d'Etl1iopie me parait imposant - et peut-etre deja suffisanr a la constructio11 de notre cathe drale - i] n'en demeure pas moins gue je reste sceptique devant la qualite de certains de ses elements: ils me paraissent mal travailles et neoessitant une revision soignee, avant leur entr,ee dans la construction. Illustrant ce point de vue, je me permettrai de m'aventurer dans run domaine qui, par le double hasard de la naissance et de !',education, m'est assez familier: celui de l'epigraphie ethio_pienne de langue grecque. Cetle epigraphie est restreinte en nombre; par contre, elle est conside rable par sa qualite et l'imoort,111ce de sa contribution a la connaissance J

On remarquer:a que j'en exclue: a) comme appartenant a J'epigraiphie nubienne, l'inscription dite de Meroe, decouverte en 1909 par Gwynne et Drummon.d et etudiee par Sayce; et l'inscription dite de SiJko, decouverte par Niebuhr en 1820 et etudiee en I 831 par Letronne; b) con1me d't1n inter.et mineur, Jes deux inscriptions dites d'Abba Pantaleon (nos 2 et 5 de la D.A.E., vol. TV, p. 2. et p. 8). -9-

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1 , le s inscriptions d'Adu s tr a e en e� pt �� _es historique de l'Ethiopie. Ell� com et la 1 pt 1o n de Sembrouth r sc 1n 1 e, st eu pl co cli In as lis copiees par Cosm stele d' Aeizanas.

II. LES INSCRIPTIONS D'ADULIS. e ns iss a da Ja sa us no te us le op ic nd I'I as sm Co r eu ag oy -v ne oi m Le e qu n ec Ia en gr s on t ip cr ns x � eu � � de e xt � te le � , e'' nn tie ''Topograpl1ie cl1re em 1ere de ces pr La 1s. ul Ad a e, er tre no de 5 52 n l'a rs ve qu'il copia, e iqu a . olem ne pt tro un e'' air ch 11e ''u r su l, t-i di inscriptions figurait, 2; et la seconde, sur ''un bloc d.e pierre de basal e ill va tra de rnarbre blanc 3, ma is qu i gis ait alors pa r terre, brise et le ste e11 ge eri nt me ive nit 1 te'' pri 4 mutile' de sa partie superieure • s n et ele co fid t en fur as sm Co de s eve rel Jes si oir sav t en nm co1 Or, is rus pu pa de t dis on le ste la e qu e air ch la nt Ta x? au gin ori x au s forme longle1nps, - et l'espoir de les retrot1ver parait bien mince. D'autre part, les capacites de Cosmas copiste seraient st1jettes a caution: le tres fin et tres lettre Patriarcl1e Pl1otit1s -tient s011 grec en pietre estime: ''Eatl OE -cartElVOc; T�V q>p6:alV Kai ouv16:E,Ew½ ou5E 1:17c; KOLVl7<; µETEXCuV Opinio 11 qtte je traduirai libren1e11t con1me st1it: "Sa phrase n'a aucune en volee et sa syntaxe est au-dessous de la moyenne''5• Dans cette conjoncl11re, force nous est d'accepter tels quels les textes de Cosn1as6 et cle Jes etudier en cons6: qt1ence7• On sait que le premier de ces textes se rapporte it une j11scriptio11 gravee a la gloire de Ptolemee ill; el le second �1 une incription due a 11n roi ethiopien dont nous ignorons le no1n. J e cl}rai tout de �11ite 9t1e, du point de vt1e langue, le texte ptolemaique 1n·e para1� �orrect,_ s1no11 impeccable. Vocabulaire, syntaxe, sens: tout y est agence a soul1a1t, dans la. n1eillet1re ''koine'' de l'epoque. Cela n1'incite a

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2 ;;oiq>poc;,. .. an� 00K1�aoiou µapµapou 11.e.u1<00,,. 3 �aaaVlTl7<; At0oc; .. , lOTaµe.voc; we; E.lKWV. 4 L_e tcxte ?it: "KATQ nANY MEPOL'', ce qui me parait -absurde et dO suren1ent a one erreur de copiste. 5 ''Lexicon" ... Cod. 36. G E.O. 111 i11stec/t ''The Christian Topograpl1y of Cosn1as Indicopleustes" (texte grec & n.otes), Cambridge 1909. 7 Entre autres : �ontfauc?n: "Nova Collectio Patrun1", 1706 (trad. en latin)" J. 1¥. McCrind/e The Christian Topography of Cosmas", (trad. en angl.) I-Iakluyt Society ' XCVIII London 1897." · B . eaz Iey, "D. awn of· n1odern geograp hJ", Clarendon · . ,_ ,; " , . �ress V'.11 �f11 f • . Navigation _of Anctents ... " I, p. 111, II, 480". E.JV. TVal s, l!ucl· ge · A �-I�lo�y of Ethiopia", Methuen, London, 1928", Letronne: "Ma !! e�iaux po_u� I.?isto1r� du Christianis1_ne'� (Oeu vres ch,oisies, ,p. 31, I, 1881). � . r�u,n. J_es listes royales ethiop1enn es", Re\rue Archeologiq ue Ao-Ot D ,, -E 18 82 Paris PP-. l7-23 · A. K rnn1erer: "Essai sur l'histoire antique d'Abyss inie" G eu tl nc \ ari , 1926. C 11 1�1,Rossini "Expeditions et posses ions des Habasat � . , s en "� i;; ' ;:?u al si t _ ue !uil. 1921, p. 18". Niebi,lzr: "1'1u seurn der . Alther[:u:s · · �iss. � ' � b� · D,l,nan: "Abhandlu ngen der K.onigl. .." Akac l . n . 1877 ' . 195 d s f. Ditte i p berger: "Orientis Graeci Inscrip tionesSelectae" f (Bd pp. �8�, et s . 19�3). Ed. Glaser: "Skizze . . . Bd. IT, pp . 471-564. e D H Mu l/ ?enkschrrften · · · bd. XLIII, IV, p. 3 1893. ''Epigr. Denkmal er �; au·sA.b es · · . Vienne 1894· Cf-i'.I• MLt··11er·. "Geogra 1 grec. ores" D1dot 1855. min . ph" . Enno p·,1r,na11. Dans D.A.E. Reimer, BerHn, 191 3.

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croire que ce texte avait ete prepare par un epigrammatiste alexandrin, gra ve sur place par un professionnel habile, avec de beaux caracteres faciles a lire, et transporte ensuite a Adulis. De lecture aisee, il n'a pas du pre senter .une difficul,te quelconque a Cosmas qui, sans aucun doute, a du le copier correctement. Je dirai aussi que Ies traductions de ce texte en anglais, franc;a.is et italien que j'ai pu examiner 8 me paraissent honnetes. Je me bornerai done a relever deux points qui me semblent importants, vu leur influence probable et quasi tangible, sur ceux des souverains etbio piens qui ont eu !'occasion de connattre !'existence et de cette ''chaire'' ptolemaique et de son inscription: d'abord, !'aspect impressionnant de cette ''chaire'', toute faite de marbre blanc, matiere rare en Ethiopie; ensuite, le but, le sens et Ia phraseologie de !'inscription. Ptolemee III9 y proclame qu' il est un roi puissant, qt1'il descend d'autres rois et, enfin, qu'il a ete le promoteur et le vainqueur d'une Iointaine, extraordinaire et glorieuse campagne militaire1 o. Venous, maintenant,

la seconde inscription.

Elle etait, sans contestation possible, le fait d 'un souverain etl1iopien, desiret1x de perpetuer, en grec et en detail, le souvenir de ses c.:'lmpagnes militai.res victorieuses qui avaient fait de lui le premier sot1verain de sa lign·ee a avoir sot1mis a sa domination, tot1s les peuples du Nil a !'Ocean Indien. 11 va de soi que cette inscription avait ete gravee s11r place, sur du basalte local, matiere difficile a travailler, par des ouvriers soit indige nes, soit Grecs de fortune; le texte ayant ete prepare soit par un indigene assez bon l1elleniste, soit par u11 Gree assez mauvais hellenisant. Four millant de noms de lieux locaux, etrangers a la lan . gt1e grecq11e 11 et pro bablement inconnus de Cosmas, mal gravee, deja brisee et ml1tilee, cette inscription n'a pas df1 presenter une tache aisee a l'epigraphiste d' occasion qu'retait Cosmas. Toujours est-il ql1e le texte que celt1i-ci e11 tira, presente, a 1� loupe du pt1riste, des formes grammaticales bizarres et - parclonr1ez� moi le mot - ''anacol11thes''. II serait �t revoir ainsi c1ue, 11aturellen1ent, ses traductions. 12 Quant aux noms de lieux geographiques, la tache de leur localisation a donne naissance a une Jitterature aussi abondante qt1'.edifiante. Nombre de savants, en effet, y ont :epuise leurs con11aissances livresques et le11r ingeniosite, a recl1ercher dans des correspondances pl1onetiques plus ou mains vagues, des certitudes plus ou moins durables. Ai11si, rien q11e po11r le premier nom de localite mentionne par Cosmas, nous avons quatre versions contradictoires: Ludolf assurant que rAZH se refere a Ia tribu des AgJlzi; Vivien Saint-Martin affir:mant que ce nom ne pouvait

8 McCrindle, Budge, Kammerer, Conti-Rossini. 9 Tl s'agit bien de Ptilem e Evergete et non de Ptolemee Plziladelphe, comn1e le 9 JI s'agit bien de Ptolemee Evergete et non de Ptolemge Philaclelphe, comme le dit Kammerer (ib. p. 34), sans doute par lapsus. 1 O Boi,che-Lec/erq, dans son "Histoire des Lagides" (t. I, 260 /2) l'a etudiee, pour la placer dans le contexte de l'histoire ptolemaique. , 11 11 y en a deux douzaines environ: - ral;:17, 'AyaµE, �lYUTJVE, Aua, Z lvyaj311ve. 'Ayya(3E, T l 6:µaa, 'Aya8aouc;, KaAaCX, Laµl")VE, AaOlVE., Zacx, raj3aACX • 'ATaAµCi, BEycx, Tayya{Tc'.::>v '.Avv�vE, METlVE, LEOEa, PauoC>, LOACX TE, 'Apa (3(Tac;, K l vat50KOATTLTac;, Laj3airJv, � cxoou. 12 Montfaucon, McCrindle, Conte-Rossini, Kammerer. 13 "La Iinguistique et l'l1istoire", dans "L'histoire et ses methodes'', Pleiade, Paris, 1961, p. 823.

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ant qu 'il desi st si in 1t Sa ry en H ''; ze ue ''g nt rla pa le up pe s·appliqL1er ; igre T du rd no au t er uv co de t ai av 'il qu a goait le village cl'Ade-Gad r gi e t s'a qu ai uv de po ne 'il qu e, in Pl de i fo la r su 1 1t, a ar cl de , fin r, Glase en la ville de Gaza, sitl1ee a tL sud d'Adul'is. 011 pet1t nourrir beat1coup de r� spect a l'egard d.e la I_ing�istf que t , 3 Ma7s professer, avec .M. Mar?� l Cohe11, q:1 elle comn1ence avec 1sto1re. I ! _ _ � comment prendre au ser1et1x ces v1rt, uoses de la l1ngu1st1q_ue comparee quand, sur le l1asard d' t1ne similitude pl1onetique, ils nous aftirment 1)eremptoiren1e11t que les Galla d'Etl1io1Jie et les Ga tilois de France s011t cousi11s, parce qt1e apparte 11a11t a la meme race? 14 La discipline scientifique de la n1ethodologie actuelle ·nous interdit rai�c·n 11ablen1ent ces jet1x irr.aiso:n.nes. rf.an . t q t1e nous n1.anquerolD..S de ·temo ignages ethiopie11s de l'epoque ou, encore, d'improbables traites dus aux geograpl1es alexandri 11s, force nous est de 11ous cantonner daos la reserve ]a plus prudenle. Louons, en l'occurreoce, la fra11chise de E.O. WINDS TEDT, l'l1onnele editeur de Cosmas, dont voici l'aveu savoureux: "Tl1e famous AdLtlitic inscriptio11 demands an intimate koow "ledge of ehe geography of Abyssinia and Ethiopia in the "lhird or foL 1rtl1 centL1ry of our era: and those who have ''clain1ed sucl1 kn. owledge a11d treate4 of the subject, differ "so greatly in tl1eir conclusions and in son1e cases, spend so ''mucl1 ti1ne and e11ergy in throwi11g stones at one another, "tl1at, after wadi11g tl1rough a sea of their pamphlets, I ended "mucl1 wl1ere I began, - wil'h 110 personal views on 1 tl1e geo"graphy of those cou11tries at such an obscure epoch:'15 Telles s�11.t n1es ren1arques sur Jes inscriptions <lites d'Adulis, J e , 111 e111presse d a1outer qt1'elles ne tendent pas a enlever quoi aue ce soit a l� valeur et i1 !'in1�ortance dtl plllS ancien temoignage l1istorique ethio p1en; elles ne v 1 sera1 enl. en Pait, qt1't1 Jui faire livrer les secrets qu'il cache e 11core. qu'aL 1

III. L'INSC.RIPTJON DE SEMBROVTflES.

Je passer �i mainte11ant au deuxien1e objet de cet essai: a !'inscription e1 1 gre � du Roi Se �broutl1es, decouverte par Sundstrom, en 1906, a Daqqi Mal1ar 1 ,, au nord d A�mara, s11r une petite stele qui se trouve actuellement au musee de cetle ville. 16 , ainsi que par Enno te insc i 11 a Cett tio etudiee par SUndstron1 � � � _ �7 . . Littn,ann '. qui I a trad u1te alle111a11d. Budge et Kammerer l'ont ega1e en . · ·. · 19. La vo1c1. ment tradu1te, le pre1n1er e11 ,1nglais•s le second en fran<;a1s �aa _LAEuc:; EK Bo:aLAEwv 'AC:wµE tTwv Mtyac:, � Eµ�pouS EA8wv Ka0ELOpuaE K-6. �Eµ�po68ou MEy6:Aou Baat�iwc:, 1

14 ". · · les Galla ... sont tLne ramification gauloise" p. M ,· I D s l "Les · qa,Ila ..." Oud in, Paris 1901. Voir au5?.1 pp. .,29 nts, edifia " :30, lesar21,aexen1p les a e v1;1 �,. cites par l'auteur de sinl· li.tude pllonetique entre les langt1e gall et ga,u.Ioise. s a 15 E.O. Winsteclt, Ib id. p. y � 16 ·'Prelin1inary Report of th pr��c1 · � Universi dans . ty Abyss inia" Exped to ition "Zeitschrift (Ur Assyrologfe" , 5, 170. 17 Dans D.A.E. IV, p. 3_ 18 Bu.dge, ibid. p. 56. 19 Kamn1erer, ibid. p. 56. - 12 -

Or, il se trouve que ses traductions, to1,te!; ses traductions, soot erro oees: et que leur erreur a perpetue l'un des m alentendus les plus inutiles de l'histoire ethiopienne.. :Un rien, une preposition de 2 lettres passee inaper�ue, et nous voici devant !'argument le plus vala ble pour nous convaincre qu'il serait opportun de proce<ler a une revision de l'epigra phie ethiopienne de l angue grecque. Les traductions disent: . •

.. . - .DER KONIG DER KONIGE N - THE KING OF THE KI GS ... - LE ROI DES ROIS ... et euse11t 16te correctes si le texte disait: BALlJ\EYL BALIJ\EQN · J·ustement,· ie texte dit aµtre chose. Le texte dit: · BALIJ\EYL EK BALIJ\EQN

Nous avo11s ici une preposition EK qui· a echappe on ne sait �ommment, a l' attention de nos savan.ts et qui cha11ge tout. EK joue un role important et varie dans la langi.1e grecque. Dans notre cas, elle mar que l'origil1e, la provenance; tot1t con11ne AB en latin: AB OVO, AB IMO PECTORE� comn1e DE e11 franc;ais: "l'eau de source''. EK (ou E� devant une voyelle) entre, on le sait, oomn1e prefixe dans nombre de n1ots fran9ais pris du grec: EK-centiqt1e, EK-clesiastiqt1e, EX-ode, don.naot l'idee de la prove11ance, du point de depart. Sen1broutl1es 11e voulait pas nous dire c1u'il etait ROI DES ROIS, c.'est-a dire: Roi regnant sur d'autres rois; ot1, encore, un Roi parn1i les rois. Son i1J lention etait autre: il tenait a 11ot1s informer qt1'il etait Roi, ·� et qu'il l'etait parce qu'il etait issit (fi]s ot1 descendant) d'autres Rois. ·four nous i1npressio11ner, . c'�st de so11 origine royale, ·ae sa J1aissance sortant d.e l'ordjnaire qu'jl se glorifie. L'etendue de son po11voir, il s'en vante quat.re mots apres, CJU<'.nd il dit: MErA2.. (C'est-a dire GRAND, . fie a 1no· n si l'on :tient a la il ·raduc,tjion 1no1t-a-m· ot; PUISS. me A NT, si je · · ins- t i.nc.t de la la11gue grecque). · . .. Dans· notre cas, la preposition EK correspond ·parfaitement au sens _et a l'emploi du ter1ne s ·e111itiq11e BEN, BEN1, JBN: Elle i11terprete mer veilleusement l'tLD des soucis majet1rs co11sta11ts et obse·dants qt1'eut l'An tiquite m.011archiste et mo11archique, de la Grece a11x ludes: celt1i de j11stifier, de legitin1er la possession d'u11 trone, par droit de naissance, par le privilege mythiqt1e et cependa11t di-fficilen1ent dispt1table, fourni par 1'exce1lence eprot1vee d'une soucl1e ancestrade su-perieure. Inlassableme11t, d'un bout a l'at1tre du mo11de alors connt1, Pl1araons egyptiens, rois et tyraos grecs, sl1al1s persans, meleks arabes, basilei byzantins, ne cessen'l de nous repeter qu'ils sont rois, et qu'ils le sont parce g11e leurs peres l'etaient aussi. Ainsi. Ptolen1ee III, dans son inscription d'Adulis que nous venons d'etud. ier, ne f ait que st1ivre la voie royale millenaire, illus tree par les Heraclides, les Atrides, les Labdacides, quand il proclame: . . ''Le pt1issant roi Ptolemee, fils du roi Ptolemee et de la reioe "Arsiooe, lesquels etaient Dieux Freres et enfunts du roi 6 'Ptolemee et de la reine BeI1enice, (eux-memes) Die11x Sau ''veurs, descenda11t d.'Hercule, du cote p atemel ...'' A son tour, le roi Sembrouthes suit I� royal exemple du roi Ptolemee: il se· glorifie d'abor d et avant to·u-t de son origine; c'est enst1ite qu'il declare qu'il est M E r A L, puissant. II m'est relativement facile de croire qt1e le roi Sembrotrthes descendait d'autres rois: il me par�it moins pr_obable - 13 -

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e l'Afrique, d e ti ar p e tt ce s an d , es th u o br em S qu'il y avait, du temps de 20 i. o -r er p su le t ai plusieurs rois dont Sembrouthes et s une cin ui ep r d u jo le vu t on es ud et es nt va D'innombrables et sa r l en pa ce pi ex io h et I ya ro e tr ti le r te re rp quantaine d'annees, pour inte v er ou i tr lu ur po , et '' ST A G E N S U G E ''N lence, ''11·iP : �1r:r· 1" ienne, am ot op es s: m re oi ct di ra nt co us pl s Je et es les origines les plus divers 21 Je pen se que mon inter . ue iq da ju u o assyrienne, persane, pharaonique re eu a a l'h ut to ai dr en vi e (j es th ou br rn Se de n tio ip cr pretation de !'ins , 6t ou ut on ti pl es qu e tt ce r su le el uv no re ie rn lu e celle d'Aeizanas) jette un a traverse e tr ti s ce le ai s le el qu r su ir vo sa a nt ua Q . rt sur son point de depa i ns i-c se lu el ce qu ns da et k la m A o un ek Y a les siecles pour arriver jusqu' it, la ra , ce se he uc sa so de et ne on ur co sa de u ya le reprit pour en faire le jo lle, ne on n rs tio pe ic . nv co a M " re oi st hi tre au ne ''u g, comme disait Kiplin es yeux, m e: a rt fo ns ai m s pa re eu m de en n' it, so le 'el qu e al pour grammatic L E SE IL A H e, qu sti na dy n tio di tra 1re let eil m sa et dans le contex-te de . N Q /\E LI BA EK YL /\E LI BA t1r1 , ut to t an av LASSIE Ier est, .

IV. L'INSCRIPTJON D'AEIZANAS. : Je passe n1ai11tenant a la troisierne et derniere partie de cette etude a !'inscription en grec figurant st1r la stele dite du roi Aeizanas. te en tex le s foi re mie pre une ia cop en rit, ouv dec la qt1i t Sal nry He 180522 et une seconde fois en 180923 ; Enno Littn1ann le copia egalement en 1905. 24

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apres av oir ete longtempts au tableau d'honneur Bcxotr..1:.uc;, 20 Le terme de la Grece cretoise et homerique, avait etc mis au ban de la Grece classique sauf . Spar�e. II a fallu toute l'� , utorite d'Ar!stote ("Politique", Ill, 13.8), faisant �cxotr..E.tcx _(=regm1e monarchique base sur le respect la. clis�nction entre -rupcxvvt cx ( = regune autocratique base sur la seule volonte des 101s) et du �hef), pour redorer s�o prestige autour du trone royal des Hera.elides mace doruens et de leurs continuateurs �n Orient, Ies Lagides et Jes Seleucides. A Rome, le , te_�e fut proscnt apres l'assassinat de C.esar. A Byzanc.e, Con 5 ra1:ce II, ne � u�lise pa,s qua�d ii s'adresse, vers 353, a Aeiza.nas et Sezanas, souverains d Ethiop1e.. Neanrnoms, sous l'iniluence d u christianisme naissant !3cxotA.Ela -rwv oupcxvwv et des textes eyangeliqu� sur la (= "le oyaum� des cieux), ,le t.J._tre reapparait a Constantinople. En 399' Synessios � e c yrene essaya d expl1quer a l'en1 pereur ,'..I "p cact·ius, la difference entre , ' ·· A.cxotr..1:.uc; et ex, uToKpcxTwp. J s, Jean t d con en1pora1n e usti Lydu ,J . nien, s'appuya sur l'autorite d' A st .e pour .remettre le te:°1e en plein � �n neur. Aussi, a partir d e Juslinie� f; terme de c1el �aOtAEU<; offi fut et exclusif · ii etait l'a ana e d 's ut en pereur. J usti.nien en1ploya le tern1e !3cxotr.. E.i cx pour designef so; po�v O7r .,.ct !, on se servait d u meme n1ot pour dater les annces de regne d'u0 en r r. L Cour ,byzantine ne reconnaissait �ao � qu'au seul souverain de Perse _e Ji re arition sp , es di la pr A r.. � E.u t ,J � 1 e de !'empire persan (637-651) l s o verrun son pouv oir par le terme de ''Bas i leus ". On s'explique que j;lo' ux � . e Je rese:"er cette denomination qt1i Ieur p�rmcltajt de pretendre � la d m a n iverselle, les empereurs byzantins � � � f ruent refuse de !'accorder au aro ingiens et aux empereurs gennaniques. S8;ns doute, ii fut reconnu ex.d epti oi1nellen1ent a Ch·arlemagne, mais dans la • su1te·, la chancellerie byz"'· ,.,iti·ru·e co11serva su r ce point · toute son intransigeance. _II semble possible de ·croire u'entre 300 avant et 300 sou les J.C., apres vera10s etl1 iopiens aient pris exen{pie et mod ele chez leurs fastueux collegues . les' Ptolemee · . s d'Alex, 'anctrie pour ce w eSt Surtout. de pl1 raseologie titulaire.' . L' introduction du christiani;n1e en Eth9-iopie . vint a point pour confirn1er !'usage du .terme �CXOLAEuc;. 21 Vo1r, entre •autrcs. "A . Ie , s �,Eth1.opie", V_ol. II, pp. 193-s. 22 Vale11 tia "V oyages· & · 23 He11ry Salt "A voyage to �b· . 'f:ondo, �, Miller 1809 !IIl-174. YSSirua · · · , London, 1814 II-185. 24 D.A.E., band IV, p. 4_

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Ce texte a souleve d'innombrables polemiques au sujet de sa localisa tion dans le temps (datation, forme de la graphie, etc.,) et dans l'espace (toponymie). II faut avouer qu'il n'est pas des plus faciles. Notons aussi que le texte que nous offre Littmann n'est pas tout a fait celui de deux versions de Salt, lesquelles, par ailleurs, ne sont pas tout a fait le memes entre elles. Cette constatation nous amene a la question: ''Ce texte a-t-il ete correctement lu? Ses ''trous'' ont-ils eite ''valablement ''restitues? Est-on sur des chiffres figures par ''des lettres a demi effacees? Franchement, j'en doute. Et m'en console en me disant qu'il y a 160 et meme 60 ans, l'archeol(,gje ne disposait pas de nos moyens techniques actuels concemant la lecture et meme le dechiffrement epigraphique. Toujours est-il que le texte de !'inscription d'Aeizanas me paratt, dans }'ensemble aussi bien que dans le detail, plutot ''indigeste'': j'y trouve des bizarreries de style (verbes actifs et passifs dans la meme phr:a.se), ·des differences d,ans certains noms KA�OY, XA"'X.OY, "J:.A"'X.OY, ou encore MATJ\IA, MATJ\AK, MATMAK; des mots hypothetiques et qui cl1oquen,t: ANNQNH, ANNQNEYOMENOI, ANNQNEYE"'X.0A, une ,toumure de langage ambigue, difficile a placer de fa9on satisfaisante, dans la ''koine''; et un En 'Ar A8Q terminal qui me laisse reveur. Bretl, Hellene, je comprends parfaitement qu'un autre Hellene, l'Archeve que du Sinai, en fut ''baffled'', - deconcerte -, quand Salt lui mantra son texte, en 1806. .. Dans cette conjoncture, il me parait deplace de parler de ses traductions en allemand, anglais ou fran9ais. Lire mal, c'est deja 'tradt1ire mal. Mais encore, traduire un texte ecrit, ii y a 15 siecles, dans une langue autre que la votre, est u11e operation hasardeuse. La version scolaire d'un texte .epigrapbique, obtenue a l'aide d'un dictionnaire n'est plus de mise dans la discipline scientifique de nos jours: il y manquera toujours. ce sens secret des mots, cette nuance indefinissable, cette coulellf qui en fait tout son prix et qui ne se decouvre pas dans les livres, 111ais dans 1e berceau. Je me bornerai a commenter brievement 1a titulature royale d'Aeiza nans. Je note d'abord qu'elle n'est pas sans analogie avec celle de Pto1emee III, l'epithete MErA"'X. exclu. En effet, Aeizanas s'y intitule: BaoLAEU<; • A�eu µi Teuv... BaoLAEuc; BaoLAtwv... 'YLoc; 8£00... '

J'estime qu'ici, nous devons lire: BaoLAEuc; €K BaoLAEeuv Dans la Iangue grecque, Ies articles et les prepositions peuvent - voire, doivent - etre supprimes, quand ils sont sous-entendus. 25 Aeizanas ayant deja <lit qu'il etait ''roi des tres bien pourquoi il aurait besoin de repeter plus loin qu'il etait ''roi des rois'', c'est-a dire roi regnant sur d'autres rois''. Je suis convaincu que BaoLAEu<; (sous-entendu: EK BaoLAEeuv est mis ici, conformement aux usages d'alors, pour souligner le caractere legitime de

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Exemple: le d6but bien connu de I'A.nabase de XENOPHON: /j.APEIOY KAI nAPl2ATl60L rirNONTAl nAl/j.EL /j.YQ ... (=De Darius et de Parisatis naquirent deux gar9ons") , pour: EK .ti.APEIOY KAI EK nAPl2ATl602... On dit bien en fran9ais: les fils Ay,non, les fils Zebedee, pour: Ies fils d'Aymon, les fils de Zebedee. -- 15 -

4 e st fils de rois, 'il qu t ai du s, n za ! ei A pe u · . cc 1'o � q1 la situation royale e ss e d � conf1� er, en r p m s s n za e1 A e qu � ce � _ _ descendant d'f111 tres rois: r es, le D 1e u Inv1nc1ble". A d. ils ''F t es 'il qu s, re ap declara11t, tout de suite e qu e ce nom nn ffi j'a : S· A N A IZ E A d' m no e l r su i, U11 1not. aL1ss e que: r nd te re P . ec gr de en ri a n' l 1'i qt . n'est pas gr�c ow eh as m w a) so an ez H r (o na za E at tl1 n ai rt ce t os m " ...it is al S= O E H k ee gr e t]1 ith w ) ly ng ro w y or htl ig (r ed ct ''conne Aurora, n1or11ing''.26• voila qui met a rude epreuve les nerfs d'ttn Hellene. II se trouve que Hwc;. Ia Poooo6:K-ruA0c; Hwc; (L'Aurore aux doigts de rose) d'Ho.mere, ou encore Ewe; (Ewcrcp6poc; = Le porteur de lumiere = Lucifer) n'a pas de I-I aspire et ne pe1 1 t pas etre I-lEOS: faire d'Aeiza11as u11 11omonyme ou, 1Jresq11e - de Lucifer, voila qui n1e parait ...... admirable. D'autre part ou tro11ver de correspo11da11 ces e11tre Hwc; Ewe; et AEI?

Toujours est-il que, vestige mont1mental du passe etbiopien, pouvant encore - et de,,ant - 11ous livrer pl11s d'u 11 secret cache, la stele d'Aei zanas 1neriterait qt1'011 la redeco11vre e11 recourant aux techniques scienti fiques, recen1ment mises au poi11t: a l'esta1npage, ot1, 1nieux encore, au charbo11 de bois. Une fois son texte retabli, nous pourrions l e confier a de preference: ils sauro11t alors resti des J1ellenistes qt1alifies, IIelle11es tt1er ses lacu11es, etudier sa grap]1ie et sa t)l1ilologie. preciser sa toponyn1ie, four11ir des ''paralleles'', et 11ous donner 1111e traduction va]able. La loupe archeologiqt1e du siecle dernier ne me paraissant etre la lot1pe d'aujourd'l1t1i, ne serait-il pas so11haitable, voire necessaire, d'inter roger l'&pigraphie ethiopien11 e de langt1e grecque, d'une n1a11iere autre �11e ce !le qt1i a ete e1nployee jusq11'ici et q11i pe11t paraitre comme sujette a ca11t1on?

1ier n1�t: vot1s savez, sa11s doute, que la stele d'Aeizanas, ce er1 U11, ? , tres prec1eux ten101g11age fig11re dt1 passe etl1iopie11 se tro1 1ve e11core a Aks�n, eri�e� en plei11_ air, dans u11 jardi11et ta11 t- soit peu soigue. Exposee de pous tropicales et a:�x 1nten1p�r1es, a �x ,,1olen �es des_ pluies des vents _ . siere, so �m1se au� fl11ctt1at1011 s cl1111at1q11es, son etat n'est certainement ,11 a qu pas _ aussi bor1 Y 160 ans, q11and elle f1.1t decouverte: et ii ]e sera n101ns encore, da11S a11tant d'a11 11ees. Je propose a la IIIe1ne CONFERENCE INTERNAT. IONALE .D'ET · , UDE · S ETI-f.TQP;IBN ·, NE · .S, de ,,011101r · b' 1e11 en1ettre un voeu: celu1 de . . � . .� trans[erer cette stele da11s 1 1 n e11 droit f811 co11,,ert, a l'abri. de to11te , . _ deter1ora t1011 possible .

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26 E. Ulle11dorff: "E'XPI oration and study of Abyssinia" Ed. "JI LLt.nedi dell'Eri· I rea", Asmara 1945 p. 46. ' - 16 -

RELATIONS ENTRE LA NUBIE CHRETIENNE ET L'ETHIOPIE AXOUMITE He11ri de Co11-tensorz

L . es com.n1unicatjons du Prof. Leclant et de M. Anfray ont fait �1llusio·.n aux amphores cannelees qui sont caracteristiques de la phase chretienne d'Axot1m (fouilles d'Adoulis, Axoum et Matara); elles sont considerees come importees d' Alexandrie par la Mer Rouge. Cette opinion merite peut-etre d'etre revisee a la suite des decouvertes recentes en Nubie. Alors qu'il n'est pas certain que les officines d'Alexandrie aient fttbriqt1e ce itype d'an1phore apres le Il 0 s. de n.e., ,1'0111peut preciser que le grand centre d.u commerce du vin, qui .etait transporte dans ces an1pl1ores, semble avoir ete la Haute Egypte, avec des mo11asteres tels que celui d'Epiphanius a Thebes; le vin etait exporte en Nubie du V 0 au VIII 0 s. environ, soit pour 'des besoins alimentaires, soit a des fins liturgiques. Ce commerce a disparu a. la suite de }'occupation mt1st1lmane en Egypte, apres le VIII 0 s. (Dr. W. Adams, Ki1sl1, X, 1962, p. 245 ss.). Les types d'an1phores sont id.entiques a ceux rencontres en Ethiopie a la meme epoque, ce qui perm.et de supposer un commerce analogue entre les mona, steres de Haute-Egypte et le royat1me d'Axoum. Les memes n1onasteres exportaient en Nubie, aux VI 0 et VII0 , une ceramique derivee de la ceramiqt1e romaine, vaisselle sigillee tardive <lite ''Samian ware'', ce qui rend moins surprenant Ia presence de tessoos sigilles dans les couches tardives d'Axoum ou a Adoulis. lls seraient plus recents que ceux trouves a Timna' par !'Expedition W. Pl1ilipps.

Les fragments de poterie verilissee recueillis a Axoum et Matara sont peut-etre d'origine persane, comroe le dit M. Anfray, mais pourraient etre egalement importes de Syrie (Anrz. Eth., V). Les trailitions de la ceramique romaine ne se sont pas seulement conservees en Haute-Egypte, mais dans toute la Nubie chretienne. Les ateliers de Faras, a partir du VII 0 s., iinondent la region de leurs produc tions imitees de la poterie sigillee et poursuivies bien longtemps apres la disparition d'Axoum (Dr. W. Adams; ibid.). Que ce soit dans la poterie ''samienne'' ou dans ses imiitations nu bienne-s, l'on est firappe par les ressemblances qui se manifestent dans Jes form.es des vases de Nubie et d'Axoum, peut-etre meme avant IV 0 s. (Ann. Eth., V). Pour ne prendre que deux exemples, l'on note l'abondance de bols hemispheriques, souvent avec ramure s ,ous le bord, d'uo type particulier, - et de coupes a petit pied court et large rebord horizontal. Les diffe·rences tiennent d'une part dans la decoration: peinrte en Nubie� incisee en Ethiopie, - d'autre part doos la qualite technique, bien s·upe rieure dan;s l a vallee du Nil. L'on peut ajouter les variations decoratives a partir du theme de la croix, qui, bien que traitees d,ifferement, semblent - 17 -

communes aux deux regions. Le materiel ceramique temoigne de contacts nombreux i;ntre Axoum et la Nubie. Un troisieme point, deja signale dans Ann. Etli., IV, 1961, p. 39 ss., est foumi par !'architecture. Les premieres eglises ethiopiennes sont de plan basilical, rectang11laire, a trois nefs, terminees a I 'Est par trois petites salles carrees, ou l'on voit en general le choeur encadre de la ''prothesis'' et du ''diakonikon'' : par exemple, les eglises d.egagees a Adoulis par Pari beni, celle amenagee dans le temple 'de Y eha, et celle d.e Enda Cerqos a Melazo. Monneret de Villard a rapproche ce plan des ·basiliques syriennes du rv 0-V s., et des monasteres de Basse-Egypte du V 0 s. II faut .remar quer cependant que ce plan est egalement celui des plus anciennes eglises de Nubie, ·a parlir d11 , Vll0 s. 0

L'on doit noter q11e da11S ces eglises .ethiopien. nes, tres souven.t la piece du Sud :a servi de baptistere: ainsi- dans une ·eglise d'Adoulis, a Yel1a ou la cuve ba.ptismale a 6te degagee par M. Doresse (Nov. Test., I, tl956, p. 209 iss.), et a iE11da Cerqos. En N11bie, il gi'est pas rare de trouver ie baptistere a me1ne place (La Basilique d'Aksha, Paris, 1966). Cependa11t, vers 1e I.X 0 s., en Nubie, l'abside centrale est remplacee par 11n sanctuaire ferme, situe souvent en avant dt1 choeur primitif. Ces modifications liturgiq11es ainsi que des considerations d'ordre historique 011t condt1it le Dr. W. Ada111s (J.E.A., 1965) a s011tenir l'hlpothese que Ia pre1ruere Eglise de Nubie eta.it 1nelchite, c.a.d. byzantine; c'est seulement a une perioc1e posterieure a �hute d'A.xoum que l'Eglise nubienne serait �e,,ent1e co �te. Ces quelques remarques devraient encou.rager les specia �1stes des debt1ts de l'Eglise etl1iopienne, sans ITTegliger les apports sy·riens, ft se tourner davanta.ge vers la Nubie chretien11e, telle aue l'ont revelee Jes fouilles recentes.

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THE SEA VOYAGES OF ANCIENT ETIDOPIANS IN THE INDIAN OCEAN Y1,1. M. Kobisc/1c1r1ov

The problen1 of whether ancient Ethiopians engaged jn sea voyages in ancient times remains ,aJmosit completely 11ninvestigated. It i s known that the inh.:'lbitants of ancient Ethiopia1 and Somalia2 did cross the Red Se-a and the Bay 'Of Aden in their ships, an.d thrut during the Middle Ages Ethiopians and Swahili made voyages i11 tl1e Arabia.n Sea and tl1e India11 Ocean.3 All the facts concerning non-coastwise navigation of ancien:t Africans in the Indian Ocean are of tl1e greateslt impor,tance. Even in III mille11ium B.C. /two semi-legenda1ry Akkado-Sumerian s011rces reported about vi silting Mesopotamia by sihips from ''Black Land of Meluhha'', which was situa:ted probably i,n the Horn of Africa and Etbiopi,a. The next, as also )'et very un,reliable, evidence is the story about the advenlures of a .certain Y,ambulos (the name so,oods s-omewhat Nabateiian)4 . Tl1is sto ·ry is related by Diodorus Siculus (first century B.C.): Yambulos, a Greek or Nabateian merchant, went fthrougl1 Ara.bia '';to the collllJtry o:fl spices'', but, while at sea, he was captured by ''Ethiopian pirates'' wl10 lived somewhere in t1l1e nortl1 ,of Somalia. It was t, J1eir :custom after each twe11ty ge.nera:tions or 600 yea.rs to send a boait with two men into tl1e ocean. Those two persons were given food and wafter for six months, and a£ter several months of travelJ. tl1e ,boa!t was to reac'h an island or a11 crrchipelago inhabited by happy and wise people. YambuJ.os du.d re.aoh, the nslai1d or arc11ipela:go after four n10Illtl1S of travel in the stormy sea; l1e lived ,there for some time; be ·was then banished, and a:flter a second voy·age of fou.r mon1lhs l1e reached India.s Diodorus says tl1at the isla11ders 1 ived for I 20 years; there were huge snakes there bt1t they did not hurt people� he added th,a t Lhis island was one of seve11 forming an archipelago. E. Stechow supposed that tl1is mysterious island may be identified with Madagascar6; from my side I think that we l1ave now one of numerot1s reminiscences of tl1e Bliss Islands legend whicl1 can be traced back to 111ytl1s of the other world. 1

2 3 4 5 6

Num erous -sources of an epigraphical and documentary character tell •about voyages iof Axumites 1 to '8011th Arabia from the ;third centucy A.D. onwards. There are data which testify to more ancient migrations from Ethiopia to the Arabian Peninsula. Pseudo-Araianus, !Periplus marl Erythrei, 7 Among other sources, Afanasiy Nikitin, a Russian traveller to Persia and India, wrote th,at in the Persian sea-port of Dobul ("Dobyl") he had seen ships of "all ithe Ethiqpian coast". Cf. E. Cerulli, Puoti di vista sulla storia etiopica, - "Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi etiopici". Diodorus, IT, 55. E. Stecbow, "Kannte des Altertum die Insel Madagaskar?", fetern1anns f..1itteiIungen, 1944, 84 sqq. - 19 -

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Neve11t:he, ]ess the story reported by Diodorus _about ''the _ _ island of � am bulos'' is ;the ea,rliest reference t.o 11011-coastwISe navtgat1'ons by Africans in the lnd ia11 Ocean. However, it would seem that they seit out on such sea v·oyages w1th crelucta.p_ce, preferring to send stran�ers t�ken as prisoners of war . a.n d, even then, only once i11 600 years (thrs bemg., no dou.bt, a legend.ary, though ·a rather icharaote.ristic, . detJai 1)6a. Though t11e details are qu1te ]egendary, the s;tory related by Diodorus, hov,ever, 1has -a raili0i11al kernel: na1nely, that ,as early as tft1e second and first centuries B.C., tl1e inl1abitants of Somalia sometimes, even though rarely, crossed· rt1l1e Ind ian Ocean. Later e:n, s_uc� sea voyages were also _ occasio11ally made. Strabo assures us tl1at 1n l11s tune (the end o� tl1e first century B.C.) ''Etl1iopians (tl1at .is, Africans i n general - Yu.K.) scarce])' use the Erytllfeian Sea at all" {i.e., tl1e Indian Ocean and the Red Sea)7• The pl1rase ''scarcely at all" signifies tl1at son1e cases of sea voyages did ta.ke place, however seldon1. •

More reliable evide11ce of Ethiopians or Axumiftes goin� to India by sea belongs to the fifth a11d sixtl1 centures A.D. ''Pseud o-Callisthenes" (Latin versio11 tl1ereof) says tl1at there were ma11y merchants from Ethjo pia, Persides and Ax11m at tl1e n1arkets of C , eylon. 8 ''Pseudo-Callistheoes" is a conventio11al nrune assigned :to an unknown author of a small treati se "01 1 Ir1dia and tl1e Brahn1ans'' incl11ded in the Alex.a.nder Book by ''Pseudo Callistl1enes''. The treatise is considered to l1ave been borrowed from tl1e History of La11siac11s, compiled by Palladius about 420 A.D. 9 Wl1oever the author of tl1e treatise may have been, the facts related by him are 111ai11ly trustwortl1y and testify to l1is personal knowledge of Soutl1 Ind.ia, CeyJ.011 and Ethi.opia. He 1says tl1at il1e visite d tl1ose countries, and n.ames 011e of his fellow ·travel1ers. The Alexander Book togetl1er with the trea tise \.Vas 1Lra11slated into 1nan)1 ancie11t and medieval languages, in,cluding L-�tin, Arabic, Geez, etc. Tl1e Latin translation is of special \'alue, as in tl11s_ text tl1e places that ;iiave becon1e 1nutilated in ·the only Greek original ava.ilable to us are preserved un.cl1anged . ''Pseudo-Callisthenes'' went to I �dia togetl1e_r wi, th Moses, the bisl1op 10f Adulis. The voyage of . the b1s·hop to I11 �1a can h�rdly be explained by n1ere curiosity. It is reasona ble . 1to suppose tl1ait the bishop travelled to India in order to visit his spici tual f•lock ._ It 1n ay _ _ be -�at �oses expec:ed to gaitl1er alms among tl1e Mono phys1te Cl1r�st1ans 1n Ind ia for the needs of tl1e diocese of Adulis. Certainly 1-t may be 111 [erre d tl1a1t Moses the bishop would. not l1a.ve made slldl1 a voyage unless he l1ad been followi111g a route already established by sailors and mercl1ants from Adulis. "Pseudo�Callistl1enes" says ,tl1at he knew a cer,tain Tlieban scholar _ . wl10 also vis1_ted Sou,th Ind ia a11d Btl1iopia. From Thebaida tfue scholar _ we� t to �dulis and _ tl��11ce l1e made a voyage to Axum, wl1ere ''tl1ere live d a king of the I11?1ans · I n Axurn l1e got acquainted wi th some ''Ind ians" (poss1_ bly AxuID.1Jtes) , and toge·tl1er w1"tl1 them he made a sea voyage to

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6a Nevertheless the adven lure of yan1· bu 1os • n a tl1e boa clos t eby rese n1bl es well-known tale; there is even a boat here . wlu ch traces back to tl1e fu11eral _boat. 7 Strabo, XVII, I, S. 8 Priaulx, "On ithe lndian ,en1bas . 1 t .us to the . R e � om , �'?m th� reign .of Claudi deatl1 of Justinian", Jotirnal iofsi: 1 e oyal As1at1c Society ·of Great Britain rand Ireland, XX, 278 9 Op. �it., 277; N. . Pigulevskaya' vizant · iya na putyakh v Jndiyu (Moscow - Leningrad, 1951 ). 70_

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In.di·a, the jCOUntry of Brahmans. Of course, .rt would have been possible for 1the Theban _sch1olar to rtravel to India the company of his own country men, but, for· curios,iity's ,sake, he preferred to go with nhe ''Indians'' of Axum - 1thait is· to s a. y, witl1 the Btbiopia:ns. Probably this was not the firsit uime 1that tlhese people had seit sail 011 the Indian Ocea!ll. Cosmas Indicoplettstes confirms the 11arrative o fi. ''Pseudo-Callisthe nes'' about tl1e voyages of Ethiopian sl1ips to Ceylon, and he adds a nu1n ber of irutefesting deitails. Cosrn.as was b1 India, 1Ceylon and Ethiopia at the beginning of ,the sixth century. He says that ·tihe island ,of Ceylon was often visited by ships from all the regions ,of ''India, Persis and Ethiopia'', tha:t Sin!halese goods were distribtlltecl :to ''Persis, Homiritia (South Ara bi a: - Yt1.K.) and Adtilia'' (land of Adulis in Ethiopia - Yu.K.) 10 Emeralds, purchased by tlhe Bthiopians from tl1e Blemmyes, were brought by them to "Barigaza'' i11 wester11 India and to ''\Vl1ite Hu.ns'' - the Efthalites of northern India - ·thus giving tben1 a great profiJt11 • Cosmas talks of ''ships from Ethiopia'', always meaning tl1ereby tl1e kingdom. of Axum, ancl about goods shipped to Adt1lis; ·therefore we may infer that the Axun1ites, or rtl1e i:nhabttants of Adulis, �rossed tl1e ,Indian Ocea11 in their own shjps. The Ethiopian ships of thart: time are described by Procopius Caesa rensis, when �1.e tells t0f the ki:ngdom of Axum and tb.e expeditions of the Axumites to Sout:11 Arabia. Procopi11s was a contemporary of Co.smas lndicopleustes. He says: ''They (the s-hips) ,are not 1greased with pitch or anything else; 1he boards are not knocked together by ir,an nails btllt they are tied witl1 ropes'' 12• Tl1e freigl1t-carrying capacity of sucl1 sl1i1Js, or, rather, boats, was 11ot great, but they appeared fit for distalllt ,sea voyages, -including voyages rto, Ceylon and North India. Tl1e r crews of tl1e boruts, evidently, were irrhabi1tants of Adulis, the mai11 port of the kingdon1 of Axun1. The peak of trading aotivity in Aclulis was in the fiftth and six1th cell'turies; at thait ti111e the town l1ad a fleet of rts O\Vn, which rtook part in tl1 e campaig11s of the kings of Axum. It can be supposed tl1at tl1e kings of Axum 11sed tl1e fleet of Adulis for their rrading and di.p lo1na.tic m.issions. Procopius give,s a de:ta.i1ed: ac.cotmt of how Ju.s:ti11ia.nt1s ''proposed to the Ethiopians thart: they should buy silk (m�taxa) from the India.11s and isell it 1to the Romans; thereby rthey woL1ld acq1tiTe great wea1th for then1selves, while the Romans wot1ld have only profit of no· t having to give money for tl1e metaxa (silk) to tl1eir enemies'' (i.e. to tl1e Persians) 13 • Ella Asbeha, king of« Axum, a,greed to the proposal made by J11stin.ianus, btrt ''did..not fulfil the agreemerut. The Ethiopians were unable to btty silk frcom the Indians, s.unce tlhe Persians, who inhabirted the land adjoining wi1 th the Indians, used to come to uhe povts where the Indian ships pulled in, usually taking (all) the cargo from the (the Indians). 14 It is possible that agen1s of Ella-Asbeha were sern to South India ,and Ceylon, where they became convinced of the impossibility of competing with the Persians. Evidently, such an attempt was really made. Otherwise we should have to suppose thait , tihe kilflg of Axum did not even try to fulfil his treaty wi1th ithe

JO The Christian "f.opography of Indicopleustes. Ed. with the geographic notes bf E.O. Winstedt (Cambridge, 1909), 322. 11 Op. cit., 324 ... 12 Procopius Caesarensis, De , hello -persico, 1, 19, 100. 13 Ib ·d., 20, 108. 14 Ibid. ,_ 21 -

�---...... , .. • Emperor, but sl1rugged off l1is u11dertaking by usi11g shamelessly false excuses. There is archaelogical evidence (no't quirte certain) on tpe Axumite 11:avigation to India. In 1940 i11 1tl1e North ,Ethiop�n monastery of Dabra Dammo a hoard of 104 Kushana gold coins was discovered. Five ,of them were double gold denaries or king Vim.a Kadp:bises II, five others were gold denaries of Kaniska, 88 were those of H�fska, alJld the 15ix_ 1a�est were gold denaries of Vasudeva !l. 15 To Huv1ska belong 88 coins 1nore t11at 80 per ce11t of the l1oard; to his successor Vasudeva - only six coins (less tl1an 5 per cent). Tl1is correlation may be expla1ned only bj' tl1e faat the hoard was acct1mulwted in the first years ,of Vasudeva's reign whe11 there were few of his coins in circulation. Vasudeva I came to the throne c. 220 A.D. Evidently all this Kushana money was exported fron1 India soon afiter this date, c. 222. In due course the money reached Dabra Da1nmo a11d was hidden there. Lt s�1 ould be noted t.h.a:t in the board there \\'ere 110 Ro1nan or Persia11 (Sassanid) coins; Axumite coins did not exist at ,tl1at time. Co11seqt1en,tly it may be assumed that t,l1e hoard was not aclcled to lwter, a.nd :tl1a1t it was hidden in Dabra Dam.mo soon afiter C. 222 A.D. Together witl1 tl1e coins were discovered remains of a gold-encrusted box in wl1ich 1tl1e coins were evide11Jtly enclosed. Judging by the desorip lion 16 tl1e box was of typical Ax1unifte style. It suggests that the owner \Vas an Ax111nite. He l111t1st have travelled to India, so1d his goods there and brougl1t tl1e proceeds l1ome. Wl1y ilid the hoard appear jn Dabra Dammo? It is difficult 10 suppose that c. 230 A.D. ,a Christ, ian monastery existed l1ere, Clrristianity pene trated to Etlliopia only a httnclred years later. Probably �t the place of the fut11re monastery tl1ere was already a mot1ntai11 pagan sanctua.ry, similar to 1il1ose k11own in So·utJ1 and NoJ.ith Arabia. It is difficult to say wl1etber tl1e box witl1 the coins was offered as a gift to a divi11ity of tl1e mountain or \vhether it belo11ged to a priest who l1 ad travelled t:o · India. The great valt1e of :tl1e hoard suggests the latter suppositio11. One hun.clred a11d f?ur coins valt1ed at 109 gold de11aries togetlher with .the precious box constitutes a sum for wl1icl1 a. mediun1-sized estate could be bougl1 t.

_ Even rut tl1e begi1mi11 g of the founteen111 century 1nedieval Ethiopians s�1ll r�me1nbered tl1e sea. voyages of their �n.cestors ,t o India, though the h1stonc truth l1ad by tl1en become obsc.ured by legendary details. In a great I ege11dary book, the Ke 1:>r� Nagast, dating fron1 tl1e begi11ning of the _ tt 1s contended tha:t Makeda, a A 1 fourte �nrtl � centt111'. ·· Iege11d_?IY Queen , _ ;? of a11c1e11t Etl1101J1a, l1ad serva11ts anci 111erchants; t11ey traded for l1er at sea and 011 la11d, in tl1e I11dies a11d i11 Aswan" 17_ And tl1e ''so11 of Makeda made _ a 'campaign iin 1'.he Indian Sea; tl1e king of India made gilts and donat1011s and prostratecl l1i111self before l1im"I 8 _ Botl1 tl1ese passages in

,. I \

15 A: 1'1orclini, "G-Li au r� Kushana, ·del :eonvento di Dabra-Danlillo. Un'iodizio _ su1. �apporti_ commer �1al1 fr a_ l'Indi a e l'Etiopia nei prinu secoli dell'era volgare", Atti ? el Convegi10 1nternaz.1on ale di istudi etiopici (Ron1a 195 9)' p.253 . '' 16 Op Cit., 252-253. 17 C.Bezold, Kebra 1Nagast: Die . Herrlicl1 kei.t d er Konige (Milnchen, 1905), ch ap. IO; Stefan Strelcyn, "Kebra Nagast czyli Chwala Krolow Abisynii", Fragn1enty (\Varszawa, 1956), 70. 18 Bezold, op. cit., chap. II; Strelcyn, op , cit. 157, -22-

the medieval Bthiopian book might be regarded , as groundless fancy; however, the facts considered above about the sea voyages of ancient Ethiopians make .it possible to point to an historical nucleus in the legends, whicl1 undoubtedly incorporate vague reminiscences about rthe overseas c.an1paigns of Axum (in SoUJth Arabia) and about sea voyages 1to India undertaken in their own s'hips.

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SOUTH ARABIA AN]) ETHIOPIA - AFRICAN ., ELEMENTS IN TIIE s0·01 II ARABIAN. POPULATION R.B. Serjear,t

�flus paper lays no clai1n to any great profundity but aims merely to raise questions whicl1 appear to tl1 e writer to merit detailed investigation. That there are close l1istorical liI1ks between tl1e two territories of Ethiopia and South-West Arabia is undeniable, but tl1e Yemen has been virtually a closed COlLDtry for a very 1011g ti111e, and Ethlopia is not nearly so well la1own as it shot1ld be to scholars, otl1er tl1a11 specialists. No\v, ,vl1ile -it is know:n fhat Ethiopj.a was colonised i11 antiquity from Sot1ther11 Arabia, a11d that Ethiopic is a language witl1 close affi11ities to ancient Sot1th Arabian, it is scarcely realised that peoples from the African shores of tl1e Red Sea settled in such r e, latively large 11umbers i n the Arabian Til1amah as to leave ·their e11durirng 111ark upo11 its population tip t o tl1is prese11t day. Of ·course the Africa.n ,elements in Arabia were derived fron1 various territories and dififerent ra. ces, :a11d it would be harcl to disti11gt1is'l1 no,vadays wl1ence exactly tl1e population of tl1 e Tihamah is draw1J. 1 Nor d:::> we have any i.nfa 1r1n.ation as to tl1e com · po,sitio'n of the Et.l1io pia11 forces and settlers in pre-Islamic Arabia. It cat1 011ly be st1r111ised tl1at tl1ose f 1orces contai11ed 11egroid a11d Hamitic ele1nents as vvell as Ethiopians of Sen1itic extractio11. T .he Arabic texts of the Islan1ic period 110\.vever contain 11u1nerot1s .refere11ces, scattered over a very extensive literat11re, to Etl1iopian contacts vvith Arabi.a, an d . in the first half of the 6tl1 century A.H. (12tl1 ce11tury A.D.) tl1e Najahid Sultans of Zabicl of the Jazali tribe aclually rttled part of Ye1nen,2 and their wazirs were of the Sal1 rat tribe.3 Botl1 are stated to be Abyssi11ia11 tribes. One of tl1e Najahid ge11erals is even described as an Amhara..4 Najah hi1nself was origi11ally a slave, bt1t whetl1 er l1 e was borI1 i11 tl1e Ye1nen or n1 erely brought over tl1ere is unclear. The publication of new pre-Islamic Soutl1 Arab·ian inscriptio11s l1as brotLgJ1t the question of the id.entity of the Baba.shat of ancient Arabia once more to the fore, and the problem haB been rece·ntly disc11ssed at Apart from otl1er considerations tl1e slave-trade i tself has a history of great antiquity. \Ve even l1 ave figures for the per capita tax on slaves brought from Jvfogadisho to Aden in the 14tl1 century. Slaves of Africa.n antecedents form a n�t negligible element in the popttlation of the Arabian peninsula. In Ha dran1a\vt today slaves are disti11guished as Nubal1 or Sawallil, i.e., from the \Vest bank of tl1e Reel Sea or hailing from East Africa. Some may even, I suppose, be FaUatal1, i.e. Nigerians. 2 H. Cassels Kay, Yar11a11 its early 1neciiaeval history, (Lo11don, 1892), 96/70. 3 Op. cit., J 04/76. Cf. A.K. Irvine. On the identity of I-Iabashat in the Sot1th Arabian inscriptions, Journal of Se111.itic Sti,clies, (Nlancl1ester, 1965), x,ii , 185 \Vitl1 11 reference to Sahartan in Arabia and Sabart in Tigray. Tl1e sligl1t dif ference in spelJing between sac/ and si11 i s in1material, as at the present ti1ne any\va·y they are not i.11frequent]y i11tercbanged. 4 Op. cit., 117/86. J

· - 25 -

l evi_de�ce it does appear a n o ti � ri sc in e h t m Fro lengtl1 by Dr. A.K. Irvi 1stncts fr o m at least d h a m a 1b T e th in l fu that tl1e Habasha t were power t en uth ci � So am th f o gy lo o n ro ch e h t , s a in ta er nc the 1st century B.C., and, u e re for t e �n e stab l1 s�e d h b d a b y e th 1 at tl e Arabian dynasties is, it could b e d . 1n _war_ with th e great ag ng e r o , to d ie much longer. They were a ll ill even now o ne st 1s h ic h w an d am H s a ch su ns Arabian tribal confederatio sh ni is ,to it ct as fa In . en m e Y th or N in ps of the most prominent tribal grou up s o f the pre-Islamic o gr al ib tr e h t , en m e Y ing to discover that, in tl1e , up to this a ds el m · o l h na gi ri o e ir h t in ss le r o e n rdly period hav e endure d , mor d re te ha al ve ha ts en nm ig al al ic lit po d very day, and tl1eir rivalries an th e Y em en is so littl e of n 1:io a l pu po , b ra A e th throughout history. li a t one coul d hav e expected th e m u s as to le ab on as re cl1ani ged, it would be s ct re ri he st w di ry e ve os th in is t i d an , so al ed the Habasbat to ha ve surviv e d e t th w ar fin t th ha as ab H e th of e nc e st xi e e th th e inscriptions refer to . A t th e time of the s ay ad w no in ig or n ca fri A population of unmistake· ably e scribed by d , sh bi ha A e th to es nc e r fe re e ar e er Prophet Muhammed •th e nu of tl1 ish Ba ra Qu of fa ula (h 6 ies all 1 e ''tl as aq tiq 1 Isl his Ibn Duraid in . sbat, wbjcb ma y be the Kinanal1 '', and he gives also tl1 e plur al Huba co.rrect way to vocalise tl1e Habashat• -of tl1e inscriptions. Kinanah was located in tl1 e Til1amal1, and tl1e very definition :of H uba sha t an d Ahabish in Arabic lexicons as a co111pany of body of me n not o� one tribe, f i st exactly tbe co11 ditio,ns in the Tihamah at the rpresent time - a mixed poJJt1latio11 of Semites and Africa11 s.- The name-also survive d in a place called Suq Hubashal1,7 an ancient market in the Tihamah at the time of tl1e Propl1et, eitl1er deserted or forgotte n early in tl1 e Islamic period, where there appears to �1 ave been a slave n1arket ib e longing to the Jewish tribe of th� Ba11u Qa111t1qa. Tl1 at tl1e African population continued to i11 habit tl1e T1l1amah after Islam is evident from a cas ual reference by the celebrat ed author a�--Mubarracl8 to tl1e "black Yemenite group'' quoting a poen1 of t l1e Uma1yacl period''.

ne . 5

Coming further sout�, to tl1e strip of Tihamal1 between Perim Island nd Ad�n, tl1ere are, to this da y, �t1riot1s vestiges wl1ich indicate Ethiopian �connections. I have already published notes9 on this area wh·1 cl1 1s · h eId by . ai·1�-1· ?_: subb . ai·hah 'tr1. b�, i11 cludi,11g a rock graffito \¥hicl1 resen s t l1e Sub te cert�in a(f1'?-1t1es w1tl1 the ancient Ethiopic alpliabe t, tlJough. 1·t mu b t [> .. admitted w1 tl1 other pre-Islan1ic alpl1abets too Tl1e e .1s a va tra ;it1on . of Christianity i11 ancie11t tin1es in tl1 is district whic� ln_1ay w_�fl� �ve some �oundation in fact. Very releva nt 110,vever i o 1th t s paper , i ' n t is tl1at, if tl1e Subail1is/Subb,1ihah are to' b� f�:°11t�f . ': h thhe ·A sa 1 1eid wit _ b.1 l1 of t l1e Arab genea 1 og1· S ts, t he1r· e pon) 11 1ous ancestor is Dl1u Asbah fLu.1.arith b·. Ma11·k, a d·esce11 d ant of whon1 wa's Ab rahaI1 b · ial-Sabbah k. ng of the T1l1a1nal1 . His motlier ,vas Railian a11 d al1g 1ter of Abrahah al-Asihran1, the 1 5

7. 8 9

Cf. f.n.3 The I-Iabasbat fig ure pron1ine ntlY in A. Janune, Sabaean inscriptions fro,n Mahra,11 Bilq'is (Marib) (B lti n1ore, 1962). Ibn Duraid, al-Jslztiqaq (Cairo �9 SS), 1 time 19 3· The fron �1abish figure to ti1:11e i1_1 the biograpl1y of tl1e op e _ ere s w a ell-known tradition l 1 �h �. � f� .. · c .1 \V s ?f. h wife 'A'ishah at hin Al i b B:1:1rhan al-Din al-H;l abi yssinia�� drui:nn1ers, and according to 1349 H.),. 1, 449, ,vI1e n tl1e Prop 1et al,:-S �f! 1, al- �1rat al-Halabiyah, (Cairo, a play ,v,th tl1eir spe ars ( la'ibalt :rrivc . in 117d1�a ·��e Abyssinians made al Habasl1al1 b1-h1rab1-lum) out of pleasure at the Apostle o f God." Yaqut, M11'ja1n al-bu/clan (Ca' ... � 906 ), 111 206, article "Hubashah". A 1-Ka,nil, (Cairo, 1927-37) al!�� '. , al-sud al-Ya111a11u11a. fa Notes on Subaihi territor Y,' , Le Afuseo ,z, (Louvain, 1953), lxvi, 123-13 1. - 26 '

king of al-I-Iabashah. Dhu Asbah was of the Himyar group. It has been pointed out by previous scholars that Himyar /Hamyar and Amhar have the same radicals, and while the evidence for the :geograp·hical origin of Semites who penetrated Ethiopia cannot be located in the country of the Subbaihah merely on such flimsy evidence, one can at 1east say that the Tihamah or the South Arabia coast would seem as likely a point of departure as any. T11e Subbai'hah and in faot those Arabs of the parts of the Tihamah I have visited tend to be much lighter in complexion - even reddish in hue, than the rest of the South !Arabians whose facial pigmen tation very often, one 111ight say, more -nearly approximates to a chocolate colou.r. For Arabs of cou-rse ·the word Habashi is associated wit'h dark colouri,ng - Abyssinian tresses of l1air is a metaphor of Hadra.mi verse and there are families and tribal groups which have tl1e name al-Habshi or al-Hubaishi, etc., though I sl1all not ventt1re to treat of the origin of these names here. The Ara.bs fail to take into accounrt the very light pig111enta tion that is to be found in many peoples of the African bank of the Red Sea. On a visit to Jizan 011 tl1e Sa'udi Arabian Til1amah coast just nortl1 of the Yemenite frontier in 1964 I was surprised ito find African huts of the ti,kul ·type in tl1e town itself, and f1.1rt'her inland whole villages of these tukuls, with a population, Arabic--speaking it is true, but completely African in apearance. Like the northern Yemeni Arabs these people were avid addicts to the qat leaf. Their excellent red ·clay pottery is of a diffe rent type from that found f10r instance in Hadramawt, and technically of a far higher quality than the examples I collected there. 10 Elsewhere in the district tl1ey make leather articles of African pattern. The same peoples, Arabs and African types, are to be found o·u the Yemenite side of the frontier. I was told tl1ey are called tl1e Ban.i Hurra'th :and they are a sort of mixture of slaves ('Abid) and Arabs. The nan1e i(Ht11Tath) of co11rse means cultivators. Certainly they did not give the .appearance of being Amharas, yet I d,o not believe that their a11cestors were slaves pt1rchased by the Arabs. At the large village of Mashaf in , lthe nortl1 Yemen Tiha mah. the ti,ki1l type huts are owned by the ;won1en - they consist 0[1 a single rou·nd room. plastered with clay witl1 dishes, baskets and pots tastefully arranged round its walls. The string-beds were decorated in a fashion more like a Sudanese angareb than an Arabian co11ch. iHere the men own the land, and the c'hi·ldren the sheep - an \arrangement quite contrary to anything else I have ever experienced in Soutl1 Arabia. Several different people have averred to me that these African types are the remainder of the Ahbash left behind when the Arabs took over the country from the Abyssinians. 11 They were categorically • stated to be quite 1

1 O My speculation that this pottery corresponded to African types was partia).ly confirmed when a sketch I made at al-Shaharah of a red clay water Jug in the Huku.mah building there, technically called qu'dah in Arabic, turned out to show the closest of affinities with jugs for water or beer from the Gojjam on display in the Institute of Ethiopian Studies Museum, Haile Selassie I University. These have a spherical body and tall neck with pro jecting rib decoration round the neck and upper part of the body, the ribs ornamented with cross-hatching. 11 They were also said by a Yemeni informant of mine to be descendants of Sh.imir (Shamir) the murderer of Husain at Karbala. I have since discovered the same story reported by H. Jacob, Perfun1es of Araby. (London, 1915), 24. This statement can be dismissed as pure fantasy, but it is an expression of the repugnance felt for the Akhdam.

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•

different tron1 ·the Akhdan1 (witl1 whom I shall deal below) described by some European scholars as ''Parial1 -castes''. In Jizan there seem t, o be few of tl1e social disti 11 ctions of the sort ma: de in the rest of Arabia, so tl1 at, as my infiom1ant put it, a black ma11 may marry a wl1ite (i.e. Arab) girl. Tl1e social distinction carefully observed between a tribesman �d tl1e n1eni-al groups sucl1 as the domestic servant and the barber, are said not to exist in Jizan eitl1er. This in its way seems to answer a problem of social history that had presented itself to me concer-ning what would have happen· ed to the Ethiopian soldiers of tribal or noble rank . w�en the Arabs gained co1rtrol over tl1ese Tiham1a h districts. Now I am 1ncl1ned to · population probabl)' tended to think tl1 at m,ost of the original Abyssinian assimilate witl1 tl1e Arab inl1 abitarrts to form t: l1e n1ixed strains one sees .in (he people of the Til1a111 al1 regio11s of Southern Arabia. In the other districts a rigid social barrier betwee11 the classes still obtains, and no perso11 will n1arry his daughter to a n1an in a lower social stratum. The · 0011 -Arab element i11 tl1e Til1a1nah populatio11 may of course have been augme11ted by tl1e i111port of sla, 1es fT01n 11egro Africa, but it seen1 s t o me 111ost lik: ely that tl1e Etl1iopia11s i. 11 Arabia, brot1gl1t over with them, possibly as colo11ists and soldiers, large 1 1 umbers of Africans of negroid extraction. Tl1e \vl1ole Til1a111al1 coast at 1an.y rate is stated to be populated by these darlc-skinned peoples o(• Africa11 appeara11ce witl1 an admixture of Arab groups or ele 111ents. '-'

I l ! l

1 1 1 Ade11 one encou 1 1ters ,1 -ero11p .... kno:wn as - of non-Arab ethnic origin the Al<l1clan1 (si11g11t.ar kl1adin1, servant), a word e11tirelJ' different from the vvord lcl1acldru11 ,vl1icl1 is qt1ite a respectable term for a house-servant. Jt seen1s that ,vl1ole valleys of the Soutl1er11 Yen1en are inhabited by the f-...k. .l1dam, L1ut ,vl1en they come to Aden - wl1 ere eacl1 tribe or district sending in Jabour see1ns to mo11 opolise some s1)ecial en1ployn1ent to the excltision wl1 ere po3sible of a11y otl1er tribe or district - the only w-ork I l1at tl1 ey ca11 fi11cl is as sweepers and scavengers. This e1nployn1ent is regarded as 1111clean and polluting, so no person will eat witl1 t11em. thougl1 Arabs in general will eat witl1 anyo11e even a person of a different raitl1 fron1 tl1 eir own, �o the Alcl1da1n becon1 e, in son1 e degree, outcaste.12 I11 tl1eir 11ative districts tl1 ey �1ppear to be cultivators. I 011ce lu1 ew a �l1adi1n _vvl1 on1 ot 1 r Arab_ soldiers considered a fi 11e singer a11 d tl1ey would 11sle11 \V1th pleasure to l1 1n1, tl1 ot1 gl1 they kept lu1n at a distance from tl1eir perso11s, �11d wo �II ? 11ot eve11 sJ,ake I1 ands \Vitl1 11i11 1. Popular belief attri butes var10L1s ,or1g 1 ns to �h �se Akhda111 , a111ong otl1ers ·tl1 at tl1ey are tl1 e descc 11dants ot tJ1e Abyss1n1ans wl1 0 colonised parts of tl1e Yemen before Islan1 .. I prefer for 1 11 y O\V 1 1 part to adva11ce tl1e l1 )'l )Otl1 esis tl1at they are a species of 1the co11ntry, and 1nay be related to tl1e Sa.b of tl1 e Africai1 side of tl1e Red Sea. I11vestigatio11 sl1ould be 1nade i 1 1to tl1e questio11 as to _ wh �Lher tl1ey resemble 111 an)' \Vay tl1e aboriginal peoples found in South India and Mala)'a. Beyo'J1d sayi11g tl1at they are dark, tl1 ot1gh general) )' ,

12 ,,

�n _spite of their bei1�g .outcaste the Akhdan1 have, no doubt, occasional in I us1ons of Arab blood, for ,vl:ile an _,.-\rab n1ay not n1arry a khadiniaJ1 he 111ay not be averse to sexual rclauons ,v1th l1er. 1�hc f\khclam arc reputed to be _ pro:111scuous and l l1ave been told that the kl1adin1 will n1arry at the sex�ally _ b �g1n111ng o[ each n1onth \ �hen he receives his pay, but repudiate his ,vife as �,,s_ n1one; rues ?ut,. _n1arry1ng a 11e,v \vife next pay-day. In suc\1 circusl'ances 1l 1s ' '.er; clcubtlul 11' the ,von1en observe the }slan1ic 'icldah, aocl so child's pat �rn1ty ,vould be o_ften confused. I l1avc no n1ean of checking this staten1ent ,vh1ch 110,vever l believe to be reliable. and of course it does not apply to all the Akdam.

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not bltlck, I ca11 offer no general description of their physical appearance. TJ1e Ak11dam are also to be found as field-workers in Socotra1 3• It must �10\\_'ev �� be st �ted he �e that the account given of them by J. Henniger, Par1astamme 111 Arab1en,. Festsc/1rift St. Gabriel (Wien-Modling, 1939), 532, draws 011 so �1rces which for the 111ost part seem very unrelia.ble; they l1ave also been discussed, if to a li1nited extent, by C. de Landberg' Glos-sc1ire Dat1r1ois (Leiden, 1920-42), 568-70. The Akhdan1, accordi11g to ,one i11for111a11t of mine are characterised �s speaki11g an Arabic different fro1n that of otl1er pe�ple. They say for . instance, 'Kltf/<,1,t /al<:: for ' qitltit lak' and 'c111t aklzbarkit-h' for 'akhbartu-h' but tl1is in itself does not seem to me to differ in general ftrom what has b�en_ rep?rted by Ettore Rossi in ltis .r1 JJpitrzti 14 from certain other nearby d1str1cts 111 tl1e Southern Ye111en. Tl1e dialects of tl1e Sot1tl1ern Yemen still await a thorot1gl1 scientific investigation whicl1 should prove rewarding, and tl1e Subaihi clialect in the Aden Federation presents similar features in at least certain respects, to tl1e dialects upon wl1ich Rossi made some few n, ,otes. The dialect of tl1e St1baihis / S11bbaihah is hardly intelligible to Arabs from n1ost otl1er districts, and ind.eed the spoken Arabic of the whole of this western region of South Arabia might be found to share certain cl1aracteristics witl1 the la11guages of Eritrea. Yet another non-Arab group, of1 dark pigmentation and stooky slurdy build, but, in my experience, witb, finer features than what I loosely call the negroid type, is assooiated with the Wadi Hajr of Hadramawt, and known as Hajri (plural Ahjt1r or Uhju-r). I first came across them at the .. little coastal anchorage of al-Bisi in 1947 wl1ere they were loading riurah onto our dhow. Tl1ey are also· known as Subyan (singular S.abi, feminine Sabiyah). They work as field-labourers, servants, and at various other occupa tions, and can be found in tl1e Wadi Daw'an, Habban, and oilier parts of Wahicli territory, 'Awlaqi country and elsewhere. Tho11gh they are regarded as inferio, r (11c1 qis al-as!, dun) they are not in any sense pariahs, and people eat with them. Arabs will :take their girls in. marriage but not give them their ow11 d-augl1ters. In the mediaeval period they were some how associated with tl1e Sultan Bin Dagb.ghar of Wadi Hajr - I imagine they would come 1mder his protection. 15 Ma.ny of them are now to be found at Abyan just east ,of Aden. Again, one view held about the Hagris is that ,they are descended from the Abyssinian invaders o� Southern Arabia, and it is worth while 1:o recall that some scholars of the ancient South Arabian inscriptions have put forward a theory that the ancient Habasha:t resided near Hadramawt, pres11mably near the coast, that is to say in this area. When I was in the Husn al-Gburab district on t � part of the coast jn 1947 local people told me o'f a legend of a certa.1:n Sam13 During my stay on Socotra �n the �xpedition of 1967 my impression was that the black population consisted mainly of ex-slaves. No Akhdam came to my notice. · · . . ' d /' g 14 E. Rossi, Appunti di dialettologia del Yemen, Rivzst� de i Stu , Or1ental1, (Roma, 1937), xvii, 30. . . •law mary s still therr custo e keep hous ghar Dagh Bi.p the 15 At the present time precedents (sawalif al-liaqq 'i11,l Birr Dag/1g�1ar), these _take. the for� of p!ea (cla' lva) a,zcl coi,11ter-plea (taq}va.. ) There _is an a;lu�1on 1� a� t1n1dentif1e? Ms. I saw in Hadramawt to subyan, described as ab1d HaJar m the chromcles for the year 939 H. (1532-3 A.O. ). - 29 -

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ma'ma' b. al-Dhubyan who was supposed to have lived in this pre-Islamic ·citadel in ancient times - I later f-0u.nd the same legend in a mediaeval Arabic book with mention of the nam e of this same person, and, having found oral tradition to be so long-lived i-n one respect, I think that the belief held locally that the Hujur originally came from Ethiopia should not be dismissed as mere nonsense. Subya11., Sab, and AkJ1da1n

The ethp.ic relationship between the Hugur or Subyan - if these two terms be synonomous as is asserted, and the A.kb.dam, or for that matter t11e non-Arab population of the Yemenite Tihamah, is still an open ques tion, and not one that will ea.sily be resolved. One cannot help however but remark that both occupy a place in Arab society which has ma-ny points ofi similarity to· that wl1icb the Sab occupy in society in Somalia and - (n1ay I hazard a guess?) - perhaps in Ethiopia also. It may be ali sin1ply a false etymology of course to see any link between the Som 16 wl1ich latter means a boy (al-Jah.iz 17 also Sabi ic Arab e 1 and word Sab, tl uses tl1e nrunes Subyah and Ghulaiyim for slave-names). Nevertheless there is a remarkable corresponde.nce between the Sab and the Akhdam wl10 form a surpprisingly large fraction of the population of the Southern Yen1en. Dr. I. Le,vis 18 even reports tl1at tl1e Sab use the word ga111.bar (seat of a cl1ief) as a lineage tenn - corresponding to the Yemenite word qa111bara, to sit. (I migl1 t interject here that in Dubai I knew a driver of Afro-Persian parentage witl1 tl1e name Qan1bar, though whether it bas anytl1 ing to do \Vith the Sab word I do not know). In one particular the Akhdam of the Yemen differ from t'11e Sab, in that tl1e Sab appear to be mainly craftsmen whereas tl1e Akl1dam are usually, to the best of my knowledge, cultivators, but of course condition.s differ as between the two areas. All these groups are dependent for protection ,on noble tribes, Ara.b or Son1ali. It is curious that tl1e Somali Sab are acct1sed of eating meat considered in1pure, as also are tl1e Sanakim near Zabid wl1om the media eval author al-Sharji19 accuses of eating carrion, drinking intoxicants, and neglecting Islamic law - they had a sl1 aikl1 \Vho beat on t11e d rum, and they are described as 'Abid, a term whicl1 is loosely used to cover any ?�rk perso1:-s of non-Ar�b features. I l1eard it said 11 1yself tl1at tl1e people 1n some parts of the T1hamah eat tmclean n1 eat. The Sab are believed to possess n:ia.gical � owers and tl1ese are attributed also to some of the . races of �fr1can ?r1g1n _ on the Arabian Side, but tl1is is not a topic I J1ave yet had time �o 111ve��1gate very fully. Tl1e Subyan are certainl)' held to be. endo _ ':"ed with 1nag1cal po �ers, and popt1lar superstition maintains that the J1nn1yah so well k.no\vn 1n tl1 e Red Sea countries, Un1m al-Subyan is

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16 C. de Landberg, G/ossaire <lati11ois (Leiden ' 1920-42) 'J 117 · ' 17 A l-Bukha/a (Cairo, 1956), 173. 18 Cf ,- l .:r,. f, . L e,vis, A P as � t 1 ·� l De,nocrac)', (Oxford, 1961 ), 14. I mean the M 1dg aan, T amaal an d y 1 b 1r b ondsmen of N Son1atI·1 an d , are distinguished from the noble Son1ali wit11 wl1om . "Th e thr ee groups n1ucl1 the �an1e physical features, by U1eir ractice of _ tl1�y . appear to share �pec1al1st cr�fts su�h as n1etal-\vork1ng and Jeather-,vorking, shoe-m�kin I , £, activities whicl1 noble Sonlali pastoralists scorn ,· T�unt.Ing and l1atr-dress1ng · witl1 the Digil and Rahanwiin whose con)mo a .,,1ev a!e not to be c0i:ifused ce5 are _of noble birth. O n the Arabian side ::r t� e lo r 1s called Sab but �ho despise c_ia: ftsn1en, bt1t the latter are usually of A r Red Se a t he Ara� tnbes ab blood, and cer tainly not outcaste 1n any , sense. 19 Al-Sharji, Tabaqat al-Khalvass, (Cairo, 1903), 94_ - 30 ·-

tl1eir ancestress. In Maifa' of Hajr there are ma.ny Jin.n, known locally as sikirz (singular, sikini) and Shuqn,ah is a siki�iyah ,or female Jinni of Maifa', living in a mountain there called Shuqun. She is said to be a witch and the ancestress of the Subyan. A Sabi I taxed with ancestry remoooting to Umm al-Subyan jocularly denied i t was true though he evidently knew that this was a current tale :the country. A.mong the Subyan there persists an un-Islamic code of sexual behaviour - though it must also be remarked that among the tribes of pure Arab descent one also finds here ,and there customary practice in matters of sex quite un-Islamic. Modern Arab writers20 allude to these customs in veiled tern1s, adding that i t is better not to report them, but historians of past times were much franker. A case from the Mukalla Residency files in 1946 reports tbait the offender in an 1adultery case, a Sabi, asked that his offence be judged in accordance with Subyan custom (salifah), i.e. t'l1at he should make the offended husband a money payment and give hin1 l1is sister in marriage by way of compensation.. The woman in the case simply returned to her husband. The . Sab do not intermarry with the Somali tribes on the African side of the Red Sea, nor do the Akhdam marry Arabs on the Yemenite side. Colonel Jacob21 quotes a saying: a Yemeni shaikh has taken to him self a khadim's daughter, thus disgracing qabyalah, or tribal honour. Somalis believe co11tact with the Sa.b group of Yibir to be defiling, as Arabs do in the case of the Akhd.a·m, though perhaps this may only be when the latter are scavengers. The Jabart (Gabc1rt)

The polyglot population of Aden, i11 close contact with the African side of the Red Sea, l1as always included constituent elemen,ts of peoples hailing from Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Abu Malchramal1,22 vvriting circa 1500 A.O. mentions Zaila'is, Mogadisl1ans, and says tl1at in fa.ct most of the inhabitants are Abyssinians (Hubush) a:nd Barabir. About this period too fhe wars had made numbers of slaves from Damot available for pt1rchase on the Arab side, a·nd Galla slaves are also men tioned.23 The Ifat region ofi Ethiopia is known to have been inhabited by Muslims from the early 13th century A.O. and probably before that time, but it was k.nown to the Arabs a. s Jabart and regard©d as forming part of the Zaila' region, also called Barr Sa'd al-Din by Yemeni writers and others. From scattered evidence in Arabic sources there was clearly much

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20 There are some notes on the Subyan in Muh. b. Hashim, al-Rilzlah ila 'l-thag/1rai11, (Cairo, 1350 H.), 12-3, & 'Alawi b. Tahir, K. al-Sharnil, (Singa pore unpublished), 74 seq The latter writer distinguished between the Hujur who� he believes to be descendants of the ancient Abyssinian invaders, and the Subyan whose origin he thinks is simply negro. I have further fieldnotes of my own. 21 Op. cit., 25. I find this quite extraordinary and almost inconceivable in this type of tribal society. 22 O. Lofgren, Arabische Texte zur Kenntnis der Stadt Ade,r im Mittelalter� (uppsala, J 936), i,54. 23 Cf. Forms of plea, a Safi'i manual from-al Sihr, Rivista degli Stucli Orie11tali. (Roma, 1955), xxx, i-ii. - 31 -

--a bi t ra es A -W th u -_indeed So d an ce in ov pr is th n ee tw be g coming and goin om t fr or ch e p �h "Y'hl as _ th e s ce ur so c bi ra A y b ed at gn si Bailul is de e T?re-Islam1c period. t� 1n en em Y 1e t] ck ta at to ed ss , Abyssin.ian forces cro d e by an 1, th la a1 y rl -Z ea al as n ow kn rs la l1o sc f o es ili · The Yemen l1as fam he is s bl fi ta u S_ es �· y o . il d at m fa a e er w ti ar ab J '1u an B e th y 9tli/ 15th ce11tt1r he Egyptian . T 1m al ed at br le ce a as w rs be em m r Ta'izz, and on e o( thei e nc re fe s y s to a re ba ur nt ce th 15 4 l1/ 9t 1e tl ng ri ve co i2 w ha biographer al-Sak e e . to th t1s rt bo a ba of Ja t es qu be e th d n a. , ca ec M at rt ba Ja Shaikl1 or the t e a th so ar al em ih th A r fo t) ar ab -J al fiq i\.V (R el st there. There was a l1o e family of th e th at h t_ y sa _ ly r� ha ed ne I . od ri pe at .at th ro University of Caj of that country, on s1 va 1n c ni eo ol ap N e th of n ria sto l1i tian farnot1s Egyp m e ly th fro al in .ila' ig Za or 11g ili ha ily m fa a om r fi d de en sc de s wa ti, ar al-Jab • province. At tl1e present day however tl1e Jabart/ Gabart in Aden are of an e11tirely different class from the scholarly families or the past, and it wotild be interesti11g to know n1ore precisely whence they come in Etl1iopia, a.11d to wl1at stratun1 of the popt1lation they belong. Adenese tell me tl1at tl1e Gabart are a tribe from Eritrea, dark of complexion, tall and with 'fi11e features. Unlike the Akl1dam their womenfolk: are respectable persons. Tl1ey speak pidgin Arabic, and are employed by the Aden Mu.11jcipality as scavengers, collecting the night-soil from the ialali in s111all barrels (clabbcth) at 4 a.m. each day. They are very strict M.uslin1s and very clean, wearing clothes dyed with indigo, and they live in a street o( their own callecl Shari' Hafat al-Gabart. According to n1y i11(orn1a11t they are famous for tl1eir tit111bi1ra/1, 25 a sort of harp, v,1l1icl1 they play wjtl1 drums called cli1·111a111al1, dancing to the music of tl1ese exuberan·tly, the daJ1ce also being called dir111a111a/1. They work tl1e111selves into a state o( excitement, called gadbalz 26 in Arabic, and fall to blows witl1 each other. An Ade11i Arab can join in tl1eir dances, but tl1ey_ cl1ase away a11yone who goes rto tl1eir meetings- without shoes. o.rd1nary Arabs do not . eat with tl1e Gabart - as tl1ey do not eat ,v1tl1 the Akl1dan1, regarding tl1e sweeper class as U11clean. The khadims aiid tl1e Gabart inter1narry and a few Arabs have married into tl1e Gabarl. Whal is n1ost curioLIS abot1t tl1e Gabart however is the strange fear . s l1�ve of tl1en1 a11d tl1e tlia_, t t11e Ade11 Arab stories told about them. It is curr�11t �opular belief that if yo11 go out at night in the month of Safar (whi�h 1 s regarcled as a.n unlt1cky tin1e anyway) the Gabart v.1ill catch Y?l1 c:1nd .take yo11 to tl1e Masonic Lodoe is ·at al-Ma'alla which O .' know11 1.n Aden as·· Da ' r 'al-Sh ai· tan. There tl1ey will (eed you 1:111 you are fat , lben cut your tl_1r?at, pour yot1r blood int o a small bucket (balidt) . . and mak e mo11ey (g11z1!1at) out Of 1·t · I suspect there are many vanat1ons o r ti 1ese ere dt1lous tales such as tliose reporte · . a greater wealth . d with of! circuinstantial ' cle 1,'� 1- 1 bY tl1e . Frencl1 adve11h1rer of tl1e inter-war pe-

24 Al-Sakhawi' al-Dau,' al:la,n,, ·· 1 29 . o, 1353 1-I) ii 282 ., (C atr , .., ' vu, ··· 87' iv, . ' ill, · ?62 ' , 136, x, 120. Al-Shar11 op ·c·lt., 195 h as a special section on al-Mashayikh ' ' Bantt l-Jabarti. 25 Tan1burah is a word also kn . an own mean in al-Bahrain to seems wl1ere it African dance. 26 Class.Ar. jadl,b C f. Landber g Glos . �· Dat,, 272 ,·vhere jadl,abh is described as a sort of dance .executed 'at tlle , inalv , 1cl of a sait1t - 3'1- ,

riod, Her1ri de Monfreid27 who was told that Lhe victim is taken to Jabal al-Nar a11d slaughtered like , aITT. animal, each Gabarti eating a piece of l1is flesh. •

Magic in a general way of course is associated by the South Arabians with Africa - as for instance the spirit taking possession of women in. tl1e za,· is sometimes distinguished as being a Habashiyah.28 In all the ports of tl1e Arabian coast now-adays of course Somalis are to be fot1-nd, some settled, and some as sailors in ; the dhows that freqt1ent the Arabian coast. They intermarry with Arabs sometimes, thot1g.h perhaps not very frequently. One of their activities which has more than a passing interest is tl1at they go to al-Mukalla to tap the in cense (lr,bari) trees that grow on the upper part of the mountains on the Hadrami coast. This could. be a trading activity that goes far back into antjquity, long beyond the period when the Somalis first came to the Horn of Africa.

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·21 H. de Monfreid, Sea adver1tures, (London, _ 1946), _1�0 seq. 28 I have noted that in Aden (where tl1e zar 1s prob1b1tecl by law but flounsl1es) a woman who has had many zars is said to have "al-Ism" - lite� ally, "t� e _ Name". This is afte.r she has had many zars only, such as Zar Ha basl11 (Abyss1n1an zar). - 33 -

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ALCUNI VESTIGI DELL'ISOLA DI DAHLAC CHEBIR E LA LEGGENDA DEi FURS Gii,sep/Je Puglisi

I pocbi che l1anno studiato i vestigi della pii.I grande isola dal Mar Rosso l1anno portato la loro attenzione al villaggio di Dahlac Chebir soltanto, famoso per le sue epigrafi e le sue cisteme; e nessuno si e curato degli altri villaggi, nen1meno di auello di Adal, cl1e la tradizione indica come il piu antico dell'isola. La fortuna ha voluto che io rinvenissi, nel 1947, i resti di una costru zione axumita nel villaggio di Gim'l1ile, ed altri parimenti antichi in quello di Dal1lac Cl1ebir, dei quali intendo trattare in queste note. Inoltre, dopo gli studi del Monneret de Villard, sull'espansione iranica in Af'fica Orientale, vorrei sciogliere alcune riserve che, da quasi due �ecoli, sono state avanzate sulla leggenda che attribuisce ai Persiani le costruzioni dell'isola di Dahlac Chebir e del Mar Rosso, tutt'ora d'origine sconosciuta. l - L'ccrcipe/c1go clelle Dahlac

L'arcipelago delle Dahlac, che fronteggia la costa eritrea all'altezza di Massaua, consiste di circa 220 isole; e un tavolato madreporico basso e piatto, frantumato in isole e isolotti, che rappresenta parte di quella superficie sprofondata, che univa i11 antico I'Africa all'Arabia, oc.cupata ora dal Mar Rosso. Poco fa vorito dalle pioggie, coperto di povera vegetazione, esso soffre di decadenza demografica ed economica, che ha ridotto in rovine la tota1 ita dei suoi villaggi, nello stesso triste destino toccato alle isole dei Bagiuni della Somalia, dopo un periodo di floridezza. La popolazione non supera le duemila anime, compresi gli immigrati Dancali ed i Rasciaida dell'Arabia saudita. 11 suo ceppo umano piu antico, rappresentato forse dai Mahesi delle isole foranee, va estinguen dosi, come pub pure dirsi degli abitanti della grande Dahlac, centro econo mico maggiore dell'arcipelago nel passato. La sua econ,omia si riduce ad una magra pastorizia, a pochi traffici marittimi ed alla 'pesca e raccolta di prodotti del mare, fifa cui quella delle perJe, praticata da marinai che vengono dall'Arabia. Si e sempre pensato che l'economia dell'arcipelago fosse fondata sui commerci e le attivita peschereccie, ossia sulla funzione di emporio di scambio tra la costa araba e quella africana, e con le correnti com merciali facenti capo all'Oceano Indiano ed al Golfo di Suez; invece, secondo 1a tradizione locale, l'economia e stata sempre a sfondo pastorile, essendo ii commercio e la pesca, in prevalenza, attivita di immigrati. - 35 -

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'E' vero cl1e le Dahlac, giacenti nel mare piu caldo del mondo, inospi tali perche prive di risorse naturali, e un tempo maliamate come luo�o d'esilio politico e di relegazione,1 furono pl1re famose come empor10 comn1erciale e per le loro pescherie di perle, quando Massaua _ contava appeoa qt1alc]1e casa e poche capanne; ma e pure vero che la v! ta dell� loro popolazioni dipese principalmente dalla pastorizia, sol cbe s1 osserv1 cl1e, nella grand.e Dahlac, dei ve11tiquattro villaggi cbe si contavano un ten1po, u110, Dahlac Cl1ebir, sorgeva st1l mare, mentre i rimanenti giace vano nell'interno2; e non per difesa dalle inct1rsioni piratesche, quanta per provved.ere i greggi di pa�coli. Soltanto nelle isole minori, Noral1, Nocra, Del1el, ecc., i paesi sono sorti sul n1are. I pascoli erbacei 3 vi sono ste11lati e di breve durata, a causa. del suolo roccioso o poco profondo, e per ii piccolo 11u1nero di pioggie tra dicernbre e marzo4. L'alimentazio11e del bestian1e (capre, buoi, cammelli) e delle gaz.zelle dipende da tali risorse, esaurite le qt1ali, il bestiame viene trasferito su altre isole, s1Jecie i11 quella. di Scit1n11na. In certi periodi suppliscono le foglie ed i baccelli di ac�1cia (,r?araf), di ct1i si trovano boschetti in varie localita, e le foglie di avice1111ia offici11alis (sciora), appetite dai carnrnelli, di cui J Jrospera110 vaste fonnazioni s11IJe rive lagu.11ari di varie isole. Per la ricerca di t1n'eventuale agricolt11ra nell'anticbita, e difficile irnn1agi11are lo stalo dei terreni d.ella grande Dal1lac t1no o due m.illenni addietro, dopo le distrt1zio11i della flora ed altre 1nodifiche apportatevi dall'uon10; fra l'altro si pe11si al taglio dei boschi di palma durn, che lt1sst1reggiavano, fi110 a.l 1935, in ogni villaggio, di cui ora resta qualche ciuffo nei villaggi di Dubellu, Gi111'l1ile e in pocl1e altre localia. 5• Sarebbe. tuttavia info11data l'afifer1nazione del Munzinger, nel 1853, secondo la quale "gli abita11ti di Dal1Iac non coltivano il terreno percl1e temono di eccitare sempre piu l'ingordigia <lei loro padroni" tt1rcl1i6• Come rile,,ava, giusta me11te. il cap. Giuseppe Noe, 11el 1891, la terra ''1100 promette retribu.zione per chi tenlasse di coltivarla, con1e si pratica alle isole Farsan, si1nmetrica men te disposte rispetto a quelle di Dal1.lac, presso la cos ta asiatica. E' cl1e 1

3 4

Le Da l1Iac furono luogo d'tsilio specialmente sotto i califfi di Dam.asco e di Bagdad: v. Bas�et: "Les in�criptio 1'.s de Dahlak", in Journal asiatique, IX, I, 1893. II patroa1n1 1 co 11onfi, 11unE1 = recluso, prigioniero, e ancora usato nei paesi di Dal1 l ac Chebir, di Dass-110 e c'e una casa.ta dei Bet 11onfi in quello di Sa.lhet. Di ,a lcuni paesi, per l o piu disabitati, annoto i 11on1i: Dahla c Chebir Amrac Merke, ivla'in, Ada l , :rvlen1La, Erue, Derbtiscet, Addadas Dubell� Ibare' S�lbet, �umbeiba, �ass-110! Sedda�f, Gin1'hil e, _Sogori, Malc�n1a. n ,,ii laggett; d1 Sa ll1et prod,uce_ for!11agg10 capr1110; quello di Amrac era l'unico ,3. produrre ,terrecotte, nell arc1pela.go, ollre a quello dell'isola di Desset. Fra le pianure pascola.tive si ricordano quelle di Sogori, .'-\dal Adaito Ghedet Ad�adas, A.ssaghe, ale�� d_elle qu� li, n1i clicevru10, che fino a 'qualche'decenni� add1eLro erano n1olto p1u r1cche d 1 erbe. Le pioggie, scarse d! 11umero, so_no _talyolta torrenziali, rria le acque scolano _ �. A Dass-ho m1 d1cevano l n10J_to ,prest? nel ma1 c 1e 110n ci pioveva da quio . · dici . anru, pur p1ovendo v1cmo Al ,passaggio del Bruce, g li abitanti di Dubcllu producevano ces"LUll ;�: el"'ooan, . u· 00I O �at. con f Og1·Ie 1OCa 1·� d1· pal.ma d'!-m, inlJJermeabiJi ai Jiquidi, CO! lle se ne � 1n � an _ no _1n �nc�, :a, che vew _va.no venduti. anche a Loheia ed a Gcdd.a. In seguito t ton1 insensate d 1 un trenten1110 fa • senza tener conto a1 1e dJS ruz . nemn1eno de1· · · · germog li � ogg1 s1 lIDportano_ da Agordat le foglie, per .iotrecciarne c.o.rde per i _ sambuch1 locali, ed 1_ tronchi per la copertu,ra delle case da Lo1ieia'· "Studi sull'Africa Orientale", Roma, 1890. - 36 '-:\.

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le Farsan risentono l'influenza d'una regione che ha un clima alquanto piu mite e godono di pioggie abbondanli. non solo d'inverno, ma anche in autunno, che permettono coltiva.zioni, mentre le pioggie che cadono a Dahlac sono sempre scarse''7• A prova di cio ricordo il fa]lito tentativo agricolo, unico in questo secolo, compiuto dal commerciante di perle All Nahari, in localita Ariret, presso ii villaggio di Gim 'bile, usufruendo delle pioggie: per due o tre anni, il Nahari fece seminare cereali che non giunsero mai a mettere 1e spighe. Risultati favorevoli si ebbero, invece, sino al 1941, in un orto irriguo, nella piana di Assaghe, presso il campo principale di ricerche dell'AGIP ed in un orto annesso al peniten·ziario di Nocra. · Ricapitolando, ]e Dahlac non furono celebrate in passato perche i suoi abitanti traessero ricchezze dal mare, ma per la loro posizione geo grafica favorevole ai traffici di scambio, e per i loro bancl1i perliferi, che richiamavano pescatori e mercanti anche dal Go1fo Persico e dall'India, fino alla prima guerra mondiale, che giungevano nella stagione adatta. 2 - Vestigi c1xu111iti /Jresso Gi,rz' l1ile

Fu una vera sorpresa per me il ritrovare i ruderi di una costruzione axumita presso il villaggio di Gim'l1ile, nella parte nord-occidentale della Dahlac Cl1ebir, sfuggiti all'osservazio11e perche poco elevati sL1l terreno. Giacciono essi a circa 100 n1etri a Sud-ovest dell'abitato, presso il pozzo Ela Camarani ed alcuni arbusti di henna dei Bet Nahari, quasi in corporati in un vecchio cimitero.

La costruzione e conosciuta dai paesani come ''Canisa al F11rsi''. chiesa <lei Persiani, ma non si tratta di chiesa cristia11a.

Cio che resta e un podio rettangolare, alto poco pii1 d'un 111etro da terra, con i Jati di m. 11,50 x 7,50, l'asse n1aggiore orie11tato secondo il meridiano, e tracce di un tramezzo divisorio seco11do l'asse Est-ovest; costruiti con massi squadrati e senza malta. ·Resti di calce tenacissima (come il gibis usato nelle cisterne di Dahlac Chebir) si notano i11 una tentata nuova sistemazione di materiali di demolizione sul fianco orie11tale del podio.

L'attribuzione di questo rttdere agli axumiti e basata sulla presenza di alcuni materiali di demolizione - quattro capitelli quadrati a tre scalini, ed un pilastro quadrato a spigoli smussati, tipici dell'architettura axumita o sudarabica - sistemati arbitrariamente, in epoca posteriore, sopra j lati orientale e meridionale del podio. A giudicare dalla presenza dei quattro capitelli, poteva trattarsi di un'edicola a carattere sacro, per un'ara votiva o un tronetto, simili a quelle di Toconda e del Cohaito. Circa l'epoca, si potrebbe parlare del II o III sec.ct.Cr.; ma la data zione si deve connettere con quella che er,a la contemporanea espansione dell'impero axumita ed ii fiorire della vicina Aduli. 7 Rapporto· inedi1to .sulle isole Dahlac, del 6 febbraio 1891, a� c;oll?ando �ilitare Italia· n,o di Massaua. Tra le note autografe del gen. Baratier1, s1 legge 1n una sulJa coltivabilita delle isole, asserita dal Munzinger: "Credo che la causa dell'agriooltura -trai.scurata sia invece nella mancanza di acqua ad hoc, che non basta quella dei pozzi". - 37 -

Perche f-t.1 costrt.1ito qt.1esto tempietto di Gim'hile, villaggio P:i Vo di tradizio11i, ossia, c1ual era l'in1portanza di Gim'hile nell'epoca axum1ta? Nessuno dei vicini abitanti potrebbe dircelo, forse perche per la grandc a 1 1tichita dello sco1nparso villaggio o per il nessun ru� lo giocato d� qt1ello sorto dopo, se 1 1e e perduta del tutto la memor1a. �a n_on s� sarebbe lo 11ta11i dal vero, ritene11do che si trattava d'un v 1. IJ a.gg10 di pastori, co11siderando cl1e 11elle vicinanze, ad A.riret, c'� una co�ca pascolativa ed u11 bosco d'acacie, prossimi al luogo del fall1to ten.tat1vo agricolo del Nal1ari. 3 - ll ,,iflar5gio cli Dal1/c1c C/1ebir

II 111aggior villaggio dell'isola pri11cipale, l'omo11i1no DahJac Che? ir, e l'unico c11e sorga st.11 mare, a.I Iimitare di una estesa pianu.ra madreponca. Secondo una tradizione, sarebbe sorto st.1 un banco marine lasciato in secco dalle 011de. Fro11teggia la pe11isola di Buri, nel punto in cui la gra 11de isola e piu prossin1a alla terrafern1a, ed e il porto tradizionale dell'isola. Notevoln,ente esteso, il villaggio appare corne una distesa di ruderi e cli n1acerie, fra cui si salva110 le n1oscl1ee dai b,:1ssi 111ir1areti. Le pocl1e case abitate soreono st.1 strati di materiali di rifiuto e di demolizione ,.. accun1ulatisi nei secoli; le case, calcolate 11el 1516 i11 circa duecento, sono in rovina, e le vit1zze ridotte a viottole fra le n1acerie che le ingombrano. Reca n1eraviglia .il volt1me dei ct. 1 muli di rifiiuti attorno e dentro J'abitato, costitt1iti da stereo caprino e da terriccio di spazzatura, segno della loro antichita, a giudicare dall'altezza3• Lontano, verso l'interno, si notano i resti dell'antica necropoli, delta dei Ft.1rs. A Ovest-nord-ovest, dal mare sino al ciglio della detta necropoli, s'inconlra110 altri cun1uli di antichl materiali e di costruzioni cro]late, presso i quali sono stati ricavati cimiteri piu recenti, dove fu piu facile scavare che non nella roccia madreporica della piana. In co1 1clusione, ii villaggio e tutto un cin1itero, stretto fra gli antichi ed i n1orli recenti, oppresso da tanti resti mortali e da ta11te macerie; eppure esso, e non Massat.1a, co1ne si e sen1pre pensato, ft1 l'erede di Aduli, dopo la scon1parsa di questo ulti1110 emporio. Secondo la tradizio11e, i Ft.1rs, questi favolosi mercanti e costruttori, ii cui nome ricorre in t t1tto il Mar Rosso, e principal111ente nelle Dahlac, abitavano solto le tencle; ricordo forse travisato di un fatto piu probabile, che abitassero in,1 ece in capa1111e, come fa11110 oggi gl'in1migrati, pur dove esistono ca�e disabitale, percl1e 11011 co11siderati con1e figli del paese dai DahJachi11i. 4 -1 l rt1clere clc1/la c·olo1111a

A Ovest <lei paese di DalJlac Cl1ebir, oltre il letto d'un ton·entello. s'incontra t.111 alto cumt1lo di rovi11e, fra altri consimili, sul quale si scor� go 110 gli ava11zi di u11 edificio sconoscit.1to, somn1erso dalle n1acerie. E' un altro podio, piu elevato di qt.1ello di Gi1n'hile, di cui si vedono i massi 8 Cumuli 11otevoli di rifiuti, simili a collinette nella piantll'a, si trovano pure nei villaggi di Dubellu, Derbuscet, Adal, a guisa di mt1ra intomo all'abi1ato, o negli spiazzi tra le abitazioni. - 3� -

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squadra ti di u110 spigolo. Sul lato che era forse la facciata dell'edificio, alla qt1ale si doveva accedere con una scalinata, si notano alcuni arcbetti, che reggevano il pavimento coronante il poclio. A rianco di quello cl1e poteva essere l'ingresso dell'edif.icio, aula o padiglione, si trova an cora ritto u11 n1ozzicone di colonna marmorea, cilindrica, ricoperta da scanalature spiraliformi, t10 rocchio della quale giaceva st1l terreno vicino, quando visitai il luogo. A giudicare dalla colo11na, potrebbe lrattarsi di lina costruzione del IV o V sec., forse l111a chiesa cristiana, co11 influssi siriaci9• E' l'edificio piu antico visibile nel paese, quantt111qt1e non si pub dl1bitare che altri piu antichi ne rima11gano sot-to gli strati di 1nacerie e di� rifil1ti dell'abitato. )

Sulle cister11e di Dal1lac Chebir e di Adal ho gi�t riferito in altra .11ota. Esse l1a:n110 colpito la fa11tasia degli abita11ti, cl1e le attribt1iscono ai Ft1rs, e 11e 1nenzio11ano sen1pre piu di trece11to nella sola capitale dell'isola, ma io non 11e l10 trovato 11eppure settanta. Altre potra1mo trovarsene vicino, nella zona che fro11teggia l'isola di Scit1mma; alcune altre, mi dico110, cc ne sareb·bero sulla costa di fro1rte il canale tra la Dal1Iac Chebir e l'iso]a di Nocra. Su qt1e]le delle isole di Baca e di Desset non ho mag giori .notizie. 5 - La 11ec·roJJo/i cli Dc1/1lac Cl1ebir e crltre to1t1be Dopo le cisterne, i vestigi piu notevoli del paese di Dahlac Chebir sono quelli dell'a11tica necropoli, cl1e gli abitanti chiamano dei Furs, per distinguerla da 11na decina di altri cimiteri piu recenti, sorti attorno e de11tro l'abitato. Piu che di una 11ecropoli, si tratta di diversi cimiteri, sorti, grosso 1nodo, attorno all't1nico mausoleo rimasto in piedi. La necropoli dei Furs si estende per m. 230 da Nord a Sud e per circa m. 400 da Est a Ovest, nella pia11a rocciosa, ed ha inoltre 11na diran1azio11e verso St1d-ovest, rispetto al ma11soleo superstite. Quest'ultimo e un eclificio quadrangolare, 11na qobbah, come gli a'ltri sette che giacciono i11tor110 in rovina. Ha pareti larghe 1n. 5,50; jJ mihrab nella parete settentrionale, fra due altre nicchiette; l'ingresso nella parete meridionale, largo m. 1,10, alto n. 2,20 sino al culn1ine dell'arco che lo sovrasta. La ct1pola, in parte lesionata, fu costruita con 1nateriali di getto, su un modello cbe ha Iasciato impressi nell'interno della. stessa cupola i segni del graticcio che Io ricopriva, forse una stuoia. Gli angoli interni in alto dei m11ri sono arrotondati, _per formare i l tamburo della cupola. Tra ii .materiale di riempimento di quest'ultima si notano rottami · dj piccole macine di lava, basalti e scisti d'importazione. 11 mausoleo non era intonacato, e sembra che racchiudesse due tombe. Le rovine di a Itri due mausolei sono a Est: uno, manomesso, mostra una fossa larga cm. 40, dalla qua.le i l prof. Rolli estrasse nel 1938 una salma, che, aJ dire della gente, era di statura gigantesca, come vengono immag,inati i Furs. 9 Colonne oonsimili reggev-a.no i poJ:lticati del faro di Apamea di Sina c doco ravano la scena del teatro di .Sabratha. Un f;rammento e esposto nel musoo annesso al Liceo "F. Martini" di Asmara. -- ...39 . ,

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Un quarlo mausoleo, a Sud di quello principal_e, pure in rovina. preseota i resti della cupola, intonacata dentro e fuor1; al centro, coperta dalle macerie, una tomba. Un auinto mausoleo rovinato e a circa m. 20 ancora a Sud; al�ri due sono a u-na ventina di metri a Nord-ovest del mausoleo superst1te: le pareti misurano m. 6,40, hanno il n1il1rab, finestrelle alle pareti laterali, e ciascuno ha due tombe e lapidi illegibili. I resti di u11 ultimo n1auso1eo si incontrano ad. un centinaio di metri a S,ud d-ell'estrema prop.aggine Sud-ove·s.t della n·ecropo]i. Ne rimane i.n piedi parte della parete settentrionale, che era larga �- 6,2?,. c? n una nicchia con volta polilobata, nella quale erano incorporat1 later1z1 d1 buona cot.tura. Si intravvedono pure parti del tamburo esagonale. Sono in tutto otto mausolei, opera di buoni muratori, ma privi di decorazio11i, cl1e si rifar.no al n1odello della qobbah, come pure quello, vicino al n1are, di scecl1 Abul Ai11en, patro110 del villaggio, meglio conser vato per le ct 1re dei suoi devoti. Certamente rimontano all'epoca sultaniale delle Dal1lac. La necropoli, e '--!uesti sono i vestigi di maggior rilievo, presenta le epigrafi studiate dal Basset, dal Malmusi e dal Rossi, cbe hanno gettato qt1alche luce sulla s 1.oria medievale del]e Dal1lac. Sfortunata.mente, molte lapidi sono andate disperse da ct1riosi o dag]i abitanti locaJi per i loro usi. Da g.ua·nto si rileva dalle stesse, la necropoli si sviluppo in un periodo intorno al 900-1400; ii paese dovette avere Ia maggiore importanza com merciale tra il 1000 e il 1250; l'epoca rappresentata dalla n1aggiore abbon danza di Iapidi va dal 1040 al 1 I 00. E' sfuggito agli studiosi ii fatto cl1e varie lapidi di basalto recano, per la loro lt1ngl1ezza, u11a larga e Ieggera i11cavatura, ad arco, segno cl1e esse, 1Jri111a di essere scolpite, furono impiegate da gente allo stadio neolitico per lasciarvi sopra i Ioro at· rezzi. 1° Sug]i altri cimiteri anteriori e posteriori de]Ja necropoli e difficile congettt1rare. U11 tipo di tomba particolare e quello attribuito ai Furs. · Mentre Ia n1aggior parte delle sepolture anticl1e e recenti nelle varie isole prese11ta decorazioni a secco, costituite da cordoni di conglomerati con chiliari o di sassi madreporici inton10 al tu111ulo, quelle attribuite ai Furs l1anno il tun1ulo raccl1iuso, come in trn cas�one, da quattro lastroni confic cati verticalmente 11el terreno. Tali lastroni, levigati dalle onde n1arine su una faccia, furono distaccati dalla riva n1edia11te una leva, e sporgono piu d'un metro dal st1olo, dando J'impressione di una certa potenza alla tomba. Tt1tte le to111be, come qt1 elle attt 1ali, sono orientate per Est-ovestII. Un gruppo [e ne trova nella necropoli dei Furs; due altri i11 localita Maea til, all'altezza del villaggio di Salhet, dove la leggenda vuole che i F�rs

A riprova dell'esiste nza di gente allo stadio neolitico in un tempo forse non motto anteriore all'opera del lapicida, ho trovato u na scure di diorite verde piet�a p�ov �nien te dall'isol�_ di Baca (Dancalia), dove sono state viste grandi a.Ito. I n Adal ho pure trovato vasi di. pietra, fra m �1n e 1n c1m � a � colic p1u _ cu1 abbeverato1 d1 lava di ras Handadda. Per inciso: una grande macina di lava ho veduta sulla spiaggia di Beilul. 11 0o polrebbe d.ipenderc dal mese del seppellimento, dal punto in cui sorgeva 11 sole.

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ed un altro popolo avessero combattuto co11 le frecce; · un altro gruppo nell'isola di Nocra, a circa un chilornetro dal paese. Un tipo piu raro di sepoltura - grandi cumuli, a forma di cratere, di massi alla rinfrusa - ho trovato in due sole localita; una ventina ad Assaghe presso il sentiero che conduce dal villaggio di Dahlac Chebir al n1are interno detto Gubbet Mus Nefit, ed un numero poco minore nell'isola di N�ra, nella sua parte piu alta, presso un ·segnale per la navigazione. SLt tali tombe, la tradizione tace.

6 - Le, legge11clc1 clei Fi,rs, e le cister11e cli Dahlc1c Chebir Lo studio del Mo11neret cle Villard, sulle influenze asiatiche in Africa Ori<:'!ntale 12 , potrebbe far sciogliere ]e riserve circa un supposto legame tra il non1e di Fttrs o Persiani e i rt1deri di costruzioni sconosciute della sponda africa11a del Mar Rosso. La legge11da cl1e attribuisce ai Ft1rs tali costruzioni anoni1ne fu riferita la pri111a vo]ta dal Bruce, 11el 1769, a pro1Josito delle cisterne di Dal1lac Cl1ebir; fu ripresa dal M·unzinger, a proposito delle cisterne dell'isola di Massaua; dal Noe, nel rapporto citato� e poi dall'Odorizzi e dal Pollera, scrivendo sulle popolazioni delle Dal1lac. Cl1i l'ha esposta an1piamente, insieme alla perplessita degli studiosi nel tentativo di conciliare tale tradizione con la storia, fu il Conti Rossini, scrivendo s11lle Dahlac 13; i l quale, giustamente, non riteneva pensabile un dominio politico dei Persiani nel Mar Rosso cosl vasto e prolungato d.a dissenlinare ta11ti vestigi, ed un cosl radicato ricordo 11ella memoria popolare, data che tale dominio si era limitato allo Ye111e11, e per un periodo che va dal 572 (o dal 597) al 628. 11 citato studio del Mon ·11eret de Villard, in cui sono coordinate le molte notizie sulla venuta di asiatici sulle coste dell' Africa Orientale, cl1iarisce le molte cause della venuta di Persiani e di altre ge11ti del Goifo Persico nel Mar Rosso, in epocl1e diverse, e pit1 giu i1el Golfo di 1\den e sino a Zanzibar, in 11na vigorosa, quarito pacifica, es1Jansione marir1ara e commerciale, e no11 per dominazioni politiche. Lo studio inizia con una considerazione di base, cl1e cioe q11ell'espau sione non va esaminata in se, n1a inquadrandola nella millenaria politica commerciale, per il dorr1inio di tutte le vie tradizionali attraverso le quali le ricche merci asiatiche e gli aromi dell'Arabia meridionale giungevano ai porti mediterranei. II mo·nopolio di tali vie, sogno degli Achemenidi, fu realizzato alla fine del sec. VI, con la conquista dello Yemen, sotto Cosroe I, con che la Persia sassanide ebbe insieme il controllo delle vie arabiche-mesopotamiche del Golfo Persico e di quelle terrestri e marittime del Mar Rosso. Ma anche dopa la caduta dei Sassanidi, · sotto i colpi dell'lslam, il movimento marittimo e mercantile persiano nel Mar Rosso non s'arresto, ed anzi si sviluppo, in base alla penetrazione prec�dente. .

L'espansione degli Iranici lungo le caste africane dell'Oceano Indiano, <la ras Hafun al Kenya ed a Zanzibar appare chiara, nelle studio del ..

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12 "Note sulle influenze asiaticl1e nell'Africa Orie11tale", in Rivista degli studi orienta)j, vol. XVII, Roma, 1938. 13 "�toria d'Etiopia", Roma, 1928, pag. 295-6. - 41 -

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i mercanti ti e d n a ig v a n i d re la o c se ri lu p 1 ra atu m ia sc 4; . rd a ll i V e d l re e n n o d o Mo cces �i e n su p u _ in d e f, a ir S i d o rt o p l a d , o parten ti, in un prjm o period Qais, �a pure da ait1; port1 del G?lfo la di so 'i l l e n o ri o p m 'e ll . a le sivo d omalia e S a u tt ll a e d e st o c e ll u 1 l s o v re o11te du r p im o d n ia sc la , o ic rs Pe della 1�anzania. lle co ste africane su i n ia rs e P i e d za n se re Circa Ja tra<l izione s 11IJa p u ib to tr ca n ti a re co h n o n rd l a il V e d et er n n o M il del Mar Rosso, invece, ettere che m m le a l' ra tu a n e ch iu p " a er e ch a defi11itivi; tuttavia eg li scrivev orti arabici a.vessero de lle p ei n e an si er p i l a le gro sse colonie con1merci i t. ei n n u i , o p d a o a ic fr a ta s co a ll e d i rt o p i 11 s succursali, delle age1 1zie deva c.he lu nc E ." co o rn te in l' o rs ve e er ni va ro ca sbarco, d'onde partivano le rs''. u F i su e n io iz ad tr la el d te n f o ''quesla e forse la n ote: ''Colonie te es qu di e or ut 'a l al va ve ri s:c Ancora nel 1950, egli lla costa , su so os R ar M l de e l na io id er n1 e rt JJa a ll 1e 1 persiane si stabiJirono e sassanide on zi pa cu oc ll' de o nt 1e on m al I, V . ec s l ne a gi eritrea e sulle isol e, nda ondata co se na U li. cia er m m co ni zio sta i ov nd le bi sta , dello Yen1en e nt i rte da le pa cia er nm co 1 e on 1si a1 sp l'e n co , ito u g· se persia11a si ebbe in ng o la costa lu e tes es e si af, Sir da e nt Jne ial ec sp , co rsi Pe porti del Golfo a, mb e a r Pe iba nz a Za o sin d su a . piu o a ny Ke 10 1 r die o ll' de l a. el qu e somala . r sso l Ro Ma de e ior r e inf rte pa a l he a11c ato c11r ras t r ave e n1a cl1e 1 10n dev ta piu propriamente a ond a un a da 1ers mn o s poi ta sta e ne zio igra em e Tal arab� da Oman e Mascate. Mentre i documenti IJer l a parte S omalia Zanzibar sono abbonda1�ti" - egli osservava -, ''ne manchiarno per Ja cosla eritrea. c no11 abb1an10 se no11 le Ieggende locali, che ne sono un riflesso." le_gge11de sui Furs il Mar Rosso centro-meridionale e di 111 ve�ita, . al lezza d1 Gedda e di Suacl1in al Golfo di· Aclen ·. ed 1·o nc"' dall �1en? . ·, , rtfert�o u11a piu avant1, raccolta nelle Da l1lac; e tali Ieggende la storia, nai, porrebbe _ 0 11 ette:e con la tradizio11e. accerta_ta di un predon1i11io : I�a n1ar111a e del comme�c_10 p�rs1 a110 prove11iente da �� ar �OSSO dcl_ Si}a.rtra 11 VI e 11 X secolo. QL1esta trad1z1one 10 tentero di colleg are n1ed1a11te q ualcl1e co1 1siderazio1 1e, c on le cisterne di Dahlac Chebir.

L'e�p�nsioi1 e _ iranica nel Mar R osso 111eridionale non· fu un fatto . . . n11ovo ne 1n1provviso se Cosnla racco�1.�eva n�uz1e d1 traffici adulitani co11 la Persia gia nel S'J 5' DI. t1n_ predon111 11 0 n1ar1na ro-n1erca11tile iranico, gia . . dai primi tempi dc;"'ll'I . . sl ain, s1 lian11 0 pure 11o 1 d a v1agg1ator1. e geograf"·1 _. tiz_ ·e . arabi n1edievali, specialnleilt e per 1 portl di Gedda e di Aden, i pu in1porta11ti dell'epoca. . . . . sec?l1. Tal_ e espa11sio11e non fu ne1111ne1 o -�sc 1us1va . ta, ne1 e 1n1n�errot_ succ�ss1,,i, ma st1bi le alter11ati,,e del. l' ��11 _tico duello tra B1sanz10 e la Persia, per 11 controllo delle vie conln1erc1a11 fra l Ocea 10 1 a1 0 e il Mediter lI di 1 1 ' a ra1 1eo. e quelle derivai1ti d ll' avvento dell'Islam, dall'es clusione di Axum dal Mar iiosso 11011�Iie l'' lt. 3 coi� corr�i�za dello Yemen, dell'Hegia z e clell'lndia, ed i' profoiidi I�t/r'' e 1 po litico-�eligi o si nel Gelfo Per sico. Inoltre. i traffici persiani nel �� : �osso per Sub1ro no rallen tan1en un to u110 o due secoli dooo M-3011 tto .. , uaiido essi seg11irono la via diretta . dell'Egitto e del la Sii·ia< , r·i11c 11e�� co11 qla nuo va _espans1one verso l'Oceano .... , sotto i califfi ' Ind"1ano di Bao.::,ct ad ' 1.1 con ' 1n1erc1 0 del Mar Rosso si avvio 14 \'edi ptire E. Cen1lli ' ''So ma 1i a, scn. tti. Vari ecliti e inediti", vol. I, Roma, 1957.

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11uovamente all'Oceana Indiana, per passare al Mediterranea attraversa la Mesopotamia. Come oggi, gia nel sec. IX, Ade11 era importantissimo emporia, come scriveva lbn Hordadbel1, per le merci che vi affluivano dal Sind, Hind, Cina, Zeng, Abissinia, al-Basra, Gedda, al-Q11lzum. Circa mezzo secolo dopo, Muqaddasi scriveva che i dtie porti piu importanti del mando erano Aden e Suhar nell'Oman; e che la maggior parte degli abitanti di Aden era.no persiani; nel sec. XIII, Ibn Mt1giawair accennava, su notizie piu antiche, ad, un predomi11io commerciale dei Persiani di Siraf in Aden (come potr�t poi dirsi di quello degli Indiani, dal principio del secolo scorso sino alla seconda guerra mondiale), porto che essi avrebbero ripopolato, trovandolo deserto per precede11ti visissitudini. Infine, la tra dizione locale insiste nell'attribuire ai Persiani le misteriose ed imponenti cisterne di Aden, farse del VI sec. Per il porto della Mecca, Muqaddasi scriveva che i suoi abitanti erano Persiani in mag.gioranza, con1e lo erano i nav.iganti dalla Persia allo Ye111en; che i naviganti di Sira.ft andavano sino a Gedda, dove sbarcavano le merci destinate all'Egitto. lbn Battuta, nel sec. XIV, tramandava la tradizione da lui raccolta sul luogo che Ged.da era stata fondata dai Persiani, nel 646, in luogo della baia non piu sufficiente di Sciu'aibah, ed aggiungeva cl1e la citta si era sviluppata rapidamente e il suo commercio era nelle mani dei Persiani. Detto cio, sul predomi11io mercantile <lei Persiani 11ei due porti arabici maggiori prospicie11ti I'Africa, c'e da domandarsi chi potevano essere i fondatori, sulla vicina costa africana, di fattorie commerciali da Suaclnn a Zeila, con1prese quelle nelle Dahlac. Qui non ci soccorrono notizie di viaggiatori dell'epoca, ma soltanto la clifftisa leggend.a sui Furs, cosi bene riassunta clal Conti Rossini, e le costrt1zioni che attendono ancora di essere st11diate. ''Ci troviamo dinanzi ad un problema storico ed archeologico'', scriveva il Monneret de Villard, ''di grande importanza, i11 qua11to e a qt1esti Ft1rs che s0110 attribl1iti tutti i ma.nufatti sul litorale, che non sono certan1ente axl1n1iti, ne hyn1iariti, ne appartengono a 11essun altro ciclo CLilturale a noi noto''. Restando nel campo arcbeologico, osservo cl1e le costrt1zioni piu diffuse t:ulla riva africana, le cisterne, presentano l111a identita di caratteri, comuni alle localita dov'esse fiurono scavate, da potersene dedurre una particolare conclizione del comn1ercio dell'epoca, ossia quella che fu la categoria dei mercanti cl1e le costrul e ql1ello che fu il genere cli commyr cio che le rese necessarie.

7 - Le cisterrze di Dc1hlac C/1ebir e il co,11111.ercio degli schiavi . Circa i mercanti, va notaio che le cisterne s'incontrano sempre in Juoghi adatti a scalo marittimo e ad emporio commerciale, al sicuro d.al briga.ntaggio di terraferma, precisan1ente su isole prossime alla costa, ed allo sboccd di carovaniere provenienti dai grandi mercati dell'interno. Tali sono, presso la costa del Stidan, le isole di Suachin, di Aqiq e di er-Rih (o Airi, a nord di ras Casar), dov_e il magg. Hebbert vi canto piu di qua ra11ta cisterne 15; tale l'isola di Massaua, sbocco dell'Etiopia, dove si con15 H. E. Hebbert, "El Rib, a Red Sea Island", in _Sudan notes and records, vol. XVIII, Cartum, 1935, pag. 308-315. -43-

h ac la Da le ta ; VI � X c. se l de io cip 1 i1 pr al ne ter cis e ta, ano quara11tanov ma a nt un e tre , r-to po o su l ne a n .i: t i an t li se a t un te 0 nta co 1 1 : n o i e , Chebir1 , d,ov, , e, nel viIJaggio pastorile di Adal. A giudicare dal medesin10 concetto costruttivo, 3: nch� se scavate in _ epoca diversa, ed alcune con la volta in rnuratura aaz1cche r1cavata : _ nell� roccia, Je cisterne sono opera di ge11te dello stes�o ceppo, esperta ne1 s1stem1 di raccolta delle acqtte piova11e nei paesi aridi; cl1e non po!ev��o essere _ ara bi rivieraschi dello Yemen e delJ'Hegiaz, pure espert1 d 1draul1ca, percl1e separati da tin troppo breve tratto di 1nare per fond�re empori in Africa, e perche il grande com1nercio d'incetta e d'esportaz1one _nel Mar Rosso, dal tempo dei Faraoni, ft1 sempre in mano � i g�nte st_ra�1�ra, ch� dominava i merca.ti Iontani; 11e potevano essere afr1can1 cost1er1, 1 qual1, a differenza degli abita11ti delle Dahlac, non conobbero, per oltre un mil lennio dopo la fine di Aduli, 11emeno l'uso di ca5:e i11 muratura 16; mentre la cultt1ra clelle isole ft1 sen1pre arabica, non africana. Dovettero essere, qt1i11di, i costruttori delle cister11e, gli stessi mercanti cl1e clo111inava110 ii con1111 ercio della costa araba <la Gedda a Aden, i quali 110n poleva110 disi11teressarsi delle 1nerci di antica rinomanza che perveni vano nelle isole suddetle e negli scali meridionali di Beilul, di Raheita, di Tagit1ra, Berbera e Zeila, quali Je scaglie di tartart1ga, l'avorio, l'oro, i leg11i pregiati, g1i animali silvestri e soprattutto gli scl1iavi, oltre alle perle che uscivano dai porti di Suacl1in e di Dahlac Chebir 17 . 111 al tre parole, la Jogica vorrebbe cl1e i Persiani detenessero sulla costa africana lo stesso predominio merca11tile che godevano in quel tempo stilla costa araba. Circa la necessita di costruire le cisterne, non puo pensarsi cl1e fosse dettata dalle con1u11i esigenze degli isolan.i, ma dall'iniziativa di mercanti interessati ad. un particolare traffiico, il co1nn1ercio degli schiavi.

La tratta degli schiavi usce11ti dalle coste dell'Africa Orientale e anticl1issima. Apprezzati i n particolare quelli uscenti da]l'Etiopia. Fini vano gl'in(elici i11 Egitto, in Arabia, nel GoJfo Persico e sino in India e in Ci11a; commercio cl1e ricevette dagli arabo-mussulmani 11na tale spinta da dissanguare l'Africa per oltre un n1illen11io, dissen1inando africani in tutti i continenti. 111 un periodo non precisabile, nella seconda meta del primo millennia. quel commercio s'intensifico con1e non 1nai, forse per le ricl1ieste dei nuovi n1 ercati, forse per n1aggiori catture dovute a guerre di conquista ed a ed africani; scali degli principale l'attivita :azzie sist�maticl1e, da costitt1ire _ 11 porto d1 Dal1lac Cl1 eb1r ebbe la stessa funzione di mercato di carne t1n1ana che ebbero i vari approdi <la Suacl1in a Zeila. Non e calc ?labile la quantita di scl1iavi uscenti dagli scali del Mar 1 0 essere indicative l e notizie sull'argo Rosso ne� �ed1 � ev�, _ina posso1 _ me11to de1 v1agg1ator1 111 Africa nel secolo scorso. Per le DaI1Iac si sa che pagava11 0, nel 976, al signore dello Yemen, in Zebid, tra I'altro un 16 Anco �a nel 1805, ii Salt aveva trovato in Massaua qualche n1oschea e pochc case 1n n1urature, oltre a molte capanne. 17 �a piu antica ci �azione della pesca delle perlc nclle Dahlac e deUo storico O �ara, a pro pos1to _d �l tribu �o che l'arcipelago pagava, nel 976, al sultano di Zcb1d, v. Conti Ross1n1, op. cit., pag. 296. -44-

tributo di 1000 schiavi l'anno; e da cio si potrebbe dedurre uno sn1ercio annuale di almeno altri tre o quattromjla infelici l'anno, e quindi la sosta piu o meno lt1nga di gruppi numerosi di schia.vi nel porto di Dahlac Chebir 18 • Lo soavo dell,e ck:]t,enne in qtieil par.to e negli ai , ltri .soali itSo,lani della CO · ,st, a non po,teva s,erv·;,�e ai bisogni di uni poplazione stab.ile di mercanti, cosi numerosa cl1e i pozzi no11 potessero soddisfare, perche una popolazione stabile siffatta 11011 potrebbe in1maginarsi i11 un paese come Dahlac Chebir, privo di ogni risorsa naturale o di industrie fuor di quel]e del st10 111are. Che si fossero scavate le cister11e del porto della ,grand.e Dal1lac per gli schiavi 'lranseunti si dedttce dal fatto che nesst1n altro paese dell'isola, eccetto Ada1, ebbe cisterne; 1na si deduce pt1re dal fatto che non ne ebbe neppure il paese cli Dtibellu qua11do esso si sostitu1, 11el commercio, a Dal1lac Cl1ebir. Qua11do Dubellu, nella parte orientale dell'isola, sviluppo le sue fortt1ne cli n1ercato principale di perle nell'arcipelago, nel sec. XVI, e si popolo di merca11ti e di pescatori dell'Arabia, del Golfo Persico e de11'lndia, arricche11dosi di case e di 11egozi, tuttavia, la popolazione molto cresciuta non ricl1iese 11uovi mezzi di rifornirne11to idrico, oltre i pozzi, in uso a11cora oggi; prova, 1ni sen1bra, cl1e la poplazione cl1e attingeva alle cisterne di Dal1lac Chebir era molto pitr nt1merosa di quella lavoratrice, e percio inattiva e di transito 19 . Circa l'epoca in cui le cisterne furono scavate, e ragionevole pensare ,ll periodo in cui la tratta s'inte11sifico; 111olto prima, cioe, del sec. X, quanclo qt1esta doveva essere al suo culn1i11e, con1e si desun1e dal fatto c11e nel sec. X, l'arcipelago, acquistata t1na certa i11dipendenza, godeva di llll grado di agiatezza e di cultura, con1provato dal trib11to ch.e pagava al signore di Zebid e dalle lapidi e dai rnausolei della necropoli. dove 1a Iapide piu antica a noi nota e del 912. Io rite11go che la fo11dazione delle fattorie cornmerciali e lo scavo delle cisterne sia avvenuto tra il VII e l'VIII rec., in u11 periodo in1mediatan1e1Tte s11ccessivo all'escll1sio11e di Axtrm dalle st1e caste settentrionali, -oer il fatto che ]a fonclazione di stabiljme11ti sulle isole, al sictrro dal brigantaggio, de11t111cia la nessu11a sicurezza sul litorale. E' ii tempo della grande es·pa11sio11e dei Persia11i di Siraf, di cui parlano i viaggiatori arabici, e1nporio la. cui in1porta11za comincio a declinare dal 933, dopo 'la sua conqt1ista da parte dei Buyidi,

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18 Per imm,agin,are la massa di tale traffico disun1ano, si ricorda che nel 694 scoppio in Mesopotamia una rivolta di schiavi Zeng, origin.ari della Somalia, i quali dovevano essere 0101,to numerosi, se resistettero a luogo alle truppe del califfo; una pii.1 g.rave ne scoppio nell'868, durata sino all'883, v. Monneret de Villar· d, op. cit. pag. 32. 19 Un altro confronto con.ferma l'origine straniera dei costruttori delle cisterne. 11 porto di Dahlac Chebir fu danneggiato dalla presenza nel Mar Rosso della flotta portoghesetra ii 1513 e il 1541; piil volte esso fu trovato deserto, e nel 1526 fu cannoneggiato. Dubellu ne prese il posto, nel commercio perlaio, e prospero per l'a(flusso di 1nercanti inrtiani e del Golfo Persico. Vi sorsero ,�ase e negozi d'un certo decoro, una visibiln1ente datata del 1628, come puo vedersi dalle eleganti decorazi·oni di stucchi traforati che omano le nicchie nelle pareti ed i portali d'ingresso. Tali n.icchie ornate, sconosciute nel paese di Dab.lac Chebir, e le decorazioni dei portali, visibili pure nei villaggi di Sa1het e di Gim'.hi.le, furono· opera di immigrati yeaneniti e del Golfo Persico. II califfo Moa.via I (661-680), volendo rinnovi 1 re l'architeth.1ra della Mecca, ricorse n costruttori persian1 i, n. o n ai vicini copti. - 45 -

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iz za�o ao si er -p o ab o ar ri o p e m vo o u n ecolo, s l e d e n fi a ll a , lo ta n ia p p Eo e d el la Da11cal1.a st co e l ge n u l , ac l 1 al D di Qais. D a notare cl1e, a S u d de] le l i 1narittimi st1 isol e, a sc i d e zi ti o n o 1n a1 1 J si e del GolJo d i Ade 11. 11011 ciderebbe con una jn co e 1 cl o ci a; 1 n e r a[ rr e 1na di stab.ili111e11ti di Furs su lla t e del comn1e r cio. on zi te ro p l a e e, sl co e !I e residt1a signoria. etiopic,1 su c1 u eb b a pensare ad d si 11 o n vo l 1 s, i, t tl d A ta na vi cl1e difettava a Nord della ro i, u e or pi ch lt co ri ag e i or st pa ti ra ig 1m in d' i insediamen ti di grossi nucle di me rcanti. i11 A fr ic a Oriental e e ch ti ia as i on zi ra ig m e l l de L o svolgin1enlo storico l on da M ta o-s op pr i, es nt si e e 11t e gu s la n do ebbe in fatti diversi aspetti, seco i, i, rit ia po m ti hy en m ili ab st di e ri se a n 1 t be eb si neret de V il lard: dappri11 1a e rs ia ni sassanidi; poi succes P e i d 1i a1 n1 e le l n i st e qu forse , tin passaggio di e di Persia 1 1i, pr ove 11ienti dai i at zz 11i ia e rs p bi ra A di , bi ra sive ondate di A ein , dal Iraq meri hr Ba l da 1 , a1 1n '0 l da , ico rs e paesi costieri del Golfo P 1elle de ]l' ele mento 1 te at e1 1n l ia c e sp , 11i io az igr 1 en te 1es t ._, dionale e dal Fars. Q re ina o lm an cu 0 porto Siraf, sem br st1 l da e az Sir da te ien e11 ov persiano pr ie suc di tiz no Le a. or all e rto n c o o isc n fi r1 no n a 1 X, . verso la fine del sec o dan uar rig to, no e ci to an qu da si, ero 1n1 t 11 le i 1c t 11 cli n i zio gra cessive 111i piutloslo le coste africa11e dell 'Ocea11 0 lndiano, n1entre s t1 quelle del Mar Rosso e. pit1 probabile cl1e ci sia sla to soltanto il movimento marinaro co11 11nerciale di cui si e cletto, o t111 i11sedian1ento sull a terraferma non oltre la Da11calia. da l

U11c1 leg_r;e11clc1 st,i Bcrra111ic·c1-

eel il

sig11if icato

clel

110111e

Furs

_Un_a leggen da raccolta 11ella grande Dahlac ci col lega ancora ai Pers1an1. ,. Essa _11 arra c�e, circa dt1e o tre secoli dopo Maomett o, giunges sero sul l 1s?l a 1 Bara1n1ca, popolo local111ente sconosciuto i auali fecero guerra e d.1slr t1ssero i .Furs. Cio seg110 l a fine de i Furs, c l;e s�oinparvero per s�n1pre: cl a al lora, a11che a cat1sa di tina carestia. E la tradizione si con1p1ace d1 v�11tare i te sori di perl e, cli gemme e di de11 aro, ainmassati dai Furs. cl1e r.er_o !1011 potevano sfa111a�l i, ta11to cl1e gl i ultimi agoiiizzanti dicevano: �or1a�o, pt1r co11 tant e r1ccl1ezze ; darei per t 111 pu0.rno di dura u11 pugno d1 perie·'. Ora, e 11oto cl1 e i Bara1nica ' o Bar111ecidi, furoLlO 1· 1nemb r1· d.1 una · 1_a fan,ig 5_111 Polentis - che dette alti ft111zio11ari ai cal iff"1 d1· B ac--od. ad ' s � 1·t· · 1 ta �I . i1� grand1ss1111a fortt1na sotto I-Iart111 ar-Rascid ' e sotto d _l 1u1. ca dt1t1_ poi in d1sgrazia e perseguilat· S Ia I eg e11da l1a u11 fo11�0 di ve rita, qt 1a]unq11e !· e b�e u11 a� lro l egan1 e stor1co fra i Persiani e le 01tto adon1bri, cost·r tt11r isole Dal1 lac.

La tradizione indica pure tii1a loca . e. l 1· t <-�1 .do,,e sarebbe avvenuto uno scon tro tra gl i a titocto111· Ben·1 BOll e d 1 ·F·"'ttrs 111 epo ca a. nte n· ore, 1· n segu1to . . . al quale i Furs ebbero il l) d 1 110 ell ,.1 0' 1 �- U!1'a_ltr� tradjzjo11e indic� . � _� � n ei Be11 i Rt1 gtis, d'origi i,e ��a�Z1 .' piu � ntrc l11 �b 1tator1 delle Dahlac, de1 qt1ali si suol dire: "La terra p i na a D 10, e poi a Mt1sa Rugus''. In localita Mall1 agl 1e ci sarebbe sta ' ta' �na 1api.de co11 un a frase sibillina. . Per contro, 11esst111a tradizione i_· corda I. Port?ghesi 1�e ii don1i1tio turco, salvo il ricordo di un'epidetlli.a � 1 colera sotto 1 Turcl11, nella quale sarebbero n1orti, in sei giorni' 11e11a so1a ubellu, trec ento schiavi e n1ille persone Iibere. 0 Vorrei co11clt1dere con un rilievo sulla reale corrispondenza tra il 11on1e Furs e qtiello d.i Persiani. - 46 -

Nelle tarde emigrazioni dal Golfo Persico verso l'Africa Orientale, sL1ccessivo a quello dei Persiani di Siraf, come ha chiarito il Monn.eret de Villard, s'infiltrarono anche mercanti indiani, qt1ei Baniani, come i Portoghesi chiamarono i prin1i Indiani giungendo sulle coste dell' Africa Orientale. In realt�1.. i Bania11i non sono semplicemente Indiani, ma me1n l'attacca bri d'una setta religiosa dell'lndia occidentale, proverbiali Per . me11to al comn1ercio e per le riccl1ezze, da essere paragonati agli Ebrei d'EL1ropa eel agli Armeni d'Asia. Essi, prima del passaggio di Marco Polo da Aden, avevano esteso i loro traffici in Asia e i n Africa. Nel Mar Rosso, tollerati dai mt1ssulmani per la Joro i1111oct1ita, col tempo si sosti t11iro110, nel commercio, alle genti provenienti dal Golfo Persico, finche, piu tardi, fecero cla copertura al con1mercio dei Portoghesi dell'India, e poi a q11ello degli Inglesi, come il Bruce aveva at1spicalo nella sua rela zio11e. st1l viaggio alle sorgenti clel Nilo. Cio considerando, io ri tengo cl1e la leggenda st1i Furs nel Mar Rosso sia stata intesa dagli e11ropei i11 senso restrittivo; essa indicava, da. prima, i Persia11i, e s11ccessivame11te, per estensione, le genti venute dal Golfo Persico, con1'e accadt1to per gli et1ropei, indicati i11 Oriente col nome di Franchi (in Etiopia Fereng), e con i Ba11iani, non1e con cui si indicano ancora oggi gl'India11i che lrafficano nel Mar Rosso. Favoleggiando dei Furs, an1mirati per la loro attivit�L e le lo.ro foriune, che da secoli lontani colpiva110 la fantasia, e 110n soltanto delle popo]azioni orienta]i, per ]a millenaria potenza e la favolosa mag11ificenza dei loro califfi, le popolazioni costiere del Mar Rosso dovettero, alla fine, co11fondere sotto quel nome sia le genti vent1te con l'ondata sassanide, s.ia qL1elle sopraggiun.te posteriormente dall'intero Golfo Persico e dal 'Oma11 20 • Da cio l'errata interpretazio11e restrittiva di cl1i si interesso della leggend.a dei Furs, a proposito della storia dell'Etiopia, leggenda nella quale si era st1pposlo, pure erro11eamente, l'accenno ad 11n don1inio politico persiano nel Mar Rosso, in q11ello che fu 11n'impone11te e duratura espan sio11e n1ercantile di Persiani, e poi cli altri asiatici del Golfo Persico, \:erso .le coste dell'Africa. Rorna. febbr,1io 1966.

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20 Nell·a ,traduzione del libro di Amos in greco, norni dei Medi, .Assiri e Caldei e Persiani fuirono resi con quello solo di Fu.rs, in un'epoca in cui, all-a fine del sec. VI o principio del VII, i Persiani apparivano oome l'unico grande popolo cl'Asia, v. Conti Rossini, op. cit., pag. 223. - 47 -

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NOTE STORICHE SUL.LE ISOLE DAHLAK Scrlvcrtore Teclesclzi

L'arcipelago d elle Dahlak 1 , prospicienle Massaua, situato a breve . d1stanza dalla. costa etiopica, ebbe spesso nei seco1i singolare rilievo: fu scalo prospero st1 vie n1arit:time vita1i, 11odo di comunicazioni fra le terre bagnate dal Mar Rosso e que1le d.all'Oceano Indiano, porrte obbligato f'f3 la terra di Etiopia e quella d'Arabia, punto d'incontro (e talvolta di scon tro) di civilt�1 diverse. La bibliograf.ia sulla storia dell'arcipelago (elencata in fondo al presente lavoro) 110n e molto a111pia ed e abbastan.za recent e. In sostanza gli studi i11 questo settore ve1111ero aperti sul finire del secolo scorso con due no�.i lavori, quelli di Re11e Basset (11el 1893) e di Benedetto Malmusi (nel 1895 e nel 1898). Lentamente, tuttavia, con l'andar degli anni, sono stati con1piuti interessa11ti progressi p er n1erito di Carlo Conti Rossini (nel 1928), Ettore Rossi (nel 1937 e nel 1943) e Gaston Wiet (nel 1952). Altri progressi potranno essere ancora compiuti in prosieg110 di ten1po. In vista di eventttali altri �tudi e, spera11do di fare cosa non priva di interesse, si e cercato di raccogliere, ordinare ed elaborare i principali dali storici ch e sulle Dahlak si posseggono. I NELL'ANTICHITA' Sembra. certo cl1e nell'antichit�i le isole Dal1lak, o al111.e 11 0 la principale di esse, fossero indicate co,11 i'l nome di Elaia2. Per sommi capi si riassum0110 i p1inciJ}alj dati geografici sulle Dahlak. I�'arci pelago &i compone di circa 130 scogli, isolette e iso]e basse e pianeggianli. Dt1e sole hann.o estension notevole: Dahalak Kebir o Grande Dahlak (760 kmq.) e Noral1 (135 k111q). Sei o selte isole hanno estensione m.olto miaore; le altre hanno estensione insignificante. Clin1a caldo con sca.rse precipitazioni (i11ve:r nali). Vegetazione scarsa (palme dt1m, radi arbusti di acacia) salvo le rnangrovie frequenti Jungo il mare. Gli abitanti ascendono a circa 3000 persone (stima dell' Amministrazione Britannica nel 1943); si dicono originari della costa d'Ara bia ma hanno usi, costumi e lingua sin1ili a quelli delle tribu del Samhar; sono Lulti musuln1ani e parlano un dialetto tigre; vivono raggruppati in rari e piccoli villaggi. Vi soiio una decina di villaggi nella Gr�nde Dahlak, quattro a Norah, uno a Nokrah, ecc. La popolazione si dedica sopratutto a.Ila pastorizia e alla pesca delle perle e della madreperla. Note-voli nella Grande Dahlak, le cisterne e i cimiteri (da cui sono state tratte le stele di cui si parlera nel testo). Circa l'orig:ine eventuale clel nome Dahlak, sono state formuJate ipotesi cli cui nessuna sernbr:a sicura. 11 nome arabo e �> e Dahla.k ne e quindi una trascrizione oorretta. 2 Malmusi ri,tenne che la Grande Dablak fosse i'isola Orina menzionata nel Periplo del Mare Eritrea (MALMUSI 1895, p. 4). In realtit Oreine ("la mon tuosa") e l'isola di Desse all'imbocco del Golfo di Zula; cf. CONTI ROSSINI, Egitto ed Etiopia nei tempi antichi e 11ell'eta di 1nezzo, in "Aegyptus", ITI (1922), p. 8, n. 3. t

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I11fatii Arten1idoro (cl1e scriveva verso il 100 a.C.) la cui opera ci e s-tata in parte con,servata da Strabone (primi anni d.C.), dopo ave/f . descritto la regione di Ptolen1ais Epitheras (la famosissima Tolemaide fondata da Eumede per la caccia agli elefa.nti) cosi continua la descri-:ion.e del litorafle africano del Mar Rosso: ''Inde [insulae et] portus Ela1a et insula Stratonis''. Verosi1nilmente egli si riferiva alla Graode Da'hlak ed all'iso·la di Noral13 . Egualmente Pli11io il Vecchio (m. 79 d.C.) nel descrivere la stessa cosla. fa esplicita n1enzio11e delle isole Aliaeu in cu.i sono d. a ravvisare le Dal1la1c4• I1Joltre, c1uel 111ant1ale del comn1erci.ante greco-egiziano ne!l Mar Rosso, e nell'Ocea110 Indiano che e il Pe1·ipli1s ,naris Eryth,·aei ci da una nolizia t111 po' piu an1pia. Dopo aver descritto il porto aksumita di Aduli, aggit1nge: · "In alto n1are, a. destra, giaccio,no mol,te picooile is-ole sabbiose, dette di Alalaios, le qt1ali produco110 tartaruga che importasi 1;1 el mercat � verso gl'lcl1tiofagi''5. Si puo i11 proposito ricordare che mentre f1no a tempi recenti si riteneva cl1e il PeriplL1s fosse stalo scritto nella seconda meta de1 I secolo d.C.. secondo rece1rti interpretazio11i esso parrebbe asc.rivibile ad e1Joca. posteriore, cioe fiorse al III secdlo d.C.6• Ove si accetti questa datazione, ne verrebbe cl1e l'autore del Periplo soriveva forse in epoca. non t lonlana a queilla. della gra11dezza aksun1ita a.ttestaaci daJ famoso Monu rnento Adulita110, tran1a11datoci da Cos1na Indicop1euste7• Tale importante 111011t1mento (cl1e ri�ale probabil1ne11te alla meta del ill secolo) non fa alct111 accen110 .aJ'Je Dal1la.k 111a poicl1e parla delle spedizioni aksumite nell'Arabia e implica cbe lo Stato abissino avesse raggiunto gia una 11otevole potenza sul n1are, non parrebbe illecito dedurne cbe le Dahlak, poste a cosi breve distanza dalla costa adulitana, fossero a quell'epoca �·otlo la signori? dell'Impero aksun1ita. Cio, del rest;o, risulterebbe anche implicitamente dal fatto che un con '.emporaneo d.i Claudio Tolomeo, Pausania (c11e scrive\1a verso Ia fine del seco1o II) menzion.a incidentalme11te nel Mare Eritreo le iso1e Abasa11. [degli Abissi11i] cioe le Dahla.k:8• Dal riasst1nto precedente si constata cl1e gli scrittori de.ll'anticl1ita l1a11110 tramaodato sulle Dal1lak notizie assai tenui cl1e tuttavia non e il caso di trascurare specie ove si te11ga conto che ii buio diventera piu fitt.o nei secoli segt1enti. Sembrano. inf,1tti 111ancare 11otizie storicl1e sulle Dahlak nel IV, V e VI secolo. E' certo legittimo i111n1agi11are che le Dah1ak fossero allora saldamente in pt1gno all'Iinpero ak.s·u.n1ita, specie ove si oensi alla famosa spedizione abissin,a nello Yen1en 11el 525 A.D. che fe� di Aksum una i fari � nava. li del suo ten1po. M a il perdurare pote11ze n1ili �elae pri11cipali £1110 al VI secolo della occL1pazione a.ksun1ita delle Dahlak rima11e una ipotesi, certo \1erosi1nile 111a per ora no11 confortata. <la prove. 3 C. CONTI ROSS[NJ, Co111n1e111i a notizie di geografi classici sovra il Si1dan egizia110 e l'Eliopia, in "Aegyptus", VI (1925), p. 15-17. 4 C. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 62. 5 !-I. :FRIS�, Le perip/e tie la 111er Er)1 three, Goteborg 1.927, p. 2; \V.H. SCI-IOFF, The Per1p/11s of lhe Erylhrea,i Sea, New York 1912, .P· 23. 6 J. PIRENNE, Le ro)1 au111e sud-arabe de Qataba,z et sa datation ' Louvain 1961 ' p. 197-201. 7, Sul ivlont1mento Adt1litano, cf. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 121-123. 8 C. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 119. - 50 -

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E' ugualmen.te un'ipotesi l'idea espressa dai'Issel (un naturalista italiano che visito le Dahlak cuca un secolo f-a) secondo la quale l'arci pe1ago s,a:rebbe sta:to occt1parto cL:1.i Persiani9 dopo l a nota. spedizione di Khosroe nelllo Yemen con cui ve.llille posto a.ppunto fine al dominio a.ksu mita nell'Arabia meridio.n.ale 11ell'ultimo quarto del VI secolo10• Che dopo il riitiro degli aksumiti dallo Yemen, incursioni persiane partissero dai porti yemeniti per distruggere e saccheggiare �ocalita costiere d'Abissinia e che tali colpi di 1na:no rendessero insicure le coste eritree, e cosa nota11 ; ma 110n si hanno per i1 mome11to eleme11t:i da ct1i dedurre con sicru:ezza un'occupazione persiana dell'arcipelago. Si deve con1unque notare che la tesi di t1na ,occupazione persiana sembra ,a pri1na vista avva. lorata da llna rtraclizione locale: come tutte le popolazioni della costa ·eritrea cosl anche gli abita11ti delle Dahla.k attri buiscono le opere (rovi. ne, cister,11e, ecc.) di cui ignora·no l'origiine 1a d un popolo leggendario, i Ft1rs (ar.: crl-Furs = i Persiani). La tradizione 12 sembrerebbe quindi una suggestiva conferma della ''tesi persiana", ma va in realta accolta con prudenza: I11fatti e stata rilevata 13 l'immensita del l'area di difft1sio11e della Jeggenda: no11 solo a Daltla.k Kebir ma a Sawa kin, all'isola Airi, a 'Aidl1ab, a Massaua, a Beilul, a Geddah, ad Assab, a Raheita, a Berbera, ad Aden, ecc., secolari tradizioni attribuiscono ai Furs leggendari la costruzione di pozzi, cisterne, citta. Ma a cosl estese e durevoli occupazioni persiane del territorio africa110 non e il caso di pensare. Siccl1e in definitjv.a rimane ancora da stabilire in cosa consista il nucleo storico che e 1alla base delle tradizioni sui Furs. Certo, scrive 1o storico dell'Etiopia antica, se t:'1.li tradizioni avessero un fondamento, ''potrebbwo fornire un i11teressante capitolo nella storia dei traffici del Mar Rosso''14• Ed app1mto e forse uiu alla storia <lei traffici cl1e a quella dclle occupazioni militari che si deve g1Jardare. Bastera qui ricordare di sfuggrta che, occl1pata. 1'.ti\ra'bia 1,\1Ie1�i,dic ·n0Je nel 575, i Persiani -la rteinnero fino alla co11quis ta n11.1suln1@a. G•Essi avevano tt1tto l'inte r: esse ad impiaintarvisi stabiin101.1te, non tunto per svilupparne i trafllici quanto per controllarli a tutto ,;antagg,io del ccm n1ercio che si sv,olgeva nel loro territorio. La din.astia. sc-tsanide a,;i.:�'la infatti dato gran.de i111pulso a tale co1nmercio e se ne ha la prova nella 1:n·trusione de11l'elemento persiano lt1ngo le cos1te orientali d'Arabia e nella p1rosperita di cui godeva, in questo peri,odo, tutta la zona del Go1fo Persico; . .. i11 qt1el golfo v'era oo forte movimento di navigazione e gli Arabi vi possedevano n1olti porti ed ancoraggi'' 15• Ma cio no11 e su:iliciente A. ISSEL, Viaggio nel Mar Rosso e tra i Bogos (1870), Milano 1872, p. 70, n. 2. C. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 196-199. C. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 200. La tradizione che le cisterne di Dahlak Kebir fossero state costruite dai Persiani era gia stata segnalata da James Bruce che tuttavia., non si sa per q-q.ale ragiono, preferiva ritenerle costruite dai Tolomei. Cf. J. BRUCE, Voyage aux sources cltt Nil, en Nubie et en Abyssinie, trad. Castera, 5 vol. in-4 ° , Paris 1790, I, p. 401-402. 13 BASSET 1893, p. 14; CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 295-296. Della "tesi persiao.a" aveva dubitato anche Dante Odorizzi che fu comrnissario regionale io loco; cf. D. ODORIZZI, IL con·1111issariato gerierale di Massaua al 1 ° gennaio 1910, Asn1arc1 1911, p.255. 14 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 296. 15 R. ROSE DI MEGLIO, 11 co1n1nercio arabo co1t la Ci11a dalla Gahiliyya al X seco/o, in "A1111ali Istituto· Universitario Orientale di Napoli", XIV (1964), p. 524-525. 9 10 11 12

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riprova di insediamenti persiani al tempo dei Sasanidi sulla costa e su!Je isole aksumite. Monneret de Villard ha dimostrato che anche nei secoli sucessivi alla rapida conquista araba della Persia· ed alla susseguente caduta dei Sasanidi (a.vvenuta verso la meta del VII sec. pochi anni dopo la morle di Maometto) il movimento mercantile f_ra il Golfo Persico ed il �'.1 r Rosso pieridionale prosegul intensamente e a lungo; lo stesso autore r1t1ene �er� tanto che con1e i 11avigatori provenienti dal GolflQ Persico ebbero staz1on1 commerci�li sulla costa africana dell'Ocea·no Indiano, cosl essi probabi1mente le ebbero anche sulla costa africana del Mar Rosso meridionale; sicche in definitiva in queste stazioni (,�orte dopo l'era dei Sasanidi) an drebbe forse ravvisata l'origine delle tradizioni sui Furs 16• Cio non e i11verosimile ma non se ne l1anno vere riprove specie percl1e, com'e noto, quasi nulla si sa dell'impero aksumita, e quindi anche del suo litorale, durante i ''secoli ·OSct1ri" de.Ila storia d'Etiopia (dal sec. VIII in poi). Inoltre, anche accogliendo tale spiegazione delle tra dizioni sui Furs, ne verrebbe che es[e appartengono all'era islamica; non risulterebbe cioe necessariame11te confer1nato esservi stati insediamenti persja1ti 11ell'arcipelago delle Dal1Iak si11 dagli an11i in cui i Sasanicli, prima de] sorgere dell'Islarn, occt1parono lo Yemen..

SOTTO CALIFF! ED AKSUMITI Ai primorcli del1'Islam, le rel1zioni del nu.ovo impero islamico con l'Abissinia cristiana. furono nell'insiem.e buone. Contro l'Abissinia i musulmani 0011 intrapresero gil1acl (guerra sa11ta) nei decenni che seguirono la morte di Maometto e cl1e invece videro, prin1a della fine del '\lll secolo, i1nn1e11se regioni soggiogate dai n1usuln1m1i. Ma poco dopo le due civilta non poterono evitare contatti e contrasti. La ca.usa prima va ricercata nell'insicurezza del Mar Rosso tormentato dalle incurio:ni dei pirati abissini. Contro di essi gli arabi, ancora privi di un.a marina mili tare, non san110 dapprin1a difendersi; n1a dopo alcuni decenni di vessa zioni piratescl1e la lo.ro reazione 110n manco. Nell'83 H. (702-703 A.D.) i pirati abissini osa.110 spingersi fino a saccheggiare Geddal1. Le autorita islamiche pensano di soffocare il 111ale all'origine: oramai provviste anche esse _di u �� ari�·a, �ec�do �o di occup�re _sulla costa eritrea posizioni dom1n�nt1 1 r1fug1 ?e1 p1ral1 e le loro vie d1 communicazione. La princi pa.le d1 queste sent1-nelle a,,a.nzate oontro l'invadenza. dei oirati abissini e appunto Dal1lak, OCCtlpata nei prin1i a11ni dell'VIII secolo e di\ enuta quindi per ten1po n1arca co11finaria dell'impero islamico. 1

T �!e oc �upazio11e di ?ahlak � comprovat:'l dal fatto che pochi anni dopo l 1sola e u11 luogo d1 relegazio11e sotto gli 'Omayyadi. II primo fatto storico riferibile a Dahlak nel1e fonti arabe si ha in Abf1 :1-Fara � al-Isf�hani (m. 967). L'autore del Kitab al-Aglzat1'i narra. cbe a1 tempi del cal1ffo 'omayyade Sulay1nan ibn 'Abd al-Malik (715-717 .

16- U. . MON�E �T . DE \1·LLARD, Note s1.1lle irifluenze as:atiche in Africa Or,entale, 1n R1v1sta degl1 Studi Orientali", XVIJ (1938), p.335-343.

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----------------------------- A.D.), il governatore della Mecca, per ordine dello stesso calirfo, dopq aver fatto· fustigare il poeta al-Ahwa$ per alcuni su·oi versi satirici, lo relego a Dal1lak, definita come cir(L c1l-sawk (terra di spine). 11 poeta dovette ri.manere nell'isola durante il resto del regno di Sulayman ed anche durante il califfato di '0111ar II (717-720 A.D.) cbe rifiuto di condonargli la pena. Questo stesso principe, secondo un altro autore, progettava nel no 100 H. (718-7.19 A.D.) di relegare a Dahlak u.n alto funzionario da lui destituito, ma poi rinuncio ad inf:liggere tale pooizione limitandosi a tenere .il ft1nzionario in carcere ad Aleppo. In quanto ad al-Ahwa$, egli ottenne �otto il califfato di Yazid ibn 'Abd al-Malik (720-724 A.D.) il permesso di la ·sciare l'isola ove, de1 resto, ve11ne sostit11ito da u11 noto git1reconsulto di Medi11a, 'Arrak ibn Malik17 • La prassi prosegul a11che sotto gli 'Abbasicli. Lo storico arabo al Tabar1 (rn. 923) seg11ala cl1e ii califfo al-Mansur (754-775 A.D.) dopo aver fatto giustiziare certo 'Abd al-Gabbar, governatore del Khorassan, ne re lego i figli nell'isola di Dal1lak ove essi rirnasero sino a cl1e riuscirono a fuggire i11 segt1ito ad u11a. incursione di ''I11diani'' cioe, probabiln1ente, di Abissini 18. Vers·o gli inizi del IX secolo, durante il califfato di Harun al-Rasid (786-809 A.D.), la dominazione degli 'Abbasidi sulle Dahlak prese verosi milmente fine; st.an.do inf18,tti a quanto riferisce uno storico posteriore, al-Maq_rizi (m. 1442), il ceJebre califfo avrebbe interpellato un certo Malik per sapere se fosse lecito combattere la gente di Dahla.k ribellatasi. Basset ne deduce che all'inizio del IX secolo le Dahlak si resero indipe11denti 19, mentre Conti Rossini si lirnita a dire che le i�ole erano state sgomberate dalle autorita 'abbassidi del Higaz20 . Intanto nelle provincie setJtentifionali del dec:linante impero aksu1nita er-a cornincia.to un fovte mo- vimenrto, di• popo-li: i Bega (ci--:� i Ll.r�cc�denti dei Blemmi ricordati d.agli autori classici). Questi, c.r1e o<.:cupa·vano 1-tn�1 vas-ta area fira ii Mar Rosso e i-1 Nilo, riappaiono ora su1Ia. scena srorica dotati di notevole forza di espansione. Maqr1zi .racconta con1e le 1iJCtrrsio11i dei Bega inquietassero i governatori 'abbasidi di P..s\11a11 si cl1e ·ve1111e inviato contra di essi il generale 'Abdallal1 ibn al-Gahu1; dopo vari com battime11ti venne fim1ato u11 trattato (rab1' I del 216 I-I. = apri1e-1naggio 831); tra l'altro, nel trattato si stipula che il vaslo territorio dei Bega stendentesi da Aswan fino alla regione di Dalllak e di Ba4i'21 sara. terri torio dell' ''emiro dei credenti'' n1a cl1e il capo <lei Be_ga (all'e_poca q11esti non si erano ancora convertiti all'isla.mismo) restera nondirneno sovrano 1 7 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 213. Sul poeta arabo relegato a Dahlak, cf. K. PE· TRACEK, A I-A h.lva.y al-A n�iir'i, in "Encyclopedie de l'lslam'' (nouv. ed.), I (1956) p. 314. 18 L'antica coafusione fra India ed Etiopia risale al III isecolo (su di essa cf. ·ora: E. CERULLI, Pun ti di vista sulfa storia dell'Etiopia, in "A tti def convegno inter11azionale di studi etiopici", Roma 1960, p. 19) e durera per mo)ti secoli. Si deve aggiungere che la confusione non era insolita nemmeno presso scrittori arabo-cristiani come Sawirus ibn al-Muqaffa' e Abu �alih l'Armeno. 19 BASSET 1893, p. 18. 20 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, ,p. 274. 21 Si pub ricorda(l'e che sec0ndo i mi�liori autori Badi' e l'antico nome di Massaua (per tutti cf. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 212). Tuttavia e da segnalare che secondo autori recenti, in quei lontani secoli, B5�\i' forse era l'isola di Airi (cf. O.G.S. CRAWFORD, The Fung Kingdo111 of Sennar, Gloucester 1951, p. 107 e carta p. 103). Nell'ambito del preseate studio la questione, comunque, non appare essenziale.

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del paese pagando un determinato tributo22• Daltla.k era quindi all'epoca uoa localita ben nota tanto da essere citruta in un trattato. Comunque l'isola, sepbene islamizzata da oltre un secolo, appare agli inizi del secolo IX es�ersi sottratta a l do1ninio degli 'Abbasidi e d essere stata attirata nuovamente nell'orbita del reame d.el 11.c1gas1 ('o negus) cioe dello

I 'I

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Testimo11ianza di cio ci viene data dallo st,orico e geografo a.rabo contemporaneo al-Ya'qubi (m. verso il 900). Nella sua ''Storia universale''. scritta verso l'anno 872 utilizzando notizie fornitegli da viaggia,tori e da mercanti, egli espone che.fra . ii Nilo e il mare i Bega. costituiscono cinque reami ognuno con U·Il proprio · sovrano; dopo questi reami viene quello del riagas'i, cristia110 giacobita; gli Arabi vi si recan·o a commerciare; il reame ha grandi citta e la sua sponda di mare e DahJak:23• Lo stesso au;tore nel.la sua opera geografica (il Kitab c,l-Buldliri scritto verso l'anno 889), parla.ndo delle ''isole dello Yemen'', conferma laconicamente che ''Dahlak C }'jsola del 11.agasz 24. Poco dopo, un altro storic·o, geografo e viaggiatore arabo, al-Mas'frdi (1n. 956) ci mostra anch'egli t1n'Etiopia in ripresa; il territorio ha molte citta e si este11de fi110 al 1nare st1lle cui rive, di fronte alJo Yemen, sono le cilta di Zayla', di Ba�i25 e Daltlak; i n1usulmani stabiliti in queste citta, paga.no tribt1ti agli Abissini26 • Ri1Jrova della ripresa clell'Abissinia e un trattato di amicizia fra ;1 re di essa e il sig11ore dello Yeme11, Ibralnm ibn Ziyad (m. 901); in ·�i.rti1 di tale tra:tJtato, co.11t:int1amente bas,tunenti )'emeniti passano in tre g;·:Jr.ni dalla costa di Zabid al paese degli Abissini trasporta.ndovi merci e �itgozianti. 27 Tuttavia, dopo la ripresa, la potenza aksumita appare in ,J�clino sicche i11 definitiva, agli i11izi del X secolo, per l'intensita dei 1raffici, le Dahlak pre1Jdono a gravitare nell'orbita d'inflt1enza yemen.ita. So110 (li qt1esl'epoca (i11izi del 900) le prime stele datate cola rinvenute28_ Sorge, dtmque, il problema dj definire qt1a:'l.e parte le D,ahla.k, oramai mt1st1lrnane da oltre dt1e secoli, abbiano avuto 11ell'introduzione dell'Islam sulla terra ferma. E' noto cl1e sttlla prima penetrazione dell'Islam nell' are a etiopica si ha,0110 scarsi e.Je ,n1e11ti. Le prin.cipali notizie disponibili possono essere cos1 compendiate:

22 23 24 25 26 27 28

U. MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia de/la Nubia cristiana, Roma 1938, p. 102. :r-.�olto e s t �to scritto sui rea.ini descritti da al-Ya'qftbi. Preciso e in proposito ii .r1as sunto cli CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 274-275. Y�'Kl} �I, Les PaJ :s �trad. G. \Viet), 1:,e_ ��ire_ 1937� p. 159. Q_u, Ba�1v se1nbra 1nd1ca �e_ senza poss1bil1ta d1 equ1,,oco, JJer Ia stia posizione ch fronte allo Yemen, l 1sola di Massaua. J.S. T�IMINGHA:t\11, lsla11i irz EthioJJia, London 1952, p. 51. CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 281. Sui Bat1t1 Ziyad si riparlera nel capitolo seguente. �a prima ste�e datata, tra quelle pt1blica,te daJ Malmusi, e del 1 o muharram R.08 . Hd cornspond ��te al 23 n1aggio 920 A.D. �1ALMUSI, lapide ; o �s1, OJJO av �r v1s1tato la necropoli di Dahlak Kebir seu�nalo' c . e n.a 40) piu h I ·;,.. . ,·1ntica '. dell . e 1ap1 d1 da. 1u1· esan11· 11�te (1n · era del niese di sa'b1 ii ?99 I-J · ed1·ta) co�r1spondente al rnarzo del 912 A.D (ROSSI 1937, p. 372). Malm.u; attri: _ . ; btusce pareccb1e stele al IX secolo dell era voloar · 1111po ei , e e cio non e · ss1"b"l 1 e nJa si tratta di stele tutte non datate. - 54-

---------------------� 1) Lo Scioa'. ( o meglio la pwte oooideirutale della regione oggi. nota. con ques1o nome) fu la sede di UlD. \sul1lanato musulmano fondato, secondo le rtradizioni, nel 283 H. (896-897 A.D.) e retto da 11na 1diuasfia maklzzu111.ita, che vantava cioe discendenza dalla famosa tribu dei lv1a.khzfuni rivali degli 'Omayyadi29. 2) Stele musulmane rinvenute nell'Enderta (regione meridionale del T-igre) artestano l'insediamento cola prima della fine del IV secolo del l'Egira (prima cioe dell'anno 1000 d.C.) di collettivita musulmane30• Pertanitio Dahlak, impOPtante centlro musulmano posto a brevissima drisitanm dalla oosta etiopica dii cui dominava gli sbocchi, fu la principale porta di ,acce&so dell'lslam, la ''testa di poote'' deilla penetrazione musul mana in Etiopia. III NELL'ORBITA YEMENITA Il geografo Ib:u Hawqal (cl1e termi. ITT,a nel 977 il suo ''Libro delle vie e dei regni''), dopo aver affermato che sulla costa africana gli Abissini sono disseminaiti lu11go i[ m1aire fino al parallelo di Aden e vivono in pacifici rapporti co1nmerciali coi musulmani yemeniti, aggiunge avere Dal1lak tin capo c· he paga a1 s1ovra;ruo dedlo Yemen un tributo di , schiavi e di ambra31 • Lo stesso autore, in un.a seconda edizione della sua opera (terrrti11ata nel 988 A.D.) a cui diede il titolo di ''Immagine della terra'', parlando del signore dello Yemen regnante a Zabid, Abu 'I-Gays Isl1aq ib11 Ibrahim ibn Ziyad (figlio quindi del sovran·o citato da :tv[as'Clcli), segr1ala cbe questo s,ovrano, ''in s.eguito ad uin la.ccardo, riceve cla.l signore ,de1!.e isole Dahlak donaitivi coru;jstenti in schiavi negri, ambra, pelli r1i pairJJtera di e prima sclta ed Wtri oggeitti; a11cl1e 1a regin.a di r'\bissi1li2. ,i;Ii iil.via cloru benevoli offertigli di cont .im.u,o'' 32• A sua volta, Io storico yemenita 'Omara11 (1n. 117,4) conferma che Ptbf1 ']-Gays (m. 981 dopo aver regnato circa 80 a11ni) intrattie1ie buoni rap porti ic01l re d'Abjiss\i:nia ohe ne rioorca l'alleanza e gli invia doni33 : e, par lando delle entrate dello stesso sovrano nell'anno 976-977, '0111aras rileva essere Abu 'I-Gays i11 buoni rapporti anche col capo delle Dahlak rice vendone doni; anzi egli ha estes·o su quelle isole la sua signoria in1po11endo un trributo ccmsistente, tr,a 'l'·altro, mi 1000 schiavi, di icui la meta sooo donne Abissine e Nuba; 'On1arah sembra anche alludere alla pesca delle perle presso Dahlak, parimenti soggetta alle imposizioni fiscali d} Abu 'I-Gays, siccbe questa e probabilmente la piu antica menzione della pesca delle perle nelle acque eritree, pesca certamente non praticata in antico � verosimilmente introdotta d.ai marinai del 'Oman e del G·olfo' Persico34. 29 E. CERULLI: 11 Sultanato dello Scioa nel secolo XIII secondo un nuovo doci1me1zto storico, in "Rassegna di Studi Etiopici", I (1941), p. 35. 30 C. PANSERA: Quattro stele mt1sulmane presso Uoglier Hariba nell'Enderta, in "Studi etiopici raccolti d·a C. Conti Rossini", Roma 1945, p. 3. 3L BASSET 1893, p. 19. 32 JBN HAUQAL, Configuration de la Terre (Kitab surat al-ard), (trad. G. Wiet), Paris 1964. I, p. 22. 33 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 281. 34 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 296.

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Queste :iln!formazi,oni sono sostanzialmente oonfermarte anche da scri.ttori posteriori: jJ poligrafo a11daluso lbn Sa'id (m. 1274), cita.to da� , . ''principe degLi stor ici a1rabi'', Ibn Khald1111 (m. 1406), aff�rm_a �ch _ egil1 che Abu 'I-Gays ma11teneva buone relazioni con i sovran1 d1 Et1op1a e che tra i suoi proventi ocano amche quelli derivanti dall.a pesca del!Je perle e dal.l'isola di Dahlak che gli versava un 1tributo35• Da quesb1 o, i:n.s i, eme d1i .notizie s i puo dedl.LJlre: a) ch� nel X seco:lo la situazione eco11om.ica dell'arcipelago e ITT,otevolmente flor1:da; b) che nella secooda meta d:ello stes,so secolo,· i l caDO. delle Da:hla.k e 11rib·ua t rio del sign ore di Zabid, capitale dello stato islamico d� lJo Yeme n oc� ide ntale, _ _ la. Til1ama (zo11a colli11osa compresa fra il mare e 1 m.ont1 yemen1 t1). Oltre ail d.ecli110 dell'i1nper-o akst111utn, molteplici fiattori (la vicinanza de11a oosta a.bissina, i tra-ffjci··tradizionali, il oo.ntinuo afflusso di schiavi abjssini, ecc.) spiegano· l'in flusso cl1e nello Yen1en adesso h.a:runio gl.i Abissi _ �i: -taluni di essi dallo stato servile riescono ad assurgere a cariche supe r1or1 deJlo Stato tanto cl1e I Jresto alla dinastia dei Be n.i Ziyad si sostituisce Ia ''dinastia E Ia storia delle Dal1lak e ora intima1 nente abissina dei Be11i Na gah''. , in'te·ssuta co11 CftlelI' a dello Ye men.

! I I I

Alla sua. 111orte Abu 'I-Gays (981 A.D.) lascia per erede u n fanciullo. Due schiavi abissini, Nagal1 e Nafis otte11gon o aJti incarichi ma finisco1 10 JJer entrare i11 conflitto fra loro. Na_gal1 e sostenuto dalla zia del giovane 1Jrir1ci1Je ma Nafis riesce ad avere 11e lie n1a11i la do11na e ii fanciullo; Ii sopprin1e (A.D. 1018), si i1npadronisce del potere, conia monete in suo 11oi11e. Nagal1 fa guerra all't1st1rpatore e dopo tre a11ni lo uccide. Ma l'ec cidio operato da Nafis J1a es ti11to la dinastia dei Ben i Ziyad e Na.gab, a �u:1 volta, si proclan1a re. La di11astia dei Be ni Nagal1 avra pero vita dif ficile e cercl1era SJJesso rift1gio a. Dal1lak. D01Jo circa 40 a11ni di potere, Nagah e avvele11ato (A.D. I 060) per n1andato di un st10 con 1 petitore is1na'ilita, 'Ali ib11 Mt1ha111mad al-Sulayl1i. 11 prin 1ogen ito di Nagal1 si suicida; 1 na clue ,1Itri stfoi figli, Sa'id detto al-Al1\val (cioe "lo slrabico") e Gayyas, cerca 110 scan1po a Dal1lak cl1e di vien e cos1 la base dei Be11i Nagah, la Ioro roccaforte politica e militare . Un pri1110 ten tativ·o di rivincita dei Beni Nagal1 si svolge nel 458 I-I. hi, messosi in via.ggio verso !'Egitto per (l065-1 _066 _A.D_.) : AI � al-�ula � _ _ fat1 n11ta, pr 1ma a11cora di aver lasciato ii suo territorio, o,:seqt11ar � 11 cal1 fto v1en e ucc1s0 11el corso di u 11 sollevamento guidato da Sa'id al-Allwal ed attuato co11 gli ait1ti in �iati dal re cl'Abi _s�i11ia (tra i quali pare si de bbano capo delle Dal1lak); 111a ii figlio del sovrano, ?n�over:1re anche qt 1ell1 del ,� g1ovan e AJ1n1ad al-�ula)1l11 detto al-Mukarram, riesce a riu1tire armati ed r �en t �are _ a Zabi'd 11el 460 tr. (1067-1068 A.D.) sicche Sa'id e costretto a r � fug1ars1 nt1 ova111en t�- a Dal1Iak .. P _er qt1alcl1e tempo ancora i due fratel]i s1 _ten g?n ? q �1et1_ n ell 1 s �la ove s1 1struiscono 1 1e]le lettere e 11el Corano. Poi Sa·1ct 111tr1 ga conlro 11 capo delle Dal1lak, avversato i 11 cio dallo stesso st10 fratello, las�ia J'isola e s f re ca a Zabid ove si 11 asc;oiide. Raggiunto poco do .�o clal ,., tratello Gayy,1s. mt1ove con una piccola banda contro .il _ 110:e �1 Zab1d, Al11 11ad al-�ulayl11. Questi gli Iancia co 1 1tro 5000 armati s1g . _ ab1 �s1n1 111 buo11a p�rte gia servi o an1ici di Nagah; i due fratelli riescon o pero a sgom 1_ 1 1are d1 sorpresa gli avversari e i 5000 Al,issin i passa110 allora V

35 B,A..SSE1� 1893, p. 19. -- 56 -

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ai loro conterranei; riconosciuto signore della Til1amah, Sa'id ·occupa Zabid (1081 A.D.). Ma poiche molti capi del paese lo avversano, Sa'id invia in Abissinia emissari che _ gli raccolgario ventimila armati, massa notevole di gran lunga superiore alla pos:sibilita delle Dahlak: che soltanto accordi con il negus possono avergli procurato. Poco dopo al-Mukarram (ma forse sarebbe meglio dire la famiglia �egli al-�ulaybi perc�e al-Mu karran1, colpito da paralisi, sembra sia oramai solo tin sovrano nominale), n1essi insien1e 3000 cavalieri piomba su Zabid, rompe i ventimila fanti abissini e fa strage degli avversari (1083 A.D.). Sa'id e i suoi seguaci riescono a scampare e si ri[ugia110 di nuovo a Dablak; ivi radunano forze e nuovan1ente l'avve11turoso Sa'id si impossessa di Zabid (1086 A.D.). Vi si mantie11e n1a poco dopo, provocato dagli al-Sulayl1i, e attirato in una imboscata e viene ucciso con n1olti suoi armati. nel 479 H. (1086-1087 A.D.) siche il potere ritorna a.d al-Mukarram36 . Gayyas. fratello di Sa'1d, sca1npa ad Ade11 e da Ii ragiu11ge l' ''lndia''37; ne torna dopo pochi mesi, raggi1111ge Zabid, vi consegue appoggi e, coi suoi Abissini, insorge all'improvviso conquista 11dola; in breve, rafforzato dagli antichi partigiani, riesce a consolidare il suo potere se11za cl1e al-Mukarran1, infer n10, osi ripre11dere la lotta. Ma alla rnorte di al-Mukarram, avvenuta nel 484 H. (1091-1092 A.D.), il suo successore riesce a riprendere Zabid e Gayyas, ancora una volta ripara a Dal1Iak. Da ll torna dopo brevissimo tempo e riconquista Zabid sulla quale regna incontrastato fino alla sua n1orte avve11uta nel 498 H. (1104-1105 A.D.)38 . In sostanza, qui11di, nel secolo XI, la storia delle Dablalc e stretta mente con11essa co11 quella di Zabid e della dinastia dei Beni Nagah. Mau ca110 pero notizie piu precise .sulla vita di quelle isole in q11el secolo. Sembra tuttavia cl1e, per gli intensi contatti con lo Yen1e11. la sitL1a zio11e delle Dahlak fosse allora verame11te notevole per q11anto co11i:erne la prosperita e la cult11ra. Ne sono prova le numerose iscrizio11i arabe del cin1itero di Dahlak Kebir scritte in elegante scritt11ra cufica: l\,1�1lmt1si da il testo di ben 23 stele datate de& secolo Xl 39. Sembra infi11e anche certo che verso la fine del secolo Xl (cioe durante il regno di Gayyas) Dahlak si sia resa indipei1dente da Zabid poiche, come si v,edra fra breve, il capo dell'isola assunse allora ti titolo di sultano; inoltre, a q11esto titolo sovrano vennero poi ad aggiu11gersi altre altisonanti titolature. Dal1lak diviene du 11que indiJ)endente da1lo Yemen come lo e dall' Abissiu1iia.

36 Questo so1nmario di avven.in1enti segue, in massima parte, il racconto di CON'l11 ROSSINI 1928, p. 297-299 (cbe si e valso di H.C. K.AY , Ya111ari - Its early 111ecliaeval History, London 1892) qui integrato con dati tratti da C.AN'SAJ.,DI, I[ Ye111erz 11ella storia e nella legger1da, Roma 1933, p. 133-136. 37 Sarebbe interessante approfcm-dire se si tratta veramente dell'Inclia oppure (come sembra piu probabil.e) dell'Abissinia, in seguito a.lla gia accennata confusione tra i due paesi (v. nota n. 18). 38 La dina.stia del Beni Nagah si estingue nel 1159 A.D. Poco dopo (1173) Tui:an Sha·h conkt1ista lo Yemen per conto di st10 fratello, Salah al-Din al-Ayy-Obi (ii Saladino). 39 Uno spoglio accurato dei da,ti che possono trarsi daille stele di Dahl,ak (edito ed inedite) e tuttora da farsi - 57 -

IV IL SULTANATO INDIPENDENTE

A - Notizie storiclze

I \ I

nt l ue de seg ne po dis si k, � hl D lle de � te en nd to ipe Sul sultana ind � _ e en gli bb s , no lta su 1 o tol t il � e � um ass k hla Da lle a. po de Il ca ! ram pano a Abissini continuino a dargli l'antico nome de1 tempr della sua d1pe�denz da Aksum, ''prefetto del mare'' (se),u111a balzr). E' 1?-�olto � ro� ab.ile cbe va UI tro , s1 rd1 t p1u eno alm � e, � ov _ ua ssa Ma che o, an lag o ipe arc nim l'omo 11d'ib (delegato) dipendente dal prefetto del mare; sul prosp1ce�te �tor_ �e d1 1 ssm 1 ab1 cap e re nto qua in .to _de� tan sol i ers end est a pub a, ess terraferm ret.roterra versino in speciale stato di debolezza e, comunque, non v� s1 consolid.a. La politica di Dahlak verso I'Abissinia diyien� SJ?esso �es_satrrce, sfruttando Ia sua posizione dominante le comun1ca21on1 mar1tt1me ed essendo acuita dal sootimento islamico40• Rade e frammentarie sono pero le notizie sulle Dahlak che ci vengono furnite dagli scrittori arabi per questo periodo che ha inizio sul finire rjel secolo XI e comprende i tre secoli seguenti. Se ne riassumono le prin cipali : a) Si apprende dalla ''Storia dei patriarchi a.Iessandrini'', cl1e il pa triarca Cirillo II (1078-1092 A.D.), su richiesta dell'a111ir al-gLl)'lIS Badr al-Gamali41 , nomi11a verso il 1080 A.D. un giovane di nome Sawirus (=Severo] n1etropolita d'Abissinia; recatosi nella sua nuova sede, Severo vi ,'; avversato da un egizia110 di 11on1e Cirillo detto 'Abdfi .n che gia aveva av·.;ersato il precedente 1netropolita Bt1qtur [=Vittore] nom.inato dal pa ;rjarca Cristodulo (1047-1077 A.D.); secondo quanto asserito da quest'ul timo patriarca a Badr al-Gamali, 'AbdO.n aveva da tempo usurpato in Abissinia lo stato sacerdotale e la carica di 1uetropolita; Severo pero deve aver vinto il confronto poiche l'11st1rpatore fi11is.:e per raccogliere le riccl1ezze accumulate e per fuggire ,1 Dal1lak ove git1nge con molto denaro; i.l signore (�al1ib) di Dahlak, dopo avergli tolto il denaro. Io arresta e lo traduce consegnandolo a Badr al-GamfLli; questi, tenuto 'Abdfin prigio niero per alqua11to tempo 11elle carceri della capitale egiziana, lo fa decapitare nel 1086 A.D.42. I1 signore di Dahlak a cui l'episodio si riferi�ce era quasi certamente ii capostipite della dinastia sultaniale del l'arcipelago; a quanta risulta dalla sua stele funeraria (che verra esami nata oltre) egli, cbe si cl1iamava al-Mubarak e porta,,a il titolo di sultan·o, mori nel 1093 A.D. L'episoclio e pertanto indice del fatto che Dahlak fiin dagli inizi del sultanato indipendente, ha freqt1enti contatti e mantiene buoni rapporti con !'Egitto fatin1ita. •

40 CONTI ROSSlNI 1928, p. 300. 41 Bad! al-Garn��. un Armeno conye�titosi all'Islam, fu per 20 anni (1074-1094) onrupotente v1zu del sovrano fatinuta al-Mustansir. 42 Hi�tory of tl!e Patriarchs of tlze Egyptian Clzi,rch, Volume II, Part III Le Caire (�oc_. d �rch. Copte 1959, testo ar. p. 211, trad. p. 329; S econdo q�esta fonte l ep1sod 10 sarebbe avvenut� nell'anno 860 dell'Era dei Martiri corris P�� dente al 1143-1144 A.D._;. ma 11 _raffronto con Ia durata del patriarcato di �1 �1llo II e c_on quella del v121rato d1 Badr al-Gama.ti dimostra cbe quest.'l data e il frutto di u n errore di_ trascrizione: sict1ramente invec,� �·1 N � . L} 0 ·· � . · ·: · va · letto · v.:-� · le- e l'annO 802 d.ell'Era de1 Marti.ti corrisponde al -.- o.,./ N··l.,, o 1086 A.D. - 58 -

b) A Dablak verso il 513 H. (l 119� 1120 A.D.) sos'ta il cla'i fatimita lbn Nagib al-Dawla11 proveniente dal Cairo e diretto allo Yemen; e a Dahliak sositaino poco dopo i messi cbe dall Cai,ri o si recavaino nello Yen1en per procedere a1 suo arresto43 • La notizia non e priva di interesse : sappiamo infatti che la dinastia fatimita d'Egitto (969-1171 A.D.) ha u.11 comn1ercio estero intenso e prospero non solo nel Mediterraneo ma ancbe a �tra�erso ii Ma: Rosso ne1i cui porti affluiscono merci pregiate prove ment1 da lontan1 paesi asiatici e poi, in b11ona parte, riesportate verso l' ?uropa44 ; a 'Aydhab, scrive il noto viaggiatore persiano Nasir-i-Khosraw, S f p�rc_e�iscono i diritti suIIe merci prove11ienti per mare del doganali _ l Ab1ss1n1a, <la Zang1bar e da]lo Yemen; poi le si trasporta ad Aswan ove vengono poste barcl1e co11 cui scendono il Nilo. Si deduce che st1 queste rotte colleganti !'Egitto con le coste dell'Arabia meridionale e dell'Oceano Indiano, Dahlak e ora divenuta uno scalo i1nportante. c) Il geografo Yaqut (m. 1229) narra cbe a Dahlak regnava il sultano Malik ibn Saddad (fra poco si vedra trattarsi di tin errore di trascrizione e doversi leggere: al-Sadad) quando naufrago nei paraggi, nell'isola al Namus, proveniente da Aden, il poeta arab· o Ibn Qalaqis che, dopo qt1esta avventura, forgio 11n no;to distico: ''Malvagio pa.ese e Dahlak, chi vi approda perisce ! ti basti sapere cl1e e un inferno il cui gt1ardiano e Mal lik''. II naufrago ebbe cattivo trattamento da parte di Malik e torno ad Aden spoglio di ogni bene. La data del nat1fragio e il 5 dl1fi'l-qa'dal1 563 (11 agosto 1168)45 • Questo e il solo nome di sultano di Dahlak tra1nan da:toci d.alla storia; vedremo che e confermato dalle iscriziani funerarie. illtooto. i_fl naufiragio confern1a c11e Daltlak ·trovasi sulle rotte cl1e da11'0cea no Iodiano fan110 ca1Jo ai porti egiziani del Mar Rosso. d) Nel 662 H. (1263-1264 A.D.), seco11do Maqriz1 (n1. 1442), il sul tano 111c1111li1k Baybars apprende che il ''re-" (111alik) di Dahlrtlc e il ''re'' di Sawakin sogliono appropriarsi <lei beni dei mercanti strcinieri che m11oiono nei loro paesi; Baybars fa loro le sue ri1nostranze i11 11ia11do un runb2.sc:iatore. II re di Sawakin pare essere stato un Bega di 'Aydh3b, ove il :rappresen tante del gover110 egizia110 e costretto a dividere la J)I"OJ.Jrio_ al1t0ri ta coi capi dei Bega residenti nel deserto e la cui gente con1111ercia, per vi;:1 di terra, con l'A·bissinia. I rimproveri di Baybars no11 approdano a nu1Ja: nel 12651266 il governatore egiziano di QG� e incaricato di scendere con le sue s·oldatesche a 'Aydhab ed a Sawakin; il capo di qt1est'ultima si da alla ft1ga e Sawakin riceve una guarnigione egiziana46• Poco o nulla, invece, Dahlak aveva da temere data la sua posizione; comunque il collegamento, fal1o nell'episodio, tra il capo del porto sudanese e quello dell'isola etiopica, vale ad attestarci la consimile funzione dei due porti, ambedue scali jmportani sulle rotte del Mar Rosso. 43 ROSSI 1937, p. 368. 44 Sui traffici sotto i Fatimiti, cf. WIET, L'Egypte arabe, in "Histoire de la Nation egyptienne", v,ol. IV, J>aris 1937, p. 303-308. 45 BASSET 1893, p. 24. 46 CONTI ROSSINI 1928, p. 302. Si pub aggiungere che il porto di 'Aydab era forse gia in declino nel XIII secolo; comunque nel 671 H. (1272-1273) il porto venne saccheggiato da Davide, re di Nubia (e la reazione egiziana segnera l'inizio dello sfacelo della Nubia cristiana); cf. U. MONN.BRET DE VILLARD, Storia def/a Ni,bia cristiarzc1, Roma 1938, p. 212. QO�, cittadina dell'Alto Egitto (sull'ansa del Nilo che, all'altezza del 26 ° parallelo, pii:1 s'avvicina alle coste del Mar Rosso), era il capolinea della ca.rovaniera che dal Mar Rosso portava all valle del Nilo; da QO� provengono, come si vedra, lapidi funera,rie relative alla clinastia dei sultani di Dahlak. - 59 -

I l Il

'•

_I � · i m su u am re � to it cr es er av o p o d � - un.a s ecr e e) Lo storico· al-'Omari (nl. ]349), " (Awfat) esercita � t fa l'I i al qu i a tr i , am ia re in i ss man in Abi aes e, e un p o 5t ue q a e uc nd co r is M <la di prirnato scrive : ''La strooa e, h e e t-r rr al te le o rs :7e e ra ha � tn A l' o rs ve , che ·va de slrada o ll; an gr de rarn 48 L a k la ah , D a · · e 1n ak w Sa •• • ab1 ss1 ne. Questa JJaese e pross1mo a N"as1·,41, a · ,Omar1'i fu • o 11 � C� al e ch o nt co ga n · notizi· a e in se n1odesta. n1a ov-e si te to ca ri a ca e er in ch e ad m 1n 1a uI M ir a$ -N al segretario del sulta110 ·,,1a111!Ltk el tempo Dahlak era qu a , e cb ce du e d si , · della oor rispondenza ufficiale per l'Egitto una loca1ita di ri.lievo. o di Ramah, n lta su ito ud er (l' da Fi '1f) Secondo il geografo Abu · to u� sovran� s ot a er ak l1l Da , m. 1331), che citava Ibn Sa'id (XII-I sec.) rs1 ge d1 reg va rc ce le qu il na 111a I su � n1u e o11 igi � rel di di origine abissi1 1,1 e . a a un cor an ue sub 1 1llld qu bra sem k aI h· Da 11. 1ne l Ye 1 o del ta1 0 il 1 co 1tro st1l 49 • itto 'Eg dell che e oltr en certa i1 1Pluenza dello Yem g) Secondo lo storico ye1ne11ita al-K11azragi, nel 787 H. (1385 A.D.) giunge al st1Itano gl1 assa11ide di Zabicl 11n dono del signore (�a.hib) di .Dal1lak con, .sistente in t1n elefan. 'te, bestie feroci ed a1trre rarita� lo stes.so storico info,rma cl1e a.11che 11el 789 H. (1387 A.D.) il sjgnore di D.ahlak i11via ail sovra110 yemen·ita un elera:ru!e, una giraffa, uno struzzo e varie bestie feroci 50. Lo stesso at1tore aveva segnalato l'arrivo nello Yemen di u11' an1basceria abisE:ina 11el 1369 sicc11e il Cerulli ricorda che fin dagli i11izi della dina,stia clei Salon1 onidi ( 1270 A.D.), ii Negus si serviva d·eI sovra110 dello Yern. e11 con1 e i 1 1ter1nediario pres so il sultana d'Egitto, riu sce1 1do per ov,1 ie ragiorni piu faci Ii per ,gli Abissini i contatti oon lo Yemen anzicl,e co11 l'Egitto51 . Ma poiche ii sultana to de]le Dahlak aveva esteso la stia signoria a Massat1a ed al prospicie,nte litorale abissin.o, se ne puo dedurre cl1e le a111bascerie abissine cl1e si recavano nello Yemen passava110 verosimiln111 te per i te:rr�tori e i lJOrti del sig11ore delle Dal1lak cl1e, per , Lanto, pt1r atlraverso d 1 ffLcolta e co11 , tras·ti, se11 1bra aver in auei te1npi man i: -con l'Abis:sinia lenuto contarli la.rule con Io Yemen 111 usulmano ot1ant o , cristiana. 11) A sua volta I�. storico egiziano Maqrizi (n1. 1442) i11forma che nel . 795 I-I. (1393 A.D.) 11 sulta110 d'Egitto riceve1:te da'.l sovrano di Dahlak parecchi elefa_nti, tina giraffa, scl1iavi e scl1ia,,e, oggetti preziosi52_ Cio �onfer1na cl1e �l st1 lLa.nt? delle Dal1lak intrattrie11e btion, i rapporti col o-rande 0· 1mpero 111c1111IL1k alla f111 e del XIV secolo. A qu e�to notizie fo mite clagli scrittori .arabi, debbano aggiuu.gersi lle c�e s ossono trarre dal Gad/a Fil/JOs ossia dagli atti d;l monaco � .i��l 1 ppo 011 � a�ore, verso la n1eta_ del sec. XIV, de l fainoso convento di _ B 1zen da lt11 portato a. gra11 de riccl1ez-za� e potenza ta nto da ann verare o · 900 m . onac1_ a11a st1a n1orte. Secondo ii gad[, il seylll?la b a/ ,- ch ri£ie 1 e, , · de ne re di Filpos e g11· 1·nv·1a un n1esso ch e e assa1· · I paes· e dt Dahlak· ode parla . 1mpress 1 onat.o dal p10 abate:· 11 seyi1111a bali r (clie p are s1· .· . ch 1amas£e Ma.Ie,k) 47 Letture di una stessa parola �l� sono le for n,e b�ac1., · 1 nadi'. nf1si· . a I a sua 1"d ent1· 1··:icaz1o Cuc ne co.n Jvf. assaua, v. nota n 21 , . . . · 48 IBN FADL-0- LLAlI AL-01vIARI, A1astilik el ab . . .· • .. . · . sar f1 1na1 n.al1k el a111sar, vol. r, L'1\(r1que, 111oins l'Egyptc ' (trad · G·.c1u 1 : c.etroy-De1nomb;nes), Paris 1937 p. 19-20. . 49 ROSSI 1937, p. 369. 50 ROSSI 1937, p. 369. 51. E. CERULLI, L'Etiopia n1eclievale ;11 alcLtn·1 l Jta . nz· ch. scr1ttori arabi, in "Rassegna di Studi Etiopici", JJI (1943) p 290 ' . . 52 RO,SSI 1937, p. 369. --· 60 -

s1 1mpegna a non ·recare alcuna molestia ai monaci di Dabra Bizans3 • In proposito cosl Co11ti Rossini· commenta il fatto: . '' La _fama dell'abaite si divl1lgo pron1tam,ea1te per l'Btiopua. Aggioo:. gas 1 c�e rl ; �r �ovo co11vent, o, popoloso di firwli fruo.atici, posto -£Ta monti . �pr1, In_ P?s1z1one formidabile, poreva cos1tirtruire u.n pericolo non }jeve per 1 tranqu1ll1 con11nercianti mt1st1lma11i della costa. E co�i vediamo il ''pre �etto del mare�· Malek, signore di Dal11ak, sollecitare l'ainicizia di Filpos, qua!e co11 lui st:Jria1se spe.cia.li accordi per la libevta dei transiti, per 1·esenz1011e dai pedaggi e dalle prestazio·ru personali e per l'incolu1nitl1 delle persone: accordi, che tosto Malek comunico al 11.c1ib di Massaua, ordi,nai1do di rispet,ta.rli, e cl1c ancl1e gli altri ''prefetti del mar, e'' osserva romo. Chi legge i l gadl vi trova detr:o cl1e gli ac'"cordi furo'I1-o presi solta!llrto a favore di quei di Dabra Bizan, n1a 11011. e a dubi·oarsi cl1.'essi fossero bilateirali e cl1e scambievole fosse il pat-to di p.rotezione e di liberta. Ne c-rederei che l'episoctio sia da 1netter�i i11 dubbi,o o d.a relegarsi tra l e ravole: appunto, verso qtie' le111pi re Sayfa Ar'ad do v. ette ordi_natfe le note angherie contro i co111n1ercia1n.ti isla.1nici in Btiopia, angherie che cagiona rono l'ambasceria del st1ltano d'Egitto Malik as-Salih ricevuta poi da re Dawit, e Dabra Biza11, per la st1a po�izione, poteva imped.ire le con1mu11i cazioni fra M·assa11a e il Tigre, . pa.ssa11d.o appuJJto sot-to quel couvento la via cl1e da Massat1a conduceva a Debar\.va, allora capitale delle terre del Bahr nagas, e di la ai mercati di oltre Jvlareb'' . 54 Da questo i11sie111e di noitizie si traggono le in1pressio11i seguen1i. Da.l1lak, po.nte fu;a l'Arabia e l'Aiiric.a oltre che scalo st1lle vie 1narittime dell'Oceano I11di·ano, co11osce nei secoli XII, XIII e XIV 11101ne; r,,ti di particolare prosperit, a. lno.lt:re essa appare a\.'er sv,olto, tt11 co1npito pa.rli colare in secr10 allo scl1ieramenrto isla111.ico:. tale schievan1en to.. clopo - Ia fi11e del c:iliffato 'abbaside segnata. dalla cadut,1 di Bagl1dad (es11ugoata clai Mongoli nel 1258) e guidato dal potente in1pero 1rtr.111luk d'Egitto che donu·n.a il Mar R·osso. Mi:i i11ta11.to a11c.he in EL:i.opia. con l:1. resL;,1urata dinastia salomo11ide (1270) ]1a in,izio un pe:riodo di rafforz,8:rr10111:o e di prestigio: i sovrani etiopi sostengo110 co11 risultati favorevoli lu11gl1e g11erre contro i reami mttsulman.i dell'Etiopia; il regno di 'Amela Seyo11 (13141344) �egna iacr1zi uITTa vittori,osa espa1nsione 11ei cou1fronti di c1uei rea.rni e Sa.yfa Ar'ad (1344-1372) co11so]id, a l'opera del st10 preclecessore. I .rapporti fra l'Etl1iopia crisliana e l'in1pero 111a111l11k risentono di questa sit11azio11e e sono spe�so punteggiati <la diff.iico1ta55; i11 questa sit11azione, Dahlak e piu che mai un posto avan:z.n.to, 11na sen1ti:nella posta a g11ardia cli uno degli. accessi principali di qtiel potente i111pero- cristia,no cui 11,oa n10 ,t'1 tira dizione attribuiv�t allora perfi110 il potere di ''deviare le acq11e del Nilo''56. indica non solo E la magr1ificen2ia. dei titoli segrnati sulle E·tele ft1nerarie ; tina discreta culit11ra 1nust1Jn1ana a Da:hlak i111 quei secoli, come rilevato da E. Rossi57, ma anche una particolare funzione politica: il sultaoo di Dahlak. e spesso qualificato na$'ir c1l-cl111. ("protettore della religione''). •

•

C. CONTI ItOSSlNI, II Gari/a Fi/oos e il Gae/la Yoha1111es c/i Debrtz Bizan i11 "Atti R. Acc. Lincei", An110 CCXCI (1894), Serie V, vol. II, Roma 1896, p. 106, f. 41v del tcsto etiopico. 54 C. CONTI ROSSINI, IL Gae/la Filpos, cit. p. 64. 55 Cf. G. WIET Les re/at:ons Eg_vpto-abyssines sous /es Sultans i\lla111/vuks, in "Bulletin de la Societe d'archeologie copte", IV (1938), p. 115-140. 56 Se Dahlak e il pri1no centro mu.sulrnano prospiciente la terra etiopica, ii secondo sara ii porto di Zeila, al-Zvala') che YftqOt ci mostra come n1usuln1ana agJj inizi del XlTI seoolo (Cf. CON"fl ROSSlNf 1928, p. 290). 57 ROSSI 1943, p. 49. 53

- 61 -

•

'izz al-is/6111 wa 'l-t11i1sli111111 (''gloria dell'Is.lam e d.ei Musulmani'')' ga,nal al-is/6111 wa 'l-sc1lat111 ,("bellezza dell'Islam e dei sultan.i''), ,nuwatfaq

("assist, ito dal favore divino'' e, quindi, anche ''coronato dal successo''), ecc. . Ma v'e sopratutto una parola <la notare nelle stele in cui si parla dei sultani di Dal1lak: c1/-t/1c1ghri aggettivo di relazio11e da thagl1r ''citta o lo calita di frontiera". Cosi chiamavansi le marcbe <lei paesi musu]mani o le Ioro citta marittime a contatto con gl'infedeli contra cui erano d.ifesi i con fini dell'Islam e tale qualifica si adatta esattamente al sultano di Dahlak a stretto contatto con la terra abissina cristiana 58. B) La cli11astia Stllta11iale

Rimane da cbiarire quale fosse la dinastia regnante in q uell'epoca sul sultanato delle Dahlak.

Si sa cl1e circa l'episodio del poeta arabo Ibn Qa]aqis, naufragato a Dal1lak nel 1168, Yaqut aveva parlato di Malik ibn saddad. Ben piccola 11otizia se no11 si contasse st1lle lapidi funerarie d.i Dahlak e sulle fatiche di coloro cl1e le han110 stt1diate: Maln1usi (nel 1895 e 1898), Conti Rossini (11el 1928), Rossi (nel 1937 e nel 1943), Wiet (nel 1952) 59. Questo materiale eJ)igrafico (cl1e co1nprencle alct1ne lapidi della famiglia regnante) costitui sce u11 i11sieme di 11otevole con1plessita cl1e, nel 1937, E. Rossi cosi riassu n1eva: l) Due st· ele furo, no poiita:te in Inghilterr,a e imperfettamente pubbli care 11ella racc.olta dei viaggi di Lord Valentia; una di esse fu interpre tata dal Hougl1to11 11el 1830 (e del luglio 1047 e non sembra concernere Ia , ja]e); di.nrustia st1lt,an 2) U11'atra stele ft1 esaminata dal viaggiatore Ruppel cl1e ne l1a in dicato solo la data: 5 sa'ban 503 I-I. ( = 7 n1arzo 1207); 3) 62 ste]e co.n 63 iscrizio11j perven11ero al 1vfuseo di Modena verso la fi11e del secolo scorso; furono publicate e tradotte (con qualche imper fezione) dal Mal1nusi; 4) Alcune st,ele inviate m Italia. nel 1898 a11daro110 perdute; 5) · u11a ste]e pervenne ,al n111seo di Treviso; 6) Undici stele vennero viste nel n1useo di Asmara nel febbraio 1936 d.a R06si; qt1esti- giudico 110n essere certo cl1e tutte provenissero da DaJ1lak ne che fo ,;-sero tu l Le sicura1nente decifrabilj; 7) U11 centinaio cli stele venue esan1inato e f'otogra£ato d a Rossi nella 11ecropoli cli Dal1lak Kebir60. Rossi aggiu11geva cl1e 11ella necropoli di Dal1lak Kebir, al n1argine del villaggio ,01noni1, no, sussisteva.110 UJ1 cen:tjnaio di stele recanti iscrizio:i1i arabe i11 carattere ct1fico o i11 11c1skl11 spesso logore e illeggibili. Poicl1e mol tissime e �a1no · quelle _ i �1 �i�e ed i,gno·�e, egli si prQponeva di pubblicaire il oorpus dt qtteiste 1scr1z1,0111 che, IJero, tTI011 l1a pu:rlToppo veduco la Juce. 58 ROSSI 1943, p. 48. 59 Si deve pero rilevare che quest'ultimo autore ha ignorato i lavori dei suoi predecesso.ri. 60 ROSSI ·1937, p. 371-372. Si pub aggiungere che alla data odierna alcune diecine di stele in maggioranza provenienti dalla necropoli di Dahlak Keb'ir sono giacen,ti ad Asn,ara in attesa di trascrizione e tradnzione. - 62 -

ln�anto_, dopo_ �p1gr �1: Ros �1 fan:11gl1a Abt1 sull'1sola''6J.

ave� r�assunrto i d•aiti e le ca:rart:teristiche pri[lcipali delle . n del1neo l : pruno abbozzo di albero genealogico della , sh-Shaddad cbe esercitb per circa due secoli la signoria

�el 19�3 lm ;altr? s:tudio di RoS1Si pe.rmi1se un imparnain.te passo in ava �t1 . Egli pubb11cb !I rtest· �, la tradltzione e il oommeruto della lapide _ . e�wtente nel M�tseo di Trev1s0 cl1e oommemorava Zayn al-Mulk figlia d1 un sultano d1 Dahlak morta nell'ultima decade di muharram 577. H. (giugn·o I 181 A.D.). Lo studuo· pev111etteva a Roo , si di sitabilire che il nome de} padre e anche del bisnon110 di Zay11 al-Mulk era Abu '1-Sadad rettifi cando cosl ql1ello di Abu saddad62. Comunque il numero delle lapidi ''sultaniali'' co11osciute rimaneva ancora troppo ristretto ed occorreva raccogliere altre iscrizioni. E' quanto ha fatto G. Wiet nel 1952 avvalendosi del repertorio delle iscrizioni se po!crali edito clal n111seo arabo del Cairo6 3• Le iscrizio11i relative ai sultani d_i Dahlak ele11cale da Wiet forniscono i seque11ti da ti : I) Stele p r.. ov,enie11te cla Da.hlak, fran1n1e11taria, datata del 486 H. (A.D. 1093) a 11on1e di u11 sulta11;0 all-Mubarak (Repertoire, VIII, 2802); poiche 111t1barak signif_ica in arabo ''benedetto", "fa11sto'', non era facile stabilire se si trat11ava di tln 11ome o di un aggett.ivo n1a il dubbio viem.e fuga:to da,JJ'iscrizio11,e di Treviso cl1e permebte di travvisarvi propri<) il nome de1 sovrano; 2) Stele del n1useo di Modena datata della seco11da decade di dl1u '1-qa'dah 542 H. (aprile 1148 A.D. ) a name, di una liberta del Sultano al-..., i1 ol1i non1e e 111a11carrte percl1e la lapide e gt.1.a.sta (I\1aL--n11si, lap. J(XVill; Repertoire, VIII,3133); 3) Stele prov, einiente da Aden, d.ataJta d.eil 563 I-I. (1167-1168 A.D.) a name di una liberta del sl1Itano Yahya, figlio di Abu '1-.'Sadad a1-1\11.1waf faq (Repertoire, IX, 3277); 4) Stele del n111seo di Modena provenie11te da Dal1Iak, datata del 2 gumada I 566 H. (= 11. gennaio 1171 A.D.) a n·ome di Silt al-M111k, figlia def sult,tno Abu '1-Sadad al-M11waffaq, figlio di Yal1ya, figlio d.i Abu 'l-Sadad a1-Mawaffaq (Malmusi, lap. XXXIX; Repertoire, IX, 3289) 64 ; 5) Stele del museo arabo del Cairo, proveniente da Qt1� (cittadina de11'Alto Egitto) datata del 25 ragab 567 H. (23 marzo 1172 A.D.) a name del sulta110 Abu 'l-Fatjil al-Malik, figlio di Yahya figlio di Abu 'l-Sadad 61 ROSSI 1937, p. 374. 62 A dire il vero B. Malmusi, nel pubblicare due lapidi del museo di Modena (Malmusi lap.' XXIX e lap. LXlll) aveva correttamente trascritto il nome : Abu Es Sedad. Ma suUe tracce del Basset (che non conosceva lapidi di questa famiglia e che scrise solo clell'episodio del naufra�io del poeta Iban Qal:lqis tanto Conti R,ossini nel 1928 quanito lo stesso Rossi nel 1937 avevano parlato d.i Abu 'sh-Sl1a<ldad. 63 Repertoire cl1ro110/ogiqt1e cl'epigrap/1ie arabe (10 volt1mi) pubb]icati dal 1931 al 1939. 64 In questa Japide Malmusi 110n pote decifraTe la parola "al-Muwaffaq" e credette trattarsi di "al-Mufti". - 63 -

al-Muwaffaq (Repertoire, IX, 3290); questa lapide c qui11di quella del famoso Malik cl1 e maJtratto lbn Qalftqis neJ I 168 65. 6 ) Stele del n1useo di Treviso proveniente da. Dahlak, datai'.a ?ell'ul tima decad.e di mul1a.na,m 577 H. (5-15 giugno 118 1) a name d1 Zayn al-Mulk, figlia del sultano Abu '1-Sadad al-Muwaffaq, figlio di Yahya, figlio di Abu 'J-Sadad al-Muwaffaq al-Mubaraki (stele di Tre� jso trad�tta e comme.ntata da E. Rossi; Repertoire, JX, 3365 ); l'aggel:t1vo relw!1v� 1111,barck'i .Permette di ricollegarla co11 la stele sopra elencata col n.. I e ? I considerare ii sultano al-Mubarak con1 e il capostipite della d1nast1a regnante �ul sul'.•anto indipenden'.e delle Dahlak durante i secol'i XII e XIII; 7) Stele de) museo arabo del Cairo proveniente dal cimitero di QG�, datata del 27 gun1 ada II 589 H. (30 giugno 1193) riguardante al-Zakiyyah (= ''la pura'', siccl1e non e certo se tale termine debba essere co11siderato un nome od UI) aggettivo), figlia .del sultana Abu 'l-Sadad al-Muwaffaq, figlio di Yahya, figlio di Abu '1-Sadad al-Muwaffaq al-Tbagri (Repertoire, (Repertoire, IX, 3460)66; 8) Stele del n1useo di Modena proveniente da Dahlak, datata del 23 mul1arram 647 H. (8 maggio 1249 A.D.) a nome di un liberto del sultana AbC1 'J-Saclad. figlio del sultana Abu '1-Sadad al-Muwaffaq. figlio del sul ta11 0 Yal1y1 a al-Mt1waffaq (Mal1nusi, laJJ. LXIII; Repertoire, IX, 4304). St1l]a scorta di alcuni di que�ti clati, ancl1 e Wiet delineo un abbozzo di albero genealogico comprende11te cinqt1e non1i6i. Ma. i d.ati fo.rniti da.l]e 'lapid.i .si prestavano ad essere ancor n1eglio sfirLil'tati. Inotre, a queste otto lapidi, si puo aggiungere una nona.., qt1ella tlel n1t1seo di As1nara (parzialn1ente tradotta da E. Rossi) d.atata del mer coled1 16 gt1mada II 627 I-I. (2 maggio 1230 A.D.) a nome del sultano Abu 'Abdallal1 Mul1an1mad, figlio de! st1ltano Yal1ya, figlio di Malik, figlio di .Abu 'I-Sadad 68_ Utilizza11do tulti c1uesti dati si puo costruire un nuovo abbozzo di ste111ma genealogico. qui allegato, dei discendenti de] sultano al-Mubarak delle Dahlak. Evidentemente questo abbozzo e suscettibile di nuovi perfezionan1enti. Si deve infatti sperare cl1e Ja pubblicazione di .altre stele ( e in par:icola.re di quelle esistenli presso ii museo di Asmara e di qt1elle cl1e eve11 tl!almen·:e tuttora s. ussistono nella necrop-oli di Da•h-lak Kebir) forni.sca altri 11omi'. Lo s:em1na e comunque gia st1ffice11te a provare cl1e una stessa famiglia l1a reg11ato a Dahlak durante ii secolo XII e la prima 111 eta del secolo XIII. E' certo che la lapide _di _i\t!ftlik . r!nvenuta . a Qfts si riferisee alla dinastia di (?ahlak: reca perf1n°.,t1toh _1den tic1 a quell1 _attrib� iti, sulla lapide della nipote Sitt_ al-1\�ulk � d ,Abu 1-Sadad. II, fratello di 1\1a11k. 11 testo ar:1bo di qtiesta � k e stato publlca lap1de d1 lvl<th to nel catalogo del Museo Arabo del Cairo (C rta/ogue General du Musee .11rabe du Caire, Ste/es funeraires, v ol VI, p. 200, . an?ent� ad una _ . ; 0)_ un1t n-34 fot?graf1a (pl. XXXVIJ) cl1e permette d i risolvere anc!1e 11 d_ubb10 circa la vocahzzazio nc del no1ne de) n onno di 1\1alik clie e Abu l'Sad,ad e non Abu ,l'-Sa.dad (e infatti visibile la fath a). E' o ra clli aro che Abu 1-Sad�r-�d II regn� pr1n1a d�l _frat�ll o Malik; in(atti egli e qua lifcato qu_al_e sulta_no g1<1 nella lap1de della f1gl1a Sitt al-Mt11k mort:'l nel 1171; e poi che (n1. lvfa reg 1172) nava almeno dal 1168 (naufragio del pocta Jbn Qa · h.k ' la"< q·1s ) ne '"' ' · · 1e. c v1ene I Ab·u 'l - Sa da d II reP.no onn1a d1 questa data. 66 11 !esto d1 questa stele ,e _pubb�icato anche nel catalogo del Mtiseo Arabo det Cairo; cf. ;atalogue General cit., vol. VI, p. 209-21 O, n. 2351. 67 \VTET 195_-53, p. 91. 68 ROSSI, 1937, p. 37�. _n. 25. Ho potut'? rileggere questa stele ch e reca ii N. 3 I . del Il?useo della B1bl1o teca_ Ital1a na d.1 Asmara. l\1i sembra certo che la sua data e quella del 16 (non 11 6 come lesse Rossi) gumada II dell'anno 627 H.

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DlNASTIA DEI SULTANI DI DAHLAK (l) Mubarak · in.486/. I 093 •• •.

(2) Abf1 '1-Sadad al-.Muwaffaq I v. 542/1148

• •

(3) Yal1ya v.563/1167

-I

O"I

.(4) Abu '1-Sadad al-Muwaffaq II p. 563/ 1168

I Sirt:t al-Mt1lk m.566/1171 Note: .

Zay11 a1-Mulk m.577/ 1181

(5) Malik Ill. 567 / 1172

Zakiyyah m·.589 / 1193

.(8) Abu 'l-Sadad III V. 647/1249

(6) Yal1ya I,I

n1.615/1218

. I

(7) Abu 'Abdallal1 Ill.�27 / 1230

m. = morto o n1orta nell'anno ... ; v. = regnava µrcsurr!ibiln1ente verso l'anno ... ; p. = regnava prima dell'anno .. . b) Sotto ogni non1e, ii primo nun1ero indica l'anno dell'Eg:r�1. jJ se:::onclo l'anno dell'Era Volgare. c) I numeri che precedono nomi dei sultani indicano la progressionc apparente che, comunique, non e necessarian1ente continua: tra un numero e I'altro, in qualche caso, vi potrebbe essere stato quBlcht': s:)'1,ari •J intermcdio. d) AI sultano Abu 'l-Sadad I e stata attribuita la daia 542 H. d>:!l!J. stc le guasta del J\,f useo di tv[odena n1a si Lratta solo di presunzione verosimile non di certezza. Si ignora inoltre il suo grade di p:-:rcnt.::i�1 C('·n i! capostipile al-Nfubftrak. (linea tratteggiata). e) AbO 'ISadad II dovrbbe avere regnato prima dcl fratel!o 1\·ifdik (v. nel testo Ja nota n. 65). f) • La data delta morte di Yahya II (2 maggio 1228) � iralr:1 non da!le nove stele elencate ma da CONTI ROSSINI, Storia tl'EtioJ1ia, p. 302. a)

DECLINO E FINE DEL SULTAl�ATO Mentre abbiamo menzioni su Dablak dura.nte il secolo XIV, singofur::: e il silenzio delle fonti arabe durante tutto il XV secolo 69. Tak silenzio non puo es.sere interpretato se non come un in<lice del declino de! stltanato. L'Etiopia del XV secolo e quella di Yeshaq e di Zl1r;a Ya'qoo. E' uno stato che lotta vittoriosamente contro i principati islamici de!l�Erk,; pia merid.ionale (il cui porto principale e Zeila) 'tanto d.a in.�guirc �0 i musulmani fino al mare 70• L'impero etiopico incute ora rispc:tc a..t.::: stesso impero 111c1111l[ik. In questo quadro, Dab1ak, a un passo daI!a o<J:::z eritrea e lontana dagli ream.i islamici del sud, ha perdrrto il s:gci:§�� che a\ eva neUo schieramento is1am.ico: il sorvegliante divie:1.e �-��:z-..:::,, },L Sentinella e probabil1nente divenuta Un tribUi.ariO. - �e1l'orga_i�rzz;;7-rr::o etiopica prende ora rilievo la figura del bal1r nag as (=signore e;: che, per volere di Zar'a Ya'qob, diviene un vero vicere (co= cz�c�§:: a Debarwa); il sovrano, dice la cronaca reale, ''aumenrb la. fG:.::-:-,...,.� � bal1 r 11c1,rJc1s e lo i11nalzo molto al di sopra di tutti gli ali.ri sum ( =Cc.::f_.=-� Poco dopo, il primo viaggiatore europeo ad aver lasciato CT!'.:. Cl='--:��:,:-:::_ relazione st1ll'Etiopia, scrivera cl1e il bal1r 11agas e '"'il si!:'�= C:::. -,---= sjg11ori no11c11e di molle terre e popoli� egli e LUtti qu�-c ".; �cc.. :,- . soggetli al Prete Gianni cbe li revoca e Ii nomina come i-.u�= � ·=...E:: gli versa110 inge11ti tributi; siccome questi signori con i loro ci. · · - ·� -. .... verso }'Egitto e verso !'Arabia donde vengono i buoni ca,;::i·=� i :::r::1::� ;--= e le sete, essi pagano con queste mercanzie ... "i2• Da cio sen1bra potersi dedurre che, a causa del suo de-.:- ii- -� =- e.� nato di Dal1lak (con la vicina Massaua) diviene tribut;irio d�--::e..: etiopico. Difficile e dire con esattezza quando cio a,n.·.enn.e m::. r:-;=-� indizi dimostra110 cl1e tale �ituazione risa1e all'incirca al rem, c: 7:-:-�.-. Ya'qob(l434-1468). 1

T,_�--=�

lnfatti, da una raccolta di tradizioni locali, gli '"Anr1:.1ii di _--\..c:..: Naa1nn1in", si apprende che nell'anno 98 della Nlisericord.ia (l��-1·��S A.D.) Dahlak viene saccl1eggiata dagli etiopici una prima \·olr:::;.; 6� nell'anno 102 della Mis. (1449-1450 A.D.), per ordine di Zar'� -y-a�..:i0b. Gl1erar (sulla terra ferma di fronte all'isola di Massaua), viene forrifi�:� nei confro11ti del vici110 sultanato di Dal1lak-Massaua; cl1e, infine, 11ell'i:rri..r:0 117 deIla Mis. (1464-1465 A.D.) ta11to Massaua quanto Dahlak \'eng:c'\z. 0 69

1 1nan1.

Bastera ricordar� di sfuggita l'ep \sodi ? di Sa'd al-Din inseguito da.lle trup� ili . Yesbaq fi_ n sull 1sola al largo d1 Ze1la, assed1a to ed ucciso nell' anno 817 H. (1415 A.D.). 71 J. PEllRUCHON, Les chro11iques cle Zar'a Yii'eqob et de Ba'eda Atfal}· ·a.,• ,,.,; . 1 · ,., l ·-' cl'Etlt io1Jie cle 1434 a 1478, Paris 1893, p. 47. 72 F. ALVARES, The Prester Johti of the lnclies, (trad. Beckingham & Huntin g-

•

Maqri7J (n1. 1442), in una sua iperetta, l'iln1c'i111 sui reanli n1usuln1�ni d'.:.\bis:s.;'"'r" si Jimita � dire che essi "s?.?o attigui a Nase', Sa�v�ki e ?ahlak. gli 3t,i;;,.:� 1: � . RINCK, "!11ac delle 9uab �o� o. n1usulma1 1;1 (F.T r1zz h1stor1a regun1 islmr.is:c<! run1 111 .,,1 b1ssu11a, Lugdun1 Batavorum 1790 part e araba p 14 parte 1�tin'.i p. ,16). �1a ��le _ notizia, del r�sto priva di rili�vo, e derivata da Ibo Fadl -.�:ili al- On1ar1 _(g1a c1tato) _che scr1veva un secolo prima ed alla cu.i ope.r.1 j\f:1qriti �,a � notor1an1ente atl1nto per qt1anto concerne la parte geogra.fica dcl suo

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ancora poste a sacco73 • Questi quindi sono gli anni in cui, verosimilmente, il sultano di Dahlak diviene tributario del sovrano etiopico. Qualche anno dopo, se ne ha conferma anche in uno scritto occidentale, cioe nella rela zione tramandata d.a Francesco Suriano circa l'ambasceria cattolica giunta in E,tiopia nel 1482 durante il regno di E�kender (1478-1494 A.D.)74 • I viaggiatori avevano seguito un noto itinerario: dal Cairo avevano risalito il Nilo fino a Qfi� e da 1l avevan·o raggit1nto il Mar Rosso recandosi prima a� al-Qu$ayr poi a Sawakin. E il racconto prosegue: ''Da questa insula [c1oe dall'isola su cui e posta Sa\vakin] se po' andar sino ad Achanon [= a Dakl1ano, altro nome di Arkiko] per n1are distante miglia cinque cento. La qual citta e del Preteiane [= Prete Gianni], molto mercantesca, e fira questo spatio se trovano n1olte insule, maxime una chiamata Alech [ = Dal1lak], in la: quale se pescano le n1atre perne; la qual e de Saraceni ( = n1t1st1lmani) tamen l'e reconmandata al Preteiane''75• Lasciando da parte ogni discussione di clettaglio76 , conviene solo ricordare che, nel lin �aggio clell'epoca, ''raccoma·ndazione'' significa protezione, soggezione, d1pendenza. II passo indica dunque che il capo musulmano delle Dahlak era tributario dell'impero etiopico. :tvia un nuo,10 avvenimenrt:o viene ad accelerare il declino di Dahlak: la scoperta, ad opera dei parboghesi verso la fine del secolo XV, della via del ca.po di Buona Spera,nza e la ·susseguerute cos-tituzione dell'impero portoghese d.elle lndie. Le conseguenze principali sono note: a) contra zione dei traffici dell'impero 1rLan1li'2k e in particolare del commercio effettuato sulle rotte del Mar Ro-sso (nel 1502, Venezia ,gia non trova piu sui mercati d'Egi'tto le spezie che si vendono· invece a Lisbona); b) lotta nella prima meta del secolo XVI, nell'Oceano lndiano e nel Mar Rosso, fra il Portogallo e la Turchia (che nel 1517 aveva conquistato l'Egitto). Dal1Iak e orainai 11el raggio d'azione della flotta portoghese de11e In die. Nel 1513, dt1rante la prima crociera portoghese 11el Mar Rosso, Affonso d'Albt1querque invia alla Grande Dahlak, per compiervi una prima esplorazione, una caravella al comando di Joam Gon1es cl1e sbarco riferendo esservi nell'isola circa 600 capanne raggruppate in alc11ni villagi77 • Notizie piu precise e piu in·teressanti verram10 date poclu a.i-m.i dopo da un personaggio celebre n1a poco noto: ii fiorentino Andrea Corsali. Erud.ito, astronomo, cosmografo, intimo dei Medici78 , Corsali si imbarca

73 74

76 77 78

ford), Cambridge 1961, p. 116-117. J. KOLMODIN, Traditio,is cle Tsazzega et Hazzega, Annales et Docun1ents, Upsala 1914, p. 31-32; C. CONTI ROSSINI, Aethiopica, in "Rivista degli Studi OrientaJi", IX (1923), p. 456. La delegazione giunta in Abissinia era composta dal frate Giovanni da Calabria e dal 11obile Giovanni Battista Brocchi; cf. R. LEFEVRE, Giovanni Battista Brocchi da Jn1ola e i si1oi viaggi in Etiopia, in "Annali Lateranensi", IX (1945), p. 407-444. L'opera di Suriano, che scriveva nel 1485, e assai nota dopo l'edizione a cura di G. Golubovitch (Milano 1900). II passo e citato secondo l'edizione di 0.G.S. CRAWFORD, Ethiopian Itinera ries circa 1400-1524, Can1bridge 1958, p. 40. CRAWFORD, op. ult. cit., ·p. 46 ritiene che pero la delegazione non si valse di questa "possibilita" di viaggiare per mare recandosi da Sawfikin in Etiopia per terra. BASSET 1893, p. 27-29. Nuove interessanti notizie su Andrea Corsali, vengono fornite da R. LEFEVRE, L'Etiopia 11ella stan1pa clel primo cinqi,ece,ito, in "Africa'', XX (1965), p. 360 ss.

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•

con la spedizione portoghese che, a1 con1ando di .Lopo Soares, riaccom·pagn.a in Etiopia l'am1 eno Matteo emissario del sovrano abissino. In uIDa sua lettera dell'ottobre 151779, Corsali segnala che la spedizione, dopo aver lasc.iato Goa 1'8 febbraio 1517 e toccata Aden jl 14 marz o, e sorpresa nel Mar Rosso, in vista di Geddah, dalla tempesta cbe djsperde le na\'1. In attesa di riprendere contatio con le altre imbarcazioni e i n particolare con quell a su cui viaggiava l'ambasceria portogbese, la nave su cui si trovavano Corsali e Matteo, vaga nel Mar Rosso. Presto l'acqua. viene a mancar]e e la situazione si fa critica. Allora Matteo consiglia di dirigersi su Dahlak ''che non la potevan10 fallire e cl1 e di Ji andassimo al porto del Prete (cioe Arkiko)''. Ptir tene11dosi al largo della costa etiopica (non sapendo quale fiducia riporre in Matteo) il capitano si dirige s u ''un'iso letta congiunta con Dal1lak abbo11dantissima d'acqua e di bestiame'', ap t de a l l a jsola'' ove i prodando "in un porto tra una punta di Dahlak e portoghesi sbarcano il I O maggio 1517. Poiche gli abitanti erano fuggiti nel capoluogo, i portoghesi inviano messaggeri al ''re,' di Dahlak in.for mandolo delle lore intenzioni an1ichevolj; il re invia ambasciatori cbe riconoscono Matteo e cl1e si dichiarano amici degli stranieri (probabilmente percl1e non ignorano cl1e la potente flotta portoghese si trova nel Mar Rosso). Tre gior11i dopo, il sultano si reca sulla spia.ggia a salutare il capilano. 11 sovrano ven11e con 500 fanti male armati, mentre alcuni per sonaggi di rnaggiore rigt1ardo montavano cammelli e cavalli.. Vestito ''alla 11 1oresca", con veste d'oro e di seta, il sultano era un giovane sui 25 anni, dal colorito scuro con capelli lunghi e ricci. Corsali aggiunge: ''In questo colloquio l1avemo alcu11a -notizia dello state del Re David [ = Le bna Dengel], da noi nominate Prete Ianni, et da Mori [ = dai Musulm.ani] Sultan Aticlabassi (= al-I-:lati al-I-Iabasi)''. A Dahlak Ia nave portoghese rimase un mese e Corsali da una buona descrizione dell'iso1a.: e salubre, ma piatta e sterile, senza alberi fr11ttiferi; vi si semina poco e le vettO\'aglie provengono dall'Etiopia, cioe miele, n1iglio, burro e un po' d i grano; pero vi si puo far pascolare il bestian1 e (capre, can1n1 elli, buoi) ''perche e abbon dantis�ima d'acqua dolce cbe e rara in queste parti'' (questa dell'abbon danza dell'acqua conservata certamente nelle cisterne di Dahlak e una notizia che ricorrera anche i11 altri viaggiatori). Corsali aggiunge: ''Co minciossi ad l1abitare per la comodita di quest'acque et rispetto alle perle ch'intorno ad essa et nei bassi delle isole circostanti si !Zenerano ' cl1e tutte sono di queslo Re''. Dopo un 111ese di perma11e11za a Dal1lak. i protoghesi apprendono che la flotta si trova all'isola d.i Kamaran e Corsali nota che i dahlakini "gia sendo sict1ri cl1e [la flotta] non l1aveva a venire a Dalaccia [= Dahlak], con1inciarono simulatamente a ricalcitrare et mostrare cl1e ,11011_ ct1ravano. tant _ ? �ella nostra an1icitia, come prima''. Da Dahlak le 11av1 portogl1es1 s1 r1un1sco110 al grosso della flotta a Ka mar.an80; sebbene l'an1basciatore pOiitogl1ese, Duarte Galvao. si,a nel frat tempo m-orto a l(amaran, Lo1po, So,ar· es deci,de di tenti are di sb�rcare M,at rteo e lo rimanda· con ·dt1e caravelle verso la cos-ta etiopica; le due navi fanno scalo -a DahLak ove pero Matteo, diffidando del sul.tia'no, rifiuta di sbarcare; �

La le�tera di Corsali _al principe Lorenzo de' Med ici, del 15 ottobre 1517. venne

pu ??hcata nel 1518 _111 un. opttscolo oggi rarissin10 (ne possiede un esen.1pJare iJ British Museun1)_ e_ ri 1?ubbl1cat� nel 1550 dal Ramusio. Ringrazio il p rof. R. Le fevre per aver1n1 1nviato copia della Iettera. 80 Corsali non_ s barco in Etiopia in �uel �iaggio come ne aveva inten zione; sen.1bra p�ro essers1. recato poc? dopo 10 �ti:>pia dove si pensa abbia chiuso la su.a p�m1a el{ arrivo della 11llSS10llC portoghese de} 1520 di cui faceva CSIS en : r pare ·ranc1sco 1 vares; 1_.:EFEVRE, L'Etiopia 11ella stan1pa cit., p. 369.

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infatti un gruppeitt,o cli• por,to, gl1esi ohe scend,e a ter-ra, viene ucciso a tracli111ento. Le due caravelle si ritirano e raggiungono Ia flotta81 • II suitano di Da11Iak era probabilmente Ahmad ibn Isma'il morto nel 1540 a quanto attestatoci dalla sua lapide funerarias2. La missione portoghese rit1scira tre a1mi dopo ad entrare in Etiopia ove rin1arra dal 1520 a1 1526. Ed a1tre notizie sulle Daltlak possono t�arsi_ daj doct1menti portogl1esi relativi a questo sbarco, cioe dalle rela z1on1 del comandante della flotta (Cartez clas novas) e di Francisco Alvares l'acct1rato cronista della missione. La spedizione era con1a11data <la Diego Lopez cle Sequeira che, giunto verso i primi di aprile 1520 i11 vista della costa abissina, decide di dis truggere il villaggio cli Da11lak Kebir per vendicare I'eccidio <lei 1517 ! ma appena la flotta e avvistata, gli abitanti fuggono verso l'interno del l'isola; la flotta si dirige allora ''verso u11'altra i�ola detta Massaua che appartiene allo stesso re''; �t loro volta gli abita,nti di Massat1a, all'avvici11arsi delle 11avi J)Ortogl1esi, fuggo110 ad Arkiko che appartiene al bahr 11agas 83. II coma11dai1te portogl1ese pre11de contatto ad Arkiko con le autorita etiopicl1e alle quali spiega lo scopo della sua venuta: il re del Portogallo lo ha jncaricato di entrare nel mar Rosso, far guerra ai Mt1sulmani, sco prire il porto di Arkiko per sbarcarvi l'ambasceria, sottoporre le isole di Dahlak e Massat1a alla sig11oria del Prete Giannj ''perche esse no11 gli obbedivano'' e costruirvi possibiln1ente un forte; le at1torita etiopiche si dichiara110 liele dell'arrivo dei Portogl1esi e rispondono, tra l'altro, che i1 comandante puo costruire la fortezza dove meglio desidera. Sbarcata l'ambasceria ed iniziati cosl j rappor.ti co11 l'impero del famoso Prete Gianni, l a flotta portoghese riprende il viaggio non se11za aver ince·ndiato Dahlak ritirandosi84• Pochi anni dopo, illloltre, al suo ritorno dall'Etiopia, nel 1526, la n1issione portoghese consegna al gover11atore portoghese delle Indie lina leLtera inviatagli dal 11egt1s Leboa Dengel; i n questa lettera, cl.i cui Alvares da il testo, il sovrano etiopico scrive: ''Vi autorizzo acl edificare t1na chiesa e un forte a Massaua ed a Daltlak''85. An1bedl1e le citt�1 era110 sottoposte a]lo stesso sultano a l'autorizzaz.ione del sovrano potrebbe valere co11fer ma implicita del fatto cl1e l'ormai modesto sultanato era se1npre tributario dell'impero etiopico86•

'Lo staterello e ora a portata delle ripetute spedizioni dei J)Orlo gbesi delle Jindie. TI 1 ° aprile 1526, la flotta po11toghe-s· e veouta a riprendere J'ambasceria di cui faceva parte Alvares, cannoneggia Dahlak Kebir e

81 Cosi per la seconda volta Manteo avvista da Dahlak Ia costa abissina senz.a poter sbarcare in Etiopia. Vi giungera solo con Ia speclizione successiva, quella deI 1520 e morra poco dopo lo sbarco. 82 BASSET 1893; p. 32. Di questo sul tano si riparla oltre. 83 ALVAR.E.5, 0p.cit., p. 51-55. 84 Cf. "Carta das novas que vieram a el Rey nosso Senhor do descobrimento do Preste Joham" (Lisboaa 1521) nell'ed. e trad. di H. THO�IAS, The Discovery of A b)'Ssinia by the Porti,guese i1z I 520, London 1938, pp. 68, 84, 85, 89. 85 ALVA:RES, 0JJ.cit., p. 478. 86 Del resto in un'altra lettera indirizzata al re del Portogallo, Lebna Dengel pro poneva che p-roprio Francisco Alvares ven-isse fatto "signore e convertitore di Massaua, DabJak, Zeila e tutte le isole del Mar Rosso perche sono sui limiti dei nostri paesi"; ALVARES, OJJ.cit., p. 500. - 69-

a; le due u a ss a M e h c n a i o p te et m o tt so r1ceve 1a s01-l101ll1.Ss1one d e· l sultan· o·, . to 3000 i sub a pag lak , ah · . D o, ITTu an ci1Jtaidine acceUlano di versare un tr1butlo /Jardaos, Massaua 30087• n e _pro b b a· an · m ri ua sa as M kla ah D di o Durantr e alct1ni a:nu1i il suluan ad hm di A e la st va } _ rg so o nt �� ta � . mente tributario dei portoghesi. In . o rr 1a a fe op t1 I E va te et m n1 1an i ch po :' in e . ' ar· eel lbratllm aI -Gh"az1 detto 1·1 G ran,- ch · · · e t t 1 r-r · T e a fL10:co. Quoodo, vers,o il 1534, il Mancino in v�e 11 i� al correli! � o gi ag o � d1 o � att e r . ?1 fa a deI bc1l1r nagas, il sultana si affretto 1 �usulman1 a ro se nn t s· co site pe la e · tia nario vittorioso e allorche la ccl!res r, de m ga I Be o rs ve i rs ira rit � di a im pr , afi Gr ritirarsi da queile regioni, il olo nd o) da ik rk A (= no ho ok D di o rn ve go o su l da ''destitul Io sarif Nur 88. k'' b1a Da di a tan ad Alunad figlio di Isma'il, sul •

++ ·

•

Verosinlilmente il st1ltano Ahmad era il giovane ''re'' che Andrea Corsali vide a Daltlak nel 1517. Se ne oonosce la da:ta di n1orte. Infactti la su.a steJe funeraria, tradotta da Basset, si 1trova al museo cli Bar-le-Due. Essa dice cl1e il st1ltano Ahmad, figlio del sultana Isma'il, signore della "1narca confinaria. di Da11lak, la be11 protetta'', morl il 1 6 shawwal 946 H. (24 febbraio 1540) 89. Ad eccezione del 11ome del padre, si ignora.no i nomi dei st1oi predecessori, cosl come si ignorano quelli dei suoi even·tuali sue. cessor1. Ormai, del resto, il sultan.ato 11:a i giorni ccmtati. Nel 1541, i1 nuovo gover11atore delle I11die IJOrtoghesi, Estevam de Gama (figlio del grande Vasco) irrtr.apreinde nel Mar Rosso una grande spedizione dai fini molte plici: p11nire le scorrerie della flotta turco-egiziana privandola delle sue basi s11lla costa cl'Arabia del Mar Rosso, ricondurre in Etiopia l'am bascia tore eliopico cl1e Lebna Dengel aveva invi.ato in Portogallo in cerca di aiuti, socoo·rrere l'Etiopia cristiana, spingersi ad esplorare tutto il M ar Rosso. La rlotta era co111anda:ta dal governat· ore stesso accompagnato dal fratello Christovan1 (cl1e doveva poi gt1idare la spedizione portogl1ese in Abissinia ed ivi n1orire comba'.ttendo). Tra gli ufficiali della spedizione, era anche Joam de Castro, fuLttro gover11atore delle I1 1die e futuro ammi ragli,o. Questi rtenne 11n gior11ale del1a spedizione; un paragrafo concenne 1� grand � paJ1lak: ''II _re dell'isoJa e di razza araba, come •tutta Ia popola dell'anno a Massaua poiche, p·rat• icando il z1 o, ne. R1� 1 ede la r �ag�or _ par.te _ con1merci.o c°:1 gl1 Ab1.ss �n1, non po�rebbe farlo se non da ll. L'is,ola e attualmente d1 poco rend1mento dappoiche lo sviluopo di Sawakin Mas saua, Aden e Geddal1 11a aru1ientato il COill1)1ercio oltre cl1e la f�ma di qL1esto 1uogo''90 • N ?� si _ pot �va_ meglio descrivere il declino del sultanato pe-r le mutate co11d121on1 pol1t1cl1e � econonliche dell'epoca. ,, ,. Del _resto, parlando .. di �as�aua, Joa111 de Castro aggiungeva: L 1sola. d 1 M· assaua era sottopos•lfl f1110 a pooo tempo va, alla sovran1·t· a' deI Pret. e G1ann1, con1e tutta I a costa da Gt1ardafui a Saw"ak'1n. Ma 1n · quest·1 · · · · . ' · an-n1 11 re d1 Dahlak: l1a usurpato Massaua. Egli v i risie la u1 u1n11 de 87 F. GALLINA, I Portoghesi a Massaua nei seco/' XVI · " Boll S?c. e XVI I, in Geogr. Ital.", 1890, p. 227. La differenza di tratta : n;ent? potrebbe essere un mcti in ce del diverso grado di in1portanza dei due porti _ moneta d'argeoto in uso nelle lndie portogh . quei tempi. Il pardao era una 88 ARAB-FAQIH, Ilistoire cle la conquete dees�; · Abyss,nr ..e (XV/e siecle), (trad. R. Basset), Paris 1897-1901, p. 450. 89 BASSET 1893, p. 6-7. 90 A. KAMMERER, Le routier de Doni Joa,,i cle C astro, Paris 1936, p. 67-68. -70-

----- --·-"""·----------------------------------maggior parte dell'amno pe.r i su-oi traffici con gli Abissini dai q11aJi riceve �nolto or� �d argento ... Nel corso dei mesi di maggio e giugno, bonacce 1ntollerab1l1 re11do.no , l'airia n1alsaa.1a e la temperatura eccessiva. Percio il re ed altri abitaJ1t.i l'abba.udonano duran,te ques ti due mes i per recarsi · all'isola di Dahlak''91. Da ques'te natizie risulta: a� che il suc.cessoJle di Amnad regna su �al1lak e su Massaua; b) cl1e, approfittando delle campagne del Graii, egli d1s-conosce la sovraalita abissina. L a flo.tta portogl1ese giu.nge nel febbraio 1541 alla Grande Dahlak; l' ?1:flo"I1i1no villaggio e s1ta1 to sgon1bercllto in :fire!Jta dagli abitanti; la floLta si d1r1ge vers,o MassaUc'l ma jl st1ltano si rifugia nell'entroterra. Si inizia.no trattative; ai portogbesi il st1ltano fornisce piloti per Sawfikin92 . 1 1nenzio.ne del s111tano di Daltlak. Pocbi anni Questa e fo.rse '1'1tltin1a dopo, nel 1557, Dahlak e Massa11a. sooo occupate dai Turcbi . •

VI IL DO!vIINIO TURCO Protesi !11ella lo.tta contro i Po:iitoghesi, i Turchi no11 pensa110 da prin cipio alla oos�a african.a d.el Mar Ros.so ,accoa1tentando�i di occupare sol tanto il porto di Sawakin (1517). La vera penetrrazione t.urca del litorale etiopico ha luogo nel 1557 con lo sba:rco di un piccolo c011tingente a Massaua al comando di Ozdemir pascia gia beylerbey dello Ye1nen (1550-1556). Rin1patriando dallo Yemen egli era passato lJer Sawaki11 e aveva concepito il clisegno di cl1iedere il gover110 di qt1esto porto e di servirsene per te11tare la conqt1ista clell'Abis� sinia. Il progetto viene approvato dalla Sublime Porta. Ozdemir, levato i n Egitto un esercito di alc11ne nligliaia di 11on1ini, si reca a Sawalcin (da allora divenuta secle del ,nt1ovo governatorato dell'Abissinia) donde 1nt1ove per Ma:saua; i turcbi co11qt1istano poi a11cl1e Debarwa (sede del ba/1r na gcis) ma dj fronte all'opposizione del paese sono poi costrettj a ripiegare sul territorio di Massaua (ivi co111prese le Dablak). L'occupazione t11rca durera tre secoli93. In sostanza quella piccola provincia tt1rca, situa:t-''1 aJla periferia dell'imn1e11so impero, ebbe rilievo d,el tutto secondario. Trait1ITTe qualcl1e spo["a.dico tenta.tivo di' iogra11din1ento, il dominio turco s·uj porti di Sawakin e di Massa.ua, si limito a presidiare le � posizioni occuprute ed a oontrolla!fe le doga.ne che davano disc.reti proventi. De] resto sempre piu scemo l'importanza del pascia t11rco (cl1e viveva di solito a Sawa1cin e che a Massa.ua aveva un suo intendente) proporzional91 A. KAMMERER, Op.cit., p. 69-70. 92 BASSET 1893, p. 38. 93 I porti di Sawakin e di Massaua nel Sec. XTX vennero dati in affitto dalla Subli me Porta a Muhammad 'Ali, pascia d'Egitto. Con firmano dell'l 1 maggio 1856 vennero ceduti, con le loro indiwndenze, a lsina'il (ii futuro khedive d'E-,itto) a condizione di istituirvi una buona amministrazione e di pagare regolarmente a Geddah i diritti dovuti da ambedue le provincie. Massaua (con le DabJak), venne poi occupata dall'ltalia nel 1885. - 71 •

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a t i a sa n ca u . i d , lo o , ec s . II V X l d a et m la el � d a.rtire p i, rs a a m er _ ff e ment all'a Ark1ko94 •

di indjgena dei Balau nel prospicie.nte porto 1Jtigl i W? 8'5 : a !.u re � p X? m s v k_ :=1- � 1a _ ? : a D i d za n a ot o 1p jn l' ro d a u to q es u In q n a llll n o s1 1s m 1 1t su e G er d l l1t r1 dosi. Il suo nome ricorre di sft1ggita a1egl1 sc Abissinia95. lo ci co se II V X el d io iz n 'i ll a Notizie still.a situazion.e delle Dahla.k , le Barradas (c�e � ?ggio� o ue an 1n E se . he og rt po a it su l ge i da m e o t ro on ng ve 1 ttG c (s re 1g T _ de o n � y r o ''D o at tt ra � . in Etiopia dal 1624 a l 1633); n el suo t : ve n sc gl 1 , i) ch ur T � 1 de a er op _ _ duran te la st1a prigionia ad Ade11 a d lo so un di u p1 e tt e . ed ss po ia op ti l'E (' ... in tutta qu.esta stesa di cos·ta mai son·o e al qu jl , so es st l'i 'e ch , ua a s. as M porto, che ft1 q11ello di Arcbico , o droni pa jm 11e se ia sc Pa i o nd 1a q1 da e o, at 1p anni che i Turchi I1an110 occt ta da s di e ch k] la ah D = [ ee al D di a rono, fecero la loro reside11za nell'isol 1 recava1n si le navi la e ; e) ar m er (p o i1:1: m terra fenna 11n giorno di cam nti ca er i m co p.i rc A da e , no va rla po 1e cl ci er 1n dall'I.ndia a scan1biare le altri. da te rta po o an er la co o ne rse de ve ov pr a. illo va ni sui sambuchi ve r co an hi rc Tu i si er nd re r pe e : i t an erc m i de a t di Poscia per maggior co1no e ov , ua sa as M di o1a 'is all tL sci Pa i DO T O ssa pa a, ini · iss Ab ll' de . i piu padron a, tor turt e ia nd ll'I da vi na le o van c1a pro ap ivi e , po risiedettero , alc1111 tem un o nd cia las a sci Pa i che o fin o; t r po o est a qu no igo dir si ha, ne ve quando Caqt1ea (kalcya = intendenre), cl1e e 1111 Cclpitano, in luogo loro in Massa ua, si trasferiro110 c:1 St1alci11. isola collacata piu en tro il sacco o nel fondo del Mar Rosso, per essere loro piu orot'icua tale residenza e b astare in terra; poicl1e oram ai gli Impe alla are an r com uea C'aq u � Massaua J?� � _ rator1 non facevano p1t1 co11to d1 Massa11a ne piu sforzavansi di ricupe rarla'' 96. E Barradas sottolinea i11ve.ce l'importanza per l'Etiopia di mantenere uno sbocco sul mare. �a queste notizie risulta che, negletto d.all'Etiopia e rtagliegciato dai Tu.rcl� 1, lo scalo Daltlak-Massa11a co�tin110 a _ decadere. Ed i n p�colare <l?� etLe d�cadere Dal1lak, svan taggiata 11e1 confTon1ti di Massaua, piu v1c111a al l1torale. Dopo l' � tromissione dei Gesuiti dall'Etiopia (1633), pochissirni sono coloro che v1dero Dahlak nel XVII e XVIII secolo e ne riferirono97_ Qualch� 11otizia verr�1 forn,i _ta dal viaggiatore turco Evliya celebi ,, · sbarcato a Dahlak nel 1673: 1 1sola er·1, (.allora gov"rn e a ta da un qa 11n · "Rassegna di Studi 94 A BOMBACI, Notizie sul/'Abis(,inia in Jo r· r.;:;,·c I�e . 111 Etiopici", III (1943), p. 81-86. Nel sec · assaua con Je Dahla.k passo alle cli pe nden ze del pascia di Geddah. · 95 A Dah.Iak nel 1603 IJassa P. Pero Paes dir tt0 · �-ti·opi·a; cf. C. BECCARI, R eru,n Aethiopicarri,n Scriptores O cciden raf 1� ne 11!• Vol. XI, Romae 1911, � p. 45. Si deve aggiungere cbe negli scritti d e �poca 1 due tennini del binomio Dahlak-Massaua sCJnb r.a110 spesso identi·f1· cars1. . . d. . . · e saggi di opere e d 96 C· BECCARI, Not1·z1e e tioI'E ne t da CZ; u_ r�g z nti i i ntz tm �� s . ti N 2 pia, Ro.ma 1903, p. 95-2 96. o z ie ostan mente no n diss1nuli aveva dato neJ 1595 (non 1695) ii sacerdote cattolic 0 . ncliano lvielchior da Sylva ch vide Dal1lak (cf. BECCARI No tizie e sagg·1 ci./· p. 415 ss. ; BECCAR R.A.e I, S.O.I. cit ., XIII, R_omae 1913: p. XVII). 97 A _D�lak giunse nel 1643 ii minorita P. Ant0 da Pescopagno (T. SOMIGU, Et1op!a Francesc ana nei docu,,1 enti dei seco I 11 e �VIII, Tomo I, Qua i:racch1 1928, p. 237); e nel 1648 vi giunse anche il gesu1ta To rqu.a:to P,arisia ni (BECCARJ, R.A.S.0.I. cit., ·Vol XII Romae 1913 Op.cit., p. 329). lv[a al di fuori ·del f;eque . ac en , p. 302 ss.; SOMIGLT � n o .alla pesc a delle perle, non sembra potersi trarre dai documenti no��e rileva nti.

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111a{J{11rz (l11ogote t1ente) del pasci�l; vi avrebbe dovuto risiedere anche un gi11dice ma, per essere localita poco ambita, era retta dagli i,nani d el pascia; il villaggio di Dablak Kebir contava 600 case, fornite ciascuna di cisterna, con le fondamenta i11 pietra, il resto in frasche e fango; il palazzo ?el luogotenente, che era ancl1e la clogana, trovavasi s111l'approdo; v'erano 1 �oltre una moschea. , alcLtni. oratori, 40-50 n1agazzini pie ni di mercanzie ; s1 vede vano le rovine di un forte e di altri edifici; nell'isola si pescavano 1� perle e si coltivava il miglio; vi erano ancl1e alcuni orti98 • Per quanto s1a noto che. il viaggiatore tt1rco ceda spesso all'invito della fantasia, le sue notiz.ie st1 Dahlak non hanno n1 1lla d'i11verosimile e valgono a din1ostrare co1ne Dal1lak, per qt1anto decacluta, fiosse ancora nel secolo XVII uno scalo cli t1na certa attivita. Di cio dara conferma q11alche anno dopo un altro viaggiatore. l nfatti le sole i11formazioni s11 Da.l1lak, pri111a di qLtelle che James BrL1ce dara sul finire del secolo XVIII, sono le notizie lasciate dal medico francese Jacq1 1es Charles Poncet giunto nel 1699 i n Etiopia (attraverso il regno di Se nnar) per ct1rarvi Iyasu il Gra.nde. ll viaggio di ritorno venne compiuto attraverso il Mar Rosso ed in tale occasione Poncet ci da alcune interessanti indicazioni. Proveniente da Debarwa, dopo aver visitato strada facendo il famoso Dabra Bizan, Poncet giunge ad Arkiko i11 cui trascorre una sola notte. In barca si trasferisce a Massaua, isola rocciosa ste rile su ct1 i trovasi un mode sto fortilizio turco. Il pascia di Massaua che dipe nde dal governatore di Sawakin. trae ancora un 11tile importante dalla pesca delle perle e delle tartarughe. Il pascia fa buo11a accoglienza a Poncet n111nito delle co·mmendatizie del re d'Etiopia assai te1nt1to dai Turcl1i. Qt1e sti non l1a11no acqua a Massaua facendola. venire da Arkiko. Congedatosi clal pasci�1 . Poncet si i1nbarca a Massaua il 28 ottobre 1700 per Geddah. Il n1edico scrive: "Nous aborda1nes deux jours apres a 11ne petite ile nom mee Del1eleq [ = Dal1lak], fort a.bondante. C'est la ou les vaisseat1x venant des lodes vont faire ayguade et }Jrendr e les provisi·o11s a11 pain pres, 011 Jes habita11ts qui vivent la plupart dL1 temps de cl1air et de poisson en manquent eux-men1es. N'ous y resta1nes h11it jours po11r y cl1arger de l'eat 1 parceque le vent etait contraire'' 99• Da que ste notizie risulta. che, al'l'inizio del XVIII secolo, il porto d1 Dablak, sebbene decaduto, e sempre uno scalo atti,,o: Massaua non ha acqua, me11tre Dahlak ne dispone ·probabihnente n, elle s11e numerose cisterne di cui $Ussistono ancor oggi i resti100 ; i vascelli qt1indi (sia queli che battono la rotta delle Indie sia quelli che percorrono la rotta per Ge ddah) vi fan110 sc.a�o per rifo-rnirsi d'acqua e per imba;rcare le ultime provviste . Ma sono gli ultin1i bagliori di uno, scalo che ha p ertlut• o l a sua im portanza. QL1 a11do .T an1es Brt1ce visita nel settembre 1769 Dahlak Kabir 98 A. BOMBACI, IL viaggio in A bissinia di Evliya Celebi (1673), in "Anoali 1st. Univ. Orientate di Napoli", II (1943), p. 268. 99 Dai due manoscritti originali della relazione firmata da Poncet dei quali 'tratto in altro mio studio in corso di stampa: Po11cet et so,i voyage en Ethiopie, in "Journal of Ethiopian Studies'', IV (1966), N.2. 100 Sulle cisterne di Dablak, cf. G. PUGLISI, Le cister11e cli Dal1lac Cl,ebir e cli Adal 11ell'arcipe/ago delle Dahlac, in "Bollettin,o dell'Istituto di Studi Etiopici (Asmara)", I (1953), p. 53-70. Questo autore elenca 60 cisteme attorno al vjlJaggio di Dalhak Kebir, e segnala la tradizone locale secondo la quale le cisteme erano 360. Gia Bruce aveva scritto, in base a tradizioni locali, essere le cisterne 370. -73-

("dove i vascelli delle Indie solevano un tempo fare sea.lo'', dice il vi�ggia� tore scozzese), l'isola e gia ridotta a poca cosa: sussistono una dozz!-11� �1 villa.ggi com.posti di mi.sere capanne; gli abitanti lavorano come mar1ttim1; la meta di essi trovasi costantemente su.lla costa d'Arabia guadagnando cosl di che far vivere l'altra meta; il governo di Dablak, che dipende dal Governatore di Massaua, e con.ferito con un firm.ano (decreto) di Costa;r1tinop-oli al Pascia di Geddah. Questi lo cede ad un Aga cl1e, a sua volta, lo cede a 11.ii'ib d.i Massaua e ai suoi delegati. Quando Bruce visito Dahlak, ''governatore'' dell'isola era un certo Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir; a lui ognuno dei dodici vi11aggi della Grande Dahlak consegnava un.a pecora al mese per tributo; inoltre ogni vascel.lo che vi faceva scalo, recandosi a Massaua, dava una libbra di caffe, mentre ogni vascello proveniente dal l'Arabia pagava una piastra. L'isola langue in una triste deca.denza, dice Bruce, sebbene un ten1po fosse "celebre per i suoi traffici ed il suo splen<lore'', in particolare per la pesca delle perle e della tartaruga101. A Bruce seguiranno nel XIX secolo n11merosi \1iaggiatari che a laro volta visiteranno e descriveranno, in termini non molto dissimili, I'arcipe via21tiatori moderni non rientra nell'ambito del lago. Lo studio di auesti ........ presente · lavoro tanto oit1 che i loro scritti non hanno oorta. to contributi alla storia . delle D�hJak. Nessu110 si interessera a questa storia _ f1no al ter111111e del secolo scorso, fino cioe alle note ricerche di Basset e di Malm11si.

BIBLIOGRAFIA ESSENZIALE - BASSET (Rene): Les i11scriptio1zs de /'fie de Da/1/alc' in ·J 011 rnal Asiatiq11e'', extrait, Paris 1893. - CONTI ROSSINI (Carlo): Storia d'Etiopia, Bergamo 1928. - MAL�T?,SI (Ben_edetto) : Lapidi def�a 1 1ecropoli 111 zJsztf1110110 di Dalzlak, _ · ?:1 1n Memone dell Accade1n1a d1 Modena'' ' Sez · di lettere, ser1e _, ,., 57 ( pr1· 111a parte dello shidio); serie 3:1 II ( lS9S)' XI (1895), P· .)� 02 (seco11da parte dello studio). ' p. )3-1 · - ROSSI (Ett· ore): S£1lla storia clefle isole Dalzlak (Ma,. R osso) 11e,z 111ed1 0 - · del I II congresso di. st11di co evo, ,11 "A ·ttJ lo11ia ' li'', p·1re11ze 1937, p. 367-375. - ROSSI (Ettore): L'iscrizio1 1e sepolcrale d1. z0 1· 1 itl-A1i,lk figlia di u,z ! s1..1/ta,10 .cli Da . /1./aclz (sec. XI I) , 1el 17 1i1seo dz Treviso , m· ''Rassegna d1 S tud1 El1op1ci'', ]jil (1943), P. 46_49_ - \VIET (G.): Roiteletsi de Dalilak in "Bulletin de l'I nsti. tut d'Egypte'', XXXIV (1951-1952), p. '89_95_ Le opere cosi ele11cate 50110 state citate con la so la indicazione del n.ome dell'a11tore e dell'anno di pubblicazio�e. 101 La lunga descrizionc di Dal1lak fatt da1 viaggiatore scozzese e assai nota; cf. BRUCE, Voyage cit., I, p. 400-4!:. -74-

SHARIF YUSUF B1-\RKHADLE: THE BLESSED SAINT OF SOMALILAND J.M. Lel-vis

I The mos.t po\.verf.ul and :widely celebrated local saint in the cerutre of northern Son1alila11d is Sharif Yusuf Barkhadle. whose sl1rine lies near tl1e dry river bed of Dogor, ,so1ne twenity niiles to- the north-east of the pro vincial capital of Hargeisa. Sharif Yus11f, also known as Yus11f al-Ikwan (''Yusuf of the Bretliren'') and as Y11s1tf al-Kawneyn (''Yusuf of the vVorlds''), is popularly credi1ted with tl1e introd11ction of the Arabian type black-headed, fait-tailed sheep wl1ich is the main variety bred today in the area. But be is most widely remembered amongst the Somali as one of the principal e. arly teachers of Islam and as the inventor of a Somali notation for tl1e Arabic short vowels which helped to faciliate the teaching of Arabic1 . Today, his shrine near Dogor is regularly visited by pilgrims in search of blessi11g a.nd fertility a11d is tl1e scene of a11 annual memorial feast held on. the first Friday (known as ji111ca Ba!(hadle) of tl1e dark pl1ase of the moo.n in tl1e Mu.slim month of j1,1111ada c1l-cztv}val. To tl1e majority of Somali it is as ''Barkl1adle'' (Blessed O·ne) that l1e is best-kno\.v11, a11d his mystical pro111ine.nce is indicaited by the pop11lar belief tl1at to visit his tomb tl1ree ti1nes l1as tl1e sa, n1e .religious value as going once on pilgrimage to Mecca. The celebr, atio11 of his bi1·tl1diay service is one of the n1aio eve11ts in the religio11.s calend.ar in Nortl1er11 Som.aliland, and with 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jila.ni he is the only sail]t so regularly hono11red in this part of Som,ali1and. Sl1arif Yusuf is also assooi·ated in local oral tradition with tl1e rulers of the Muslim state of Adal, and witl1 the jiliads of tl1at period agai11 st tl1e Christian Abyssinian kingdom: indeed s01ne Somalis appear to believe that the ''hidden I111a1ri'' will one day appear from tl1e saint's tomb and lead tl1em to victory. This traditional connexion witl1 the Muslim dynasts of Ifat and Adal is also suggested by tl1e site of the shrine, for it is surrounded by walled mo11nds and o'.her remains of what seems once to have been a walled town. This site has not yet been excavated archaelo gically, but iit appears likely that it sho11ld be grouped with the series of mediaeval ruined cities surveyed by Curle in 19342. Like Aw Barkl1adle3 , two other ruined towns in this group - Aw Barre and Aw Bube - are Thus, alif Jvit/1 fat/1a is known as alif la kordabay (lit "alif which is surmot1n ted"); a/if with kasra is represented in Somali as alif la /1oosdabay (lit. "a/if which is undercut"; a/if with clan11na, as al:/ la goda.v (lit. "a/if which is hollov,ed out"; a.nd a/if \Vith suki,11, as alif la rabbay. Cf. I.l'vl. Lewis, "The Gadabuursi Somali Script", Bsoas, 1958, XXI, p. 135. , 2 A.T. Ct1rle, "The Ruined Towns of Somaliland ,, Antiquity, 1937, pp. 315-327 3 T11e title aw ,is that, customa.rily applied by Somali to a holy man. I

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n t of e es th c Jli w at s � te � da t es rli ea 1 si.m_ilarly named after local saints. The 1 1nined, f<;>r, m te de be to ll ti s1 bas d de considerable settlements were foun ically at m st sy : e° be t ye s � ha es t J si t i an nt po im e f'8.ct, not a single one of tl1es s ey s� s hi � rin du rle Cu by ed in ta excavated. Pottery and coi 11 fi11ds, ob the n 1. ed sh un flo s re t nJ ce se he t of y t il or ma1· in · """"te ' l1owev· er ' rthat the · wl11ch .· dir-<11 · Of Ahmad e tim e h . t to up us es tak s, rie fifteenth and E1xtee11th centu . sts ue nq co 1 li� us M e th of e ps l ' 1L: co tl1e t 1 · 42 cl a1 15 Gran's deart:11 in Quite -indepe11 denrtly, on :t l1e basis of an �ppare11 t Teference to Sbru:-if Yusuf in tl1e Harar chronicles, Dr. E. Cerulli has s11ggested that Yusu� Barkhadle may be identified wilh one of .tlle ancestors ?f the yv a1.ashma dy11 asty of Ifat, 4 a11d addition.al evicle11 ce to tl1is effect 1s furnis!3ed by a ft 1rtl1er version of this Harar king-list of tl1e rulers of Ad�l which I. � ol leoted in 1956 and disct1 ss below, Finally, Northern Somali oral trad1t1 on also claims tl1at i11 tl1e cot1rse of l1is 1nissionary work Yusuf Barkhadle visited wl1at is today tl1e soutl1 of tl1e So1nali Republic witl1 a party ?f J1is disciples. 111 tl1e course of research i n the soutl1 of the Repu?lJc in 1962, I discovered Joca l traditions corroborating these northern claims and repeating i'l1 sligl1 tly differen,t versio11s one of tl1e most notable of his n1iracles to wl1icl1 reference is n1ade belo,v.

II l t will be as well to begi11 -l:his account of Sl1arif Yusuf ,vith the record co11served5 by 1the ct1stodia11s of his .shrine c.oncerning Jlis divinely inspired n1ission to spread the l1gl1t ·of Islam in .Som.aliland. As 1he Prophet was dyiI1g, :nt is relarted, he ,spolce w1t11 "An1mar b. Ya.sir6, foretelling rthe life of ISl1arif Yusuf !and lhis miraculot1s works. TJ1e Propl1 et ;told 'Ammar rthait tl1ere wot1ld come 1011e created ·b y God and wi'tl1 tthe Propl1et's own light wl1om God wot1ld e. xalt a1 1d ·\vl10 would be caliled Kawneyn. He would inherit tl1e Propl1et's ow11 -lo 1 1g ,robe, Solon1 on's ring, Moses' Stick, and . .H. (1266/7 A.D.)7 and would a blessed ·stone. I-le would be ·born in '666 A meet 'Ammar i_n Baghdad on a Friday betwee11 noon and evening. He would come lto 'A111ll?ar's l1 ouse ridi11g a -she-camel and carrying a ttnilking vessel. When the Sl1a1kl1 can1e, tl1e Propl 1et told ' ,An1.n1c1r, l1e was to retun1 l1 is greeting .�d gi.ve_ :him �he r �lics e,ntrusted )to his keeping. "Jll1en 'Am mar would die. SJ1 a1kl 1 Y11suf l1 11nself wo11ld be b11ried in tl1e land of the barabir, having �ee °: sent there to guide those people in fue right path _ _ _ and to rectify tl1e1r srns. I-!1s blessing wo11ld be s11cl1 tl1 at to see Iiim once would be wo11 �1 660 · years ai prayer. A:t first i11 l1 iJs missionary endeavour, l1owever, Sharif Yusuf :¥011ld n1eet w11l1 l1ostility; but ,011 ce iit was seen l1ow wond �ro11s \Vere 11 1s w �rks l1e \Vould be respected and these who l1onoured 111m wot1.ld })rosper 1n botl1 worlds. 1-Ie ,vho respected ilie SIJ aikh God would also l1onot1r; and those wl1 0 despised l 1i 111 God would reject. 1

4 Do_ c11�11ent� Ara_bi per la St� ria clell'Etiopia, 1931, p. 31. 5 This IS wntten 1n 'a manuscnpt l1agiology which does not seem to b e o f great antiquity. 6 This is 1one. of the Companions JOf -tl1e Prophet /\vl1o died · . A.D. 7 But see belov,, p. 89. This date is tbe san1e told t B Ill 657 urton !n 1854 as tl1at when Sayyid Yusuf ("al-Baghdadi") -cam e tO a P1ac° e called Siyaro near Ber. n, · p·zrst bera. See R. F. Burto · ' Footsteps i1z Eastern A/rrca · , ver y•11 · , E 1a,1 edi tion 1943. p. 82. - 76 -

His ·'.?rayers wou.l� be answered, ,and his blessing ;ou.ld enrich ithe land a11d Ill� (People 11n1t1J ltfhey \forgot fhiJS words ruid fell into ·evil ways, figlrt�ng, and bloodshed. Such we.re ruhe n1.iractLlolllS gi£ts give11 rto It.bis man. o , f God ltha:t '.he \Vould ?e Jearned ·Witl1ot1rt learn,i11g; \all 1nru.1kiind and junns in st1ch number � ,to fill 'the space between tl1e .eafith ·and ·sky, would ·be placed at his disposal. Those who visi•ted ,Sh: alfif Y usu.( wot1ld visit God. Hence It.he fina_l iadvJ.ce_:. ''Be.hold an.d ialw. ays guard : ·l1Ji is i1nage i11 your ,heart. He who den1es S}l1�r1f Y t1st1f's :blessi11g denii es the n1igh1ty works ·of God. We place Ollr trust an God's iprote.ation ·and J.1ope tl1at we may not deny his blessing. There ;are \Sorne tinen wl10 love ea.ch otl1er JJor God's sake, land tnot :on account of considerations of \Vea1th or 1tri·bal connexion. Their faces are ru· u .of ,light a11d l he)' do .11ot know fear. God direcls to tl1e right pat!h those who ple.ase I-li111." 1

III Wi:th st1cl1 po\verft1l ·reference ·to this apocryphal tradution ascribed to the Propnet, tl1e blessing a11d efficacy of SJ1arif YustLf are validated for the ct1stoclians o. f l1i:s .sl1rine ·anct for n1runy ,oD rl1ose · w110 · ·make pilgrin1age tl1ere. The aitt; endai1Ls ait the to1nb, J1owever, know JiLtle beyo11d 'this .of his h. is:tory. TJ1ey give hi·s genealogy a:s: Sharif Yu·su£ ;Barkhadle b. Ahmad b. Muha1nmad b. 'Abdillahi b. Is111ai'il b. Mtisa b. Husey11 b. 'Ali b. ·Hamza b. Qasim ,b . Yal1ya b. H · useyn .b ..Alllllad 'b. :Quwa.yi b. Yahya b. 'Ise b. Muhan1111ad b. Taqi al-Hadra1na b. Abdul b. I-fadi b. M11l1a1nmad b. 'Ali b. Mt1sa b. J a'far b. Muha1nn1acl b. 'Ali b. J·Iasa11 'Ali Talib. Like ma.ny other crs/1rc1/ in1rn.igrru1ts i11 Son1alila11cl f1e is ltl111s regarded ias of Quraysh origin. 1

In tthis ·genealogy itl1e isa,i111t's <lescendanits a1·e ; not given and no precise connexion \Vitl1 ltl1e rulers of Ifat .i.s sJ1ow11. However, in !tl1e following sl1ort king-list of tl1e ''Rulers of tl1e La11d of Sad'd ad-Din'' wl1icl1 I collect e d in 1956 lait Borama and wl1Ji.cl1 'Was !said l:o ,have been copied ([r01n ia11 old 'work b y Sharif Ibral1im, Yust.JiV is a.den1tified !as one of 1tl1e ru1cestors of this line of MtI.Slim kings. The !text rtra:11slates ·a.s 'follows: ''Then came into ,office Umar lb. Dttnyal1t1r b. Ahmad lb. iMt1l1·anunad b. IJ:-Ia1nicl b. Shaikh 'Yust1f al-Ikhwa11, nicknamed 'BarkhadJe', b. Muhan1mad b. 'Abdil lahi b. Sa'id b. 'Ali b. Mt1hammad b. Isma'il b. Yahya al-Qurayshi, al Hasbimi, a descendant Hasan b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib: may God bless his cotmtenance ! He 1was :followed. lby �us son i8t1rfawe '(for ,ten years), {then by his brother Haqq ad-Din b. 'Umar (for seven years), then I-Iuseyn (for five years), tthe11 lJamal .tad-Din N'asr-awi (for seven years). T:hese chosen four iare (his sons. Jlhen came oiOJto ·o,£fjce Ma.iisur b. Burnawe ,(Dor five years), then ;J.amal ad-Din b. :Burnawe (for 6even years). He was ]earned an1d concerned for t:he well-being bf ft1is people: be had jinn ;servants. For each tday rthere :wa.s 1a. ijin·n who u·sed ,to lbri,ng ·him a letter !Tom Abawein in one hour. Tl1e water used rto rcome rto him from a iriver called the Awa.sh. ''He was succeeded by Abuta (for two years), the11 ZL1bayr, (for two years). After her ca.me Sabr ad-Din (for five years), tl1en Q,1t 'Ali (for forty years), tl1e11 l1is son Harb 'Ar'ad (for two years). At tl1is time the hijra was 787. Then came his son. Haqq ad-Din b. Harb 'Ar'ad (for ten years). He rdjed la :martyr. He was the man who organised 'the means of - 77 -

waging th e. l1 oly war.' Tl1en followed- him Sultan Sa'd ad-D�n b. ��-d in ,the r111ro111Lh of saflµr !in ltl1e yearr 788 ,and; �1 e clied ta martyr IJ..I1 d!zi, l-/11_11a of 1the year 817. \f:le lfUled for 1twenity-sevei1 yea:-s, ,ten months, and ifive days. After l1im came Sabr ad-Din b. Sa'd (for e1gl1 teen yea_rs). An� then tl1ere was ·an intervai 1of over -011e year because -they were 1n Arab11a for about 1two years and �everal m1oniths. They stayed in \the country ;th�y visiiied for 1two !Yea.rs 1and 1then !the dwte was 825 A.H. Then came his brotl1er Manst1r b. Sa'd ad-Din (for te11 years and seven months: some people -say it was Jfor ;seve11 years, but God k 11 ows best!) Tl1 en ca.ine Su1tru1 J a1nal ad-Din b. Sa'd ad-Din i11 835 A.I-I. (for seven years) a11 d be was killed ·as la ITT1 avtyr ,on 1tll1 e 24th da.y of the month .o£t jLtma dc1 czl-awlval, 836. Next succeeded St1 lta11 Ba.dlay b. Sa'd ad-Din (for thirteen years and twe11 ty-fot1r days), and l1e was killed on the late afternoon of 26t11 Rama drun li-n 'il1e 1year 849 jand reig11ed ,for fourteen years .all bu1t itwenty four days. Tl1 e11 followe.d Sulta11 BadJay's son on Sruturday it11e 26th Ramadan i11 tl1e year 849 and l1e r11 led for twenty-six years. Afterwards l1 is son 'U1 nar succeedecl hi11 1: bt1t God k11 ows best a11 d tl1 is copy l1 a.s been ex traoled 1from a1 1 1old book by Sl1 arif '.Ibra1h.:in1''. In ill1is .cl1ro.nicle, Sl1arif Yusttf, iide 111 tified •as ,the •saint most genera·lly k.11own ilO 1S0111ali as Yt1su.D ial-Ikl1\v·an, ·or Ba.rlcl1adle, 1appears as tl1e fifth asce1 1ding f111 ccstor of 'U1nar b. Dt1nyal111r, tl1e fo11nder of tl1 e Walas]1ma' d.)1nasly. 1=ro111 ·the d.ales gi\1e.11 it :ap . pears ILI1rut Umar b. Dunyal1ur's reign e11 ded i11 698 :1-\.I-I. rie.11ce if we \a.llow (a period of nventy-five years to eacl1 generation, S-ha.rif Yt1st1f 'himself presun1ably ctied about 1190 A.D. 111 tJ1e 111t1cl1 fuller l1istory of tl1e Walasl1111a' dynasty published by Cerulli8, of ,vllicl1 rtl1e iforegoi11g seems rto be bt1 1t :a copied fragment, tl1e saint is si111pl)-1 :styled Y1tst1f Barlcl1adle a·nd figt1res as itl1e sixtl1 -ascending ancestor of 'U111ar b. D1u1yal1t1z (Dunyal1ur, i11 my version). In tl1is versio11 of the cl1ro11icle tl1 e latter's reign is give11 as tern1inati11g i11 687 A.rl. It is not u11lilcel)-1 tl1at •l11is ;and ·oitl1 er discrepancies between the two tex1ts are due to errors b.)1 the copyist ,111d it is tl1 erefore reassuring to find son1e i11 de p�ndant jndic�tion ?f tl1e period of 'Umar Dt1nyal1 t1z's reign in tl1e S11oan l11story cl1ro11 1cle d1�covered 'by Cerulli i 1 1 I-Iarar in 19369. In tllis text r�f�re11ce is_ n1 a �e to �Ali b. _\Vali As1 na' as havi11 g (•ired Walalal1, capitai . ,of Sl10,a ,111 •tl1e .year 676 A.I -I. ancl the successftll incor o[ 11� Musl1111 ,st,aite porat.11)11 -of rtl1e tState under L'l1e · rule ,of 1tl1e Walasl1111 a' d y11asts of Ada] by 688 A.I-I. (1289 A.D. )10. It _!tl111s 1seen1 s possible Ito locate ! Sl1arif Yt1suf as -tl1e fnth or sixth asce11d111g ancestor of 'Un1ar b. Dun:)1al1t1z ( = WaJashma') j 11 t 11e twelth cen, tt1ry. . In lUl1e rabse11 ce of 1a:rct!1 aeol?giC<'l1 excavatio11 , it is of course not yet possible 1!o lcnow wl1etl1 er ;tJ1e 1�t11 ned_ tov.,n ,associated w.it11 tile saint's tomb rut Dogor ·a.lso belo· ngs tto 1tJ1 1s !Jer1 od. Hov.,ever , as ...�ve �, have seen, . . . · · ·he ot l1 � r s11111 1a.r 1·11 1.11�d c1L1es of tJ1e area indicate tliat :t:lley r e1na !n s fro•1n � f 1 ·our1s 11 ed 11 p 110 ll1e f·1 ftee1rth ai1d is1xteentl1 cen 'Urie · s And · · I a I reac y · rn ;the . , . · ·C, 1 r1r yt1suf s sl1rrne ,vas apparent],, s1xteen.t'l1 ce11l11ry 011a. J an 1n1p · or tant ho Iy . · · . . . · first pl ace �111-ce, 111 anotl1 er I J.�a.rar cl1ron1ole, the tart!"r}i al-111.i,Ja · }·zt"d1n, 8 Cerulli, cit., 1931, iJJp. 4-15. . 9 "II Sultanato dello Scioa ,nel secolo XIII secondo un rnttovo docun1enr. o stonco", RSE, 1941. 10 fbid, pp. IO, 12. T1in1ingham, lsla,11 i11 Etl1 iopia, 195?-, p. 59 gives the da.te of Umar b. Dunyal1uz's deatl1 as 1275/6. - 78 -

pu�li�bed by PauliJtsdhke 11 and also discussed by Cerulli, reference is made to 1:I1e death of the Gara d JibrjJ (who led :a revolt agajnst it.he reigning _ , . E 1;11� of Harar, Uthman) 1n 1569, and l1is burial i n ''the place of the great saint known •as Aw Barkhad11e''l2. IV ; There thus seen1s every reason to regard Sl1arif Yusuf as one of the ancesrtor,s of the \Vala.sh.ma' dyna:s1 ty of lfat. For 'rthe majority ·of ithose . . who ;tod.'ay .live �n liJa11d and c. ome on pilgrim.age to liis N .rt'11ern1 Son1a. , _ � . osit interest. tomb, however, ithis 1s !IlOlt rthe coi1nex-tion · w11ioh excvtes m �wil1er, i n 1tJ1iis region dominated by {tlhe powerfttl Tsaq group <:>f clans, interest centres on tl1e assu1ned co11nexio11 between tl1e saint and t11eir ow, n ;clan eponyn1, S11aikh isaa, /whose :grave lies iseveral hundred n1iles further to the east at Mait 011- the Erigivo coast. Often the two saints are regarde·d popt1larl, y (as. a1aving 1j,,ed :about ithe :s a· me t· ime, an equation whicl1, whi1e mirroring luheir :Co11ten1porary rituail. significance today, may also 1have some hisrtorical validi1 ty; 1t 1h:is :view is at least in broad iagreement, with the picture wl1icl1 can be pieced together from traditional accounts of rth ' e. expai1sion iand anigrat1 io11 of 1t11e Is:aa clan·s from Mait iabout lthe twelftl1 century 13 • Since, however, :Aw Barkl1adle's precise connexion witl1 tthe ,rulers of Ifait iis not widely known, !he appear; ,as ·an isolated f•igure, and in con11x'Uison wiith the half-million or s·o s,tro11g J.s·aq, a saint deprived of known issl1e. frhis st,riking difieren.ce be,twee11 itlhese two s,aints is ex plained in a oopuJ.ar legend according {to wl1ich, wl1en · Shaikl1 Isaq -and · Aw Barkhadle met, t, il1e la.titer !Prophesied 1tiliart rsaq would be blessed by God with .1.nany children.. He, l1owever, would tn<Yt have descenda11ts, but Isaq's iss11e would pay him respect and siyaro (voluntary ·offeri11gs). So it is, rone is =t'old, ,fuart every ,year rtJ1e ·Isaq clans·n1en gather 0.t Aw Bark hadile's shrine ito make offerings in l1is tnmne. Sharif Ytisuf also figures pro111ine11'tly �n a widely turre11t legend which ·valid.aites 1tll1e current Son1aJi practice of g, iving small gif1ts to \the Yibir gypsy soothsayers who ·come 'to bless newly-ma.rried ,col1p]es iai1.d newly-born ,clli1dren. rfhese Yibir, who crumot today 1, 1l1mber more rth.an a few lht1ndred [Persons, are tl1e ,nlrmerically smalle&t group of •those tt-ra dttionally despis·ed artisan specialists who are a, utach ' ed .to ''noble'' Sorn,ali groups as bondsmeiil, and known rcohledtively as \Sab. 14 ln confor·mity with their numerical and 1Jolitical i, J1signilicance as a group, as ·1 have argue.d elsewhere1s, these Yibir bondsmen enjoy a formidable reputation for sorcery, :cursing, 1a.11d other ma1evo1e·nt acts. Despite their tradi1ional altachment to particular Somali clans and lineages, they conserve their own pedigrees, tracing descent ultimately from a .founding ancestor known perjoratively (<lS :Bu'ur B.a'ayer, or �ul1ammad Han.if. The story goes t�t _ when S · harif YuiSuf came to Som)aliland and !Settled near the �1te of his tomb he w a· s melt b.y 1the Yibir leader and :oocestor who thoo ruled the country, in n1any respects contrary to the law of Islam. The two leaders 1

11 Harar, Frscl1 i1ngsreise nach de,i S0111al-11ncl Galla-Liinclerr1 Ost-Afrikas, Leipzig, 1888. 12 Cerulli, cit., 1931, p. 67. I 3 Cf. Lewis "The Galla in Northern Somalilaod", RSE, 1959, pp. 21-38"Historicai iAspects of Genealogies in Nor.thern Somaliland", JAH, 1962, pp. 35-48. 14 Cf. Lewis, A Pastoral Deniocracy, 1961, p. •14. 15 Le,vis, "Dualism in Somali 'Notions ,of iPower", JRAI, 1963, pp. 109-116. - 79-

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tl1en decided. (tha!t rtJl1e struggle for .a111lhority between ithem_ 6l1ould be deci ded · by a 11:.rial· of mystical slre11g;tl1. ShariJ.i Y11suf �cco� d1ngly ?ha11enged Mul1 an1D1ad Hanif to pass tbrougl1 a sn1a.ll hill which rises beside I? ogor. TJ1 is n1iracle tibe Yibir anceS1tor !twice acco1nplished .successfi1lly, but m ftne 1niddle 10£ :his lthi.rd den1onst• ra;tio11 'Of II.is powers, S11arif Yusuf invoked. li'he superior migl1t of 'G·o d a11d i 1 11prisonecL -his rival for ever witbi.n 1·he moun tain. Thus oi;tbodox 1s11in1 prevailed, and .the Y'ibirs were defe�ed. Muh.anunad Han3£'s descenda11its, l1rowever, so lfu.e st.ory goes, tlaimed olood-compensation fro1n Sl1 arif Yt1sL1f, and this js the origin of the gifit:s s:till iregularly n1ade l t o Yi·birs. Here, in effeot, i11 co11trast to lJ1 e previou.s legend., cont� mporary Somali of diree desce11 t ,are identified :with .tJ1e wrogeny of Sharif Yusuf. 11be extent :of r t l1e :sl1a.ikl1 's repLtla1tion for 111ys•tical power is indicated bj1 �l1e ,£act 1tl, 1at . a lsi111 ilar tale js ,t old it11 S0ltt11em Somalia . ThtIS, in the Baidoa area .of Upper Juba Provi.11ce, I f1ound in 1962 1tl1 ait: Sharif Yusuf - known here as Konton Bar!(/1adle (''Tl1e fifty li111es blessed") - was said to have resolved a similar confront[Llion witl1 no11 -Mt1slim Galla in the same fasl1io11 . 'S11:arif Yt1suf, traditio 1 ·n Q1olds, entered: rthis region with , a la!fge party of st11de11-ts bnJy r lo �neet a Galla leader called Qanana and i1 is followers. �d1ar. if Yustif was asked ·what 31e had tome for; and when l1e ar1 s\\1ered l.l1a,t �,e !had �on1e to ,teach Islam an.d l1ad blessing, he was asked to give proof of l1is powers. Sl1arif Ytisuf respo11ded, it is said, by pointing otit tl1at l1is adversaries \.Vere better egt1ipped iI1 rne11 and in arms and, sl1ouJd 't l1erefore prove 1t]1eir po · wers first. Qana11a, on this challenge, passed 'twice 'lhrot1gl1 h :1110L1ntain. 011 hjs it:hircl atten1pt, l1owe,1er, Sharif YL1suf in1prisonecl l· 1i111 for ever · by ·reciting ;t J1e szLrat al-Yasi11. tio11 s still cL1rre11rt rtoday in 'the Baidoa area, Sl1arif Yusuf In ·o.tJ1er tradir 1 is also connected with a sha.kih caUed Mul1ammad Qiyas-je'eI, belonging to 1l1e Gardere So111aJi cla11, wl10 wi,tl1 ;tJ1ree otl1ers is reputed to have provided :tl1e origi11al 11 ucleus of t11 e War1jil clan. 16 The story goes ithat Sl1ail<ih Muhan1 1nad iwas one of :those st· t1den1s wl10 sat a;t tl1e feet of Sl1 a.ri£ Yust1f wl10, eacl1 day, tISed to dtLS1 tribu.te food a. 111ongst 11. is followers. coffee beans (b11n) provided All ,tl1e .c,tu<l:11 ts itook· their share of ·tl1e roas !ed _ 1 1 1 o-J.i every day ·01 tl1e 1t1nerant scl1 ool died. 1Shaikl1 e by the Shar1f, a.nd �t1ham111ad u:iotic �d :tl1 is �11d ' persuaded l1is colleagues always 1,0 Jeave a l1tiLle food as1d.e for SA1-ar1f . \ usuf. Tl1c11 tl1e <leatl1s stopped, and Sharif Yt1s11f gave tl1e 11an1 e _'01yas-3e'el' (lit . ''tl1e ap1Jroved division'') to Sl1 aikl1 . 1 M �han1111ad. ,To?ay, 111 men1or) of :tl11s exan1ple, when people ea:t roas'.ed cotf�e bean·�, ,or O'ther foocl. · �I1ey alwa)'S lC<'lve a Jittle over. This is rthe or1g111 of 1t'l, 11s curre11il table .011quette. t In contra,s:t l? tl1e si!tuatio11 i11 .tl1e north, •.iI1 1l1i.s case no coJ1t- einporary gro�1ps_ 10f iLl1e reg1011 . cla11n d.��ce�t fro11 1 Qana11a, a·nd this 1tale is not u. sed . to JUS'l1fy a.11y , p. ract. 1ce o.f. grt 1t-g1v1n g sudh as ,tl1aJt by whi·c11 the y1. -b·rrs . B . teres,t1ng ,tl1a:t ;tl1is tradiitio11 ascri·b benefrt. · .ut, 11t ·. 1s 1n, . ·r y tlsuf ""d .., ,to SI1 ar1 . sl1 ouId exist Ji1 �11 area aJ1nost a tJ10L1sand 1tniles from llis shrine and amongs'l peop�� wl10 l1ave scarcely any contact wi-tl1 Nor:tllern So aJ 1 d an,cL speak a d.rlferent, a.nd :11ot f.1.1lly �11urtt1ally intelligible dialect 0�0�· n� i _ tra TJ1e occure-i1ce• •of 1tl1e drll' on l1ere, I believe• suoo-gests · t h. a·t Shar1·r yusuf·· · d 1'd 1n · .r..L'aot vls1it t.l11s -bart o f So1na'lila·11d in rthe co·urse of· '.nl11S • m1ss1ona • '. r. y 1

16 The !v\'anjil ,arc a 1sn1all n1ixcd clan, partly ,of "pre-Hc,a, vi· y �" oii .·gi·n (Cf. M. �olucci, Pri11citJi di diritto consuetudinario cle·l/a 1uo111a/ ra _ _d 1011a 1n er 1 le' 19-?4' p. 139) . st·tuaited near,B a1c · 1 oa and ,today attached to 'the R ah anw· 1n of the region.

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work, tl1u _ � co1·robo�a:tt11g !the tradition ct1rre11t in northern Somalilat1d of the ·Sharif s ;travels 1n !the sou' th. His co11itaat Wirth Galla in rthls area in the twelfth ce1;1l�ry adds further support to Cer11IJi's conclusions drawn from ot �er rtrad1t1onal so_urces as ·to the presence of Galla groups i n tlris area pr1or to tl1 e Son1a]1.11 V 'Jlhe shrine of Aw BarkbadJe is at Dogor some rtwenty miles ti o the nortl1-eas,t -of 1-Ia.rgeisa,s. Tl1e present wl1ite-wasl1ed domed ton1b was built by �n Indian 1 co111 tracto,r at tl1e insrt:igalio11 of ithe father of 1 tl1e cusrtodjans of t �e shri11 e, Sl1aikl1s 1tf11l1ammad and Sa'id 'Abdttlla Isaq, of tl1e Habar Y11n1s cla11 , a11 cl tl1e latter's grave lies close-by beside a l1ani11i busl1 (S11c1e�ia �ri,ticosa) which is covered witl1 sn1all strips of cloth and pieces of strrng, ;hung 1tl1ere as v,oti.,1e >0ffleri'ngs. Not far fro1n 1 the tomb lie the ruins of a 1a.r,ge Friday ' rnosat1e wl1icl1 is 1said tto lb.ave been used �n the life-1time of the Sl1arif. Tl1e to11 1b itself occupies much ,of ,the 'Shrine .and is 1 covered witt:h a11 embroidered red and green .cloth which visitors toucl1 reverently witl1 ll'}1 e paln1s of tl1 ejr .l1and r- whicl1 they itl1en kiss - for it is ibelievecL .to be ·s,tro11 gly p . ermeated witl1 baral<-a. A n11mber ,of relics are also co1iserved. 011 e of 1t11ese 1is ·a11 ·old Qoran, said to have been written by Sharif Yusuf l1i1n.self, ,and bound in ,gold-tooled sl<i11. A11ot,her relic is a jpiece of wood, isaiid to1 ·be a leg o· P. itl1e .sain.t's own tbed. 1t is believed llhait if this i s ;touched by a barren woma11 it will enable ·her to bear cl1il dren, iand b)' lo·uclli11g jlt a preg11ai11t ,vornaJ.1 may avoid a miscarriage. There was· also, I wa, s told, a.11.io:ther relic in the fom1 of four sto11es bo1111cl togetl1er 'in the tsl1ape o:f a cross. Tl1 is was 1sai.d to have been stolen by son1 e : visiiting pilgrims a generation ago. lit was 1v.sed 1to treat impotence, being placed O'Il the penis iof 1tl1ose so afflicted. Toe annual visimation (siyaro) ceremony is ·l1eld 011 rt}1e first Frida.y of the dark period rof 1tl1e montl1 o.f jt11nada al-c1rvwal. Pilgri1ns from , all over 1t]1 e No11tfb.ern Regio11s of tl1e Republic assemble 011 the precedi.ng day, many arrivi11g loda.y by lorry. Several tl10U1sancl norm1lJ1y ,g<tt11er together and large numbers of livestock fire killed f10r feasrti11g on .ll1e Thursd.ay ·nigl1t (tl1e Mus]i,n1 Friday). The rejoici11g oan;ti.nues .late 1nito the n. ight and is accompanied ·by tl1e sjnging of qasidas i11 IJraise of tl1 e sain,t and mucl1 drt1n1mjng. 011 •the followi11g morning, ,tl1e pilgrin1s walk up ithe hill in whicl1 rthe Yibir ai11cesrt:or ii) st1pposed ito be btiried, � ome prayi111g, a· nd otl1ers d.aiubing ttheir fo�eheads with clay .. Wom� n, e, spec1al,ly, pick up aumps ·of .cla.y Ito take to rthe1r �1omes. At ,1:11e same time, a re_gul�r s1tream ,of people fi;Ies rth.rough the shone, round bJs itomb and to·uch1ng 1t reverently in the hope of ;gaining blessin:g. Sborltly after mid-day all fue pilgrims assemble in a clea·ring, bed� cked wii_ t11 fl�gs,_ and the Frid,ay prayer is held usually directed by the Chief Qadz. This as rthe .end ,of the cere mon,y �hich, idea1ly, should be blessed w·� t� rain, a.nd �e pil_grims, tired after tbejr long vigil but in a state of sp1r1t11al exaltation, disperse. 1

17 E. Ceru.llj "Le _popolazioni della SomaJ.i�t nella tra.clizione storica locale", RRAL, 1926, \pp. ]50-172: Cf. Lewis, The Moderrz History of Son1aliland, 1965, pp. 22-28. . . . . . t 8 Another 'shrine for tl1c sajnt, ,a. n1aqa111, to which iSill11lar p1Jgnmages are made in the 1west of tl1e count111 ·is ,a �arge black 1-5tone at Qoranyale, ·near ,Bora.ma. Here Sharif Yusuf is said to have stopped in the course of his n1issionary work in the \vest. I -81-

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INTRODUCTION GENERALE. AUX

EGLISES lVIONOLITI-IES DU TIGRAI Abba Tewelde l\lleclhin Jose11/1,

Trois ans se sont ecoules depuis· le jour ou j'entrepris, dans mon _ t�mps l1bre, une enquete systematique sur les eglises rupestres et mono l1thes de cette region septentrionale de l'Ethiopie denommee le TigraI. Passionne par l'etude de l'histoire d'Ethiopie depuis ma jeunesse, comme le demontre la these de doctorat que j'ai consacree aux fondements .historiques de la legende du Pretre Jean (rattacl1ant a l'histoire reelle de l'Ethiopie les origines de la dite legende) et a11x relations entre l'Etbiopie et !'Occident pendant la periode allant du Xlle siecle a11 debut du XVe siecle. L' occasion d'entreprend.re mes recherches sur les eglises monolithes du TigraI m'a ete offerte par S.A, le Dedjaz1natcl1 1\.1e11gesl1� Seyoum, Gouverneur General de la Province. Cest 11n fait bien connu q11e Son Aftesse consacre tous ses efforts au developpement culturel, so<::ial et econon1ique de la Province du Tigra1 do11t Sa 1'/lajeste In1peri::1le Hai'le Selassie Ier Jui a confie !'administration. Son ,Altesse s'in.teresse e.galement beaucoup a !'expansion du tourisn1e dans sa Province et, 11n jour, je l'entendis parler de oertains sites naturels d'interet touristique et a11ssi de quelques eglises monolithes qui se trouvaient dans la Provi11ce de t qui etaient encore peu con1111es. Ceci eveilla mon interet s Tigrai et 1r Jes egljses monolithes et me poussa, pour con1mencer, a lire les oeuvres de quelques savants reputes qui avaient etudie l'Histoire de l'Etltiopie, tels que J.B. Coulbeaux et C. Conti Rossini.

Ces deux savants (Coulbeaux, Histoire d'Abyssinie, vol. I, page 268; Conti Rossini, Storia d'Etiopia, page 311), apres avoir decrit les eglises monolithes de Lalibela, font une breve allusion a }'existence de quelques eglises monolithes au Tigrai. L'emplacement de certaines d'entr'elles est egalement signale, mais rien n'est dit de leur valeur artistique, de leurs auteurs probables et de leur nombre approximatif. Ce qui prouve que les savants en question ne disposaient pas d'in formations detaillees sur ces eglises et n'avaient pas la chance qu'ont maintenant les jeunes intellectuels de I'Etiopie de mieux connaitre l'etonnant passe historique . et les incalculables richesses naturelles de notre chere patrie. Comme je l'ai deja dit auparavant, je commen9ai a me consacrer, par interet historique, a l'etude methodique des dites eglises, sur la base des indices e11core imprecis qui m'avaient ete fournis par S.A. le Dedjazmatch -83-

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ts dont on n a v sa x u e d s Je r a p s e it fa Mengesha et de tres breves references vient de parler. n s t e u fe p je ef t; n ia ef p u st e r it e v en Le resultat de cette enouete fut n determiner e et es th li o n · o m : s se li eg etablir I'exis,tence · de non 1breuses nne io ss re p 'im u q la ce r u o p st 'e C e. u iq l1 ap gr o ge n io at tu t si en la 1n te ac ex r importa.nce histo u le r a p et on gi re par ]eur nombre tres eleve dans cette c li ar b �e p u p r e_ nn £o in n 'e d ai id ec d rique et artistique pour l'Ethiopie, je is d d 'A d ns 1e 1d ot u q s ]e 64 e 19 r Ia voie d'articles que publierent en novemb Abeba et d'Asmara. es lis ces eg e d e lit a t. to e qu es pr la s, oi tr A l'exception de det1x ou rution d. e ces a r ticles pa la t an av es re no ig monolithes du Tigrai'. etaient tes Ethio lis ia ec s sp de e qu en pi io th E le up pe du e tant de la majeure parti l. na io at rn te ic in bl pu d an gr du i ss au t e11 m piens ou etra11gers et naturelle o es hi ud Et Et d' le na io at rn te In ce en er nf Co . 3e tte ce de 11 A l'occasio pitaJe de ca ]a ns da 1 s-c ur jo s ce s on cip rti pa 1 s t no lle ue laq piennes a es ral ns ne tio ge ra ide ns co s ue elq q11 nt n1e ve e i. r b ser po ex te l'EtlJiopie, je con1p , recemment decouvertes. Ma i gra Ti du 1es litl no no 1 s ise egl x relatives au co.1nn1t1nicatio·n comp re11dra les huits points suivants: I. IMPORTANCE NUMERIQUE

�l e�t. P:oba?Je q11� !e de�ombren1ent des dites eglises monolitl1es tel q�e Je I a1 etabl1 se rev�lera. 1nc?mplet en son etat actuel, et je compte b1�n q�1e de futures recl1er�hes v1endront le completer. Pour l'in.stant. je pti�s dir,e que, ,le� constructions n1.onolithes d11 Tigrai qui servent encore 1:��Jourcl l1u� d egl1ses sont a11 11on1b re de 94; celles utilisees cJnlnie de:nei.i de 6; les edifices rnono1·t1 ,· non 1 1es ex1gus, rc� _rnonast1ques sont ,au non1bre '' 11t 1 11 sables,, abanc1onnes et d imporLance li111itee, s011r estin1es a envi ron 26. . · , comme Parmi !es n1onolith es aui sont e11co r e ut·1 sanctua1res 1ses 1 , . ' · · · , . . . · I Jes ceux q11e I'on peut considerer comme tis lDlpor ta iits au po1nt d� vue P . · . . · et ensio11s ia de valeur des di' 111 st1que ' se mon tent a, une trentaine . art1 .. enviro11 pot1r !'ensemble du T1gra1. . . . . _ �� repartition de ces monumerlts �dans 1e_s dive rs�s c1rconscr1pt1ons adm1n1stratives de Ia p rovince app' r t �a c Iai�erne�1t a !'examen de Ia liste de ces eg]ises et de la carte ·qu,� �!. J ai tenu a preparer afin d'illustrer . Ja pre�enle comn1u11ication. II .

REPARTITION GEOGRAPHIQUE . . L�s �uv;es d'art' que nous allons etu__<lier . sont dtspe:se,es sur un vaste .terr1:to1re s1tue p resque au centre d ti Ti ,. a , eSurant en�1ron 180/ 140 Km. en l1gne d'air. Cette zoii e s'etend de J{,e {e�? t u Sud, au Ju Ad sq igr u'a at � Nor d,. et d'Azbi a I'Est jusqu'a A xottm a 1 �u_est. s co Ce ns s tru cti on mon?l1t_l1es se repartissen,t ent re cinq grandes di. v s i ion s de l'adminis:tratiori p�ov1�c1ale (qu'on peut appeler de. uv n r at�):: Ende rta, Houlet Aulalo, ?. ;: _ � iu Temb1en, Agamie, Adoua et A.x _ 1 interieur de ces gou vernorats, · mo ces. numents sont plus nombreu x surto t 0 dans. Ies districts suivants: ;1 ' ' T ie b ta, em r�l -T K0Jla Ghe n,, zera• W omberta · · ·A zb Idera. , Haramat, TzadaAmb,a. . .· . . -::- 84 -•

III. EMPLACEMENT

Les montagnes (ou -ambas) formees de roche gresew:;e. , forment un . nat rel t favourable a ces cadre mon11ments; c'est pourc1uoi iJs aboncle11t � � aux endro1ts ou se trouvent de va·st. es couches de roche greseuse et quart zeuse, plus ou 1noins compacte et d11re; en ge11eral de co11leur blanchatre, mais parfois a11ssi coloree, avec predon1ini:1nce d'une teinte veneuse allant jusqu'a.u marro11 clair. Cette roche sablonneuse est constit11ee de conglo merats tres fins de sable compri1ne par des forces naturelles extremement p11issantes aux e'poques lointaines de la formation de la croute terrestre. . Dans ,c·e� n1ontagnes, nous remarq11011s que les sites preferes des fou_1lle11rs eta �ent ]es pentes pas trop raides, flanguees de pentes pl11s ou mo1ns n1arquees s11r lesq11elles les pl11ies pouvaient s'ecouler normalement. On voit cependant parto11t que Jes.edifices 1no11olithes ont ete creuses dans l�1 roche vive des montagnes d'apres un progran11ne sage et determine et avec 11n pro_ject ca]cule; et ceci vrai n1en1e ltt ou les fo11il1eurs ont mi5 a profit quelq11es grottes naturelles q11'ils ont modiriees pour les adapter aux imperatifs d'un plan ration,nellement con9u. IV ..EPOQUE DE CONSTRUCTION Etant donne que le plus grand. nombre des mon,olithes du Tigrai ont ete creuses pour servir de sanotuaires chretiens, et qu'ils comportent en effet de marques evidentes de foi chretien11e itant dans le style architectural que dans la decoration m urale, l'on peut affirmer, avec assez de certitude, que ]a plupart de ces ouvrages ont ete executes apres que le clrristianisme fut solid.ement implante dans }'Empire d'Etl1iopie. Ceci :toutefois n'exclut pas que les Ethiopiens aient comn1ence, deja avant }'introduction du cbristianisme dans Ieur pays, l'architect11re rnono lithe; il est meme certain que ce]le-ci d.eb11ta avant le christia11isme et trouva -so-n epanouissement et son apogee apres !'adoption de la foi chre tienne par l'Etluopie. L·e s traditions ,orales encore vivantes parn1i les populatiops tigreennes ai-n.si que Jes informations qu'on trouve dans quelqt1es ,parcl1ernins anciens attribuent a plu6ieurs Empereurs d'Ethiopie la respons-abili-te majeure dans ces realisations monolitl1iques chretiennes du Tigra1. La majorite des eglises mo·nolitl1es des districts du Gheralta du Tzera, de Haramat est attribuee par la tradition popu1aire a l'epoque des Empereur-s Abraha et Atzbaha, qui regnerent vers l'an 347 de notre ere: Un petit n,ombre de manuscrits anpiens nous rapportent egalement que Jes deu.x freres s,ouverains Abraha et Atzba��L ont fait creuser un certain nombre d'eglises, et citent seulement cel1es de Korkor-Debre Mariam, Menda, Abraha, Atzbaha et celle de Hau.zien • dans l'eglise de Enda Tekle Hai"manot. Toujours en se referant aux traditions populaires orales, notons qu'elles attribuent les :trois constructions -monolithes de Degum Enda Selassie dans Je Gheralta a l'empereur Kaleb (qui regna entre 510 et 558); et aussi l'eglise monolithe de Debre Selam, du district· d' Atzbidera· a I'empereur Gbebre-Meskel (Iequel regna entre 558 et 584). D'autre part, I'eglise monolithe de Amba, dans le dis-trict de Umberfa, est attribuee a l'empe·reur Ambesa Wudem qui regna vers l'an 933 A.D.; celle de Gazien (district de Tsada Amba), est attribuee a I'empereur - 85 -

elle de ?ebre_ A_mba c ); 5 8 12 t e 0 7 12 Yekuno AmJak (qui regna e ntre a i u � (q re 1t w a J? r u e r e p _ m e l' e d e . S elassie (district D ega Ten 1bien) dat , Kaka, A:gb�e m 1� a d �r n M E , a in entre 1382 et 1411); c elles de T eam e ,es d a n s le _d 1�tnct tu s1 s te u to , o t u ts E Hebuto, Wolegl 1es a, Enda Mariam, ui regna (q b co a -Y ra a Z r u e er p n e1 l' a s de K olla Tembien, sont attribuee ent, re 1434 et 1468). que s saints el u q t en m le a eg e t ci e l ca lo e ir La meme t raditio11 popula nda E ro rk o K si in A . s e th li o n o m s ue . c omme etant les a11teurs d e q1 1elq re e . d eb le l D ee e l; i an D .e un o b A nt ai s Aboune Daniel serait !' oeuvre du ebre-M eskel; cell e de h G e . un bo A t in sa Maar (distTict de Gl1eralta) du . uk ur B aer e Z un bo A t in. sa au a) t Enda Aboune Zera Bur uk (au Gl1eral oig na g e de quelques m te le r su se ba t, dj re t Tout ce qui vie11t d'e , ai gr Ti au es nt va vi re o c en s le ca lo n s o iti man1 1scrits anciens et s11I les trad au es se eu cr e et t on n io g · re tte ce de es ith ol on n1 demontre que les eglises e au X Ve cl sie e IV du it so s, cle sie e nz o n iro e nv d' cou rs d'une period e siecle de not re ere. re d'edifices mb no in rta ce 'un qu le ab ob r p est il is, v a. n mo t, a a11 d n Cepe au ore orp inc rut i qu , ien uz Ha e d ui cel ple e xem r pa e monolit'hes, comm e-Ha1111anot, con struite kl e T a nd d'E lise l'eg de e) ter sby pre (ou '' "1'1alcdes e epoque toul recen1111ent en style, dison.s ax11n1ite, aient ete sculptes a un anterie11re �t l'i11t roductio11 d11 Christianisme en Ethiopi e. On constate 1 1da Tek1 e-Hain1 a no t n e p res ent e d'E itl1e 11ol 1�0 : ie111 en effet_ q11e I'i11�er , auc 11n s1gi1e chret1e11, d1fferant en cela des aut res sanctuaires d e Ia meme - te par regio n e� ressernble a.ssez aux petits t emples des paie ns de l'antiqui so,n arcl 11tecture co1nme par ses f ri ses sculptees. . �11 retr?uve a_ pe,u pres la 1 11en! e �lfcl1itecture, mais plus ample, dans tro s monol1tl1es. s1�:1e� au Gl1e ralta, ,a Degum Enda-Selassie dont l'un � s �rt act1 1elle?1ent d egl1se. Par le system e .arc hit ectural et par Ia decora �1on, ces tro1s mo111 1n1e11ts p�t1rraie1 1t dater de I'ep oque prechretie nne; ici 1 1 y _d e_1 1 outre de� co1 1struct1ons souteraines, qu'il est impossibl· e de voir sans fa 1re des fou1lles. _ D� n1e1ne, l'eglis� _monolithe de Mai Kado (district de Haramat) est . · , · · , _ at,tr1b11ee pa r l,::1 t rad1t1011 populaire a I'empereur Baz· ' i en, qui regna1 t a l'epoque de la nais sance dt1 Cl 1rist. 5u de cet Emp ereur' 11 fut done , a r·,Si ce sanctuaire date ree llement du ren-ne e ·1 1e pour s erv1. r de temple no , n-cl1reti en etant donne, q� ,,a _ce moment-la la religi on chretienn e n'avait pas ete i11t roduite e� Ethiop1e. �lus tard, . Io rsq11e la religio11 no11vel]e s 'in,planta le d .t 11 �t11a1re ut ,�dapt e au cul_te � cl 1retien . D'ailleur s, les inotifs decoratifs �1 :;. � Oil peut VOIT en bas-r �l1ef dans cette eg}ise monolithe rapp - ellent clai rement l e style des anc1ens m onun1e11ts axoumites. Bien que nous dispo sons des temoi�0_ age_s de quelques ra res manusc rits a nci ens et des aff•irtllations e an tes d e la tradition locale, il l IS �S ,{ faudra cependant etendre les recl c et se li_. vre� _a d e .minuti eux examens pour determi ner, a l'aide d :S th0_des sci ent1f1ques, la date la plus vraisemblable .des debtits de l'art m ono 1t1 he en , vo1 uE · tl · 1 1 e · o p1e, n s o , ou1ssem ent erifin so . t.10n, et son epan O d, ec in 1 et s� d1.s parition. C'est aux divers es etapes du ·developpenient d e cette m er illeus e arcl 1it ecture mo ve nolitl1e etl 1iopienne qu'appartiennent t s s n:i onuments, parseme s surtout au Tigrai' et dans d'autres r,egions �� ,� 1 mp 1re. . . . rent , E? ce qui concern e I'epoqu e a la ue 1 1� f� , creuse e s les eg!1s es mo11ol1tl1es du Tigrai' e t d'aill eurs en Et1·iopi e, Je m e perm ets d'e xpr1mer

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succinctement n10 1! opinion perso�e �le. Da·ns !'ensemble cie l'Ethiopie, ces tra.vaux ont du commencer anter1eureme11t a }'introduction du chris tiani �me et cette t �c_ h. 11ique a du etre employee plus ou moins jusqu'a cle. Ce ter1nir1.i1s adqi1e1n se justifie comme suit. la fin . du �le s1e _ _ , Je cro1s qt1 11 est evident que des excavations necessitant de nombreuses annees de travail et le concours d'11ne multitude d'ouvriers travaillant �on_tint�ellement n � pet1vent avoir ete realisees qu'aux epoqt1es ou la nation JOU1ssa1t d'une pa1x relative et n'etait pas l'objet d'agressions et d'invasions de la part d'ennemis exterieurs. Or, l'Ethiopie depuis le XIIIe siecle, et particulierement le XNe siecle jusqu'a i l y quelques decades a peine, n'a ja1nais connu la paix a ca11se des incursio11s continuelles et meme des invasions destructrices perpetrees par les ent1em.is seculaires de sa religion et de son indepen dance nationale. Pour cette raison, les ot1vrages monolitl1es qui, d'apres la tradition et par co1nparaison avec certains mo1111Illents des XIVe et XVe siecles, seraient attribues a des Empereurs et des Saints de ces siecles-la, me paraissent plt1tot plus a11ciens. La tradition pop11laire et orale, quand elle parle dans plusieurs cas de leur epoqt1e se rapporte, a mon avis, non pas au creusement propre1nent dit de ces eglises, mais a let1r decouverte et a let1r remise en service apres tine periode d'oubli et d'abandon df1e a des guerres, des cataclysmes et des epiden1ies q11i depeuplerent }es regio11s Oll elles se trouvaie.nt. A 1111e date ulterieure, lorsque ces regions furent habitees de nouvea11, ces excava tions furent decouvertes et par la s11ite, -attrib11ees a l'Empereur regnant ou au Saint qui prit la responsabilite de les re1nettre en etat. D'apres n1oi, Jes eglises st1iva11tes a.ppartiendraient a cette categorie de n100 . un1ents mo11olit'hes: Celle de Debre-Amba-Selassie (district de Dega Ten1bien) attribuee a l'Empereur Dawit I (1382-1411); celles de Tae1nina, l(aka. ,L\gbie E11da Mariam Hebut· o, Wolegl1esa, Eoda-Marian1 Etsuto, tot1tes dans le Koila Tembien et toutes attribt1ees a l'E111pereur Zara-Y,lcob (1434-1468); ce1le de Debre-Tsion, attribuee a l'Abot1ne Abral1am, les det1x eglises 1no11oli thes de Debre-Maar et celle de Meakt1ddi qui sont attribuees a 1' Abot1ne Ghebre-Meskel; les deux 1no11olithes de Kork-or attribt1es it l'Abba Da11iel. Les vieux habitan, ts de la region con.firment cela en disant qt1e l'eglise mono1ithe de Meakuddi Enda Yol1annes a Gheralta fut clecot1verte par Aboune GJ1 ebre Meskel. Celle de Wekro a ·An1 ba. Se11eiti est attribuee par la tradition orale au regne d'Abraha-Atzbaha, mais aux dires des vieilJards, ayant 6te abando11nee et effacee de la memoire des habitants de Tjgrai: el.le fut redecouverte par la Princ.esse Negesti Mariam sous le regne de l'Empereur Naod (1495-1508). De toutes le eglises monolithes du Tigrai, Ja seule qui ait deja obtenu l'honneur de diverses publicatio·ns par un savant, le docteur Antonio Mordini, est l'eglise monolithe de Wekro a Ambaseneiti. En ce qui concerne Jes deux affirmations rapportees plus baut, a savoir !'attribution de l'eglise monolitl1e de Debre-A1nba Selassie, ·a Deg,i Tembien, au regne de l'Empereur Dawit Ier et !'attribution des six eglises monolithes de Kolla-Tembien deja mentionnees au regne de l'Empereur Zara-Yacob, ii faut tenir compte des considerations suivantes afi.11 de refuter l'argumentatio,n d.e la traditon orale. En premier lieu, a supposer que Jes <lites eglises 1nonolitl1es aient ete edifiees sous le regne des deux Empereurs mentiones ci�dessus, i l est ·- 87 -

, · s e rs · d ce eu u q ni ro cb s , le r pa s e ' e t· · or rapp aura1ent· ,e'te . , . certain q11e ces eg1tses ent em , ut t a " ai b. et l ai · · av tr de e genr ce qt1e ereurs, etant donne Emp n1emes , . , apprecre. En second l ieu, si la posteri-te de ces artistes reputes qui ont fait les eglises n1onol ithes eta it descendue jusqu'au regne ?e ,� ara-y akob, elle n'at1rait pas disparu si vile, mais aurait . encore continue a exister �ous le regne de Li1bn e-Dengel (1508- 1538) pti1.sq11e 48 a.ns seu_Iement. sepa r· ent les de11x regnes. C'est un f,1it bien connu que Jes Portuga 1s �-ont �e n us en Ethiopie aider Libne-Deng ,el et ·Gl1elaude� s ·a _ ,repousser 1 1nv.as11�:n mu� sulma11e s011s Gragne (1527-1535), et les l11stor1e11s comme �Jme1da _qui 011t suivi de pres Ies Port11gais·et rapporte ces eve11ement� a�ra! ent cer_ta 1ne ment fait -allusion dans let1rs ecrits s11r l'histoire d'Eth1op 1e a Ia presence de co11structe11rs rep t1tes d'eg l ises 1non olitl1es. Cependant, a lire les ecrits d'AI1neida, on constate gue celui-ci dans son "I-:Iistoria de Etl1io1Jia a , Alta" o t1bliee au. Portugal e11 1660, 11ote ft l a. page 70, !'existence d'eglises nionolithes a.ttribuees a11 reg n� de l'E111pere11r Lal ibel a et e11 parl e co1nme s'il s'agissait de choses secula1res. J'ai insiste sur l es consideralions pot 1,1ant in,,alider les affirmations de l a traditioi1 orale ft propos de la dale et des auteurs des monuments n1on olitl1es e11 Etl1iopie, et J)artic t1lierement au Tigrai', afin d'eviter que l'on pren ne ces n1e1nes affir111atio11s po t1r des verites indiscutables. De pl us, il faut lire avec u11 esprit critiq.t1e les quelques manuscrits e n 1Jarcl1e1nin qui traite11t des artistes e11 qt1eslion parce c1ue �1 1110 11 avis Jes descriptio11s et !es co 11tes q11i y s011t do1111es ne paraisse11t pas exacts et veritables, dtl fait c1ue ces 1na 11uscrits 011t ete ecrits i1 line epoque J Jlus recente par r,1pport a !'edification des eglises 111011ol itl1es. U11 exemple est le "gadla Abo t111e Abral1ain" ancie11 1na n11scrit du XVe siecle, a propos de la tres bell e et tres a11cie 1111e eglise 111011olitl 1e de Debre Tsio11 (e11 Gl1eral ta). Le susdit n1a 11 uscrit affir1ne que l 'eglise de Debre Tsion f11t cret1see par Abou1 1e ,Abral 1an1, aide par t111 tres petit grot1 pe de disci1Jles, e1 1 1111 del ai de temps d'u 11 a11 et neuf 111ois. C'est 11ne affir111atio11 incoocevabl e par 1,t raison f1 n1oi11s d'un vrai 1niracle. To t1tefois, a 111011 avis. cette 1nerveille11se eglise n1011olithe a exige. JJOL1r ctre co11slrt1ite et finie e1 1 tous ses _ �erfectio11ne1nents, beat1cot1!J pl 11s cle ci11qt1a11te an11 ees, stirtout en cons1dera11t Jes 111oye11s dont 011 pou,1 ait disJJoser cla11s ces te111os tres lointains. 11 !�ut egale111e11t te11ir con1p_Le de Ia considerat.io11 s t1ivante, a savoir: Ia tra�1t1011 ora.le_ e � Jes 11:a11t1scr1 ts _ qtii traile11t Ia question des eglises . n1011ol1thes en T1 gra1 f �nt:, a 1110 11 av1s, souve11t des co11f t1sio1 18 et con. sideren t l 'E11:1peret1 : sous l e re ¥1�e duquel les n1011ol itl1es on t ete decouverts et � ren11 s en , etat d'etre t1t1l1ses ot1 cel t1i qui a do 1 111e des terres aux. eglises, comme I auteur de ces 111011olitl1es. .

l :1s, l'a�tr �bulion !Jar_ l a tradition orale ou les n1anuscrits de la p e J? , 1 n une egl, e n1onol1 1e tt tin r1nite o t1 a tin n1oi.ne pourrail cre:1t ? � <:_ �� . � .. , s � x,pl/q�er _ par le fa1t q11 � � eta1t pet1_t-etre l'ermite ,oti le nloine qui a revel � I ex1sten_c_e_ de cette egl1se 1nonol 1tl1e, ou par l e 6ait que le moine a �eLlt-etre trava1lle seul 0� avec le COllCOllrS d'autres personnes a ]a realisa. t1on d � quelques par acl 1e\'e111ents ot1 pei11tt1res 1nurales cta115 le 111011oiitJ1e pousse _ par �111 , pe11c�1ant 1 :at�rel a l 'artistique. O u bien , le n1oine a peut etre �ebl a)1 e I entree de egl1se co t1 verte ou cacliee par des ebouleinents ton1be$ de la n1onLag11 e da ns l aquelle est cre11see J'egl ise. 11 se pour-

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rait_ aussi qt1� I � 111:o!ne ait peut-etre deg,age l'eglise d'urie vegetation dense qur la �enda1t _ 1nv1s�ble et inacces sible, vegetation qui abondait dans ces temps-l,1 certa1nement dan·s le Nord de l'Ethiopie, et qui a laisse des traces dans. les forets sacrees qui entou.rent aujourd' h. ui. plusieurs eglises.

V. DE QUI CES MONOLITHES SONT-ILS L'OEUVRE? On �e�t su?poser, sans necessaire1nent l'ava11cer con1me certain, que des _ tecl1111c1�n. s etrangers aient i11spi.re, instrt1it ou guide les Etl1iopiens au 1no1ns au debut de l'ar,t n1onolithe en Ethiopie. Tout�foi �_, je st1is convaincu qt1e les nombreuses eglises monolithes a 1 T1gra1 que dans les autres parties de l'En1pire, furent }'oeuvre des tan � � � etl11op1ens eux-111emes et no11 celle de tailleurs de pierre venus de· l'etran ger. M,1 conv.ic-tion s'appuie sur les observations s11iva11tes: pour creuser t-011s ce 1no11olitl1es il a fallu une lo11gue pcriode, s'etendant sur plusieurs siecles. 0� ni dans les plus a11cie11s manuscrits 11i da11s Jes traditions populaires, q11i jo11issent d'une grande reputation bistorique, ii n'est fait n1ention de specialistes etrangers q_11i auraient cre11se et sculpte les eglises n1onolitl1es. Si de tels artistes etra11gers avaient sejourne pend.a.nt des generations en Etluopie et y avaient cree les oeuvres d'art en question, comment expliquer I'abse11ce de to11te reference it ces 11ypotl1etiq11es etrangers tant en Eth.iopie qu'en del1ors de l'Etl1iop.ie? S'ils avaient existe on a11rait certainen1e11t laisse et on retrouverait quelques cloct1ments con cerna11t leur pays cl'origine, le11r langue, le11r ecriture, le11r en1plo.i en Ethiopie. En concl11sion, je reaffirme ici mon opinion q11e les eglises monolithes d'Etl1io1Jie so11t d11es a 1111e succession de specialistes etl1iopie11s qui r1'ont n1all1eure11se1nent pas eu de successe11rs parn1i 11ous depuis plusieurs siecles. ·11 est tres probable que les <lits experts cl,1ns l'art cle tailler la pierre faisaient partie de cette classe sociale qu'o11 non1me l es ''tebbebt'' en Ethiopie, gens s'adonnant a divers travat1x d'arts man11els. A11x epoques d'obscurantisme encore inexpliquees, 011 ne sait quels motifs d'ordre affectif ont po11sse la n1ajorite d11 peuple a regarder lesdits ''tebbebt'' comme 11n groupe social n1eprisable, u11e classe a laq11elle on reft1sait autrefoi) Jes droits accordes aux autres classes sociales etl1iopie1111es. L'attribution a ces ''tebbebt'' dt1 cre11sement des eglises monolithes n'es t, je m'empresse de le dire, qu'une opinion personnelle. que je ne puis pas encore asseoir sur une base co , nvaincante. Parmi les etudes ulterieures qui pourro11t surement aider a etablir l'identite des auteurs des ces monolithes merveilleux, je crois q�'il faut citer Jes -analyses des cranes humains que pourront faire des specialistes ou des etl1 oologues, a11alyses ayant pour objet de determiner le type bt1main at1quel appartiennent ces cranes. Je dis cela parceque dans presque toutes Ies eglises monolithes aux deux extremites ,opposees de l'endroit qui se trouve immediatement apres l'entree principale et qui s'appelle ''Kinie-Mahliet'', il y a generalemen,t de11x trous profonds qui servent de tombeaux et dont beaucoup seraient, d'apres les gardiens actuels des eglises monolithes, encore en tres bon etat. Ainsi Jes sp�cia listes pourront nous dire avec c.ertitude a quel ,type humain appart.iennent Ies cranes ensevelis dans Jes monolithes, apres les· avoir et11dies et -analyses. - R9 -

U me semble que les tombeau.x creuses et travailles d'un� fa9on �sthetiq�e ont servi de sepulture aux memes excavateurs et artistes qui ont fa1t Jes monolitbes.

Les tombeaux ]es plus nombreux sont a De�re _ Maar qui en a 84� creuses a J'interieur et a l'exterieur de l'eglise. L'egl1se murale de Koka1 en a une quarantaine qui sont des monolithes creuses _en dehors de l'eglise. Celle-ci se dresse au sommet d'une montagne au pied de laquelle se trouve une grand.e belle eglise, I'eglise monolithe d'Abraha-Atzbaha. VI. METHODES ET INSTRUMENTS Pour mieux apprecier la methode et les instrum�nts employes P? Ur la taille des sanctuaires monolithes, il faut d'abord cro1re que les ouvners etaient des gens de metier, diriges par des arcl1itectes eprouves. Le _genie de ces derniers etait evident, en particulier en ce qui concerne la prep�ra tion des plans et des projets requis avant d'entreprendre une excavat10�. lls J)revoyaient a l'avance Jes largeurs, les longueurs et les hauteurs a donner aux espaces qu'il s'agissait d'evider, !'orientation des nefs, les di1nensions des colonnes et l'epaisse11r des murs. Ces plans, etabli en tenant compte de l'aspect exterieur de la monta gne a cre11ser, devaient souvent se plier a des modifications imposees par tel 011 tel defat1t de la rocl1e entamee, ce qui se trad11isait par certaines irregularites architectl1ra}es <;a OU la. La rnajorite des monolithes dt1 TigraI, vus de l'exterieur, ne se d.etacl1ent pas des n1011tagnes ou des bases rocl1euses ou ils se trouvent, exception faite po11r q11elques-11ns c1ui possedent 11ne fa<;ade et parfois tin 011 deux n111rs exterieurs quelq11e peu tailles, ce qui permet de les distingt1er plus aisement contre le fond rocl1eux environnant. Les details permettant de detecter la presence d'u11e eglise monolithe dans la falaise ou la pente d'une mo11tagne, sont_ generalement les rares ouvertures de dimensions plutot restreintes, constituant les portes et Ies fenetres. On co111prendra que les acces aient ete limit.es en nombre: u11e ou deux portes, jamais 1)1 11s de trois, toutes percees sur un seul cote de l'eglise soit a l'Ouest, soit sur l'un des cotes. On peut deduire de ce qui precede q11e les fouilleurs comme11ce rent leur travail par ces quelq11es ouvert11res, situees d'un seul cote a la base de l'eglise projetee. 11s eviderent la rocl1e, penetra11t dans le s;in de la �1 �11tag�e selon une 111 �tl1od : bien etablie, ta11dis que se dessinaient pe-t1t _ a _ pet1t Jes form �s qui alla !ent de\1e11ir le pla11cl1er, Ies parois, puis et les cl1ap1tea11x, enf•1n les arcs, les plafonds et les voiltes. Ils le� p1J1ers _ su1va1ent en s�n1me un progra �11ne ressemblant assez a celui aui regle toute co11struct10 ? en 1na<;onner1e : lorsq11'011 commence par les fondations _ pour passer e11s111te a11x murs et f1n1r pa.r le toit. l'l est judi�ie�1x de pense� que �a .P e1n�ere etape de cette excava . tion fut : ,ev1de e11t un degro _ 1n ss1�sage ?est11:e a d�gager Ies parois rocheuses dans . d 1 1eu decoupes Ies colotlnes l esq11e11 es sera1ent en sec on et I es arcs. pour · . 1 c: tte e'ba11c'1 1e, les ou, r1�rs deva1ent utiliser des outils ressenlblant a des pies, car· dans Jes paro1s de ces 1;1011 0Iitl1es, surtout da ns celle ou l a s _ roche est plus dure, se sont conservees Jus qu'a au1·ourd'hu·1 I es nombreuses . � tr?ces des co11ps _ de pi e ou de hacl1e qui devaient degrossir la b e et roe degager Jes paro1s. -90-

�� pre1nier tra�ail de degagement termine, on passait aux finissage des R1liers, des chap1teaux, des arcs, des cornicl1es et des co11poles, a !'aide d � c1se�ux de plus �n plus fins. Po11r fi11ir, les artistes executaient les dec�ra!1ons et Jes fr1ses en bas-relief, profondes et larges de quelq11es centimetres seulement, qu'on voit dans de nombre11ses eglises monolitbes du Tigrai. Com?1e je l'ai dit, Ies aute11rs cle 1nonuments n1onolithes d11 T1gra1 commencerent le11r cre11sement par la partie basse s'elevant ensuite a l'interieur des exc�vatio11s jusqu'a11 plafond et aux �ofites prevues. Afin _ de progresser a1ns1 de bas en l1a11t, et aussi pour mener a bien Jes bas reliefs decoratifs, Jes ouvriers d11re11t 11tiliser des echafaudages. Ces echa faud.ages, ils 11'eurent sans doute pas de difficulte a les co11struire, vu l'.abondance des arbres a l1aut fC1t q11i devait caracteriser les forets d'alors, et dont no11s voyons encore aujo11rd'hui 1es traces dans les bosquets sacres entourant les eglises. Se11l l'eclairage des parties elevees, chapiteaux, arcs, caissons et vofi tes, a du presenter quelq11es difficultes. De fiait, certains plafonds dominent cl'environ 7 a 8 metres le plancl1er et il y a n1eme des caissons ou des coupoles de 9 lt 12 metres au dessus d11 sol. Pour sculpter et decorer ces l1autes sections, la lun1iere pe11etrant par Jes portes percees au nivea11 d11 sol ou encore -par Jes -petites fenetres s'ouvrant a11 dessus des portes �1 environ mi-l1aute11r, ne devait g11ere s11ffire. II se pe11t que les artistes aie11t utilise de gr,1ndes torches faites de bois specialeme11t cl1oisi pour le pe11 de fun1ee q11'il don11ait e11 brula11t, afi11 de nepas empecJ1er ni incommoder la v11e des artistes.

VII. VALEUR ARTISTIQUE Les arcl1:itectes qui projeterent et realisere11t les eglises rnonolitl1es dt1 Tigrai etaient ani 1nes clu desir bie11 arrete de cree. des Oel!\1f.es cl',1rt, ta11t du point de v11e puren1ent techniq11e, que par la beaute dt! style arch(tec tural, la fin:ition e· t l'or11en1e11tation. Pour le pren1ier point, c'est-a-dire l'architect11re 111oi1olithe, la ret1ssite est complete; tout a ete extrait de la 1ne111e rocl1e, sans al1c11ne addition cle materiel etranger, j11stifiant ai11si la qualification cle ''monolithe" que j'associe a ces chefs-d'oe11vre. Cl1ac1m sait, en effet, que "mo11olitl1e" signif:ie ''fait d'un . se11l bloc de rocher ou d'1111 se11l bloc de pierre". Entreprise i11grate et plei11e de risq11es que cette technique monolithe. Comment pouvait-011 prevoir a l'avance la texture exacte d11 roe dans Iequel devairt s· 'effeot,uer le creusen1enit? Aussi, lorsque Jes 011vriers ren contraient des inegalites dans la q11alite de la roche, devaient-ils parfois modifier Jes formes ideales prevues a l'origine, incurver une ligne droite, fausser compagnie �1 u11e verticale, accepter une asymetrie, etc. Noton.s q11'en s'adapta n· t ainsi aux_ irregularites naturelles, ils n'ont jamais gate outre n1es11re l'a.pparence de leurs monolithes. Tout cela demontre combien les en.trepreneurs charges de realiser ces monuments connaissaient a f.ond leur metier et possedaient d'ingenio site, sans parler de leur sens artistique. E11 tout cas leurs oe11vres, realisees avec les moyens bien primitifs dont ils disposaient a l'epoque, ont s11bsiste . . . '' presque 1ntactes Jt1squ a -J1os Jours. Dans Ia plupart des eglises monolithes du TigrI on retro11ve le plan traditionnel des eglises ethiopiennes, c'est-�L-dire · qu'elles IJosseclent un - 91

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"Ke ie-Mabliet" a l'entree, un ''Keddist'' au milie u, un ''Makdes'' avec an ''Menbere-Tabot'' a l'extremite orientale. n

. L.es arc.l1itectes se sont toujours efforces, compte tenu de Ia structure de Ia rocl1e dispo ible, d'orie11ter ces sanctuaires, dans la mesure du pos sible da s l'axe Est-Ouest, avec l'entree principale a l'Oue st et l'autel a J''Es.t, oon1me l'ex:ige t Ies prescriptions lit, urgiques 6thiopiennes. n

Les gra11des egli�es monolitbes o t geaeralement u plan qu'on peut qualifier d.e "basilical'', c'est-a-dire avec l'interieur �ivise e�. 3 nefs paralleles, avec une abside conte11a t l'autel, avec auss1 des p1l1ers, des . arcs, des plafonds ou des voGtes, et avec des coupoles qui, da s quelques eglises, cons:tituent de veritables joyaLIX. n

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Qua t aux petits n1o olitl1es, certains sont de forme presque carree avec de modestes extensions tout a11tour, d'autres sont quasi circu1aires, eglises o t u n nombre restrei t de avec diverses variantes. Ces petites : piliers, ou men1e seu]e1ne11t des pilastres emergeant des parois, profondes ot1 sL1rbaissees, suiva11t la 11ature dL1 oe ou elles ont ete creusees. n

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Par ]etirs dimensions interieures, ces excavations peuvent se repartir en trois groupes; les grandes eglises mesurent, eri n10;.1e1111e, 22 sur 12 1110tres, les moyennes 1nesure11t I 6 sur 8 metres, les petites 8 sur 4 metres. Presque tous ces monolill1es posse.dent des piliers, qui ont en regle gc11era)e lll1 piedestal qLtadrangulaire. Un tres gra11d non1bre de ces piliers 011t une section en forme d.e croix g ec,que du bas jus9u'aL1 cl1apitea11. Les piliers a section unique ment ca� ee s011t co111pa at1ve111e t ra es. Les no1nbres n1oyen.s des .piliers et cles p1lastr�s s,on t: I 8 po11r les gra des eglises, 8 pour Ies moyennes et 2 poLtr les petites . Mis a part Jes q_uelq11es eglises, con1n1e p r exemole eelle d' Abraha �tzbal1_a,. dont les chapitea11x offrent des exe1noles ra;issimes de decora t1.0� or 1g111a·Je, 1� 1najorite des 1no11olitl1es de Tigii mo11tre11t au sommet des p�l1e s 11.n cl1ap1te�u clo11t Je style est presque le meine partout. Ce type . d'"' chap1t�au �011s1ste e11 cort11cl 1es droites ou a guetile de civette offrant ,';rn aspect qui .se rapporte beaucoup au style classique du soi-disant cl1ap1teau dor1c 1tie." ,. 1tre eux· et avec 1es 111urs, se re11contre t Les a cs reJian t les piliers e1 . son , mo1 ces s 111m . · da11s toL1 ents . lls · t tailles ave . c gra nd · · , s01 et sont a p1 e1n ' cintre. u11 gran d 11.ombre sont decores cle cor11icl1es et d',or e1nents. , , . . les .t. ravail , et Les plafonds de ces oeL1v es d'art sont e11· ger1e I a b1en · . : Q . . . 1ie souve11t or11es de frises en · bas -1e . l. u�1r1t �l' Ieur f.orme, sont certa1ns . . - . pl,ats et beaL1coup soiit voG.tes. Les coL1poles qui se voient dans u11 o0 . . d .11ombre de ces plafonds _ tes ces fo11t partie de Ieur decoration p resq� � toti coupoles con1porte t une croix e11 bas-relief=· erl · ·J e·ur 111 1l 1e11· souve11t 1es b ras d e cro1.x · . . desce11 den jus t ciue ver s leu r reb ·ct o1 111 f,er1e· ur · L'u,1 d es at·tra1ts · 1 . µ us es I , , . . . .. · · £asc111ants des. eglises monoJ·i'tlles d.u T'1gra1 aux '-'e J ux · d u v1s1teur actue.I est certain . f' Iaqu e11e prouve ' · o·u en b·as-re...1.1e . e1nen.t l'o 11en1entati· t oquemme e ,1 la f1n.esse esthetiq�ie de leurs auteurs. . Ces d�corations variees con1prennent. 1es d 1. ve1s . 1nar. quent Ies n1veaux de l'edifice ain .1 ue ses or 1 ents bandeaux qu1 sible; s n1 x.oun1ites'' vi '' � � _ � l su r de 11on1b eux monum et ts 1 antique cite; par ex em .ple ces espe<.,.--e s r

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de fat1sses fenetres �1 quatre tetes aux coins..Les corniches ornant Ies arcs et le bord des plafonds sont parfois de pures merveilles. Elles se pre se.nt�nt s ?tlv �nt. com �e . des e �chevetreme11,ts de lignes ou com.me des geometr 1q.ues 1ol1ment Juxtaposes, ou comn1e des ensembles de mot1fs . . dess1ns fort or1g1naux . comrne on en repere beauc'J119 dans I'eglise de �bra Atzbah_a. Parm1 les oeuvres en bas-relief q11i representent des i:igures cle Sa111ts Jes pl11s belles sont celles de Debre-Tsion dans le Ghe ralta. . Certaines cle ce� orne111ent::1tio11s en bas-relief: ou en pei11tt1re , des pen tap1s persans. alors que d'autres me paraisse11t foncie font �er- ,1 . re111ent etl11op1ennes. Parmi ces decorations en bas-reliefs, il faut at1ssj mentionner diverses sortes de croix et des s\vastikas. En ce qt1i concer11e les pe.i11tures 111urales et les fresques, ii co11vien1 de noter qu't111 certain nombre d'eglises en sont depourvues. Deux remar ques s'im pose11t i1 letrr st1jet: premiere111e11t, Jes -oein.tt1res 1n11r:ales sont , . poster1e11res au cre11seme11t des 1no11olitl1es� deuxiemement, les artistes n'o.nt cherche l1 pei11clre ]es parois QUe dans les eglises qui, de par la .finesse dt1 grain de la roche, pouvaient offrir 11n support co11ve11able, t1nifonne et li�se apres polissage de la roche. Les cot1let1rs de ces peintures, eta11t donne leur age n1ultiseculaire, app:1raissent aujot1rd'l1t1i ftanees, ta11dis que le dessin a perdt1 sa nettete, ce q11i J1'en1peche pas ces peintt1res, bien a11 con_ traire, d'acll1erer tres forte ment a la paroi rocheuse it laquelle elles se111ble11t mai11tenant i11corporees. C'est ce qui expliqt1e co111me11t, e11 depit de l'l1un1idite et de 'l'inc11rie et malgre l'a.'bsence de soi11s, ces peintt1res murales, tot1t au n1oins en partie, se sont conservees relativen1e11t bien jusqu'�t nos jours. Si l'on co11sidere les sujets traites par ces pei11tures, on peut remarq11er ce qt1i suit: certains sujets �011t tres freque1nment repetes clans Jes diverses egli.ses, par exemple, les trois !Jerso11nes de la �,1i11te Trinite. Jes11s Cl1rist, le plus souvent dans l'attitt1de d11 Ma1tre ot1 clans la Cr11cifi xion; la Vierge-Marie avec l'E11f,111t Jestis et les deux Anges gardiens, Saint Micl1el et Sai11t Gabriel�- ]es dot1ze Apotres� pa11.11i les Saints, le persoo11age le pltrs freqt1e11t est Sai11t Georges et quelques Saint-.Peres de l'Eglise d'Orient et de tres antiqt1e.s Sai,nts 111ojnes dans les a11tiques pein t11res du XII siecle de l'eglise de Debre-Tsio11. On reco11tre toutefois des sujets extremement rares dans ces eglises mon0Iitl1es du Tigral, des peintures qu'on n'a e11core jamais vt1es aille11rs e11 Ethiopie, tant dans les eglises qt1e panni les n1iniatures des tres anti qt1es manuscrits stir parcl1emin. L:une de c e, s •r:arissin1es peint11res represe,nte ta Madon:n,e avec, en son sein, I'Enfant 1·esus entoure d'un disque blaI1c resseu1blant au soleiI; les arcl1anges Michel et Gabriel entourant la Sainte Vierge. Cette image de Ia Madone est appelee ''T[enseta'' en gueze, et elle se trouve dans l'eglise monolithe de Korkor. Totijours parmi Jes s11jets _rarissimes: � l y a lie� ?e mentionner d'etranges figt1res, es-peces de centaures, legerem�nt �1fferents des c�n taures de ]a mythologie grecqt1e, par, ce que l a p art 1e _an1male de �es crea, , . tures ethiopie1Jnes fait penser a un. dr,oma�a1re a J�mbes de lion et a queue de python, ta.ndiJ que la part1e l1ull'l:a1ne, des epaules vers le haut, Les figures son,t deux et au centre, semble etre 11ne femme couroo'I1ee. • elles tiennent en mai11 un po1sson. - 93

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'. Ces ' eat ed ed ''S de m no le nt rte po en· tations En gueze' ces ·rep res · , , au Ghe-. etranges cen.taures, Je les a1 decouverts dans l'e'g.l1'se de Korkor .. origine de croyances pai�n.nes, 9 w r Ieu nt tire s n s ralta'....., A mo elle avi ' ' . . · du1tes prov1e11dra1e11t d,es co11trees 1nd o-persanes e t Qu·1 auraient ete 1ntro . en Ethiopie, probab]en1ent, par des tribus Sud-Ara�es, lorsque ;celles-ci _s� ' · ant Jesus Ch·r1st ·' I es du m1.-lle;narre av transporterent dans les premi·ers s1ec vers le Nord-Est de l'Etl1 iopie.

On voit figu.rer egalement da.ns ces peintures de Kork?r diverses sortes d'anin1aux et d'oiseaux, dont certains semblent avo1r un sens mystiql1e qui nous ecl1a.ppe. VIII. ETAT ACTUEL D'en1blee noto11s qt1e ces eglises n'ont jamais conn11 ce que nous appelo11s aujo;·d'l1l1i e11 tr�t.ien ni des reparatio11s bien faites. Les ql1elques reparations exect1tees so11t tres rudimentaires et dispa rates; e]le-s 11'ont ja11 1ais respeote les style arcl1itectural des monurne1rts. C'est parce qt1e le material dont Eont faites les eglises etait le roe, et pour cetle raison set1le111e11t, ql1e ces sa11 cl1.1aires mo11olitbes ont pu subsister ,t lra,,ers ta11t cle bol1leverse1nents 11atl1re]s et politiques qui ont secoue all cours des 15 clen1iers siecles le territoire etl1iopien, pa.rvenant jusqu'a 11ous q11asi intacts. Aux endroits ou le gres est compose de gros grains bien cimentes, les 111011t1n1 e11ls se sont conserves rela.tive1nent bien. En fait, certaines eglises 111onolitl1es crel1sees dans 11ne telle rocl1e apparaissent a nos yeux comme si elles avaient ete creees il y a. sel1le1ne11t cent ans, con1 n1e l'eglise mono litl1e de Wekro e11 An1baseneiti, celle de A1nba. Mikael da11s le Worn berta, etc. Au co11traire, la ou la rocl1e est trop sablo1111el1se, n1oi11 s compacte, les excavations ont soufifert de bien des deteriorations visibles surtout aux plafo11ds, alt cl1 apiteal1x et alIX piliers. Ce s011t certai11ement Jes agents atn1osp.l1eriques, les infiltrations d'eau. l'ht111 1idile facilement absorbee par la rocl1e do11t s011t faites les eglises, qui 011 t contribllCS pOllf la n1ajel1re partie a cette deterioratio11; on releve ega s11rvenues dans la rocll!e, peut-etre a la suite -de ]e111 e11t des. fissures . secotLSse:; s1s1n1qt1es. De plt1�, il ne f1ut pas sous-estimer !'utilisation elle-meme de ces egl !ses, le frotte1nen t d � la rocl1 � friable st1rto�t des piliers de Ia part des _ _ 1 f1deles , enl1s y _ prier, 1 acc?�1pl1sse1nent d� rrtes sacres provoquant une usure des paro1s ou des p1l1ers, a11x endro1ts continuelle111ent frottes ou tol1cl1es, sans oublier Jes faits df1s a la rui11ee des to r, cl1 es et des cierges q11i 011t obscl1rci les pla[o11ds. Les diverses ca11,ses de deterioration que je vien.s d'enumerer ont• tout p,1rticl1liere111e11t affecte les peir1tt1res 111urales ce qtii est evidern rne11t un %rand n1 all1et1r po �� l'histoir� de �'art ethiopien Sllrtout que, _ , da!1s plus1el1rs eg]1ses_ n10110I�tl1es, I � de �ora !1on !lllirale a davantage de _ . prix et de_ valel1r so1t art1st1ql1e so1t h1stor1que ql1e l'arcl1 itecttire pro premen.t d1te. - 94 -

CONCLUSIONS ET SOUHAITS Laissa.nt � des, rec�erc�es futures, et a des savants mieux prepares dan� les domames de �'histo1re de l'art et de la tecl1nique le soin d'e'mettre des Jugeme.nts plus so, l1demen· t etayes, je puis cepe·nclant conclure en disant q�e ,les �ombreuses eglises monolitl1es du Tigrai, qt1i sont ainsi venues se r t;veler a nos_ yetix et prendre une place de choix a cote des autres oeuvres d art de Lal1bela et de Socot�•• rleia bien connues en Etl1iopie comme a l'etranger, et �1 cote de taut d'autres ....-:i2-!lt1ments epars dans les diverses p�ovinces de l'Empire, ne pet1vent qu'accroitre le prestige et la grandeur historique du peuple ethiopien. Le peuple le plus. ancien. et de la plus fidele natio11 chr6tienne je I'Afriqt1e, lorsqu'il e111brassa la foi cbretienne au oours des premiers siecles de notre ere a vot1lt1 immortaliser ainsi son profond att.achement a Jesus - Cl1rist e11 evidant l'int'erieur des montag11es pour y creer le veritables sanott1.aires et de vrais joyat1x de l'arcl1itecl1.rre monolithe. Tout ceci, permettez-moi de le dire, temoigne que l'Ethiopie. n'est pas restee passive en acceptant la religio.n cl1retienne, mai qu'elle a st1 exprjmer sa foi, une foi qui a toujours ete pot1r elle et qt1i est encore aujot1rd'l1t1i la source de sa cultt1re' et de sa grandeur, de son indestrt1ctible unite nationale, la sot1rce de son l1ero1que resistance contre tous les ennemis qui, a11 cours des siecles, ten:tere11t d'abbattre sa foi chretie.011e et s· o n independance nationale. En terminant cette commt1nication, j'aimerais form11ler un voeu: Je souhaite que d'autres cl1e-rcl1eurs et d'alrtrres organismes gouverne� mentaux ''ad-hoc'' pren11ent a coeur l'exista11ce de ces n1oi1umeuts dt! Tigrai. C'est un reel plaisir pour moi de noter qt1e l'Instit11t d'Et11des Etbiopiennes de l'Universite d'Addis Abeba d'u11e 1Jart, l'Institut Ett:iio pien d'Arcl1eologie d'autre part, ont essaye de s'in-teresser a ces ouv;:rtges monolithes du Tigrai, au cours des tro.is derniers rr1ois. En previsio11 des ·etudes que les susdites i11st:ituLions gouver11ernei1tales pourront entreprendre avec des moye11s plus ad.eq11ats, ce n'est pas seule� ment un espoir, 1nasis aussi une certitude qt1e j'exprime: j'affirme que les oeuvres monolithes de Tigrai avec celles de Lalibela ouvriront certaine ment un nouveat1 chapitre assez interessant et beaucoup plt1s marquant dans l'hiistoire de 'l'art d'Eth.iopie.

Puisque je suis le ptemier a avoir repere et divulgue !'existence de ces nombreuses et importantes eglises anciennes du Tigrai, je me permets de lancer un appel vibrant aux autorites nationa, les et internationales, comme par exemple !'UNESCO, afin que lesdits monuments soient mis a l'abri de toute deterioration ulterieure en ,organisant a temps leur sauvegard.e in,tel ligente et efficace pour tout au moins les plus belles et les plus impor tantes d'entre elles; et egalement afin d'out1vrir des routes d'acces qui per mettront aux specialistes de l'histoir, e de l'art comme aux simples tou.ris tes de ven.ir .,1es admirer. Au terme de cet expos,e, je tiens a remercier en premier lieu S.A. le Dedjazmatch Mengesha Seyo.11m qui m'a procure l'beureuse occasion d� pouvoir redecouvrir les eglises monolithes du Tigrai et qui m'a toujours encourage a pers.ev.erer dans ces recherches. - 95 • -

. . -...� .�

' . . , . -� , {

.,-

·L1S1'E 0£S EGLI.SES Iv10�0LITHES DU TTG R Al Selon 1 ;s e11quetes fai,tes pa, r Dr. Abba Tewelde Medhin J ose,ph I.- Dans le Gouver11a1orat de ENDERTA Elles sont a ·u 11ombre d.e 33 Lie!,

No,11

de /'eglise

. _. --- -...-------

-------A) -- Dans le district de Gheralta

l. KORKOR 2. KORKOR 3. GULIBISCIA 4. GUI-I 5..BERAKIT 6. KORAR 7. AGOZA, 8. TENSOl(E 9. TENSOKE 10. DEGUM J 1. DEGUM 12. DEGUM 13. DEGUM AIREFEDA 14. KORARO 15. KORARO 16. SELLA 17. ENDA ABUNE ZERA BURUK 18. MENGUDA 19. TSE11MUNA 20. KEMER 21. ALLAL 22. ANGUAT 23. ANGUAT 24. GUNDO 25. DEBRE ·MAAR 26. DEBRE MAAR 27. DEB RE TSION 28. MAI TSEBARI 29. YAID 30. MEAKUDDI 31. ABII ADDI 32. 'MENDA

---.•

Debre Mariam 'Enda Abune Druniel E11da M . 1uiam Enda Abune Yemn1eata Enda Mariam Megdelauit Enda Maria111 Megdelauit Enda Arba-tu Ensessa Enda Arba.1u Ensessa Enda Abune Aregaui Enda Sellassie Enda Sellassie E11da Sellassie Enda Mariam 1\irefeda Abt1ne Ghebre Meskel Gl1iorghis Enda Abba Gl1erima

E11da Abune Zera Burt1k Enda Marian1 MegJ1delauiL Enda Mikael Enda Arbatu Ensessa Enda Medl1anie Alen1 End.a Mikael Enda Gl1iorQ'...J1is Enda Mikael Encla Gl1iorgl1is End::1 Mariam Enda Kidane Mehret Enda Arbatu Ensessa Enda Kidane Mehret E n d a Keddus Johan . nes Enda Mikael • Enda Mikael �

B) ·_ Dans ·1e district de Seh arti 1. TSCI Enda Jesus .:_ 96 -

II. - Dans le Gouvernatorat de H'ULETT AULALO Elles sont au 11ombre de 24 A) - Dans le district de Tsera: l. WEKRO Enda· Kirk.os 2. ABRAHA ATSBAHA Enda Abral,a Atsbaha 3. TEMSEI-IUL Enda Kidane Mehret I. 2. 3. 4.

B) - Dans le district de W0111.berta: HAIKIMESHA.L Enda Mikael AMBA Enda Mikael GUNDUFRU Encla Sellassic BARKA Enda Mikael

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

C) - Dans le district de A tsbiderc1: . DEB RE SELAM Enda Mikael ENDA SCIUM JACOB Enda Mikael Marero ADDI KENCIEBET Enda Mikael Metsua ASIR MATRA Enda Mikael SERDO Enda Mariam Wkro

D) - Dans le district de Dessc,: Enda Mikael 1. ZAHRERO I. 2. 3. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

E) - Dans le district de Tsada Amba: ADDI KESCIO End.a Medl1anie Alem MELLEHAl ZENGHI Enda Mikae·J BIET MEKA Enda Mil(ael Enda Ghebre Menfes Keddus ANFEKA ABENNAA Enda Marian, Afeghiet ATERIET Enda Abune Gheri1na Arbatu Ensessa Enda ADDI CIOA · E11da Keddus J oha11nes Metmek GAZIEN TSELALMOO Enda Ghebriel HANGODA Enda Mikael Enda Jirkos AKORA III. - Dans le Gouvematorat de TEMBJEN Elles sont au nombre de 15

A) - Dans les djstrict d.e Kalla Tembien Tc1nqua Mellas: Enda Abba Samuel I. ABII ADDI Enda Demkane Mariam 2. AGBIE B) - Dans le district de Doga Tembien:

Enda Kidane Mehret I. TENSIHET 2. DEBRE AMBA SELLASSIE Enda Sellassie C) - Dans le district de Kol/a Tembien Tahtai Tsesera: Enda Joha�ncs Woldeneguedguad i. WEKRO. Enda Mariam 2. TEAMINA .. Enda Arbatu Ensessa 3. KAKA -97-

•I

../

,' l1

es. n an h Jo a b b A a d n B I N N A H 4. ENDA ABBA JO ot an 1m ha le ek T e n· bu A a ld El 5. TAMBA MARIAM . , a: er es Ts az al L en bi ,n Te /a ol K de + . 1.. 0 r1 t · d. 1s D) _ Dans le m ia ar M a d 11 E O T U S T E M IA 1. ENDA MAR is st Je a nd E ES 2. WELEGH � m.anot ai h le ek T a nd E O T U B E H 3. END! el ;1 an m A a d n E L E 4· END �NU , a m la Se e urn Ab (la Bn A M A L SE A B B 5. ENDA A Enda Fekade Amlak 6. ADDI TSIR E IV _ Dans les Gouvernatorat de AGAMIE Elles sont au no1nbre de 15 A) _ Da�s le district de Gheriteafesciu111:

1 ADDI KABIEL 2: SAET 3. DEI,TGHELAT 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

End·a Sem? on E11da Mar�an1 E1nda Mariam

B - Da1.1s le district de Iiaratt1at:

I-J_1\lJZ.IEN M ;-\ IKi\.DO AJ\! I3ESE1' KJ/\1" KI.LELLE SUTA GUl30 BETTIES KUDO BAHARA DEBRE HAREIKUA

Enda Enda E11da Enda Enda Enda Enda E11da Enda Enda Enda

Te�el1a�manot Gh1,orgh1s Mikae'l Mariam , . Abune Ghebre Mikael Marirun . Bezuha11 Manaro Jesus Mariam Mariarn Abune Nazraui

V - Dans le Governatorat de ADUA Elles sont au nombre de 4 1. 2. 3. 1.

A) - Dans. le district de A111base1ieiti: WKRO E11da Marian1 ENDA ABBA GHENAI Enda Abune Ghenzai SUR BEATTI Enda Abune Neaku to Leab B) - Dans le district de Tsedeia: ENDABBAMAS Enda Abune M an1n1as VI - Dans 1e Govematora1l de AXUM Elles sont au nombre d' une

1. DEREKA

Enda Abune Libanos

- Total des eglises n1onolithes du Tigrai . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. ... .. . 94- Construc�ons monoli_thes uti.lisees par les moines com - Constructions n1onol1thes non utilisables et abando me demeures . .. . . . 6.nnees ... . .. . .. . .. 26.TOTAL DES· CONSTRUCTIONS MONOLITHES DANS LE TIGRAI : 126 - 98-

·-

A N OUTLIN E _QF FALASHA IIlSTOR Y _ ..

R·obert L. Hess

It is the purpose of this pa�er to construct a� outline of th� history .the Falasha, a peqpl� _wl10, like the Amhara, tra.ce tJ1eir origins of _ to ancient Judae�. The or1g1ns � f tl1e_ Fal sha have Jong been a su bject of � g�eat sp _ eculauon. �e�ause this 'writer 1s com.n1itted to a more· scientific h1stor1cal method, 1t 1s no t his i11tention to examine what RatI1jen s� Jias . 1 called th� p/1an�as1ei olleri H) 1potliese11 of tl1e earliest ''l1istory" of Jewish _ �lements 1n Eth1op1a. The apparent s11rvival of allegedly ancient Hebraic 1�fluences has, of course, great bearing on the interpretation of Ethiopian history. Whether the product of direct contact with ancient Jews or of unknown Judaizing age11ts, s11ch i11fl11ences have evoked lively discussion in �he �ast. � S11_ffice it �o �ay that tl1ere is no clear record of any Jewish l.ffiIIl1gral!on into Etl1.1op1a. What tl1e written record does indicate' howeve:, is that the Falasha, who practise a religion \Vhich is basically a variant of Old Testament Judaism heavily influenced by Christianity and paganism, l1ave-regarded themselves as Jews and tl1eir Christia11 neigh bors have in the past al�o identified t l1em, in Ge'ez and Amharic, as Ayhud, or Jews. It is hoped tl1at this paper may throw son1e new ligl1t on the history of Ethiopia and open the way for a sober:·reco11sideration of the · Falasha. .

It is impossible to know exactly when tl1e ot1tside world first heard credible reports of tl1e existence of Jews in Ethiopia. In the nintl1 century Eldad ha-Dani claimed that at least one of the ten lost tribes st1rvived• in a mountainous area like that of Semien in northwestern Ethiopia. Three centuries later, Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish mercl1ant from Spa ni, sh Navarre, asserted that in the area across the Red Sea from sou:hern Arabia ''there are Jews who are not subject to the rule of others, and they have towns and fortresses on the tops of tl1e mountains." Elsewl1ere I have taken issue with Benjamin's accuracy. 2 More convincing is the account o� Eli of Ferrara that in 1438 he met a young Falasha in Jerusalem and was told how his correligionists preserved their independence in a mountain ous region from which tl1ey lat1nched continual wars against the Christian emperors of Ethiopia. In the sixteenth century Rabbi David ibn Zimri of 1 M. Rodinson, "Sur Ia question des 'influences j �ives' e� Ethiopi�," Journ�l .of ·sen1itic -Studies, IX (1964), 11-19. Also, C. Ra,thJens, Die Jzcden zn Abess1n1en (Hamburg 1921). For a bibliography of the Falasba, see A. Z. Aescoly, "The Fal�shas: A Bibliography," in Kiryatlr Se/er, XII (1935-36), 254-265, 370-383 498-505· XIII (1936-37), 250-265, 383-393, 506-512; and W. Les1au, "A Supplementa.ry FaJasha Bibliography," in Studies i,z Bibliography and Book /ore, III, no. 1 (1957), 1-27. 2 See R. ,L. Hess "The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: ,a Twelfth-Century Je,.vish Description of Northeast Africa," Journal of African History, VI (1965), 15-24. - 99-

a--·

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. --

,·

h 1 is -? m ew a J co as ity.3 n u sh la a F th f o . � ce n � te is ex e Cairo recognized th t of ar th do o p g n. k1 .s 1 at m th ? e m ti � e m sa � e th at te ro w ; Although Alvarez w1�g century o e ll th fo in s, ew e er th � e _ ar n h o J _ or lordships of th e Prester us Jews io ll of a be p1 re 1o th E 1n e nc te is ex e th Almeida briefly mentioned called Falaxas. 4 an ethiopisant m t er ea G gr he t • y r unt ce h nt ee t 11, ve . e s At the end of the n io lied by at pp rm su fo in of s si ba e th n o ha as al F e th Job Ludolf described 5 O ne hu nd re d ye rs later the . us ri � go or G a bb A t, an rm fo i11 an pi io his Eth y or st a th of the h1. ng l at d de un po ex � ce ru B es m Ja er el av dashing Scottish tr t le an ro at the p rt tro an ed a pl a sh � la Fa e tl1 r ch hi w in . ia op e-mpire of Etl1i _ e ng th ri reigns of du d an re pi em 1te m xu A e th of 11 io ct ru st de time of the l, a ge rs en D Sa , and as in M l, ge en D a bn Le , ob aq Y r'a Za , on An1da Si io g at tin rm lic fo nf in n co e th om fr ed riv 6 de s wa e iv at rr na e's uc Br . os ey Susn ly er ab ith or v ne fu. s wa It . les nic ro cl1 ian op l1i Et e th available to hin1 in received nor generally believed. s an pe until the ro Eu by es lag vil ir the i11 d ite vis t no re we Tl1e Falasha 7 Bruce ha d ca su all y interviewed y. tur cen tl1 en ete nin the of e fourtl1 decad e de adi ma bb d'A ne toi An t bu ar, nd Go at y sta his g rin du a. h . las Fa l severa a poi11t of seeking out Falasl1a informants to answer a questionn.aire prepared by Filosse110 J_,uzzatto, a11 Italian Jewish scholar, wh o represents the first small interest of EL1ropean Jewry in the discovery of Ethiopia.n Judaisrn.8 Althot1gh tl1e Je,,.,isl1 community ofi Europe did not then follow througl1 witl1 furtl1er contaots, interest in tl1e Falasha developed in the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews, \Vhich sent out 1nissionaries to tl1e region of Lake Tana to determine wheth.er tl1e Falash[L were suitable objects for conversion. The Society's two main age11ts, Marti11 Flad and l:le11ry Stem, provided the first detailed acco:unts of F�lasha life_ i D: tl1� ninetee11tl1 century. 9 Alarmed by the prospect of con vers1_o_n _to Chr1st1an1ty of these newly discovered correligionists, the French Sem1t1c1st . Josepl1 Halevy journeyed to Ethiopia in 1867 to establish contact with the Falas·ha commtinity.10 Halevy's efforts were resumed in 190), �l1en _ o?e of his students, Jacques Faitlovich, became in1bued with a Jtida1c 1n1s_s1onary �pirit and detennined to con1bat tl1e preaching of the Lo� don . �oc1ety, wl11cl1 l1ad l1ad lin1ited success in its endeavors. Fait lov1ch v1s1ted Etl1iopia in 1905 and again i11 1910.11 Despite an adverse 3 S. :B. !Freehof, "Marriage \viUl Fala.sl1a" ' j 11 A Treas�-11)1 oI R espo11sa (Phil·adelph1•a, 1963), pp. 122_27_ 4 F. A�vare� The !'_rester 10h11. of the Indies (Cambrjdcre 1961) II 512· M. de 0 ; · bam Almeida, Th e 1l:!1s tor y ·of !I-l'lgl1 '·Ethiopia c• 'p. • 'Beck'·1ng ·' .or Abass·1a,,,' JD • and G · W B_· I-Itin fIng f01·d cd s., So,ne Recorcls of Ethiopia, 1593-1646 (London. ' 1954 ), p. 55 5 Ludolf, No11ve/le 1-Jistoire d'Abir' sinie· "!I, mariS, · 1693) , iPP· 69, 182-89. 6 Bruce, Travels to Discover 1 s;;��ce :of .tlze Nile (2nd ed., Edinbucrgb, 1804), , Il, 406-11, 451-53; ill, 55�5 ' 9 • 249-251, 304-308, 349-51; IV, 351-52, 377-83; V, 208-09. 7 One exc�tion n1ay have ,take.n pl ee, 11.n tl1 e early seventeenth century, \\'hen a ; Vie11nese Jew all ege dly con tac le t lle Falasha. See Mendez "Expeditiones . Aetl1iopicae" in B 11 A l1 i0�f�ar,.11n. (R·ome 1 908) : VIII, 2 31. _ et i''' �e :· c: , a:,� ''R , 8 A. d'Abbad i e, 5 es _F_al�clia�, Arc/11ves Israe tto . Luzz .a 1846 ; lites, "Memoire su1· Jes Juifs d'A�Ib yssinie, A rc_h. lsr., 1851-54. 9 Stern, fVa11derings A,non 1� Falashas 111 Abyssinia (London, 1862); Flad, Kurze Sc/i i/clerung ,!er l�slze, gaSf unbeka1111te1i abessinische11 Ji1.de11 (Basel, 1869). 10 J. Ha.levy'. Travel"., ,,, · '"b � yss111 . 1a . (London 1877) . F ' 1 1 J. a1tI ov1ch, Notes cl'1111 vo ,a e Iie les � z Falaclias (.Paris , 1905), and Quer ,lurch A bessi11ie11: Meine ...7\Ve�1 teg ets R e zu de,, Falaschas (Berlin, 1. 910).

- 100 -

; ••�. l!'J"':

---------------------. . Nah oum of Constan r�port �� t he_ Je�ishness �f th e Falasha by Rabbi N tinople, - Fa1tlov1ch_ con.t1nued h is missi onary work. In 1924 he opened a scl1ool for the ch .1.ldren of Falasha i n Addis Ababa. The Italian invasion p ut an end. to hi� ex ?�r i. m�nt, and the school was never reope'I1 ed. The Falasha were again v1s1ted 1n .:192 � by Hermann Nordenl3 and in 1947 by Wolf Leslau, who was ·then gath enng materials for his Falasl1 a Ant/10/ogy (New Haven, -1951). At present they number less than twenty-five thousand and play no ro]e as a gro·up within t he empire. .

•

Th e _fti rst n1entio� of the Falasha i n tl1e written records of Ethi opi� appears 1n th e chronicles of tl1 e reign of Amda Sion (1314-44). In the ea�ly :fourteenth century, the Etl1i opian monarchs controlled Tigre, Wag, Lasta, Amhara, Shoa, and parts of Gojjam. Within tl1e borders of the empire, r·oyal control was most tenuous in the mot1ntainous region north of Lake Tana and in the plains to the West of the lake. Although the chronicles· indicate th at Den1bia, Woggera, a·nd Semien were regarded as parts of the en1pi re, th ere was 110 direct ad1ninistration of those areas, and ait best th ey were ·.tributary states. To judge from tl1ese same accounts, Semien was to all intents and purposes an independent state. The main external threat to t he empire came from the Muslim princ i palities on the eastern and sout h ern marches of the empire, 14 and t he reign of Amda Sion was marked by a series of wars wit h Hadya and Fatigar. Bruce suggests that tl1 e Falasha of ·Woggera a11 d Den1bia, also menaced by the vigorous expansion of tl1e Am hara state, allied themselves with the Mus ·' lims against · their common Cl1ristian enemy. Additional troubles arose wh. ·en the Falasha in Begernder, recently forced to convert to Cl1ristianity, rebelled against their Christian overlords. Althougl1 tl1e chronicles treat all the Falasha as rebellious subjects, it is far more likely that, most of ·lhem \Vere outsjde t h e sov, ereignty of ain Etl1 ioipi-a 1th, at \Vas attemptin: g to absorb them. 15 The immediate reaction of Amda Sion, wl10 n1 ust have realized the d.ange.rs posed by a war 011 two fronts, was to order Saga I(ristos, military governor of B · ege·mder, to mobilize his troops, reinforce tl1em with men from the Gondar district ·and fron1 Damot, and march against the Falasl1a. In short order Saga Kristos pacified t he provinces 11ortl1 of Lake Tana. Th e king then sent the I. tc hege Philip into the Semi en area, where he was to preach the gospel to non-Christians. Other monks from Debra Libanos, wit h whom the ki11g was having his difficulties, were scattered tl1 rough Dembia and Begemder in hopes of converting the inhabitants from · pa.ganism and Jt1daism to Cl1ristianity. Thus when tl1� Falasha _ ar� _first met with in the histor i cal record. we find tl1em under 1ncreas1ng m1]1tary and religious pressures from their aggressive Amhara neighbors. .

The FaJasha, h.owever, were not just another potential s ubject people. Th ey also offered sanctuary to dissident Am11ara elements. Here perha�s we mig ht hypothesize less of a. gap belween the An1hara and the Judaic

12 N. Nahoum, "Mission chez Jes Falachas d'Abyssinie," Bulletin· lie l'r1l[iance Israelite U11iverselle, X. XXJII (1908), '100-37. 13 H. Norden, Africa's Last E,npire: T/1roi1g/1 Abyssinia to Lake Tana an{l the Co11ntry of 1/1e Falasha (PhiladeLphla, 1930), :pp. 185-203. 3. J 4 J.S. Trimingha.m, Islam il'1 Et/,iopia (Lon.don, 1952), pp. 70-7 J 5 Bruce, Travels, IJT, 55. • -· 101 -

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Falasl1a than between them and their pagan neighbors. In the reign of Dawit i ·(1382-1411), Qozmos, a dissenting monk, le! t �s mon_ astery at Wayna, yast of Lake.Tana, and went into voluntary exile 1n Semien. The biography of _. .J,us contemporary, St. Yefqerenna Egzi, asserts that Falasha hired Qozmos to copy tl1e Pentateucl1, which was in short supply amo�g th�n_i. .One version ·of rhe story alleges that Qozmos then aban�oned Christianity, rook the 11 ame of Zagwata, a11 d sought refu�e among bis new correlioionists. Another version states that Qozmos clauned that he was the so; of God. Both versions agree that the apostate then incited the Falasha to launch a series of raids a.gainst the Christians of Dembia and the 1nonasteries of Emfras, e·ast of Lake Tana. Moreover, Qozrnos also introduced the Falasha to n1onasticism, which has become a unique characteristic o� tl1eir Judaism. Eventually, the governor of Tigre led his forces against Qozn1os and llis followers and slew them in battle. 16 In the early fiftee11tl1 ·centt1ry, tl1en, it wo11ld appear that the Falas�a, although in co11 tinual combat witl1 the An1l1ara, were receptive to what might be ter1ned Cl1ristianizi1 1g elements. Perhaps, also, one can pinpoint the· in · 1 a 1 troductio1:1 of 1nonasticis1n aino1 g ilie Falasl to the reign of Dawit.

Dif(ict'llties witl1 the Falasl1 a continued in the reign of Yeshaq (1412-29), wl1 0 also l1ad to c<;>ntend with rebellious subjects. Within a decade of tl1 e deatl1 of Dawit, the Falasha l1ad overrun much of Begem der. Tl1e Ai11 l1ara took ·the field again a11d once more defeated the Falasba, tl1 is time at Ko�oge, north of Gondar. 1 7 During the reign of ·Zar'a Yaqob (1434-68), tl1 e Falasl1.a again ofifered refuge to dissident elements. For reasons 11ot certai11, Abba Saga, one of the king's sons, rebelled against l1 is powerful father a11 d, after embracing Judaism, fled from the royal court. 1\bba Saga then found asylu111 wi!h a Falasha monk, Abba Sabra, and the two n1en developed a Falasha monasticism pattern.ed after that of the Cl1ristians. rfhe spiritual center of tl1 e Falasha was their n1onastic cavern at Hoharwa i11 the clistrict of Janfakara in Armachal10.18 Flad, Luzzatto, and Leslau attribt1te the origi11s of Falasl1 a mo11 asticism to Abba Sabra.19 It is 1nore likely, howe\1 er, tl1 at he carried on and enforced the tradition of a1� earli �r gener �ti�n. It may also be l1ypothesized that in consequence of l11s son s repud1at1on of• tl1 e royal court and the state relioion Zar'a Yaqob tl1e11 issued his decree· forcing all pagans and Jews ;,,ithin hls kingdom to en1brace Cl1ristianity or suffer tl1e consequences.20 Zar' � Y �qob's so11 and successor, _ Ba'ed.a Marian1 (. 1468-78), I1 ad to face tl1e 1nev1t�ble p!ob�em of l1er �s1 �s tl1 at aro�e from an era of rapid forced conversion. 1 !1e Falasl1a w1 tl11n the empire m11st have submitted only 011t�ardl �, to Judge fr �n1 tl1e royal cl1ronicle which indignan·tly lan1 �nts J�e existence or certain _Jews wl10 ''profess t11en1selves Christians bt1t 1n· . tl1 e1r l1earts deny that Cl1r1st was born of Mary, wI1o secretly eat on 16 �- Z. Aescoly, "�otice� su� les !4'alachas ou Juifs d'Abyssinie, d'apres le Joµ�nal de voyag _ e d_ �n�?1ne d Abbad1e, _" Cahiers cl'Etudes Africaines, II, no. 1, ,40, C. Con� Ross101 _ ,_ Il_ Convento di Tsana in Abissinia," Rendiconti de/la R. Accacle1111a cl�, L,n� e ,, 1910, p. 36; Conti Rossini, "Appunti di storia e _ lette�atura ·Falasc1a,,, R1v1sta degli. Studi Orientali, VIII (1919-20)·' 5-15 • ' Travels, III, 95. B n 1ce, 17 · 18 :Al:scoly, "Notices sur les Falacbas," p. 137 . 19 . W. Leslau, Coutu111es e't croyances des Falach as (Paris 1957) 61 . 20 "The Ql1ronicle l<?f the · Em · peror Zara Yaqob" , Eth p · v, no. 2 · iop' ,·a ob' server, (1961), 152.

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fast ,days, and who spit after having received communion."21 To combat tl1ese new Christians, many of wl1om soon rettimed to Judaism, the e1nperor ordered Marqos, azmatch of1 Begemder, to lead �is troops against the Falash � of Be�emder,. Sellen1t, and Semien. For seven years the Falasha resisted, 11nt1l Marqos forced them to surrender to return to 22 Perl1 aps it nity, and to re uild the cl1urcl1es they ha4 destroy;d. hristia � � _ 1s to tb1s era of g�e at influx of conversions to C.hristianity that many of . tl1e so-called J11da1z111g elen1e11ts in Ethiopian Christianity can be traced. for its very sixteentl1 ce11tury ' In the as Chris-tia11 Ethiopia fought _ . ex1stence against the onslaugl1t of Muslims from the east, the role of the Falasl1a ,vas an1biguo11s. If Bruce is to · be believed, in I 537 Gideon and Judith, �eigning �1onarcl1s of t'be Se1nien Falasha, at first resisted the Muslims in tl1eir capacity as vassals of the Ethiopian emperoi:. By 1540, however, as tl1e chronicles relate, tl1e Muslin1s ]1ad advanced as far as Semien.23 After s11fferi11g m11cl1 fro1n Muslim attacks tl1 e Falasha rebelled and joined forces with the Mu�lims. It may be assumed, in this writer's opinion, tl1at tl1e Muslin1 invasion gave the Falasl1a an oppor tunity to reestablisl1 tl1 ejr independe11ce, wbicl1 had been compromised during the reigns of Zar'a Yaqob and Ba'eda Mariam. When da ·Gama's Port11guese pushed inla11d fTom the Red Sea coast in hopes ·of linki11g forces· with E1nperor Galawdewos in 1542, they found that between the two allies lay the mountain known as Amba Ayl1ud (Jews' Rock).24 EtbiOJJian tradition ide11tifies the Jews' Rock as tl1 e seat of the Falasha principality. Its exact location, somewhere in t11e 1nol1n tains of Semien, is unknown. Although the amba's precipitous sides seemed to assure its i1+habitants of safety, da Gama's men toolr tl1e place by surprise in August, l�fl2. They fot1nd it garrisoned by a force of 3,000 foot soldjers and 400 cavalry. Since the Falasha did not have cavalry, the horsemen most likely were Muslims. After a brief battle, da Gama left the amba in the comn1and of a loyal Falasl1a, who ,vas give11 orclers to hold it in the na.me of the emperor. Etbiopia11 overlordship was thus restored. After the death· of Galawdewos in 1559, tl1e Falasha again asserted their independence. The new emperor, Mi11 as, directed his first military campaign against the Falasha stronghold in Sen1ien, ,vl1 ere their r11Ier, Rad.ai, sl:}ccessfully wi·thstobd the attack. Frustrated, Minas '\-Vit11drew. Consolidation of· his rule· over the rest of his kingdom was a more imme diate problem than the conquest of the Falasha in their mountain fast n.esses. The task of con.quering Radai's Falasha fell to Minas' son, Sarsa Dengel, who began his campaign against the Falasha in 1577 afer defeat ing the Muslims of Ad.al and checking the Galla. Evidently tl1 e Falasha had expanded southwara into Woggera, where there were ''Christians who .•

J. Perruchon, ed., Les Chroniques de Zara Yaqob· et. de Ba'eda Maryafn'. (Paris, 1893). . . . · . , 22 J. Halevy, ed., La Guerre de Sarsa-Denge/ con/re /es Fa/aclzas: · Ex-trait des . ·Annales·de· Sarsa-Denge/ (Paris, 1907), p: 54.' . . , Z3 W. · Conz�hnan, . ed., Cl1to11ique de Galawdewos; Roi· d'Etlzi<;Jp�e (Paris� 1$95), ,· : , · . p. 123. . G. F. ·. Rey, The :Roma11ce of the Portugi,ese in .1�yssini� .<��?d?D� 1929), pp. 175-77.

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returned from Christianity to Judaism," as well as Muslims w ho threw their support to Radai.25 For four years tl1e Ethiopia11s campaigned against the Falasha, w�o must have threatened Amhara expansion w est of Begemder. The terrain was extremely diffic\}lt, as the chronicle points _o�t at great length: �he roads were tortuous, often on the edge ,of prec1p1ces, and the Ethiopian army 1ost many transport a11 i1nals. The Et�iopians were not prepared _for tl1e excessive cold of tl1e l1 igher mountains of Woggera and Semien. Moreover t he Falasha deliberately destroyed the paths so that they could not be us�d by m.t1les and horses, and from the ir heights they rolled bou]ders down upon tl1e ir attackers. Lastly, Kaleb, Radai's brother and commander of one group of tl1e Falasha, pursued a scorched earth policy tl1at l1 indered tl1e 111ove111 ents of the Amhara army, which usually lived off the land. But the Ethiopians had a decisive advantage from th e start. Unlike tl1 e Falasl1a, wl10 fougl1t with 1anc e and shie ld, the Amhara were now eq11ipped with gt1ns. 'This caused some panic among t he Falasha, and the campaign \Vas consiclerably bloodier than earlier conflicts between the Falasl1a ancl tl1 eir enemies. Wl1 en , Sarsa Dengel ordere d cannon to be bro11ght up, the fate of the Falasl1a was sealed. 26 \iVith the odds heavily against him, Radai sought to negotiate with Sarsa Dengel. I-Iis offer was acceptable to the emperor, who did not want to prolong tl1e war .any lo11ger tl1an nec essary. No doubt, like the chroni cler, l1e also recalled that the battlefield was the same as the one on which Ba'eda Mariam surfered a setback at the hands of t h e Falasha. Radai st1rrendered, and Sarsa Dengel took l1is possessions and his wife as hostage. After the a.mba was rit11ally p11rified and mass said in a church w hich may �1ave been a converted Falasl1a hous e of worship, Radai was put in chains, ·'n�t to _.punisl1_ him, but to keep hi111 fro1n troubling the camp and from a.ct111g 11 ke � k1�g, as was l1is wo11 t." Sarsa Dengel was irked by the pre sence of t his king wl10 also claimed descent fron1 Judaean antecedents. He was par�icularly di�turbed tl1at Radai l1ad been so arrogant as to name tl1e m �unta1ns of Semien after those sacred to ancient Israel: Sinai and T abor.-7 After �adai's surre,nder in 1581, t he Amha.ra. wi:t h,dre\v to willlter at a lower alt1tud�. Aln1o�t immediately,. l1oweve r, tl1e Falasl1 a again raided "Yoggera, burn111g, loot111g, and e nslav111g tl1e Christian population. This time th�y �ere led by Gwesl1a11 , a me111ber of their roy al family. Yonael, the Et h1op1an gen�ral, put an e11� to tl1is r evolt by capturing tl1e Falasha :Vater sup�ly. With n? �lternat1ve, the Falasl1a surrendered and were 1n1pressed 111to tl1e Etl11op1a11 army to combat rebellious Falasha in ot her areas. Yonael presented two hundre d Falas·ha to the king who settled ' the Amba Worq as l11·s serfs.2s Gweshan, w ho l1ad eluded capture, . n1 at . . . di d n9t. long Surviv e t his defeat. A surprise attack by the Amhar.a inflicted _ a second serious defeat on t he Falas11 a, and Gweshan an d h"1s fam1·1y c.hose 25 26 27 28

Halev . y, Guerre (/e Sarsa De,rge/, p. 40 . Ib,d., pp. 43-44. Jbid., pp. 51 .:52_ Amba Worq literally means ' old ou ntain.' oa ,t�at ,the IFalasha had )nuch g,o1d n s he Ther� ,is ian Ethiopian tra d i� hints 1a.t !the disappointment of 'th "� 'l\.v !l fRadru 5urrendered, the chromclo cto� J� :rrot finding the precious metal. This unsubstantiatecl legend of bt�rte j gold . in the mountains of Woggera or Semien has 'persisted to iu, :.... 1. e present. - 104 -

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to surrender. The leadership of tl1e Falasha now fell. to a kinsman, suicide _ _ Amhara pursuers. When finally evade to his Gideon, who managed _ trapped, l1e and his followers cttt each other's throats rather than surren d �r. By Ja11uary, 1594, the Falasha had been forced into submission. The k ing then tu �1 ed to lhe Falasha strongl1olds in the Kwara lowlands and made them tr1bt1tary to hin1.29 The last period of Falas�a independence took place during the reign . Susney . of os (1607-32). Demb1a and Woggera were now completely under �}1� control of_ the An1hara. As � P?rtuguese e. ye-witness described it, Since the Ga�las have been pressing 1n upon [the empire], the Emperors have pressed 1n t1pon [tl1 e Falasha] mucl1 more and took Dao1 bea and Ogara from t�en1 by force n1any years ago." 30 In Semien, however, tl1e Falasha_ tenac1o�sly defended tl1eir independence. Only the rugged.ness of the1r n1 ounta1ns saved tl1em fron1 immediate attack. Susneyos spent _ the first years of his reign in skirmishes \vitl1 the Agau in Damot and in protecting Gojjam fron1 the invading Galla. In anticipation ofi incorpo rating Falasl1a areas into the empire, he appointed Tekla Giorgis governor of ·Semien and Wolde Hawaryat sl1t11rz of Sellemt. In 1615, wl1en a certain Amdo appeared in tl1 e Falasl1a region and claimed to be Yaqob, son of Sarsa Dengel and rigl1lful heir to l.he throne, Susneyos took action against the Falasl1a. On his orders, t l1e pretender was imprisoned by agents of Wolde Hawaryat. Evidently Susneyos had a real fear that Amdo cot1ld lead a revolt against him. His suspicions were soon confirmed, for Gideon, the Falasha ruler of Semien, saw an opportunity to gain the upper l1and over tl1e Amhara by supporting tl1e pretender. At night a Falasha band swooped into Sellemt, rescued Amdo from his Amhara captors, and delivered him to Gideon. Amdo, Yaqob and Gideo11 then raised an army in a sl1ort time. Soon the army of tl1e pretender descended from the mountains and raidecl the plains of Sl1a\vada ai1d Sellemt. Never had the Falasl1a been so serious a threat to the Ethiopia11s as during this crisis. It was several years before the Amhara scored a single victory against the Falasl1a. Finally they captured Mes�iraba, one of Gideon's strongest ambas. After tl1ey won similar victories at Hocl1i and Amba Za-Anka.ssa, Gideon luwded over Amdo to Susneyos in return for peace and pardon. Amdo's fate is indica tive of Susneyos' fear of l1im: l1e was crucified with great cruelty in 1616. Susn.eyos then turned his attention to his soutl1ern borders. 31 The peace with Gideon was an uneasy truce, and Susneyos could not forgive the Falasha for their role in Amdo's uprising. In November, 1616, _ to Susneyos issued orders to the governors of the northwestern prov1nces , _ To exterminate all Falasha from Lake Tana to the borders of Semien. what extent a general massacre occ�rred is uncertain. �ideon fell, _ to be succeeded by Phineas as leader o� the Falasha. If Bru� 1s to be believed, Falasha children were th�n sold into slavery. In Demb1a, an old Falasha province within the empire, the Falasha we�e again ordered to convert or _ 1620 that all out-door die. To enforce his decree, Susneyos proclaimed m work, such as plowing and sowing, be publi�ly performed on Saturday. To convert the sabbath into a day of work 1n order to root out Falasha

29 Bruce, Travels, Ill, 251. 30 Almeida, "History. of High Eth.topia," p. 54. 31 Bruce, Travels, 111, 304-306. - JO'i -

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a,nd tl,e Juclaizing ele 1nents despised by his Jesuit �dvisers was one �ing. Bt1t t.l1e e111 1)eror, wl1 0 cl1 ose to emulate Rome_ 1n 1:Ilatters of religious doctrine and clisci1Jlioe, at the same tin1e was al1enat1n� the most o rtho dox praclitio11ers of Etl1iopian Christianity. Even so vigorous a. n enemy of tl1 e Falasl1a ,is Zar'a Yaqob had decreed tl1at the sabb ath be obser. ved fasticliot1sly, i 11 accordance witl1 earliest Christian practice. Susneyos had go11 e too far, a11 d orthodox Christians rose in revolt. 32 Wl1 al l1 appe11 ed to tl1e Falasha and their kingdom in Semien after tb.e fall of Gideon is far fro111 clear. Leslau claims that the F alasha lost all their la11 ds as a co11sequence of their defeat.33 Sus n eyos would have con fiscated tl1 e1n a11d redistributed tl1em to his loyal followers. Yet almost 0 11e l1t1ndred a11d fifty years later Brl1ce wrote, ''They have since adopted a more peaceable and dutifiul bel1 aviot 1r, p ay taxes, and are suffered to enjoy tl1eir own governn1e1 1t. Tl1eir ki ng and queen were again called Gideo11 and Jt1dith, vvl1 en I was in Abyssinia." 34 There i s some additional evidence tl1 at tl1e Falasha were permitted auto nomy within the empire and tl1al this continued into the ninete11tl1 century. Abbadie claimed in his jot1roal that tl1 e 1nan11 er in wl1 icl1 tl1e Falasha of his time (1843-44) asked for tl1e kjng's justice suggested the existence of certain privileges. 35 . One co11 seqt1ence of tl1 e Falasl1 a downfall was their dispersal over a \V1der area. After the defeat of Gideon tl1 e Falasha spread from Begem der �o K1-vara and Am1a�hal1 0 a.11 d Damot, where there had been only relatively sn1all concentrations of Falasl1a before. L arge n umbers rem ain ed in Dem bia, \\1o11cait, a11 d \¥oggera, and isolated Falasl1 a villages could �e found else\vl1ere. De Castro claimed in 1915 tl1at Falasha could be fot1nd s {ar a\�a)1 as A11 ko ber, ,vl1 ere tl1ey may l1ave been transported � ..3 A�1 1�1 po_rtant colony of Falasha developed at Gon dar, the n ew as s_Iavcs c�p1tal o t_ ELh1op1a. .Ln 1�68 a1 1d again 1678 Yoha nne s I granted a species _ �o the Mus�1n1 s_ a11 d �a_Iasl1a of Gondar and ins tituted segre 01 .1 .t lera,1011 � . t11 e n1 111 or1ty rel1g1ot1s. groups i n the capital.37 gated q11arter.s for If the Falasha lost tl�eir political importance, they nevertheless er. formed a valua_ble econorr�1c ft 1nctio11 witl1 in t]1 e empire. For the first ii.me . l11tl1erto depicted 011ly as warriors , appear 1·0 the record as tl1 � Falasha, . · "'1lled pott slr .\Veavers, a11 d sm1t , .ers, l1 s, trades disdai11ed by th · Amh rlor s_.,s Grad�ally_ tl1ey acl1 i�ved a reputatio11 for their cr:I;sn1 an;:f; . �.�fien fyasu II bt11l t 111s palace in Go 1 1dar in 1736 , Falasha were prom1nent among tlie wo kn1en B n1ce \Va xed el<?qt1e11t abot 1t the pal ace's roof, . :0 ··f F:c.alasl,a, and co11,�1sted of pa111 . whicl1 was "the wo;k ted cane, sp1·1t an d disposed i11 Mosaic figures, wlllC · 11 prodtICes a gayer effect than it is posSible to COilCeive."39 .. Outside Gondar, Bruce fotind fe��_ r F a1 asl,a than l1e ant1c 1pated. He expected to fi ii d a \varrior . e )1 lDSl. ead I1 e fou11d that the Falasha were "wl1 olly addicted to agrictil�tl�! e\vers �r ��?d � n � � arrier of water s , � and are the only potters atlcl inaso�;· i Abyss1111 a. S 1 1f1can tly, he found gn r, that the Falasl1 a villages were ge era11 Y Off· tl1 e beaten path, ''out of the

32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

/ bicl., III, 350. Leslau, Co11t1111,es et cro:yallc es ·des Fa1ac1ias, ). 1 53. Bruce, Travels, II, 408-09. Aescoly, "Notices sur les Falachas," p. 137. L. D� �_astro, Nella Terra cle i Negus (Mila'n , 1915), II. 244-46. I. Gu1d1, ed., A 1111 ales Iohan 11is I I Ludolf, ,11 Nell' flis tory of Ethio;iay(� n�oBakaffa (Paris, 1903), . pp. :s, 37. n, 1684),. p. 390. . . _ Bn1ce, Travels, JV. 12l •

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�e ach of marching armies.'' In Dembia and at Lemain1on he found that !'alasha (Kayla Agau�. -�e Iangt.1age· �cientl y of all Dembia ...has no w given pl ace_ to Amharic. - A progressive Amharicization of th e Falasha 40 bad begun. � _When Bruce finally mentioi1 s Semie n in detail, he describes it as Jiost�le to Gondar and th� e1np ror. At the Takkaze riv er boundary· of � Semien, Bruce was s?me eight mi le s from An1ba Ayhud, or Amba Gideon as �e al�o _calle d �t. But tl1e Jews' Rock was no longer the seat of a _ Jewish pr1n _ �1pal1ty: 1t was the headquarters of Tesfa, an Ambara general who . ma1nta1ned h1mself an d his province �l oof from both Ras Mikael of T1gre and the tottering in1perial dignity of Gondar. Ct1riously, as he passecl the an1ba Br11ce made 110 n1entio11 whatsoever of Falail1a in the area. Yet later in hjs narrative Bruce claimed that those mountains were still ''i·n great part possessed by Jews; a11d t11ere Gideon and Judith, king and quee11 of tha t nation, and, a·s they say, of the house of Judal1 , maintain still the ir ancie11t sovere ignty and re ligion from very early times."41 Here it would se ern that Bruce has ron1 anticized his treatment of the area. H·e gjve s no concrete evidence tl1 at wl1at l1e says is not just hearsay. In general, Brt1ce found tl1at the Falasha suffered u11der Ambara control. He found \Voggera to be ''one of the n 1ost fruitful provinces in Abyssi11ia," but the inhabitants of Woggera, many of \Vbom were Falasha, were impoverished, no dot1bt an i11dication on the heavy taxes imposed by Gondar.42 At Adowa, he happened upon a pt1rification ceren1ony on Epiphany, 1771. ''Heaps of platters and pots, that l1ad bee11 11sed by Ma.hometans or Jews, were brot1gbt thither likewise to be pLirified." 43 From this it may be inferred tl1at the Falasha, already s11bject to l1eavy tribute, were also e asy prey for marat1ding soldiers. Tl1 is i11terpretatio11 is reinforced by the fact that goven1111ent was genera lly breaki11g clo,vn throughout northwestern Etl1iopian during the tin1e of Bruce's visit. Whereas once the Falasl1a wo11l d have talcen advantage of tl1e disi11 tegra� tjon of central a11tl1ority to assert their ind.ependence , no\v tl1ey were a defeated and shattered people, a neglible factor in Etl 1iopian I1istory. Th� disintegratioµ of .Fa]asba life was intensifiecl 1Jy tl1eir geographical dispersal a .nd by their_ lack or soci�l ?rganization. Generally t�e Falas�a were settled side by side with Cl1I1st1a11 Ai11hara or Agau ne1gl 1bors, 1n separate quarters or adjacent hamlets. 44 On the village l�vel tl1ey.we re given some autonomy, and the Amhara. gove n1ors appo1�led Falasl1a bajarunds to col lect taxes and act c).S be admen. 45 Moreover, like tl1� Agau the Falasha had no tribal or c l an loyalties. On the one hand there wa.s the family, extending back no 1:11ore than s�x ?r se�en generations, ��<l on 6 4 The lack _ of rnte: y. e nt1t 1d ic of ethn e sen� the other there was a s•trong mediate social structures facilitated the Amhara task of controll mg the u new subjects. Nevertheless · t'he ·Amhara· cont1nue d· to· view their ancient adversaries �ith. mixe d feeli�gs of .contempt and fear.. When Rohlfs visited Goodar •

•

••

40 Ibid, TV, 378. . 437. 41 Ibid., IV, 351-52, 377, 42 · 1bid., rv, 383. . 43 Ibid, V, 13. ·. gs A.mong th e 44. · Aescoly,- "Notices SW' ]es Falachas," pp. 90-91; _-s� em, .W.an der1n Fa.lashas, pp.· 43, 239-55. • 45 Aescoly; ''Notic;:es sur ,Jes _Falachas, p... 113.. 46 Ibid., p. 92. •.

•

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in 1880, J1e fou11d 1nat rl1e soldiers of bis escor� :egarded the Falasha as fair game for tl1e extortio,1 of teff. The author1t1es ·assured Rohlfs, w� o had witnessed tl1e deliberate burni11g or two Falasha huts, 1hat the fire was quite accidental. 47 Yet at tl1e san1� time tl1e A�hara �eld th_e Falasha in awe, partially for their reputed hol1ne� s and partially for their reputed sorcery. When Halevy visited Janfakara 1n 1868, b.e found that th_e fifteen Falasha monks on tJ1e sum1nit of Hoharw� �ere ��now? ed f?r therr know ledge and holiness even a1:nong tl1e Cl1r1st1ans. Tl11rty-rune ye� s ago Norden found that his Christian i11terpreter spoke warmly of a certain holy n1an near Go11dar whom he later discovered to be a Faiasha.49 As smiths, the Falasl1a were particularly suspect. Although the �alas� a use the same Ge'ez-derived word, witl1out its pejorative connotation, 1 n the sense of botl1 'sage' and 'sn1itl1,' among the Aml1ara tiibib is a derogatory term. 50 Such an attitude was dee,ply engrained i11 the Amhara mentality. In 1684 Ltidolf's Etl1iopian colleague Gorgoritis told l1in1 tl1at ''the silly vulgar people could. not endure Smitl1s as being the sort of Mortals that spit fire and were bred up rin I-Iell."51 Their triun1pl1 over tl1e Falasha so secure, tl1e An1l1ara neverll1eless betrayed a resid11e of fear oft their erstwhile enem-ies. TJ1is al1nost certainly accounts also for the inaccurate report by Waller Plowde11 of tl1e practice of mutilation as being derived from the Falasl1a. 52 Abbadie more correctly identified this as a Chrjstian calumny of tl1e Falasha, of the same orcler as their accusations of sorcery. 53 Fear of tl1e Falasha \Vas still strong. Nevertl1eless, the Falasha were indispen sable for sucl1 trades as iro11-working, carpentry, a11d masonry.54 Tl1e depressed position of the Falasl1a contributed to tl1eir disillusion111e11 t and confusion in the 11ineteentl1 century. Abbadie found them igno ra11t o( tl1e existence of J e\VS otitside tl1e narrow confines of tl1eir own v1�rld. Vv'hen he told esl1aq, a Falasha bajarund, that such people did exist, the Falasl1 a replied, "Then all is not lost, and the world is not so bad �s � would h�ve tl1ougl1t." 55 As an1ong the contemporary Xhosa, n1es �1an1sn1 arose 1� a feeble and conf-used attempt to restore Falasha corlf1dence. Tl1e arrival of _P�otestant missionaries at the court of Emperor !heodore apparent! � precipitated a religious crisis that culminated in a for� of n1a.ss l1ysteri�. CI�iming that the Messial1 Theodore had finally arr1yed_ among 1men, 1mpat1ent to wait out tl1eir lives for his arrival in Etl11op_ia� a �d no doubt fearful of 11ew Aml1ara attempts to convert them to Chr1st1an1ty by 1neans of :the Londo11 Society for Pron1oting Clrristianity Amongst th� Jews, an �nknown 11un1ber of Falasl1a deoarted t'or Jerusalem. . how l1k , the p1t1fr Som� ul �embers of tl1e cl1ildren's crusade w110 were � : . · confident of d1v1n e 1nter vent 1on on their be11alf, t11ey crossed 1p1a1n. · s, rivers, . and mountains. They reached Tigre. where most of then1 perished.

47 G. Rohl�; Mei11e_ Mission 11ac/1 Abessi11ie11 (Leipzig, 1882) p. 278 � rsion cl1ez Se6 .Fa.lacl1as . 48 Halevy, Excu · ". B uzle1111 en Ab Yss·mte, de '· de la· Soc1ete Geographic, XVII (1869), 294. 49 Norden, Africa's Last Ernpire, p. 150. 1es (FaJachas," Ip. 99. 50 Aescol y, "Notices .sur _ 51 Ludolf,. A Ne-.v ·History of Ethiopia, p. 390. 52 W. IC: iPI�wden, . Travels i,1 Abyssinia (Lon don, ,1868) ' p . 53 · 53 I. Fa1tlov1ch, Les Falachas cl'apres /es exp · rs: notes apo/ogetiqz,es (F1o· /oratei, rence, 1907), p. 6. 54 · The .Empress Zawditu -had to use IFalasha workme?- Ito i:ep� lthe forty-f�ur . churches of Goodar, and the Italia a e 1� lbat. city b':"lt his consolate with �� t11 e aid /of Fa1asl1 a lnlasons. Norde� Last Ernp1re, pp. 154, 194. 55 Aescoly, "Notices sur �es Falachas,',' (P./1f�.s - 108 -

A handful of survivors rettirned demoraliz · ed tO t·I1 e villages they had 6 s deserted. There is no idoubt bu t that larg. e numbers Of Falasha bad co11verted · . . · wil . lingly or otherwise to c1..1 r·ist1an1ty in th e two hundred and f"f 1 tY years Su sne yos' victory over Gideo n ome of. th� since . _ 1m . porta11t leaders of the opposition to Theodore were o f talasha or1g1n. Such . a man was DeJazmatch. Wu be of \\:'oggera, wl1ose regional army included ma n Falas �a off1cers and soldiers. Apparently l1al[ the ,army of Wolkait we r� · 57 also F alasha co 11v ert s · Th · ose who c11 d not convert were continually . sub.Ject to tl1e influence of1 tl1e domi11a·nt Anlhara culture. In response to ·the peculiar situation and l1istory of the Fala.sha there have �e� thr:e 11otewortl1y reactions, that of tl1e Fala.sha, that of P�otest ant ,m1ss1ona.r1es, _an� that of a quixotic Jewish missionary. We J1ave already ·see� .m :ss1a111sm as a brief phase of the Falasha response to the presstires of · th"' Amhara. More characteristi,c of the behavior of this defea.ted reople h�s �ee1� a rigorous ritua! is1n that has kept them isolated _ from tl1e contam1nat1on , of. c�ntact w�th impure alien elemer1ts. To judge from _the accounts of Abbad1e 111 the nineteenth century and Leslau in the twent�eth, tl1e Falas�a l1ave developed a self-in1posed wall of ritual as ef�e�t1ve as the pl1ys1cal walls of tl1e medieval gl1etto of Europe in main tarn1.ng :a separ�te '.identit_y.58 Un-til the dervish ; nv.a:sion , of 1888, they m�naged to n1a1nta_1� their own religiotzs schools which helped to keep alive Falasha trad1t1011s and to make meaningful the Ge'ez prayers and scripture. Althot1gh Stern met one Falasha debtera \Vho taught 94 children in his village school one 11undred years ago, 59 since then le;rning and schools l1ave been ,infrequently met with in the Falasl1a country. Such a peo·ple could hope for little more than tl1e maintenance of their identity and for cultura.l stag11ation. . ission The Falasl1a unquestionably l1ad great appeal to European m aries eager for the conversio11 of botl1 Africans and Jews. The main agency in Western Europe for the conversion of the Jews was tl1e Lo11don Society for the Promotion of Cl1ristianity Amongst the Jews, founded in 1809. The London Society also had jn1por.tan't conneclions wi.th the St. Cl1ris chona Mission at Basel. Into its service were attracted 111en 1like ,Martin , \Vho conve11ted to Cl1ristianiity anc1 Flad aind Henry Stern, a Gern1an J·ew devoted h. is life to missio11ary w·ork an1ong 'his former correligionists. Tl1ese lwo men were se11t to Etl1iopia in 1859 to follow up the ,vork of Samuel . lier ear 1 tio1 1era a ge1 ia iop Eth est th\v i nor in ive act n bee had o wh , b3t Go Emperor Theodore welcomed 1the Protestant missionaries to his court and gave them his approval for their projec!·. Their activity among the Falasha was useful in various ways. The ,n1issionaries could undertake the e vid ld pro cou y the , dly on Eec d, an , ha las Fa he t , g tin ila im ass r the fur of task ful be use uld wo ew kn re do 1eo 'Tl t tha ng ini rtira l na tio ca vo .nd l a ica hn tec the re, 60 It may also be in do t eo tha Th red fer , es. os rp pu l ca for his own politi red d fea es an tiv mo es' ari on ssi mi e h t. of s ou ici sp su s wa a, n u. like rthe Ab y rn inl Ste rta . Ce ity ian t s, 1ri Cl n pia hio Et ert bv su to pt em att uld wo t tha ,they 1

57 58 59 60

ceedings of the A111erica11 W. Les,}au, "A Falasl1a Religious Di, spute," Pro . Academy 'for ',]ewis/1 Research, XV! , (1947), 71-95 . Aescoly, ··N01tices fsuir les lfalachas,. !PP·, ·91, 93sla.u, Falas/1a A11thology (New For .a descripti,on :of :Falasha prac.t:Ices, see Le Haven, 1951), pp. 21-36. 9. Stern, Wanderings :.A 111011g 1l1e ·Falasl1as, 1p. 25 Ibid., p. 228. 1

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--------------111 ade 110 secret of l1is lack of -respect for the validit, y or Ethiopi3:n Chr}st ianity. Accordingly, Tl1eodore 1nay very well have appro�ed th�U: pro1ect in order to· cl1annel -Protestan. t intervention away from his Chr1st1an sub jects. By so doi1 1g l1e relegated then1 to an jnsignificant 3:re�_ 9f the country, safely a\vay from the court and con-tact witl1 other Eth1op1ans. Stern a nd Flad ultimately decicled upo11 Jenda as �e site of their 1nission station. Stem had an initial preacl1ing adva11 tage 1n that he could tell tl1e Falasba that l1e too was a Je w, ''a white Falasha." Although the missionaries bad great entl1usiasm and optimism, more often th.an not they found tl1at tl1 e Falasha ''offere d no objection and adva�ced no argu1uent'' in �espo11se to tl1eir preacl1 ing. Encouraged b y the sJ'lence that he und.erstood to n1ean a.cqt1iescence, Stem predict.ed that the Fa.lasha, on.ce converted, would be the n1eans to Cl1 ristianize and civilize all Etbiop, ia.61 In q11a11titative ter111s, tl1 e Londorn Society's mission station had mixed resL1lts. AlthoL1 gli, lin1 ited to Jenda a11 d De1nbia, tl1e mis sion imported tens of tl1011sands of religioL1s itracts a11d Amharic Bibles printed at the Chriscl1ona n1ission in Svvitzerland. Af:er a dozen )1ears of missionary activity, tl1e Jenda 111 ission sent a l1 alf doze11 Falasl1a converts to study i11 Base.I fron1 1870 to 1873. T11ese converts b ecan1e the nucleus of a Falasl1a preacl1ing staff ,vl10 n1 ade the 111 i£sion s elf-s11staining. Yet by their own ad 1111ssio11, tl1e n1issio11aries failed. to acl1ieve the successes which �ter11 for�sa,,1• Tl1e reasons fior failL1re were bound up in the Falasha exper iences of !l1 e past tl1ree ce11 turies. As one missionary put it, ''Pottery 111eans F,tlasl1 a, and Falasha 1neans disgrace .... On.e of the things that we l1ave to _co1r1bat is tl1e 1)rete11ce of co11version for the purpose of escaping tl1e l1ardsh1ps tl1at go \vitl1 being a Falas.I1a. "62 Alarrned by tl1e i11cursio11s iOlf tl1 e Londo11 Socie ty among tl1e Falasha, visited Etluopia in the winter of I 867 tl1e Frencl_1 scl1olar Joseph IIalevy to determine wl1at could be clo11e to help tl1e Falasl1a before they disap p_ea:ed, as Jews. At Massawa he n1et Samani Da,niel, one of the Jenda s�al1on � Falasl1 a co11verts. Wl 1e11 Halevy offered to give him some finan cial ass1sta11ce, tl1 e y,o�ng , Falash· a, with all tl1e fervor of a new convert, refused to accept 1-Ialevy s mo11ey because lie was a Jew. Ha I'evy was . · · · r·illd.1ng another Falasl1 a, Aleqa Dail · te 10 more rorruna l eI , wl 1ose ·rabb1 n1c , . 111 . Eg_j1pt l1e spo11sorecl · Little is known about stud1es Aleqa Darue · l, o ther . t·1 1a11_ t·I1at. h � �as �probably tl1e first non-Cl1 ristianized Falasha ·to · study outside Etl11op1a. 6.i · · I-Ialevy's work was c,ontinued by l1rs st11d. ent ' Jacque s Far,· tI ov1ch, who · . made two trips to Elll·iopi·a' tll 1905 anc1 a 0a1n 1n 1910 , fo r th e p urp?se of establishi11g contact between tl1e Falasha a:C1 European Jew and br1ng1. n? :Y rabbi11ic Judaisn1 'to the fo� silized. Falasl1; ·64 Wh en h e ran into the oppos1. · Un1 verselle w11·icl1 ha t.1on of the All'iance Israel1te d received a� un.fav?rable report aboL1t tl1e 1:;-alasl1a from its o'w· n agent, l1e accused his enemies · · Qf basing tl1eir criticisin on· the wri. 1.ings of the Protes- tant m1ss · 1onar1es and . lamented tl1 e fate of the Falasl 1a ''011' tl e poor F alasha, ose martyrs th -· . · J · �·6s · of Judaism! Yet tllougl.l h e' ent·ic1zed the Protestant missionaries, 61 Ibid., (pp. !265, 301-02, 309. 62 Baur, quoted lin Norden, Af,:ica's Last E e 9�-96. 1 _ p p. [ Pa , R. n�h 63 urst, "Tl1e Foundations of ·Ed��pa,� ��n, Printing, Newspapers,· Book . Produ.ction, Libraries and'· Literacy in EUuopia," Eth iopia Observer, VI. no. 3 (1 962), 251-53. :.:: ::: . 64 L�lau, Falasha Anthology.·p: 21 ..· · · · ·, · · � , · _ 65 Fa1tlov1ch, Les Falaclias d' apres ·l�s explorate1.,rs, p . . 1 - 110 -

Faitlovich's. v�si· on �f the future role of the Falasha w�s . · e str on g Y I su gg es tiv af Ste.m's ,prophecy: ''Th . ey. have· at. a11 ti. mes remained superior · to the . Abyss1. n1. an . . s ..,,. . . T.hey st1Il live ... as mod els in the inidst of the s�perst1titous an d co·rrupt peoples of Ethiopia · · · · They are e th · fu tur e pioneers · pr og 1n E re ss of tb. top1a because they I1ave the purest re·11g1 · on · and th . .e character mo st conducive to perfectio D:. "66 Jn 1924, Fairtlovich established a school for the children of Falasha in Addis Ababa. Alt�o11gl� tJ1e Falas�':1- of northwestern Etl1iopia were com pletely 11ntoucl1ed ·by l11s efforts, 1n Addis Ababa Fait1'ovich had a n1 0. derate degree of st1ccess. Before the Italian invasion, his school prepared ·twenty-t,v? Falasha for study abroad.67 If war I1ad not intervened, a nu cleus of l11ghly educated Falasl1a would have been created. Faitlovich did not re t11rn to Etl1iC?,pia aft�.r tl1e \Var. If l1 e l1ad, ]1e would have seen eight -ofl tho_�e students rise 1to h1gl1 places in government service. Yet all in all his scl1ool was 1a tfailuie, for it clid 11ot iSllcceed in training yo11ng men w11; would · the� serve th� Falas?a con1111u11ity as teacl1ers and pull the Falasha out of theII stagnat1ro,n. Little has cl1a11ged in the Falasha hamlets since his time. His optimism was as 1111warranted as tl1at of his Protestant counterparts. ' . It is obviot1s tl1at this sketch of Falasl1a l1 istory is far from complete. It 1s mean,t only to suggest the barest outlines \Vhicl1 may be filled in by re-examining the· chronicles, introduci11g materials fro111 religious and literary sot1rces, sucl1 as the various saints' lives, and combing the pub lished and unpublished sources for refterences to the Falasha. Many ques tions remain unanswered, a11d so1ne will be una.11swerable. Yet tl1is writer is convinced tl1at the l1istory of the Falasl1a l1as great sig11ifica11ce for the interpretation of Etl1iopiai1 history on several levels. In general, one ca11 say that Falasha Itistory falls into three stages. The ·first, or pre-historical, periocl deals spec11la.tively with the origins and history of the Falasha until the first rrecord o'f tl1 en1 i11 tl1e reign of Amda Sion and js not disct1ssed in this paper. Traditionally, that s1age has been s,tudied because of its threefolcl significance for (1) the possible ·existence of Judaisn1 in Ethiopia before the advent of Cl1ristianity, and its bearing on tl1e prese11ce of 'Judaic' aspects in Etl1iopian Christianity; (2) the . destr11otion of tl1e Axumite empire and the role of tl1e n1ysterious queen Isat/Yodit/G11edit, s9metimes identified in popular tradition as a Falasl1a; (3) the circun1stances of the origin of the Zagwe dyi1asty. Although I have deliberately avoided a discussion o:f rthis early stage because of the lack of historical evidence, I would nevertl1eless suggest that the significance iof that earlier period might also lie in the following areas: (1) ·the influence of the geographiJCal location of ithe warljke Fa'Iasha on the developn1ent of Semitic Etl1 iopia, that is, in terms of the separate development of the ��1hara �1�d . the Tigre; (2) th� relati�� of the Falasha \.vh6 claim a Palest1n1an or1g1n, to the Stolomon1c irad1t1ons of Christia� Ethiopia; (3) tl1e Falasha as an example o� extra-Ethiopian influences on a ITTOn-Amhara/Tigre people. The second, or historical, stage of Falasha history as recorded in the th en en to sev rte fou the s ve[ co es, urc so en itt wr er oth in d es an chronicl teenth centuries. It has usually been studied in fragmentary fashion an d works Semiti� or Jewish hlstory, as. in the c oti ex of s ple am ex then only as . •

· 66 Ibid., pp. 9-10.. 67 Pankhu,rst, '"Foundation,s of EducrutJi,o n •.. ," /PP, 277�79. - 111 -

. and n . ho . . , uc ts rr en �e ud st s hi d an vy le a iH of . . of Gu1d1 and Conti Rossini, . t th e s dy of this period of Falasha and Faitlovich. I would sugg�s� tha al, and not ic. tor his j.s it (l) �� . o a re al 1on drt ad hi story is useful for t:hr ee l ;5 ne w and closer exantina _ ee 0 e[eby re �eals th e n speculative , and th a _ s t pe r; rip ap sc a nu m n . ow �n �n t o e h hit _as lly a i : c sP< e e s, cl tio11 of th e chroni � lar.ger stud y of /the jndigen.ous (2) the s tudy o� F�Iasl1a l1rstory 15 p�rt 0 e g th tradi tin en lem pp su ry . to : is 1 gi on as r e p_eoples �f Et�iopia, valua:b i � �hara the Tigre, an d, to a lesser t1onal or1entat1on to the history of th e . ' well a s the history . y o� Falasha histor y (as extent, the •Galla;. (3) tl1e stud . op ian of others) will thr.ow in. 1portant light on the e�pansion f the Ethi . a t n ce, is f res o nt ou 1 ection am · I d·r state, if atte1_1ti?n !s paid to geogra. p111ca ( stilit Y not withstandextent of a ss1n11lat1on of Amhara cultural e lement. s 'ho i11g), a.nd co11tributions 1to the don1inant cul�ture : . . The third stage o.f Fa.lasha l1istlory, ,vl1ich 1s to be fou�d m _ wntten source s, thougi1 not so col1erently per?aps _as i n the chronicles, is w�at I would call tl1e perio, d of disinr tegratioi1 sine� the seventeenth cenl:11)1. I-Iistorians l1ave usually co11cemed tl1emselves with the ,no�-. A1;11hara/T igre slc'ltes only until tJ1e ir absorption by th e empire and the1r disapp earance , ese_ as separate po, l ilical entities. Little atte 1np_t l1�s been �ade rto .study th peoples after tl1eir conqttest. Such1 study i � 11npo�tant,. ho':ever, because it i s a good de111onstration of Amhar� ,deal ings ':1th m1nor1ty groups and ene�us el� throws light on tl1e succes s of Ethiopia s absorption of heterog _ ments into tl1e empire. It reveals tl1e nature or the 1nt�rrelat1onsh1p between the peop. l es of Etl1iopia in the crea_tion of a po!y �thn1c stat�, �ons tantly adjt1sting to 11ew relationships with .non-Cb:r1st1an _s. _All this,_ of course, is materia l for writing tl1e history of a dynamic Etb1op1a chang1�g tl1rougl1out its history to n1eet new conditions , an Ethi opia far removed 1n concept fro1n Gibbon's Abyssinia that slept for a thousand· year s . Lastly, I \vould like 'to make an overall observation about Falasha history in terms of wl1at l1as been called the Judaeo-Christian tra dition. In the Wes t 1this 1ern1 has come to mean tl1ose cont r ibutions of Judaism and Cl1ristian . ity-particularly, etl 1ics-wl1icl1: have deeply influenced th e 11ature of Wester11 civilization. No longer does it l1ave a specifically reli gious a11d politica. l co•n11<otation as i t di d in 'the ·pa.st b evore tl1is era wluch Toynbee calls post-Christian ancl post-modern. In Ethiopian studies, the tern1 l1as been loosely applied to tl1e l1istory of Judais111 and of Cl1rist iani ty in Etl1 iopia and ito : those Juda ic ,or J udaizing i 1tllt1e·nces in Etl1iopian Cl1ristianity. 111 a very .te11tative man11er, in part a r esult of m y attempts lo reconstrt1ct ai1 outline of Falasha l1i story, I would suggest th e following. TJ1e Juda eo-Cl1ris tiao1 tradition is n1ore tl1an :tl1e ethical id eal s of the West and tl1e Sol·,o·mo11ic ideas a11d institutions of Ethiopia n tra on i di . t Judaism, Judai z.ing influences i11 Cl1ristianity a11d elsewhere, a nd Cl1ris tianity form a set of elen1e11ts wl1icl 1 l1ave survived-l1is torica lly-in differ e 11t proporlions a11d combi11ations in tl1e We st, in Etl1iopia., and el sewhere in the world. Perhaps a larger view of the Judae o- Ch ri st ian trad i ti on sl1oul d be co,nstructed on t l 1e basis of its survi,1ing elem en t s in several l cultt1res: an ethical :tradi tion, an attitude of r itual pu rit y, a tr adi·tion of political san�·if:catio11 and le&'iti acy, a11d, of course, a purely religi ous 1? aspect. In this sense, botl1 Eth1op1 a and tl1e W est share part s of a common h �ritage. And. :in tl1is sense, ttoo: 1tl1at' segment of Ethiop wit� t�1e Fala�l�a 1nust b e cons1�ered both a s part of ian h istory dealing E th io pi a's Judaeo Chr1st1a11 trad1t1on 8;£1<1 as_ part of _ a l3!ger t�adition of which only sra1Jt ered remnants have survived 1 n comb1nat1on w1tl1 the other eleinent's forming their di stinctive civilizations.

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LOST PROVINCES OF ETHIOPIA G.W.B. Hur1tir1gforcl

T . · · he Ethiopi1 ai1 1records contain tl1e 11ames of a nun1ber of terr:t 1 on· aJ d1v1sions w hiOh n.1-iav� .'long �eased to be m a, jor adminjstra tive units, and in _ some case_s ev en tl1e1r 1dent.1�y l1as disappeared. Tllis paper whith attempts t� de� wi th some of them as offered .as a contribution /to the stu dy of the llistor1cal geograpl1y of Etl1io_pia.' I l,? the Chronic! � of 'Amda �eyon (Britisl1 Museum ·MS Orie11tal 821) . 1s a 11st. of tl1e provinces, bel1er, of 'A111da �eyo11's kingdom over wl1icl1 Sabradd.lJil proposed .to place his 0�1 n governors when he had conquered tlh.e counrtry. Of cotrrse he did not succeed in 1t h 1 is, but ·the list is !important be.cause it gives the approximate extent of tl1e kingdom which 'Amda �yon ruled. Mosit of t· hese provinces are .in the south and concentrated in t�e ·area ,sowth-east and souJt'l1 of the B!11e Nile as :far 'as ;tl1e Lalce Zeway region. Tl1is group consists of Damot, 'Arab, Wage, Almale, Fatagar, Enda Gabtan, Sin1e, Mugar, Gerarya, Salales, and l(atata; it was the homeland of Sa.in.it Takla Hayma, no,t. A second ·gro11p co1JJsisted of Wagda, Sarmat, Kel 'at, Segah, Tagulat, Medra Zega, a11d Ma11zel1el. The gover nors of botlh these groups are styled 111a.sfe11. Then co1ne An1l1c'lra and Angot, both under a �al1afalc1111; Qeda Tawazat, and Makala Bal1r. all under a. 111.aki1c11111e11; Endar:a and Begamedr under governors w.hose titles are not specified; and G1tajam under a 11agc1si. The places j11 ,the first group1 , Wl1icl1 in JaJter times lost theiir provincial staitus, can aill be placed with more or less oortai11'ty on the 1nap, though Wage is uncertain - 'it might co11ceivably be meant for Waj; Ala.male is shown ,on Almeida's map some way· to �l1e south-west of Lake Zeway and adjoining Muga.r to the north. 'Arab however seems to have disappear ed. It is named in the Life� Takla Haymaino·t (British Museum Orie11tal 723, chap. 102), where 1he Saint JS f:aid to have shown himself in a vision to the sick governor of the province of 'Arab whom he had at one time converted. There can be no do.ubt that it was somewhere in 1:b.is area, and it is perhaps, in spite of the phange �n th� inJ-tial letter, the same as :the Warab which occurs in 't,he Life of •F1Jpos 1n an I8·th century manuscript) as being put in charge of Anorewos whom Filpos appo�nted 1nan1her charge , of Warab, which !is meJ1tioned here together �1th Damot, WaJ, . Fatagar, Enaret, SelaJes, and otl1 er places.. And according to the Life of Pere Mik·a'el. in the next century Fere Mika'el was made nebi1raecl of

-�

For reasons ·of economy all phonetic syn1bols except $ and the breathing l1ave

been omitted.

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the province (l1c1gar) of Warcib (la:te 15th century �uscrip t). �n Bodleian MS Bruce 88, foilio 34v (late 16th century) Warab 1s named w1_th �;v tagar, Damot, and other places as being 'of the Ba'altehat of the Right-. II 'Situated betwee11 Aml1ara and Shoa', as Ludolf says, was the old sub kingdom of Walaqa. In the Waldebba redaction of the Life of TaJcla Haymanot (Paris, Bibliotl1eque Nationale Ethiopien 56, of t�e 15th cen tury) the ,name is wri'tten Waylaqa. In the sixteenth c�ntury 1t w� under a nc1gas; in the Cl1ronicle of Susneyos it is grouped with the provrnces of A11lhara, Ambasal, and Manz. In the Hega waser'ata Mangest it occurs together with Aaamba, sarha, and Agraro in the tarik of the Querhat Sa.qala. There seenis to be litile doubt as to its position. It lay, as Lu�oli noted and Al1 11eida's map marks Oleca immediately south of 1:he :1"1ver Quac�n, tl1e Kasl1e1n of GS,GS. NC 37 /2, one of the ri,,ers which unite s,outl1 of Warra llt1 ito forn1 the Wancet, a tributary of the Jamma. North of tl1 ese tl1e river Walaqa rt111s into tl1e Abbay parallel with the Jamma; tl1e Walaaa river n1ay J1ave bee11 the 11 orthern limit of the province. In i 1 1scriptiori no. 8 in the Dei1tsc/1e Al,si11n Expeditiori (vol. 4), king Ezana i11 tl1e fot1rtl1 century, duri11g a punitive tour of his kingdom. came to San1 e11 and ,after !receiving. the st1b1nission of its people, 'he croosed rthe river, aJ1d -L 'king of WYLQ can1e to him'. Tl1is name WYLQ has gen� rally bee11 taken to ·be Walqayt, one of the remote provinces on the western edge of Etlliopia which, tl1ougl1 Ludolf caJls it 'provincia insignior', was 11ot in fact particularly distinguished as an admin.istrative unit. Moreover, the :two 11a.n1es are :by no means s. imilar, and owing to the position of the Y jn Walqayt it is difficult to ac.cept an equation of tllis with Walaqa; and I .stigges:t ·that 1t11e fom1 Waylaqa in tl1e Life of Tak.la Haymanot ft>nns a lin_k between WYLQ and WALAQA. \.Valqayt was not a kingdom or sub lc.ingd,om; �tl1e governor of Walaqa at least as late as the time Sarsa Dengel \1/as called 11agas, a.n.d it :is surely legitimaite to see in him tl.1e successor of tl1e 'k.i11g' of WYLQ. Tl1e fact tl1ait Walaqa is a long way from Samen (some 200 miles) is not necessarily an a.rgrnnent against this identification; and in 1a:11 y iCase otl1e i11scriptio 11 does not say tl1at Ezana went to WYLQ, merely that i;ts king came to him. Tl1e area was still a province under Susneyos, but la:ter disappeared, and tl1e only trace of its existence seems to be in ltbe river-name Walaqa.

III The (provin.ce of Qeda, wllicl1 as w � have 6een WM part of ,the king , f dom � A.mda _ �eyon, seen1s to l1ave disappeared even more completely. The f•1rst written reference that I k11ow of is in the Chronicle of 'Amda $eyon, tl1e last in the Chronicle of Ba'eda Marya.111. In tl1e ·time of Amda $eyon it �as u �der a 1J11al,i,a1v1.erz; in the Chronicle of Ba'eda Maryam it occt1rs twice, first un �er a balirnagas, and secondly under a �a.ha. fala,n. �ut thes � refere�ces give no clt1e to its position. If one may judge from its place 1n the 11st of 'Ainda �. eyon's provinces, which are clearly grouped ge�grapllical!Y an.d n '?'t '.haphazard, Qeda was between Angot and End.arta, \.v'hile Qeda JJl BodJei.an Bruce 92 folio 7v is assoc,iated with Dob.a, Dan1

'Arab _ is perhaps rep�esented by Oraba. Sl1own on the GSGS ½ million map 40 miles SW of Addis Ababa, and South of the Awash. - 114 -

kal �, amd _ �guena �Bugna). iin �S Bruce 92 rthe 1:1ame is actually written Qe a, as _it IS also In the �ambr1dge text (Cambr1ge Oriental 1873, folio 4r); but 1n the -�rrespondmg passages i n Bruce 88 (fol. 34v) and Frank fort 18 (MS Ruppel! 1 b) the name is written Qed,a. This is ·a clear case of an error w _ �ere the_ two Ethiopic characters '\ and � have been con fu �ed. (A S1Ill1 �ar mis-take has occurred in .the name Wagd.a, which is wr1trten Wag�a 1n B �� 92 �d Can1bridge 1873, but Wagda in Bruce 88 and Frankf?.rt 18.) µhis provmce was possibly part of the later province of �oba, wrth Bugn.a -o n its west and t, he Danakil (Dankale) plains to 't!he east-.

IV �ort � of Qeda :vas the province of �ra', written Tzera-e by Ludolf, and oesor1bed by rum as praefectura of Tigre wl1ich was, an Almeida's words, a kingdom 'whicl1 in ancie11t times was the foundation and head of the �hole of uh.is monarchy'. By Barradas i1t is called 'the queen's land', _ which, 1hough broad and spacious, contributed only thirty oqueas of tri b·ute ito -the Queen. Tl1e earliest reference ·tl1a;t I have found to it is in the Lile of! Marqorewos (in a manuscript apparently of rt:l1e 17th century where it is called behera Sera'; a seyuma Sera' occurs in the 14th century (15th ce.ntury manuscript of tl1e Life of Ba�alota Mika'el); and it seems to have survived as a district 11.ame till JJ.early ·the end of the l8t11 century. Some clues to 1ts position :are furnished in several documents: (1) The Life of Basalota Mika'el mentions a place called Quarar in Sera'. (2) The Annals of Yohannes, lyasu, ;and Bakaffa name Agula, and Sefeh (\viili a variant reading Lafel1). (3) Cl1arter 68, of ki11g Ta!cJa Giyorgis (circa 1795) grants land to Walda Sellase at Dangualo, Agula, and Ha\vza in Ser.a'. (4) Charter 82, which in fact belongs to tl1e 19tl1 century, names Geraho�a. Quarir Falag, and Mayat as c11ston1s posts i11 �era' tl1e re•1enue from which was given by Sebagades to the Tabota Sellase at $erwa Anba�a. in Sera'. Wjth Agula as one of its 1nore importa.nt places, it is possible ito establish to some exte11t tl1e posi·tion of tlie provi11ce. Agula seems to be tl1e A11guguim of Alvares, who says tl1at iliere was 'a well built church, like a bishop's 6eat, very lofty a11d fine, its aisl� very wel� con structed upon very thick stone s11pports very well he\:vn . Was this tl1e ruined church illustrated in volume 2, figure 213 of tl1e Deictsche r1l,su111, .. Expedition, which in certain respects answ�rs to the de�cr! ptio? o_ f Alvares? It is uncertain whether the name Sera' which occt1rs 1n 1nscr1pt1ons 9 and I l (Deutsche Aksuni Expedition, ·vol. 4) and i_s applied t� military com panies, is the same as 1he provincial name, owing 1o ,the difference of the last letter ('E, tJ, and possibly other reasons.

2 The documentary evidence suggests t11at in fact Qeda became the province later known as Doba. - 115 -

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THE PALMELLA M.ANUSCRIPT OF DOM JOAO DE CASTRO'S ROTEIRO DE GOA A SUEZ Do,zald M. Lockhart Duke of Paln1ella 's The priva i te library in Lisbon. contains a manu . scnpt oopy .of Dom Joao d.e Castro's 'Roteiro cle Goa c1 Si,ez with included i � :fhe same t,inding, -three sl1ort m,anuscri lls con· taining infonn�tio11 pro v1 ?ed by Fa:tl1er Jeronyn10 Lobo.· The four n1a·nuscripts, ,as bound, con � "_tltute an eJQtreme]y initeresti11g document o. f PorLt1guese-Ethiopian rela1ilons of the ear }y seven!teen;th ce11tury. It is the purpose of this pa.per to draw .the a=ti�ent1on 'Of scholars to tl1is doct1ment ai1d to · say sometl1ing of its hist ,orical significance. 1p

Dom J oao de Castro, it will be recalled, was among tl1e ship captains who acoompa.n:ied ·Dom ;Estevao da Gama i n 1540-41 and · astounded .tl1e Moslem powers by sailing boldly from one end of :tl1e Red Sea to 1l1e o:·her, ca!lling ,ait ports along the ·way. Castro, a scie11ti.fic . scholar as well as a man of action, kept a scrupulously accurate record of t:he scientific aspects of -t he voyage. Tl1e record was written in final .forn1 probably in 1542-43 and js known as the Roteiro cle Goa a Sitez. Its author is, of course, t1he same Dom Joao de Castro 'V.1ho was Iaiter .to ac.hieve fa.me as Viceroy of India. 1

Jeronymo Lobo, .tJ1e au·tl1or of tl1e ,tl1ree inserted 1nanuscripts, is perhaps best known, , at least to Englisl1-speaki[lg rea.ders, as -the .a11tl1or of a work on Ethiopia..translaited from a French .tra11slation iruto E11glis' h by Samuel Johnson ar1d wl1icl1 appeared in pri11t i11 1735 as Joh11s011's first .published book. Lobo :was . a n1ember of the .oorutingent, of Jesuits which, in the 1620's r111d .�arrly 1630's, seemed .to be . crowning a century of Porituguese-Ethi, opian relattio11s by bringing Ethiopia jnto the C.ar-J1olic f10ld but whiob, idoubtless with much justificaition, was sumn1ariiy banisih ed from the empire in 1634. Lob·o was one of the ablesJt of the mission in Ethiopia, and i1t was he wl10 was enLru 1 sted, after the eviotion of the Jesu-itJ s, wiJth the task of convincing the political and ecclesiastical author i-ties at home , t'.bat the Portuguese should seize and occupy the port of Massawa. The Palmella man.uscript of Castro's Roteiro meas·ures 32.5 -by 22.5 cerutimeters and tis lbound in leat·her, with ,no letterirng or arms on the bind ing. It ,consists b·asica.lly of .a,n un.n11mbered tiitle-leaf,t'h'fee unnumbered Ie·aves co·oita.ining the p,rologu.e, an additional unnumbered leaf (probably origin.ally bl8i11k, but oon.taini,ng on the verso, in a ,hand different from tha1 of the main text, entitled ''Observac;oes a cerca da Variac;ao da Agulha feitas pello grande Dom Joao de Castro na viagem & roteiro q fez do Mar Roxo q navegou''), and ninety-four numbered leaves of text. On the recto of the tit.le-leaf is the following: ''Roteiro [with an ornate capital R] - 117 -

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o s s rt o o o p itod . s, em eu or es d se l a u o o N Z E V S Da •uiagem /DE GOA, ATE . ' mar Roxo no ha ue ha ul g a d a en9 fer d1f alturas, sondas, demarca9oes mpan hia do co em do an � qu �o de ao Jo Composto pello grande Dom das gales do o ent uim seg f ' en � a Ga da gouen1ador Dom & teuao m b �J leaf 94v . There is a series f o th Tur??''. Tb� text proper ends at . � ��:11 pa in on te the be d in g m ap s th e he m s map � red colo of f1fteen different f f ing err to re l itse l(: tex lthe 1 ' per P P,ro be regular nun1bered leaves ' � it, f rth e ou p Th ma e. ou Xe ·do : 11 A� the of t ,tha ll: letl'ers on all the maps bu . . 'll . s ow fo as is mcluded itwice, \S·o actually itbere �re t51x,teen maps, . le tit !no ut b · d, re te et L . ra at Soc 4 of e v: id s ; h ort N Fol. 8r: TAVOA D A AGUADA D O XEQUE. VOA DO PORTO DE CALACEA. 9v: TA "' 12r:- 1 AVOA D A S PORTAS D O ES TREITO. 17r: TAVOA DAS PORTAS DO ES TREITO 23v: TA.VOA DO PORTO DE MA<; VA. 36r: TAVOA DA CIDADE DE SUAQ VEM· . 41v: TAVOA DO PORTO DE DRADARTB [sic]. 44v: TAVOA DE FVXA. 46r: TAVOA DE AREQVEA CHAMADA BAHIA DOS AGRAVADOS. 48v: TAVOA DE FARATE. 50v: TA\'OA DE QVILFIT. c2V: TAVOA DE GIGIDI. ., 62r: T/-\.VOA DO PORTO XARME ALCOEMAT. '72r: TAVOA DO TORO. 76•1: TAVOA DE SOEZ. ' . Tl1e Roteiro, as has been noted, is la �cientifiic record of the Prortu gt1ese nav,tl expedttio.n into the Red Sea. It includes descriptions of ports, altil:uclies of 1tJ1e su11, soundings, land1narks, �ornpass varirutions, and some co111mentary 011 local pec11liarities. The cr11aps ,are accurate and are parti cularly n· ok· 1ble, as Professor Rogers has poin1ted out, as an early, perhaps tb.e first, exan1ple of ·ll1e tISe of oblique and ve:r-tical skatcl1es of the slh.ore line as �een fron1 tl1e deck ofi a sl1ip. Tl1ere are seven marginal notes to tl1e text, tall of whicl1 are co11cen1ed with Massawa and Ethiopia, -and one of wllicl1 gives 1637 as tl1e year iTI wllich it was wrutten. 1 Between leaves 23v (tl1e ''TAVO A DO PORTO DE MA<;V A'') and 24r (tQ1e beginning of ia section of <t:11e ,Castro ,text entitled ''Cosmogr�phia

1 The original 1manuscri1,t of Castro's Roteiro de Goa a 'Suez ,is 'lost. Th e Pal mella manusoript is one of Jive extant ·n1ant1script:s and -one of the three to inclu.de both t�e text a�� the rn.aps. Tl1e ,Palmella n1anuscript has not been JJubbsl1ed, but 1t was uttlized by A. Fontoura da Costa in his editio of the n Roteiro (b�ed primarily on a!1olher n1anuscript) and the Palmella maps have been· beautifully rreproduced 1n black and wl1ite by Albert Kammere See r. A. Fontoura da Costa, ed. Roteiros de Do,n Joao cle Castro, (Lisbon vo ls. 3 40 ); Al 19 bert Kammerer, Le Rourier de Don1 Joao de Castr o (Paris, t 936); Albert Kammerer, La Mer Rouge, l'Abyssinie et /'Arab ie aux XV/e et XVl/0 siecles ..., 3 vol�. (Cairo, 1947-52). I an1 indebted for the description of the Palrn�lla -manuscn l?t to Profess�r Francis M. Rogers, gl1ly 1n an unpub_lished ·typesc1;1p-t paper, no,v in th who describes it thorou e possession of the James . Fo rd Bell Collect1on 1n the Library of the University of Minneso ta entitle d "J?om, Joao de -Castro and bis Red �ea Rutter." thro. ugh excellent J?hotog�fl-P�- •autho,nzed ;b y th J\1y own studies w�re made e Duke of Pahnella and given , me by Professor Rogers. to - 118 -

de Ethiopia sob Egypto''), and _ bound � wiith the Castro manuscript, 3.re . e� leaves which consti-tute ·1fhe Lobo manuscripts. The elve unn mber � � first rtwo of -these 1nserited leaves are of tJhe 1same size and of ithe same p�per as 1the C'.asitro itext, . The :remain·ing 1ten are i.5maller in size and of differenlt paper. On b0'1h ,sides oil the first of 1these leaves is writrt:en, in ·a hand diffe . e res,t of ,the man uscript, re� ·from ·that of it.h a description of Massawa entitled ''Rella�ao de Ma9ua ...'' This text has three marginal notes: On ·the �eoto of tthe_ � eoond l�'lf is a map ,of the port of Massawa ,and surrounding area, ent1tled ''A MAIS CERTA DEMONSTR<;AO DO POR TO DE MACV A E ARQVICO CO SEVS CANAES E SVRGIDEIROS '' with no ide.l1!tificati?11 of auilhoriship. This map becomes, then, the seventh of seveniteen maps mcluded in the whole Palmella manuscripts as bound. · k. The Rella9ao de Ma9L,ii presents 1:'he verso _of tthe se7o �d leaf is ?lan first a detailed d · escnpt1on ,of the island ofi Massawa, discussing its location and siz e and 'its ltlh.ree sec'tors, viz., rthe eastern part containing a number of cisiterns and a square forttified tower at the water's edge, ithe centra:1 part having only a burial-place for Turks and Moors, and rt.he western end of 1 con taining the village of Massawa with its houses of straw the island or &tone and lime. T11e text tthen proceeds to a description of other i6lands and of channels in 11he 'bay, and touches upon weather condition s prevalent iin t!he area, men!tioni n g in pa11ticular ·a violent noITtheast wind called ''Orur." It describes next lthe !town of Arquico ,on tl1e mainland: its location, the foritificaitions which 1.surroU11d it, tJ1e wells wllich are foll!Ild 1there. It concludes by mentioning the Bizan mourutain ranges, which -can be peen at \.501ne distance inla:nd, and by observing that sum mer wea1ther prevails beitween these ,mountains and llil1e sea_ while it is winter el.6e where. From a comparison ofJ this 1first of r'the i11serted Lobo man11Scripts wi·th 1exis1ting ,published and 1u1publisl1ed Lobo accourrts, it appears that this manuscript presents a itexit !t'ha;t l1as not been reproducecl elsewl1ere. It is also apparent, particularly from la. comparison of ,the text of the Rel la9ao with details of the Castro n1ap of the port of Massawa, tl1at this Lobo texrt: was specifically wriieten ·.to be read in conjt1nction with ithe Casct:ro Roteiro. On !the next f.hree leaves, i.e., from leaf 3r tl1rrough leaf 5v, ,is a text, in still a different hand, consisting of fourteen numbered paragraphs, entitled ''Alguas observa9oes do P. Jeronymo Lobo da Companhja de Jesus �obre a Cosmograpbia de Dom Joao de Castro de Etiopia sobre Egypto." Folllowin,g this is 1a blank leaf (6r and 6v). This text is wrirtten in 'a i hand which in many places is barely legible. It was apparently done very '.b,astily. The numbered paragrap h : s _bea[' � irectly upon � atters tr�a\t� in the seotion of1 Castro's RoJeiro entllt:led Cosmographia de Ethiopia sob Egypto." .Lobo corr eo�s or enlarges 11po� _ Casrt:ro's _ tr� tment �f the following topics: tihe boundaries .of Ith� � byss1n10n Empire (m .the d1s�us sion of wruoh Lobo includes a descnpt'1on of rthe sources ,of 'the Nhle); gold �n Ethiopia; fuuit !found ,in Ethi?pia; �orses an� mul�s; Ith� 11l'ame used by the na,t, ives to designate the _ River Nile; the source of he Nil�; the claim of ancient . authori s thia,t the Nile goes underground for great d.1stan ces · the mountain of the Jews; the banishment of the king's children to a �ou·ntain; the emperors' custo_m_ of ke�ping a fire an� a pl� tter of ea: lh in the reception hall and of avo1dl.llg bemg se�n by .t3:1e1� subJects; Christ ianity in Ethiopia; and the manner of dress of the Eth1op1ans. - 119 -

I I

t the second o f 'the a b ls itea v e \f s t ; n u o c c a o b o L Compariso n with oth e r �ced elsewhere. rod ep r . n ee b ; t o n s a h t, rs fi e h ii1sevted manuscripts, 'like \tl rginal crosses, as .a d m n a 1 s er b m u i11 . _ph ra g . ra a p . . _ 1 Beoause of corresponding t he d PalmeLI_a t n p r1 c S L1 D a m o b o L s l u t ( � 1 tl . o b n well a.s tstibject maitter, i t o t u ti a b es th u o q is n th e b n ca e er th : :o i1 � te o R manuscript of Castro's t. ro ex st t r a O !he ; tt n o � a . t en m m o c c £1 1 : ,eJ1 a s ·spec Lo bo ,:exit was wri�'. 1of _th� seventh thro�g h to r� 1e tJ : om :f_r _ , �s av le x si i:11g . 1 t 1 ai rn re 1e 1 1 t On r�nt �and, u,s a fe 1f a d yeft Ill ), �t a l l , d n {a h 1 �: el 1tw e (th t11e itop fof the vers·o ,0:f nunda9oes d o Rio N1l0, e da 1 e, , to 1 en n 1 ec; cr , em ig tex,t entitled ''Da , or o m o ny ob ro L . P Je da lo pe a_ i t fe es es m is ta s no m de _ causa por que su�e !llO ono �e ms us 5 co : 3 t: �s ] ic [s o ue se ob e 1,_ � ot 1d t : a , Comp.a de Jesu, q vio· ' l o s ·tais n 1 1 1g t11rough n m · eg b · e ith om !fr e, tl (ti s 1i lt f o , pt pa 1 rs 1629". \The d1i s. e w r te Th llo t ! ch la fio hi w · i t x· 'le e ,th as rr1d a l1J 1e 1n s, e ith i 1 meses," a.s • wri�· te11- 1 . , er , or ev th ow h l au e _'fu e� i£i t o. de i t lh c . lii w nt � pa he t 1 , .e i : part 10£ idhe ti,lle, . _a-s ,thait of the preced g 1n t wn nd e ha m wriL1 ten !in wl1at appears ,to 1be 1tl1e sa n dicates, th is te xt js a i le tit its s A " .. .. s oe a� ru se ob as lgu ''A t, ing tex le e n rt.h Ni igi of e or !tlh of st fir ats itre o b Lo Je. Ni r ive . R e description ·of 1�l1 ng the o ibi rt:w scr , de ma ya Go of m do ng Ki 1e l , i r in la 1l1a Ca of e inc in it.lie iprov n the t ! e t h hea un o� cco a ! an . i11g giv es, : urc o � . 1tl1e are ich 1 wl ter wa of es" "ey cere111onies perfon11ed \there. aJ1d mentioni ng ;another riv er which he belie ves l1 as 1tl1e same source. 'He 11ext discL1sses it!h.e1 Nile's course in 10be Ki1 1gclon1 o. f Goyan1a, des1cribing its 1·ribu,taries, i,ts passage across one e11d 1of 1 l1e I.rake o.f tDa111bia, one iof jts caltaracts, a bridge whicfu the em · e bt1iJi ·t across i1t, {he arc whicl1 lthe river .describes a.s peror caused •to b it encircles Goya.n1a. ;:1nd -its ,exi1t \[ron1 i(l1e Kingdon1 of Goyama. The clllthor tl1en ·t1rrns ito j1. ·il1scussion of the Nile's d:·aracts, denies that ·their 1 earb·y inlhab jl:ia.nts, and gives a, n exthu11deri11g 11oise 1causes 'deafness in n , iscussion of 1e11sive description .of 1the cwtaract \ail Ali'.·a. Next ,comes a d pr,obably ·to rtfue violence of it.he wild.-life in !the Nile: tl1e tlack :of :fi,sh-due '. ca;ta' r�.cL? 1 an. d tl1e prese11�e �J1ere ,oJi crocodiles and hippopotami-a11d a , descr1pt1on of'. tl1e crocod 1le a 1 1d l1ippopotan1us. Lobo proceeds to explain why 1the J\-?c1ents, ,vl10 indL1lged i 1 1 :so much speculation about it, were un.able 1to .find 1tl1e ,source ,of ·1I1e Nile. He ends wiitllt an exposition of �lhe reasons discovered by the Portt1gt1ese for tl1e innundations of tbe Nile and shows how the experie11ce of the Egyptians testifies to their trutl1. L

Unlike the first two inserted texts, the tl1ird Lobo text does not ap pear to . have ?ee11 composed specificall)' for use witl1 the Castro text. Comparison \V1�l1 otJ1er Lobo accou11ts c:1nd so1 11e n1inor int ernal evidence !ead me lo believe, ?1 1 tl1e co11 trary, that t11is text was copied fro1n an 1nd pei1de11t_ mantiscr1pl of Lo bo's ''Iti 11erario'' and was included, by the �ers�on or pers ns \Vl10 assembled tl1e P;1l1nella manuscript, as a 11 amplifica t1on of. Castro?s re 1narks o11 tl1e N.ile.

�l1e lcei · to l!'l 1e date of 1tl1e P.al111el}a copy 10[, Castro's Roteiro and to · ,1 ls ,.aLso11 cl e1_ re 11 s fou1 1d I b 1· · d a. 1 1 , e• ieve, 111 1til.1•e 10.serited Lobo -ma11uscripts • • the1·r re 1at·1011s111r.p it·o ,the 1.m.a111 n1 ?1 uscr1p· , part •1cula .rly rtl1e relat1on shiP · � � · lar;ao de between Lobo's Rel Ma <;:ttc1 (.1 nc l ud1ng the Lobo-inspired map) and tlle C1S.tro con11ne11r tar• y ,1nd 111ap concer1 1i1 1g M assawa. · WI1en we recall tl1at .i.n 1637 Fatl1er Lobo n, Lisbo in visited authorities Madri·d , a11d R0111e , urgi11g governn1ental and papal support for �ortugt1ese seizure oQ M ssa . a, tlia . t tl.1 e ast 1a1l ble a\ be st ro tex � t the sti wa ll � s 11avigatio11a1 guide �O t ;le Red Sea rn 1637 and that it co11tai ned detailed inforinatiotl on tlie port of Ma�sawa (includi11 g a map) and a digres:i

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sion on '.Ethiopia, that tl1e Palmella copy of Castro's Roteiro ha on s ly seven marginal notes AL L OF WHICH AR E CON . CERNED WITH MASSAWA AND 'ETHIOPIA AND ONE OF WHICH SPECIF IES 1637 AS THE ·YEAR IN WHICH IT WAS WRI'I"IEN, tba;t itfue Lobo inform-a,tion on Mass·awa ancl Bt11iopia was inserted be1tween C astro 's 1 map .of Massawa (fol. 23v) ·and tl1e 'beginning -0f Castro's comrnenuc; on Ethiopia (fol. 24r), ltiha,t t'11e Lobo map aind ·accoturt of tl1e port of ,·Massawa, a verita�le lfeconnaiss,arnce report, was wr1t:ten on paper identical to : th� 1t of t:l1e Palmella ,manuscript of the Roteiro i1tself1 (1thus strongly suggesting that }Lttle 1t.ime elapsed belwee11 tl1e exect1 tion of ithe Casrtro manuscript and that of the Rella9ao Md its n1�1p), whe n we reca.Ll a1I mhese paPticularrs, we can hardly e�cape tl1e conclusion tl1at tl1e Palmella manuscript of Dom Joao de Castro's Roteiro with its marginal notes and inserted Lobo texts, was drawn up, almost certa.i11Iy in 1637, i11 co11nection wi1::}1 plans for forceful Portuguese aotiviJty i11 1the ,Red Sea. Success in d·eterm.ining at whose ins tance this material was assemb'Jed n1ay .well depend on how far back scholars will be able to itrace 1:}1e ownership of 'lihe Palmella manuscript. It is ,apparent in 1ru1y case U11ait plans were '5Ufficien,tly developed, in wha1ever quarter, 'for .someone ,to have xeacl1ed t.J1e poi11t of assembling s.pecific reco11naissance informatio11 witl1 a view to an amphibious military opera tion a·t the pont or Massawa� 1

of 2 A !Paper ,ooncemed w.iith Father Lobo 5eems particula:rly timely in viewicalpubl Father Manuel Gon�aJves da ,Costa's il"ecent discovery and imminent lion·_ of the long Jios_t 0?-anuscn.pt. of· L bo's ifamous "Itinerario" containing a O twice as ,extensive as �y ,other known p recious text on Eth1op1a .e1pproX1IDatelYE Md nglish ie dition of the ''Itinerario" r tuguese an d an t Both ,a )Po • • L0b0 it,ex,· . raccounts have been publishe� m oth�r Lo bo m,r,ua,u �ri,p tJ are f- ulanned. Lobo es . Io n :at •least ,twenty-seven occas ion s e tug u lud Po r g · c in t o n • r , ges gua lan ous van '· · sinc e 1 669 all of whicl1 publications denve ·from _one or th e ? t her �f tlle l . · 'pe1 e r· Wyc·he , eel- and fol· owing · ·trans· A ,s/1ort Relat101z of . the River ,Nile . .. . · s1·,·1es. W,·itte11 by a11 Eye-,vitnesse, lvho l1vecl n1a11.v years 11t A ncl of ot·,1er c11r10 ihe chief Kingdo111s of the A bys �ine E11� pir � (1:�ndon, 1669); J�ach.im Le Grand• ed. 1 and itrans. Relatiorz l1istor1que d A b1ss1111e c/11 R. P. _Jerome Lo bo . • • (Paris, 1728). - 121 -

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JERONIMO LOBO REVEALS ETIDOPIA TO EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE OF THE XVIIth CENTURY Manuel G. Da Costa In 1947 �bile researchi11g in the Biblioteca Municipal at Braga, a �1?-all town 1n . the 11 �rth of Portugal, I unexpectedly came across t11e original manuscnpt wr1 tten by tl1e Jest1it Missionary Jeronimo Lobo in �e sec�nd quarter of the XVII-th century. The discovery of this /ti1zera rio, as 1t �as usuaIIr b �en ca�led, was the occasion of my entering into contact w1tl1 two foreign scholars, Professor Charles F. Beckinrnam formerly of the University of Mancl1ester, now in London, and Dr. D�nald M. Lockhart of the University of Norwich, Vermont, both of \vhom had already published historical works connected witl1 Lobo's writings. And it is this discovery tl1at also enables n1e to deliver tl1e present paper. I - Portuguese 111riti11gs on Etlziopia before Jerorzi1110 Lobo

Aflter the realm of the n1ysterio1LS Prester Jo!1n had first been ide11ti fied with Ethiopia in the early years of the XIVth century, tl1e Portuguese tried to get in touch with hini in the hope of using hin1 as a11 ally against Islam. As early as 1487 King Joao II sent Pero da Covill1a by lru1d, as an envo, y to the Et1hiopi •an Emperor with orders to, collect as much info-rma tjon as possible about ;the oountry, and in 1507 ,a priest 11amed Joao Gomes was despatched from India by Trisrtao da Cunha with the same purpose. lt is likely that both died in Ethiopia, and as far as we kno¼ their - endeavours were without response until 1512. In this year a certain Matthew, tra.velling as a Muslim, appeared in India presenting hi1nself to the Portuguese Governor as an envoy from the en1peror of Ethiopia to the king of Portugal. Afonso de Albuquerque despatched him to Lisbon where be was treated with honour by King Dom Manuel. In 1515 he was sent back in the company of Duarte Qalvao who was to sail to Bthiopid with the title of Portuguese Ambassador. Many circumstances, however. handicapped the voyage of ·the diplomatists through the Red Sea, so that it came to pass that Galvao died from disease on the island of Kamaran before reaching Ethiopian soil. To take his place, the new Govern� r named Dom Rodrigo de Lima who finally landed at Massawa on Apnl 9, 1520, that is, five years after the embassy had left Portugal. Among the members of Lima's entourage was ·a priest called Fran, cisco Alvares who wrote a relation of what he saw, heard and experienced during exactly six years that he lived withi� t�e Empire. It happens that this is the first written account of Eth1op1a we have, made by a Portuguese arid an eye-witness. It was published at Lisbon in 1540 under the title of Verdadeira inforniafilo das terras do Preste loam, and - 123 -

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no w as · ne e er th ow kn I as r fa � s A n. io _ in 1557 in a Spanish translat, d n de io rs clu rn ve e th r fo pt ce ex s, ar ye ed dr un 1 ] edition for more than three s' lza rc P in S. nd , 50 15 in 1ed isl bl pu gi � � ag Vi et 11i i1 1 Ramusio's Nav(qc1tio 1 So I do no t think Alvares book . 25 16 on nd , Lo II l-Iis Pi/gri111es, vol. pe rld ro d wo or Eu 11e ar le e th in ia op hi Et i11 st re te n j, t helped to rouse a grea n111y e o qu cts i,s co 151. dc ia or ist H e th of id as a wl1ole. Tl1e same can be sa n os do Prest � Joa.a, y re s 110 z fe a 111 Ga , de o vli st6 esfor9ado ca11itao !)0111 C/1ri om pan 1 e? the a o wh o os nb sta Ca de el igu M ler nic � ro ch 1 tl e en by _ writt 1 s�ed 111_ Lisbon bl Pu . 43 15 to 41 15 m fro pia hio Et military expedition to er orh ed m sh bli pu s wa ok bo s thi of aot str ab 1 or o1 ati in 1564 no transl nt rta s po les im ch n1u the th wi ed en pp ha e e sam 1 Tl es. ag Europe�n langu int po en ap be ve ha to ed im cla o wh n n1a tl1e e.s, ud rn1 Be ao Jo m of book Do ed to the post of Ambassador of 1tl1 e Etl1iopia11 Emperor ·a t ithe Portu guese court. I-Jis Breve rela (·c,o clc, e111bc1i.racla was also pri11ted at ·Lisbon in 1565. Then, by l'l1c end of the XVIth century the first Jesuits came to Btl1 iopia. I 11 . obedie11ce to tl1e.ir rules, tl1ey regularly \Vrote ,back to Europe an 1, 1t1al letters i11 whicl1, togetl1er with tl1e description of their missionary worl(, 'they gave valuable information about the country and the people v,1j,tl 1 wl1on1 tl1ey deaJt.. The firsrt sys•te1natic work ever written on Ethiopia \Vas that o:fl Fat.her Pero Paes, a native of Spain but enlisted in the Portu guese brancl1 of the relig;iot1s Society. He lived in tl1e Empire from 1603 Lill l1is death at Gorgora i11 1622 a,nd was highly esteemed among the ruli11g classes bot1l1 for l1is ttnselfish devotion it:o the spiritual welfare of the IJeople and for his learni11g. A book pt1 blished at Vale.ncia. in Spain, on tl1e same subject, writte-n by Fray Luis de Urreta in which fable and facLs on Etl1iopia are n1ixed tlp i11discrimi11ately, led l1im to write l1is 11istoria cle Etlziopia. '"fl1ougl1 a great part of Paes' book deals witl1 the rebuttal of falsities pttt for\vard by tl1e Spa11ish friar and with doctrinal debates, yet va�uable l1istorical and scientific inforn1ation is also given. _ _ Neverl'�1el�ss, 11 1s .narrative did 11ot. contribute directly to knowledge 011 _ Eth 1op !a 1n. European countries because it re1nai.ned unpublished till the _ beg1nn111g of tl1e prese11t century.2 Tl1e same can11ot be said about the writi11os of Jeronimo Lobo wl1 0 entered Etl1io-pia jtist tl1ree years after Paes' dea �h. But wl1o was Jeron·imo Lobo? J1 II -- T/1e 1r1c111 £111cl l1is lvriti110 .::,

Lobo �as b n i1� Lisbo11 in 1595 of distinguisl1ed pare11 ts; his father �� . wa� a relative o[ Ll1e Cou11 �s of Sarzedas. While sti udying Humanities at Co!1:1�ra l1e e!1te1_ed tl1e Soc1� ty of JestIS 01 1 tl1e fir.st of May, 1609. In 1617 he f1n1sl1ed his cot1rse of Pl11losopl1 y in the same town, tllen taugl1t Latin _ · at Braga for two years. 111 · 16? - 1 l1e ,va c s 01·da , ·ill1 ed pries · t ·in L"1sb on 1n order · a I A u1ew 1English ,Lr.a.ns.lalion ,va.s edited bv· C p· 'Beckinghan1 and G w B Hunrui · f d C801 b ri· d ge 196 ·

l. Fron1 the J11 trocluction 1of tlus editio11 I too k 1he abo;e n�e�. · 2 The. mant1script was fjrst ,edited in CB ecca · . r1·,s Re,.un! A eth1·op1c arum . Scr1p. tores, vol. ll-JJ I, Ronle 1905_6_ Tiler� i s anotl1er ed1ti.on from a different n1a.nuscript, in 3 vols., Pdrto 1945_6_ - 124 -

• to sail for India as a mis _ sionar: y. H e failed in hi s ftirst attempt as the fleet was compelQed to sal'l back to t1he po rt after a five montlls' voya ge. rene em xt ba year on the 18th of March 1·n the compa11 y rked He of th e · . . · V_1ceroy D om Fra11c1sc_ o da Gan1a and f111aUy reac11 ed Goa on the 16th of Decemper a[ter a rather adventurot1s aricl da.ngerous sea-voyage . In the Je.s11it College of Go a l1e we11t tl1rot1g}1 a brief. theo1og . ica · I . . . · . . i 11 tra1n1ng ti. t 1e b· eg11_ 1 n111g ·of 16 2� \vhe11 , at the request of the Emperor Selt�n Segued, l1e.wc1s _ selecete� \v1tl1 seven otl1er religiotis inen to join the �atr1arch Afonso Me11 des 011 111s way to Ethiopia. In the hooe ofi d.iscover111g a __ne\V, safer and shorter \vay to Prester J oh,1, Lobo- sailed to the Son1 al1 coast \vhere he spe�t som e weeks i11 vain atteinpts to sectire a pt-tssag_ e north\�ards. B _tit his stay tl1ere proved ·very t1seft1l because of tl1e f 1 rst-l1and 1nforn1at1011 l1e gathered and recorded in his /ti, 1erario about the geograpl1 )' .a11d etl1 11ography of tl1 ose regions. In the end tl1e 1 nissionary expedition had to take the Red Sea route, landed at Bailur and arrived at the Jesuit residence of Fremo·na on July 21, 1625. Except for 1a11 in:erval -0f 11ine ·1non,tl1s, in 1629, whicl1 J1e soent in Lhe Province of Dan1ot and. of wl1icl1 l1e took advantage to investigate tl1 1e sources of 1}1 e Blue Nile, ·Lobo \exercised J1is activity in tl1e Province o[ Tigre for 11ine years t1ntil the JesuiL5 were ordered ,to leave tl1e Empire by En1pero:r Fasiladas who succeeded to the throne on tl1e death of.i llis fa.tl1er Selton Segued i11 1632. Tl1 en lie was cl1osen as a represe11t,ttive of his companions to go to [Europe and treat 1the affairs of tl1e _Eastern Missions with Ki11g Pl1 ilip of Spai11 (\vho was King of Portugal as well because tli,e crow11s were united from 1580 to 164-0) and the Pc)pe. The sl1ip Bele11i st1.ffered sl1ipwreck 011 tl1e Natal coast, btit Lobo was fortt1nate enough to reacl1 Lisbon in ,December 1636. ·I11 1640 J1e sailed bacJc to India bt1,t 1be could 110 longer enter Etl1iopia. Durin_g tl1e 11ext 17 y· ears life ·was not ·always 1tra11 quil for l1 in1. I-le got ,i11to trouble \Vith the Portt1guese autl1orities and was even put i11 jail. l-fe went back ho111e in 1657 and died in Lisbon on Janua.ry 29, 1678. His lti11erario consists of a relation of l1 is travels from the ,time wl1e11 he foirst attempted tl1e voyage to lnclia ,till he arri·ved in Lisbon. in 1636. He intended to write a seco11d part on his wanderings and activities 1the second time l1e retur11 ed to India, ,bt1t this he never did. The original manuscript was .ne,ver '.pt1b]ished in Portuguese and it was generally _st1p posed to ·ha.ve t·een lost i11 the J_.isbon e. arthqt1ake of 1755 'before I l d1sco vered i,t, by chance. an1ong the n1 ant1scripts of the Library of Brag� in 1947. It consists of 174 (olios. tl1e first one blank, and the otl1ers \vr1tten o� �oth sides. Tl1e part rela_ting to Etl1iopia begi �s on Fol.36v_ \vitl1 tl1e a e�cription of the Reel Sea, and ends on Fol.115 w1tl1 tl1e narrative of tl1e Missionaries' arrival at ·Massawa 011 their way back to Goa. It means that almo�t half of th.e n1 an11script deals directly with Etl1iopia, that is, no less that 160 pa.ges. The contents oJ ·Lobo's Jtir1erario are sum.m.arized by Samuel Johnso11 in the, Introdt1ction lo his translation fro1n tl1e French editio11 111 these worcls: ''A .narrative of the dangers l1e t111derwent in l1is first atten1pt to pass from the I 11 dies to Abyssi11 ia., with a de, scription of. °!e coasts _ o( the Red \Sea, an accou11t of the history, Uaws, ·custoins, rel1g1on, l1ab1ts and : , rt1its, a11 d f sts bea ds, l, bir soi , !air , ers riv the l1 t buildings of the Abyssi11s \V.i· other ,n. atural productjons of 'that ren1ote an d �nfrequented Country . , .

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se ur e th co , of its es ch an br its , ad he its , ile N e th of n tio rip sc t de ao ex An 3 .' ns tio da un in s it of e waters and the caus y ed at ad re tre e in al ts th ec bj su on s rk wo or in m w fe a e ot Lobo also wr d, ve er e es ar pr ch hi at ts ip cr us an m e re th of V.: ist ns co ey _ Jti, 1erario. Tl1 d ve on an ha e sb th Li 1n a el l Pa de e qu Du e th of y ar br Li � present, in the : ps gLi ma s Al 2 d ma an s lio fo 2 , ua ac; M de o c;a lla Re : les tit following _ : , 6 fol1os tro Cas. de go Ja m Do de ia ph ra 1og s11 co a re b so es co observa 4 . , ios I ila fol _N o Ri do s oe ac md � Da orige,11, corre11te, crecin1ento e inu Other Lo bo manuscripts on rustorical subjects are kept 1n the Library of the Royal Society in London an d were pu�lished by the sa5me S�iety in 1669 in an Englisl1 translation tmade b y Sir Peter Wyche. Their titles are as .follovvs: Breve ,Relac;ao do Rio Nila, 28 pages (it includes essays ); Se� d Re the on and n'', Joh er est ''Pr of e a1n n the on rn, ico Un e 1 tl on : Discurso das Pal111eiras, 19 l)ages. III - Lobo gives a true w1cl friendly account of Et/iiopia Ptmo11g tl1ose wl10 imp11gned tl1e truthfulness of Lobo and other 1 to mention in the first place Jesuits i11 their ,vriti11gs 011 Etluopia, I have James Br11ce. ·Vv'hatever n1ay be tl1e literary importance of his Travels,, l need not troltble to sho�' here tl1e inconsistency of his judgements about fl·1ose. \Vho JJrec,eded l1im in rtl1e lan .ds of the Prester John, because trus has already be,e.n <lo11e by Professor C. Beckingl1am in the Introduction to a selected editio11 of 1he said Travels6; and by C.T. Beke in his learned J\!fe111oire justificatif presented to the Societe de Geographie of Paris.7 Samuel .Tol111son grasped the trt1tl1 wl1en he wrote these words about Jcro11in10 Lobo: "He appears lby l1is n1odest and unaffecte.d narration to l1ave described itl1ings as J1e saw them, to have copied nature from life and to have co11sulted ll1is senses 11ot his imagination. He meets with no Ba.ziJisks ,that destroy with tl1eir ,eyes, his crocodiles devour their prey \Vithout tears and l1is cataracts fall from tl1e rock .... He is a diligent and impartial inquirer." 8 •

A.I1ot�er E11glish tr�nslator of Lobo's n1aterial, Sir Peter Wyche, : _ c_ oncurs wi:tl1 Johnson 1:n JUd.gi�g ·Lobo's veracity. Referring to the descrip . tion of t>l1e tower wl1ere tl1e r1s111g waters of the Nile were measured in tl1e city of Cairo, ·he 1Says: ''Tl1e autl1or, a faithful eye-witness of all he 3 Johnson's. ,t:al1JSlation tof Lobo Travels ,vas \published ,vith the title of A Voyage to A byss1111a. 4 We ,�re :indeb�ed to Pro_(. Firai1cis Rogers of tl1e University ,of Harvard lthe knowing o,f Lh1s 111,anusar1pt. 5 The. existence of 1th e:se q1:1anuscripts as known rt11rough the kind iinformation of Prof. C�1ar]es . Beck1nghan1. �ter _dr�wing out this paper I found a new rnant1scr1pt v.1r1t_ten by 1:,obo, 10 B1bl1oteca da Ajuda, Lisbon (Ms. 50 /v / 37 ff. 119-122v) ,v,�h the ti_Ue: Breve 1ioticia e relacao de alguas cousas novas1 · s cerlas 110, n vulgares e c/1gnas . cle se sab · ere 11 esc 1 , , tas a · ,·nst 11 · f · · a c1a c.e cur1oso . · · · It �ons1sts o f· a new descnp tion of the River Nile, of the Red Sea, of the Unicorn and tl1e reason of the nan1e "Prester John" 6 Edited at Edioburgl1, at the University J>ress 1964." 1 Me111oire justifica�if de! p'er� s Paes et Lobo'... e,1 ce qui concer,1 e /eurs visite s a la source de l _A _ ba,, Paris 1848. Beke goes to the point of wondering if Bruce 1:tad ever v1s1ited the catlar�t 1of Alala. See ·also lT.F. Ehrmann in his translal:lon ,of 1Lobo T:ravels, Zurich 1793. 8 11 Voyage to Abyssinia, pp. VIII, IX. - 126 -

relates and so of undoubt credit took this on1y thing upon report.,, But ,,are ese 1ng, d" th stan ·th thi n gs 1 . non.v truly related''9. As :a m_atter of fact Lobo'� ps �ch o!ogical tmake-tip was th at of a re f_ lie on a cts, �ot on 1Il1aginat1on, a follower rather of d roan who positive science than of anstotel1an speculation fo r which he more than once . A · . · dam . nd on reading his w-ritings we are aware of expresses d1s his endea_vours t_o get n11nute a�d exact irl _ formation ofl everything he sees and e��eriences 1n -order to satisfy _tl1e 111terest of European readers without giving \Vay t? the �asy temptation of a1nazing then1 by relating ,wonders. A few quotations will show the ground of these assertions: Pointing out tl1e false s-tories current about the River Nile, Lobo s.ays that they arose becat1�e tl1ose \vriters ha. d relied on tl1e autl1ority of o!d a11thors; now ot1r credit n1ust T �ly not�on authority but on tl1e expe rience and accuracy ·of n1oder11 enqt11rers (I.. ol. lOOv). The reason why they erred, 1Lobo goes 011, was ''becat1se they rely on their speculations only, and natt1re does not adapt l1er works in such a way, nor can l1uman judgement regulate tl1em'' (Fol.IOI). In a.notl1er ins,tance he ascribes the error of an author to tl1e fact tt11at he was "more speculative than true'' (Fol.101v). As far as Lobo was concerned l1e did not philosophise bt1t noted do,vn what he l1ad, iSeen a11d experienced as lie r- epeats in n1any places of l1is lti11erario (Fols. 19, 41 v,44v,86,102). Truly, i11 his old age he could aver to the •Secretary of the Royal Society, I-Je11ry Oldenburgl1, that in his wandering through tl1e fot1r Conr.i1'!e11ts l1e bel1aved "11011 tit tra11sfuga, sed 11t curiosus speculator''. 10 As a res11lt of his curiosity \Ye i1ave detailed information about ma11J1 aspects of Etl1iopia11 iife 111 tl1e 1niddle of the XVIIth century gathered in his 1 ti11erario and minor vvorks, as on etl1no graphy, the migrations ofi peoples, religion and olcl traditions, cli111atology and agrict1lture, ffatma a11d flora, foocl and me.dicine., the social syste1n. and the, administration of justice. Ancl tl1at he ,vas sure of the trutl1 of l1is reports is sho,vn by tl1e words witl1 which 11c ends his Tract on the Palmtrees: ''This is what, for the satisfaction of tl1e curious, ·I cottld cliscover of the Palmtree whatever their s-pecies n1ay be; vvl10 desires a 1nore pa�tict1�ar relation ma y travel int o tl1ose part. s wl1ere tl1is tree grows, may 1nqt11re more minutely than I did and perl1aps l1e will find 11otJ1ing else." A fact tha t reveals Lobo's purpose in writing on Ethiopia is that he _ y tel ple com d an rk wo ary on ssi mi s' low fel his d _ an l1is le dwells very litt ·on _ s to ed r1? as� b� uld co ts Th y. ers ov � ntr co l ina ctr do of omjts any kind s . Hi so 1s nk 1t thi t no do t I bu , ng ini tra l ica log eo th ct r rathe imperfe ot om pr to t ?u , les op �e tes ara sep 1at wl n po sis n i_ � to e t os t s wa no purp � i one of t rac 1n s ':a 1s Tl 1. e th n ee tw be h1p ds en g fr1 d din � an an rst � unde y at w od yb er ev th wi p h1 ds en � fr1 of ks lin e rg Lobo's characteristics, to fo d ize al he re 1en wl t ur h ' ly ep de s wa he y wh is at · eve:r his !Creed or race. Th so ed a t lo , p _ or er 1p En e th t � ns ai ag � ng lli _ be re that Tecla Georgis, when rar10: ne s lt1 �11 1n e ot wr bo Lo s rd wo e tl1 e ar e 1es TJ .. against the Jesuit's life ld ou y sl1 -ro ce v1 e th , on as re y an t ou th wi , at th d de ua ''I could not be pers commit such treason to ,ou r friendship." (F�l. 93v) 1

9 A short relatio,z of the river Nile, 'P·

21 111.

10 Letter of October 1, 1668, in Royal Society Library. -127 -

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In accord,ance with tl1is purpose,, Lobo tried from the_ ve,ry beginni11g of his sojourn in iEthiopia ,to adapt himself t� the way of_ a1f� he me_t t?ere , 1. 1 as if J1 e 11ad bee11 'born in the. ·country; or, as he ,puts rt, �o ass1 m1I·ate 011 eself to tli ese1 people to t,�1e same extent as if we were relati�es or bro _ ,, 1 tl ers 1a11d in trutl1 we considered tl1em �s such ·(Fol.76v). l,t 1s amazing ' l1ow rrom tl1e first n1onths a[1ter .l1is arrival be mixed with the sim.ple people ai1d the rulers i11 the most spontaneous intercourse. Even the language whicl1 U1e had ·tegun to ,study a year before, ·seems ·! O have caused l1im no clifficulty. A · s lfar as I can judge he never ;gave -�ion fo� t· rouble witl1 anybody. Of c::urse, as ,t Catl1olic priest, rel1g1on was Itkely _ to arouse disa·greemen=t specially with tl1e local clergy, as J1ad happened with Fathe.r Paes. But, as I have already po,inted out, Lobo showed a more modern outlook on tl1ese ,tl1i11gs. He justifies the different way of worsh , ip by saying that it could n · ot be otl1 erwise if ·you beiar in mind the material difficulties for the i 11tercot1rse, between tl1e Church ofl Ethiopia and that of Ron1 e (Fol.73). And l1e goes .so 1far as to 1declare ito -Christians of Europe, 'for wl1om. of course, •he wrote: ''The religious doctrine of the Etl1iopia11s is so perfect tl1at in tl1is poinl ll1ey have no ground to envy :;ai h is considered more faultless': any l<ingdo1n wl1 ere the Pttrity l o[ . (Fol.66v). As for tl1e country people lie fou11 d ithem ''polite and of good. man ners'', spec:ially the Amharas (Fol.67), and. the men courageous in danger. P1..s a ·!Jroof l)(I tl1is l1e describes a hand to 1hand fight between an Ethio p· ao and· a lion in \vhicl1 the latter was defeated ·and ' killed. And Lobo not the weakness of takes :::are lo advi�e. ll1e reader t11 at tl1is fact proves E1h:opian lions, but tl1e bravery of :Ethiopian ,men (Fol.69v). I run afraid he \Vas 11ot so prone •to praisi11g Ethiopian ladies, specially those of higher ranl< \Vhon1 J1e calls "ousores'' (i.e. waizero) but we }1ave to make allow ances for a religio11s man wl1 0 l1ad co1ne from a country where women pla) ed but little part in social life ·at 'tl1at tin1e. On tl1 e contrary . , in Ethiopia \:von1en see1ned lo l1ave reacl1 ed tl1e stage of emancipation already. Ct1riot1sly enough, the 011ly doctrinal debate Lobo •n1enlions is one h e ·had witl1 a lady. As a matter of fact -She, did J1ot give in .to l1is argument, s. Yet the only ren1ark l1e i11 ade co11cerning ._Ethiopi.a.n ladjes was 1hat ''seclusion was .not made 1for the1n'' (Fol.72v). Am . ong the social instittttions tl1ere ,was one very cl1aracteristic of the Ethiopians and one wl1icl1 deeply 1noved tl1e autl1or of the Jti11era1·io; I 11nean, the general practice .of l1ospjtalit)1 • You could tra,,el all over the En1pire. \.Vitl1out troubling yourself about lodgi11 gs or food as the local people would provide everytl1i11g you µeeded making no diffe�ence be'.ween a fel�ow . countryn1an aJ1d a· forei.gner. Af:e.rwards t, hey would accept notl1 1ng ln excl1ange, bec �t1se �l1ey co11 sidered l. 1ospitality as a social duty. Lobo tl1ougl1t. an� I tl11nk r1gl1tl)'. tl1at sucl1 bel1avio11r was unique in the world._ Occasionally, as _ may_ be 1understood, some lazy wanderers woul � avail tl1emselves of tl11s social system of assistance to live wilhout · working(Fol.75). A tl1i 11g ·Lobo was �nore con�erned to .reveal to Europeans was t} 1e _ Yet lie was not the first to 1011 g sought for sources of tl1 e river Nile. _ the so-called tn.1ystery of it's origin and inundations, but Pero describe Paes .from wl1om Lobo b �rrowed most of his description. But as Paes _ remained unpublished .until t �e beginning of t:he present century, it was throug11 Lobo tha1: 'the true information about the source of · the Nile 1

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. became· known in · Europe . Finally, hi s ·.writings excel other accounts of .. Ethl· op1a ·Of that 1!me, as I have alr ea dy :sugge sted, in· b eing a p s itl v � � d1f . e the fi�r nt to pe op les , no t on ly approach by a be tt e , r u . nderstanding o·t . · · · �t c1v1 i·1z.at1ons, but also by llis endeavo . e an d an c1e . remot u,r to promote . . . efl di. y out1oo.k towards ·then1. This aspec t was calreadY po1n · a fr1 ted ··out . . . · h'1s I nt. r oduct1on ,to tl1e Fre nch, , edition of by Abb,�.., L e Gr and· 1n the /·t111 e· · · g lo oke cl thr ough var1o r e he dec1a res that hav.1n e h rar10 w · us accounts of . · . . . · . . that :of. J eron1n10 Lobo for two r easons , the r·1rst be e Ethiopi a h• e chos cause • 1 · • . 1 t was wr itt en 1n a :more artless style; the second becatise th th r showed a n1o st friendly disposition towards the p eople 11e wrote :b�� 1 t. �

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IV -:- Ho�v Lobo's _writir1_r;s rec1cl1ed XVIlt/1 .cerztitry Europe. On his way to Portuga, .I. after l1�1ving escaped .from th e shipwre ck 011 the Natal �oast, Lobo wa.s b ro11gl1t by fu r ther misfortune, to th e tow11 of . e In r tag na 1n l·he West d les. There ,l1e met a Spanish J esuit, Alonso de Ca Sandoval, to whom he gave rt:he fir, st no1tes of his e xperiences in t}1e lands of ,Pr ester John. Thos . e ''curiosities'', as Lobo's narratives were some times styled . were spread in Spai11 by Sa11dov al in his book De i11stai1rc1nda Aet/1ioJJLt1ri salute published at Mad rid as early as 1647. By that tin1e t e r Jesuit. Baltasar anot h e wa.s preparing in Portugal ,a Histo r y o i Tel s, · Ethiqpia based on the �etters sent ba.ck by the Missionarie s. 12 Now Teles 1 acknowledges that he obtain ed muc.h info r ma;tio11 from the 1nanuscript Lobo handed o ver t,o him when l1e reacl1ed Lisbo11; and Lobo himse1f s'.ates in t·he letter alre ady quote d to tl1e Secre tary of the Royal Society tl1at Teles wrote J1is Hislory ''111 e attestante , me confir1na11te, me saepe dictitante." 13 Then in 1676 conver sations took place i11 Lisbo11 bet\veen Jeronin10 Lobo an d 'Six \Robert Southwell, an English e11voy to the court iand, a Fellow of the Royal Society. At the re q11es t of the lat,ter Lobo wro:e a se ries of tract s on.. subjects alre a.dy treated in tl1e ltinerario, \Vl1ich were translate d into English by Sir Pete1 Wycl1e and published in Lon don by the s ame Society in 1669, tinder tl1e title. of A 1s , l1ort relatio11 of the river Ni!e, wit,h new e ditions .in 1673, 1791 a11d 1798. Th.i s English text was then transJ.a,ted into Frencl1 i11 1672, with new editio11s in !1696 ian d 1674, into I talian with editions in 1693 a.nd 1825, iand i11to Dutch in 1707 witl1 a new edition in.11727. I ,hop, e you �·ill allow me to translate from Lobo's unpublished letter to Henry Ol denburgl1 an iten1 in whicl1 l1 e sl1ows l1is feelings a,t having r· eve aled to E11rope so 111any .11idden things abo11t Ethio pia: ''What in the world was there ever or is ther e now more anc! ent than Ethiopia? What on the o!·her han·� more recent tl1an the th1ogs I am wr iting, which I saw an d can confirm? What better known ! ha!1 the fertility of the Nile, its in1mensity an d wonder? But, iwherever did 1t · spr·ing from? wherever d id it have its c ra dle? Nobod.y rf rom Eur ope had _ i e been 1ab1e llntil :now to 1 show tl1is. The knowl dge of 1t was p reserved among ithe. 15ecrets and· �he inne rmost recesses of Nature ·as a treiasure to . . . . . . . 11 Relation Historique d'A hissinie, ip. XI. . Et�1opza a 12 Jt was published at Coimbra in 1660 tinder the title of. H1stor!a 4e en by itt 1a wr op h1 Et of ry sto Hi r he ot an of ly ge lar Alta. Teles availed himself _ .1mo Lobo. on r . Je ·Manoel de AI.m.eida, ,a conitemporary d 13 LetJter of ·October J, :t 668, quoted above. - 129 -

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be ad.mired. To me and my companions it was granted to open s·uch a treasure and to look into the most secret doors of Nature, watch them with ot1r own eyes and even tread upon them." 14 As happened with 'the minor works, 11:he original o_f �obo's Itine,:ario has ren1ai11ed unpublished until our days. Nevertheless 1t circulated widely throughout the learned world of Europe because of the Fre�ch t1:anslation _ made by Abbe Joachim Le Grand.. This French scholar arrived 10 Lisbon in 1692 with tl1e post of Secretary to the diplomat Abbe d'Estrees. He was interes·ted in the history of Portuguese discoveries and ;as he had not much to do, he 1spent 1nost of i1is time going l!hrough the man� sc�ipts of private libraries. It ,vas tl1Iough the ki11dness of the Conde <la Encerra that he had access -to, Lob , o's w,o.rk As Le Grand himself avows, this fact caused him the greatest satisfaction, though we may tJake it flor granted that he did il10t obtain the Lobo manuscript, now preserved in the Braga Public Library ·and wlticl1 'has the value of being the first recension of his travels. It is ·aln1osl certain that tl1e .one handed over to Le Grand was also an arcl1e-type offered by Lobo ]1in1self to l1i_s friend the Count to Ericeira. In it not only a few episodes are abridged, but tl1e last part, that is, the voyage bac.1<: to Port11gal and description of the Natal co�t are altogether omitted. I-Ic)v..rever, tl1e part dir,ectly relating to Ethiopia remained, on the whole, 11.11to:_rc!1ed. l..,e {ira11ct·s 1rran.sl1at1on was published 1n ·Paris in 1728 under the title Relciti(>J; (or VoJ,age) l1istoriqi1e cl'A bissinie, and in this san1e year there \;Vere t\�10 :rriore editio11s, one in Paris and the Hague, the other in Amster J3n1. F'ro1n the French it was translated into other languages, the best }cno\vn being the E11glish one n1ade by San1l1el Jol1nson published first in 1 J_oncion i11 1735 a11d again i n 1789 and then in 1814. Tl1ere is also a Gcn11a11 edition made iby Theophil Friedrick Ehrmann, Zurich 1793.15 As soo11 as I fou11d the.1ong lost manuscript I began to prepare it for tl1e press i11 a critical edition in the brief intervals of m y daily duties. I co11Id not con1ple,te such ·a n undertaking satisf-iactorily were it not for the l1�lp I have had from two learned ''lobistas,'. It was by chance that my discovery Cfil11e to the knowledge of Professor Cl1arles F. Beckingh .am of rhe University of London and of Dr. Donald M. Lock.hart of the Uni\rer sity of _N ��ich. The for1ner had alread:y published _Portuguese n1aterial bad looked tl1rough Lobo manuscripts preserved in ,the on Etl11opia_ 6 and _ 1 RoJ al Society Library. The latier had prepared his t11esis for the doctor's degree on Lobo's writings, principally on Le Gmnd's translation of Lobo's lti1 �erc1rio and on t11e 1i11p11blisl1ed 1nanscrips from the Palmela Library to which �e h�d access tl1rol1gh the ki11dness of Professor Francis Rogers of the U �1vers1t � of Harvar �. So we put togetl1er the results ofl our research on thLS . subJect . a.11d with the generosity of tl1e Calouste Gulbenkian I _ �m 011 the point of finishi11g the preparation of Foundation, of L !sbon, _ the Portugt.iese critical edition. The E11glisl1 edition, prepared by Becking ham and Lockhart, will be publisl1ed by ,the Hakluyt Society of.. London.

14 Ibidem. · l � ··.I alii indebte? �-to Dr: Donald Lockhart· �f an almost co 1 10 • mpIete lis t Of B"bl' · · g;raphy on p,nnted books related to Lob,o. 16 The _alrea�y quoted new translation of Francisco Al vares' Na.rrative, un��r the title of .The Prester John of the Indies, Combridge 1961_ - 130 -

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IDOB LUDOLF, FATHER OF ETHIOPIAN STUDIES IN EUROPE Eike Haberlc111d

This paper }s not r. �sing any rproblems for a broad discussion. It will only try to ?r1�g to 1r �e �he 1nemory of a man who may be c alled the fat�er of Eth1 op1an Stt1d1e � 1n Europe. From the vast material in manu s cript forrr1 kept b y the C �ty a11d University Library of Frankfurt, I will present a few sections wh1cl1 I believe to be significant for the man and his work_- A more extensive treatise on I-Iiob Ludolf is under preparation. In ithe nl.itd.srt of . the city ,of � rankfurt where I live is a large square, the Hauptwache, wh 1ol1 for centuries has been the center of the community. �he ''Haup�ache'' and the surrounding area is tl1e scene of n1any histo .r1 cal me1nor1 es, among many others it bears a relationship to Goethe. tl1e greatest German poet. He spent his youth in FrankfL1rt and in the vicinity of the ''Hauptwache''. Behind the ''Ha11ptwache'' llp to -the year of 1800 criminals were executed i 11 public. In 1772 a yot1ng girl, Margarethe Brandt, was executed here for infa.nticide. After her Goethe created tl1e figure of ''Gretchen'' in his tragedy "Faust''. In the Cathari11e Church Goethe received his first Holy Co1nmu11ion. IE we walk to the backside of 'the c,hurc11 which to-day is ..surrot1nded by modern buildings we find an epitapth in. the plump style of the older German Baroque. This ba se ·out of red sandstone with the ubiquitous allegoric skulls is deeply weatl1ered - tl1e result of two and a half cen turies ,of rain, wind and cold. The bea11 tiful letters of the Lati11 i11scription in the black marble of :the upper part are hardly readable. If so111ebody of the nume.rotl!S by...passers of to-day would try to decipher tl1e laudatio if would not mean much t,o him. This is what ·the inscription from over two hundred ·fifty years ago says: Men1.oriae

lobo Ludolfi E1jilrtensi.9 Quj studia in patria coli coepta in Ba�avis perfecit, �n G�lliis et _ Ro� ae cons ummavit et Dani..s Sueconibus et Br1tann1s lustrat1s, d1gnus p10 pr1 n cipi Sax. E�esto vis�s est, quen1 filiis rectorem daret, dein sibi adsu meret consiliarium. Quo denato, filius Frideric us et postea Elect. Pal: Carolus Ludovicus et Carolus reditibus dirigendis praerecere. lnterea im perator Rom. a �uis eum consiliis Sax duces ab ar� anis, rex Pol. et Sax. _ Elector abs rebus suis in conventibus Francof. esse 1ussere. Clarus l1tera rum studiis, atque linguarum Habess in?rum praecipue quoruD? l�t�ris et hist-0riae ta.ntum lucis attulit, quantum 1n E�rop� nem?- Ex tn�l1c1s_ ?1a� trimonii primo solum cum Amalia Maria Tllllpel1a . s� scep1t f1l1um Christianum a consiliis et a secretis duci Sax. Isen.ac. et fil1am Susannam - 131 -

-. bi§

. Sax Gotbano iar � 1:1s co o tim in o, nn e Av no tia ris 1 Cl o 1 l � olp Ad . len Ma.gda �� , X L:X s 1o n1 A 1t 1x V . V es ot ep 1t 1d � V . am tL1 or n1 loca.tam, sed ll)a:tri prae . � . !. r gen10 III V1 m CC MD il pr A . Id . 1 VI n 11u oe M d a ti r fu co an Fr iit , . Ob : .X M n1 axin1 11s, fa111 a immorta· lis. es y di an stu m and ter af rt, fu Er 1n fro f ol t1d L . b io H t tha s rn Son1e o11e lea or cil un a as of �o rs u _ no ho y a n1 ing eiv rec r fte a , pe 1ro E1 , � f journeys · all over 1 er e 1n Frank rurt l d die es, ag rri ma ee thr er aft 1 a1 d , ces 11 pri an rm various Ge tl1ese '' . lis are rta mo jm 1a fan s nu xi1 ma io en i11g ir ''V 4. 170 of r in the yea \1/ordings ;tl1e Baroque age favoured. One sente11 ce, u.1owever, i11 the Jaudatio 1nakes it apparent that a man i s buried l1ere vvl1 0 .is disti11 guisl1ed £rom all those whose epitaphs are surro11ndi�g_ l1 is. ,·,c1arL1s literarun1 stu?iis, atque lin�uarum. Habessino rum praecipue, quorL1m Jiteris et l1 istor1ae ta11tu� luc 1s attul1t: quc:!n. tum _jn Europa 11 e111 0": "Outsta11di11g i11 literary studies: above all 1n the lanm.1aoes of tl1e Etb.iopia11s over wl1 ose literature and history he shed so much ligl1t as 11 obody before in Europe." He who is resting here was not ·only one of tl1e n1 ost in1portant men of l1is time - there were very few cultural acl1ieve111ents i.11 tl1e Gern1 a11y of tl1e Tl1irty Year War - be was the father of Etl1iopinn st11dies i11 Ger111any a11 d certainly one of the first, if not tl1e . fiirst, in. Europe. Wl1ile tl1 e Islan1ic Orient, China ·a11 d America since the tin1e of the great discoveries were enjoying wicle i11 terest - travel reports v1ere ge11ui11c ·be- stsellers �1Dd were t.ra11 slated into many European langua g1�s - Ell1iopia was l1 ardly known. After tl1e Portuguese Mission bad oeen forced to gi·-1e up after ·a periocl of one 'l1 11ndred years, the door to Euro.pe l1ad bee11 c!(Jsed agai11 after 1632. So it ren1ained until tl1e time of Jan1 es Bruce. Tl1e reports of Peter Heyling a11 d Po11 cet were exeptions; 11 0\vever tl1ey were not n1ucl1 kJ1ovvn. DL1ri11g ll1 is dark period Hiob · Ludolf publ1sl1ed n11.n1erous papers 011 Ethiopia. What caused Hiob Ludolf to study �t11d to write 011 this fa.r -a"vay coL1ntr)1, unreacl1able al1nost from Gern1any ,lt tl1 at tin1 e? Hiob Ludolf . was bor11 1625, a. so11 of res1)ectable pare11ts i 11 tl1 e old city of Erfu.rt in 1"11 L1ri11gia. The l1 ouse 11e was bor11 in is a beautiful exan1 ple of the Gotl1ic style, in the n1ic1st of otl1er Gotl1ic i1ol1ses at tl1e n1arket- place of iErfurt. Up to this clay it stil1l bears :tl1e 11an1e "LL1clolf's House''. In turb the ulence of tl1e Thirty Yea� War young Hiob passed tl1e . . 1n1 poss1ble elementary �cl1ool a11d ·til1e g)1 111nasilllU, the higl1 iSCJ1ool Wa:S not any better c·:velL1t ex Scylla inc .idens jn Cl1arybdi1u") a· 11d finally be atten _ ded tl1e �111vers1ty or :-v11atever was left of it after pestiler1ce and \Var. Alrea�y 111 tl1e �ge � f f1ftee11 �1e started to study Se1nitic languages as a11 _ autodidact. IL 'JS said tl1at w1tl111 1 one year he learned Arabic Hebrew Syriac a11 d. S,rn1arit_a11. Ltt� olf 11111st ha,,e l1ad a n . incredible gift for ]an� gt1ag_ es ·a11cl �ccorcl,ng :to l11s co11te111 poraries he was able to 111aster t.lie __ basic . rt1les ol: ,111y, langL1age witl1in a fiew weeks. It is said that he knew , 25 lan gu ag Ge es. ez. 11e learned b)' meai1s of tl1e Psalterium of Potkens . . - one of t�1e very few books pri11ted iri Etl1io Jic at. tl1at. time besides the J papers o� Jacobus :Wen1 1ners and Atha11a·si11s Kirchner. W e do not know . wl1ere th1s 1111sual u1 terest ca1ne .fron1, wl1ic11 was 110t stimulate by any d · 1 teacl er. 1

· :: · In 1 645 L11�olf rec�iv ed th do ctorate i11 la w and I1 e co1nmenced in � _ _ . : .Ma.y of the sa1ne year his_ exte11 s1ve Journey tlirough Europe whidh was to _ be so 1mporl,u1t for 'all 1111s-later life. r:Dl1 e jo11rney iaicl tl1e founcL:1.tio for n � 1 3 2-

tbe. two profession� w11ich he had: diplomat and scientist. Durino0 this long trctvel - typical of education d11ring the seventeeiith and eigh t �enth cel'tury_ � he made perso11al contact with 1nany fam·ous n1en of h.is time an� he v1s1ted 'all ;places ·of scienlifi� int <?rest. He stayed ,one year in _ n �eyden 1 n the Netherla ds wl1ere the un1vers1ty had a worldwide reputa tion ,and possessed a depar�1nent for Arab:c which had bee11 in aug11rated soon aiter the de·atih of tl1e great Scaliger. We sho11ld 11ote h. owever that the clim �x <;>f orie11tal ?t_11dies ,1t the 11niversity had not come yet. B�sides tl1e studies 111 the _Se1n1t1c langt1ages L11dolf was occupied in Leyden witli modern Greek wl11ch lie learned from Greek priests livin g there. · 011e can a up he that 1ni ever take a sed s ge11erally to cou11try i11 chance any say 1 � •. new . Iang11age. Wl1en ]1e was later on i11 Swede11 l1 e learnt Finnisl1 an.d Lappic. �f n ot already earlier dL1ri11 g !his school a11d u11iversity days in Erf '1:1rt _this was . wl1en Ludo� started. to make copies and excerpts from Eth1op1an texts 111 a. systemat1cal way. Tl1e relics in the Frankfurt library are evidence for his trerner1dous work and perseverence. Fron1 1646 to 1648 lie was a<Xo1npan ying .a noble1nan on a long travel to Fra11ce and England and he regretted very m11ch not to have 11ad time enougl1 to sta.y lo11ger in the Bodleian Library at Ox.Eord. Through the l1elp of l1is brot1l1 er wl10 w,ts a cliplomat for Sweden, he was en1 ployecl by · a Swedish mission to Ro111e. At tl1at time tl1e peace treaty of Munster had j11st l;,ee11 conclt1ded thus ter1ni11ating tl1e Tl1irty Year War and diplomatic acti,1ity was at its peak. Dt1ri.J1g l1is sl10rt stay in Ro,ne fro1n Marcl1 to May 1649 'be ,met Abba Gregorit1s w1der wl1ich 11ame Abba Gorgoryos fron1. Ethiopia won l1istorical fame. They became frie11ds a11d for Luclolf it mean t the final turni11g poi11t in his career. Fro1n tl1e11 on Etlliopia11 stltdies were in (l1e 'foregro1111d of l1is scientific \Vorl(. Behind tl1 e Catl1edra.l of Saint Peter t}1e s111all churcl1 ''San Stefa110 dei Abissini'' or ''Dei Mori" is located. Very close to it jn tl1e Vatica11 Ga.rden is the Colleg.iL1n1 Aetl1iopicu1n - a l1ostel of E1•l1iopian prjests ancl monks. This is proof! of tl1e l1ope 11ever aba11do11ed by t11e popes to reac11 a t1n ion witl1 tl1e orie11tal cl111rcl1es. I-Iiob Ludo![ learn t tl1at fot1r Ell1io pian priests were tbe11 jn Ron 1e: Hab'..a Maryan1, Te11se'i.1 Krestos, Anto . io de 'Andrade a11d 'Abba Gregorius. He hurried to 1nake ll1eir accruain n tance. About this inciclent 11e reports: ''When I met th.em, I confessed my wish to learn tl1e Et11iopia11 language {Ge'ez) from th� m wh_icl1 cal1sed 1 bejr ·admjration because it is 1i.ot easy. After longer d1sc·uss1011s Abba. Gregorius finally producecl 1a beautifully written large Etl1iopian Codex together with tl1e Acta Conciliorun1 , 't'l1e Pentateuch and other books of tl1 e Holy S,cript11res, ancl I1e asked n1e, L11dolf, to read it 1011d. 'Thereupon they all laughed, because I pron oun ced the words in the wrong way of Atl1anasius Kircher, the famous Jesuit. However when I started to :trans late, their laughter ch-aoged into adn1 iration, because tl1ej' could not believe that it was possible to learn th. is language, which seemed dif(icltlt e\re11 for Jesuits i n Et}1 iopia, without teacher".

Very s0011 Hiob L11dolf met every day wit.11_ Abb�. Gregorius _to wo�k with him. Out of the initial teacher-student relat1onsh-1p, a deep :Dr1endsh1p developed betwee n tl1e EtJ1iopia·n ·and the German. Tl1is fri�ndship lasted until' the unfortunate death of Gregorius. We know very little about 1lhe personality of tl1is emi ne11t ma11 witl1out wl1ose cooperation Ll1dolf 11ever _ had reacl1ed his perfection. He was a very :'Ilodest ma11 a11d st� yed 1n the background during all his ·time of cooperation . He was born 1n Maka.n a

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ge or perhap s pa a as ile wh a r fo ed liv d ha d a an ar in Anl!h Sellase r e cr se of the e s th A . os ny � se Su r r ro pe Em e th of t e ur th co '' ''belatt� at d f ze ol 1l1 ut Lu e. e op � � Eu to e m ca he _r z de en M o ns ho c lp ar A last Patri .last minute an d 1n the followin g two montl1s of his stay in Rome up to th e o sp ofl rre rm co e fo nth in on ed rri ca s wa t ac nt co ic tif ien e s sc th ar e ye re th dence which still exists today. After having finished clle work for the � wedish Gov� rnment in Rome Ludolf returned to Gen11 any and took service as councilor and tutor for tl1 e princes with Duke Ernest of Gotha, one of the small st� tes into whic! 1 Germany was divided on those days. Duke Ernest the Pious - _that 1s the 11a1ne history gave him - was one of the most famous sovereigns of tl1e tin1e. He carried out extensive reforms in his country for law, economy and education, and only the sn1 allness of his country prevented the propa gation of tl1ese reDorn1 s into otl1 er states. It may be mentioned that his education system l1as been exemplary for all of Germany up to the eigl1:eentl1 centL1ry. LL1dolf was for 27 years in the service of the Duke \vl1 0 e111ployed his n1ost loyal serva11t for a variety of tasks. For Ludolf tl1is was ver)' fortunate because he could live in security and found every support for l1is plans. U11der L11dolf's influence the Duke invited his friend GregoriLIS \Vhich l1e in t11rn gladly accepted. JlJtho11gl 1 Gregorius did not know one word of German be commenced it1e lorig jou1ney f1ron1 Rome to Gotha in spring 1652: ''Se in manu Ludcl1fi esse, fac.eret, prot1t iust111n et aeq11um videretur''. On the 10th . of July 1652 Gregorit1s arrivecl on tl1e Friedrichstein castle in Gotha where l1e ;,vrts cercmor1ioL1s1y received by the Duke and his followers. ,_fhe few ·111 ontl1s of l1 is stay were given to fruitful work. As if he anticipa.ted tl1at his days were n11mbered l1e was all the time together with l1is frie11d and. co1n1nu11icated from his vast reservoir of knowledoe: Ethio pia11 l1istory ·a11d cultu·re, lexicograpl1ic problems and about th; grammar of Ge'ez and of Ainharic. Tl1e time in Gotha must have been a very happy one, Lu �olf writes about it: ''Our friend adapts himselfi to all circumstan c�s, he_ 1s gay and content l1?wever he is treated. Many unknown people �1d hun �ell so that l1e praises _ our co11ntry, its customs and people. All food h � likes to ��t and l1e rel1sl1 es our beer, sa)'ing that this will bring back lus strength. The days of Abba Gregorius, l1owever, were counted. In Septe �b �r of _ the sam � year l1e left Gotl1a. He was ill a11 d everybody was a�ra1d for his l1ealtl1 _in the Ger111an \Vinter. He himself had expressed tihe w1sl1 to go back to his beloved hon1 e country fron1 \Vhich he bad been away �o many ye�rs. �e11erously endowed by the Duke he started on his home JOtlmey .. His sl11p "':as wrecked b�fore Alexandrette in Syria in 1658 and dr �wned 1n the Med1terra.nean. H 1 s body was buried by the French consul 1n Haleb. I � �is books 1-Iiob Ludolf erected a monument of gratitu . de and . .f ie11 ds p. : _ � Tl1e p 1 c�ure of Abba Gregorius is shown in th e Commentarius ri_gl�t at _ tl1e begrnn1ng of the book and after th e porta Ludolf thus it of g1v111g him the due rank of a co-author. . A further description o� the life of Ludolf we may eep very · br1e · f. k . After n1any years Of service for the Duke an d his succes moved for he so r good to Fr�furt on 1:{ ain in 1678. A s ·an econ omic cent�r and· on the cross roads -of Europe it was then as today. on e of ;the most important - 134 -

cities <:f German :y. J?�spite the politica l_ . disorder i n Germany this old city _ republic had ma1nta1ned a certain pol1t1cal importance which was partl dt1e to the flact that th1 e German emperors were elected and crowned herf In �rankfu�t. on �ain Ludolf spent tJ1 e last 24 years of his life, active up to h1s end. His :1ar1ous trav�Is as diplomat and his political activity in Frankfurt had not mterfered _ with his scientific interests. It may be noted that �e exchange � letters wrth tl1 e Gern1an Emperor Leopold on the question whether it_ would be possible to cause the Ethiopian Emperor to enter the V:ar against tl1e Turks. Together with Leibniz, tl1e greatest Ger �an pl11 losopher and encyclopaedist of I1is ti1ne, he tried to awaken the 1nt �rest of the Frencl1 ki11 g in a fantastic project: To dig the Suez Canal 1n orde� to l �ave a better connection between Europe and Asia, but n1 ost of all with bis beloved Etl1iopia. From Frankfurt he sent many lett �rs _to tl1e Etlhiopian E111 peror to establish ties between Germany and Eth1op1a. \Ve do 11 ot know, l1 owever, whetl1er tl1ese letters ever arrived. To give yot1 an idea of Lt1dolf's manifold activities, it may be me11tioned ,that l1e was cl1ai-rn1.an o.f the just f.ounded Ger1nan Commissi 0,n for History, the Collegium In1peri,ale Historicum, \Vl1icl1 was to invento-rise all histoTical sources in Germany. Finally, l1e was the editor of a yearbook of recent political events - tl1e ''Schaubiil1ne''. In Frankfurt he could present to his contemporaries tl1e overwhelming harvest of his Ethiopian studies. While in Gotha he publisl1ed tl1 e Lexicon Aet/1iopico-Lc1ti11t11n and the Gra111111atica Aetlziopica in collaboratio11 with a student J.M. Wansleb whon1 be later on sent to Et1hiopia and who so grossly disappointed his hopes. Tl1e two books were printed in London in 1661. In 1676, as foreru1111er of later and 1nore ,;olun1inot1s �,orks, tl1e Scic1grap/1ia Historiae Aetlziopiae was p11blisl1ed. Sl1ortly thereafter t11e mo numental works followed : The first eclitio11 of th(; I--J.istorict /1etlziopica in 1681, a book that has remained until today the base of Etl1iopian l1istory and whjch was translated into Englisl1 a11d Frer1cl'1 soon tl1creafter. In 1691 the huge work of tl1 e ''Co111 1nentariL1s'' to 1l1e Ethiopian l1istory vvas published whicl1 represe11ted nearly tlbe total of tl1 e 1(novvledge oft l1is time. Even today it is a pt1re treasure for those \vl1 0 are not afraid of the toil to read it. It contai 11 s not only a treatise on tl1e banana or on the fat-tailed sheep {here Ludolf fell victim to a liar), but also long, long qt1otations and the greatest part of tl1 e correspondence between Ludolf and Gregorius. All quotations are in tl1eir original languages and scripts and I fot1nd the following: Latin, Greek, Ge'ez, Amharic, A�abic, Coptic, Hebre:V, Syriac, ! German, Englisl1, Dutch, French, Italian, Portuguese and Span1sh. Many of tl1 e printing letters had to be prodt1ced under Ludolf's supervision because t�ey were not available in Germany. Of t,he later works I will only name the two Appendices for the Co111me1ztarius (1691, 1693), tl1 e Gra111111atica Lingi,ae A1nlz�ri�a� (1698), _ the Lexico11 A111harico-Latini111i (1698) and the Psalter1u1n Dav1d1s (1701), besides a large number of smaller pap�rs. The _m� nus� ripts ? fl Ludolf in . the Frankftirt City Library give us a remarkable 1ns_1�ht _into ?IS endeavour and his methods. It is fascinating to watcl1 the wr1:1n& of his books from the first note to the printed book. Much h�s been burned bl his son aft�r . hjs , death, but mainly notes. Most of· the firmly bou·na w� 1t1ng pap�rs, his _ working books are still existing. Here one can �ee, how 1n the first �.aft for the Ethiopian Lexicon l1is additions in a very careful- handwr1tmg slowly but surely fill the pages until all space is filled. Then, ·how a second 1

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: the manu. . ly . al tu en ev il 1t u1 11, ai ag e d i wo�k 1n_g book 1s be ing wri� te n and co e d boo k the ne ver-tired iJt pri al _ :fun _g e . t In r. e :�_ r11 script 1s ready for the p . e nts unti l h e died. Immense Ludolf e 11tered f t1rther �ddit,ons � 11d ame � dm un ublishe d Ethiopian tex.ls l r pa us Y P is the tre asure of copies of vario e 'r1 ends. ad n1 d ha e h ch hi w or s 1 ey r11 t jo wl1icl 1 he wrote o 11 l1is k y due to m�ny �a l� �s n to w no ly al er en g is lf , do Lu of e lif e The ot1tsid � d a an s sp he 1r s 1 ': S , ht ter ac ar ch s l1i f, ol 1d L1 1 1 a m e · th ut . bo ts A doc t1men . · · k i b wor h 1s d · n H · 1s be n e dd 1 h' 10s 1na e r He . ing tl1 no t os alm o\V . e kn w tions _' . _ · 1 ntell1gent, open e th gl1 ou th 1 al 1 e rso 1 p e th ut bo e a notes show very 1·1 .tl . ' · IS ·cordi_a1 frien · d· H s. ng r · it_r w his of e lin ry ve e i11 d e t lec n1inded man is ref _. s ait r. Hi rtr cte po ara ch c , t_ the pa �ym his es sllip wjtli Abba Gregorius disclo_s · wn .to the sl1 ot 1lders encloses g1\,es us h ardl y any cltie s·· ,'1 mtgl1ty v.,,g do · a frail, furrowe d face , searching cool eye s, a stra 1 gl1t �ose: a narrow-t·ipped n1 outl1 . These are the f�atures of a diplomat a 11d sc 1e nt 1 st. Whe i1 J·Iiob Ludolf died i11 1704 '11 e was one of the most fa:111ous n1an o[ 11is tiine. ·He couJd co11sider his life fulfilled alt�1ougl1 <h1s gre �test desire cl travel to Ethiopia 1 1 ever became re ality. In 111s carefully written will h'e bestowed tl1e Public Library of his cily with the most valuable books of his ]ibrary. I- ie exe111pte d, l1owever, the Ethiopian letters t�at were 1.1sed .in printi11g I1is books. Also some e xisting copies of the Etb.io pia11 Psalterium were kept bacl{. Tl1ey were to remain in Frankfurt_ u�ti) J11ore opJJortune 1.in1es for l1is \Vish was to send tl1e1? to Etb.1�p�a. H. e expressed ll1_e_ l1ope tl�a t tl1 ese gifts \Vould create the_ desue _of .the Ethi� l).ia11 "to r11ak :e tr1e11ds v11th the Et1ro1Je an. s a1 1 d to obt1:11n a pr1ntmg press . The pri11ti11g letters are until today still in a small case in the Fran.k:rurt City Library. Tl1e copies of t!1e Etl1iopia11 Psalterium are gone with the wind. \\il1etl1er tl1ey ever reacl1ed their destination we d o not know. Habenr sua fata libelli. TJ1is is even more trt1e for tl1e other parts of his inl1eritance. I-Iis son and l1 is grandso11 did not understand the eminence of Ludolf. Wl1e11 a friend of Ludolf re tur11 ed to Frankfurt shortly after his deal}1 from a long jot1rne_y. l1 e "vitnesse d the following event: outside the city was there \vd::i a large fire we re several people burn t big piles of pape r which they had brot1ght there 01 1 a cart. He asked the coachman to stop a11 d inq_uired on wl1ose order ancl wl1y tl1 e 1papers wer e b eing bt1rnt. The people said. tl1e l1e irs of Ludolf1 l1ad fou11 d after the death of Mr. Lu�olf a large number of writle 11 .and printed papers. Tl1e heirs ll1ougl1t 1t too botl1erso1ne to go tl1rot1gl1 all tl1e \vritte11 stuff. On th. e other hand it wot1ld have bee n da nge rous to leave tl1 is task to pe rsons outside the fan1il)' because Mr. Ludolf: !_;5ed to \vrite do\vn even tl1e smallest things in tl1e 1J1ot1se. Therefore lhe heirs tl1ot 1gl1t it better to bt 1 r1 1 all this junk. The son_ l1ad a]re ady sold a copy of tl1e Historia Ethiopica wi many th l1and-wr1tten 11 otes to a mercl1a11 t \vhere the friend coul d save it in the last moment. I J1_ope to be able to present 1nore from the postl1un ou w s ritings of 1 Ludolf 1n ·the :future. Today I have to co11fine n1yse l� to these short notes. M y pape� is inte nde� to ren:iined us of a11 almost forgotten man, not w1 t;hstand1ng tl1at he 1s occas1011ally quoted, an d to recall an almost for gotte� peri?d. It is also m y purpose to focus attention a very fruit ful fr1endsh1p .and an?_ther forgotten schola_r of Eth iopian studies. By this I me an ,Abba Gregorius to "'.h?m our science owes so e m gr uc at h itu d . I am happy that I have the -pr1v 1lege to pa y tltis tribt1 te in his own father. nd la .

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A SECOND NOTE ON TI-IE E '"fR]OPIAN NATIONAL : -FLAG, WITH COMMENTS O'N: ITS I-IISTORICAL AN. D. SOCIOLOGIC ai\L ,SOURCES . •

st1bsequent note, followi11g rs t 011e, pt1b]isl1 ed a few fi th� to e h T. i _ years ago 1 _ on tl1e l11story of tl1e Ethiopi.:1n n:iiional flag is not i,ntended lO �hange an al�eady es!ablished \1 ie\V on tt1e beginni11g of the Ethjopian natJ _??al fl�g. Ne �l y discovered passages i n the travellers' journals and add1t1onal _1nformat1011 see1n to st1bstantiate tl1e au(l1or·s previous findings. Ho,;:vever. 1t seen1s 10 be of1 j11terest to take 11p tl1c 1natte.r again. Accordi11g to the disc11ssed pjeces of e\·id('ncc it seems to be accept ed that around 1897 tl1ree penno11s. reti. green yellow, 11secl i 1 1 ELbiopia for •less tl1a11 te11 years up to th�1t tin1e. \Vere se,vn together with the intention to produce a national flag. �l1..1re0\·er. if \\'e accept a well k . nown footnote by Cl1ar.les Micl1el-C6le i11 his J1ers F{1c·/1oda (a11d there is no reason_ to reject 11i.s version) tl1c exa.:l d�1te 3.nd t l1e circun1sta11ces of the creation of 1·he flag were recorded f0r fttillre gencrations.2 The i!Xpla.nation of Micl1el-C6te seen1s to be \·ery plat1sible. Tl1e French expedition, which was to cross Ethiopia on irs Vi;ay to the WeSt in order to meet Marcha11d at Fachocla, 11ad been ·undert,1i�cn witl1 the apparent agreement of Emperor Menilek. The territories stretching to the \Vest · mperor; oE Baro Ri\ 1 er3 iWere supposecl t-o 1be occt1pied in t11c 11an1e of tl1e E the usual procedure in such cases bei 11g tl l1oisting of a. flag as a sign of a 11e1.vly acquired rights. The 011ly diffict1lt) �1s tl1at t!1e 11ational flag of Ethiopia was not yet i11 existence i11 its fina.l ft)flll. Conseqt1e11tly, a se\vi11g together of ll1ree already 11sed :pen.11011s solved t.11e problem. And tl111s tl1e r dicl clea 6te ly note tl1e not Micbel-C tl1at pity a is It created. flag was 1 ·the flag itself was not preserved. l; rtunate u11fo and. colours ment of arrange ..., However in Michel's i1Jformatjon tJ1ere are all tl1e elements of fruture development and certain confusion as \\1ell. :He noted that lhe Emperor orde·red th.e embroidery of his monogram 'JU in white and red in tlJe middle of the yellow lban· d of the flag..So tl,e LlJeme of red and white as imperial colours, and to a certain exte11t national ones recurs again. Tue combination of red and white seem to appear relatively early in Ethiopian history. AJmeida, describing tl1e funeral of Susenjous, states th,at there were two kinds of imperial signs, �ne of them called sandecas wb:ich were coloured ,staves for poles· with balls of metal gilt on the top, witl1 some red stripes in the and others like standards oft white cloth • 1

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J. S. Choin.acki, "Some Notes on the History o( the. Etl1iopian National Flag", Journal of Et/1iopian Stz,dies (1963), I, 2, 49-63. 1 C. Michel, Vers Facl,otla (Paris, 1898), p. 247. . 3 ibid" p. 251, 254. - 137 -

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4 Th e combin.a�on . ce vi de or ms ar y an middle, neither of them bearing ting en es pr re es ur ct pi e th in so al on m m co of red a:nd white seems to be e es t ry nt ce 5 h nt � et nin e th � In • ry cto Vi � Christ carrying the Cross of 6 . ite wh n �a1 or ite wh p colours reappear either as a combination of re d and nd a ou g 1tm wr rs, lle ve tra me : so ly on ion nt iµe n, to Raffray and De Cosso . e t 1n t ou ed int po � s . wa as g, fla of es tl1e eighteen-seventies, noted such typ ll sti to be s em se g fla of e typ s tl1i so previous article. A decade later or g fla the of use the ice tw ed on i1ti me e icl in use. Gabra Selasse in his chron ng en wh st fiir : rar Ha �� of y cit the of est qu while describing the con 1ac Da e n, tow the of n sio ses pos � the e tak to e naf jac At Menilek sent Da being preceded by a flag, and secondly when the flags of the King were7 l1oisted in several important places and on the gates of Harar as w�l1 However tl1e chronicler did not specify the type of the flags. Accordmg8 to a detailed journal of Paulitscllke they were in red and white stripes. Even after the creation of national flag, the Imperial banners still remain ed wl1ite. It is therefore not too s11rprising that as late as 1899 when Vivian was e11tering Etl1iopian territory, he saw at Samadu on the guard . ed iliat this must be a l1ot1se a fllag i11 white and red a:nd logically assum national flag of Ethiopia.9 Tl1e 11ote of Michel-Cote corroborates the assumption that there was 110 legal act establishing the flag officially. This was probably one of the reasons wl1y tl1e acceptance and standardization of it were rather slow. !11 fact, 'for aln1ost two decades a certain confusion remained, of which several exan1ples were given in the previous article, and several new examples ca n· still be added. It is of special interest that in the article on the 11atio11al flag pt1blished in Berha1ze11a Siila,n in 1926 this confusion v,as especia.ll_y n1entioned. Most significant, l1owever, are tl1e statements o[ Ato Hayla-Maryam Sarabeyon in 1913, which show tl1at ·at :tl1art time !}1e formative period of the flag was far from being completed.

This lack of unifom'iity can be den1onstrated by the· information given in the books on flags of that period. Although most probably ilieir editors •

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Fron1 the description of E. Almeida. Cl1. Rey, The Ro111a11 ce of tl1 e Port1, guese in Abyssinia (London, 1929), p. 288. The author is greatly indebted to Prof. E. Cerulli for tl1e information on a com1non_ ·repres�tation_ of Christ or ratl1er of the Resurrection in Ethiopian n1anuscr1pts star�1ng \V1tl1 seventeenth century. Christ is carrying in his left band a cr�ss \v1tl1_ a flag, ino:e �xactly a flag ,vhicl1 bears U1 e cross. The colours of 1t are e�th � a con1b1natJon of_ red and \V)1ite, or of green, red and yello\v. By pure co1nc1den.ce for exan1J)le m_ the Cod. Vindob. Aeth iop. 25, fol. Sr. t11e colours . a:re the. sa,me a� of_ tl1e nal:Ional flag now, the only difference being � hat red 1s on the to_p. _Tlus kind of re1)res<:ntation of Christ 11as appeared, �ccord1og to Pro�. C_erulh, 1n W�stern Ettrope 1n the eleventl1 century and in ume _becan1e a very popular su�Ject of � 1any Italian painters, 11ediaeval and Rena.issance its way to Ethiopia during the peno . a� \Veil. No doubt 1t found · d _ , · · .. of Jesuit 1'vf1ss1ons.. _lri Siebmach�rs,_ 1-Vappen.buc[ z: I. · sec�, 6 (Nuremberg, 1_878) the flag of Etliio pia 1s as follo\VS. 111 three horizontal lines, red on th e top, white in th e nu·ad] e and red at. tl1e bottom. Gabra Sellase, Chroniqu{! du reg11e de Atfenelik JI' Roi des Ro·1s d'EtI11op1 · e (Paris, 1931), p. 245. P. Paulits�h�e, Ethn�!raphie_ N_or ��[!st Afrik�s (Berlin. 1893-96). II. 243; M. de Coppet, , Le drapi=au eth1op1en m Clzronzque clu regne de M, ene:l.k 1 ' II• b y. .. . Gabra Sellase, p. 617. . H. Vivian, r1 byssi11 ia,· Througli ·the Lion-land to the Co11rt of ti7 e L1011 of J u 1 da1 . (London, 1901), p. 250.

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sought information from Ethiopia they disagree str·1 kingIy. Larou.sse m · · t e d the ·flag as 1t 1s inow. However, as 190� des�r.·b late as 1910 in the Berlin ed1t1on of Landesfarben und Kokarden, the Eth i·op i·ai1 fla.g has red · · . on 1t he ·to p,· ye11ow 1ll th e middle and green at th e bottom. W h a · t i· s more · is surp � ing IS th at lil the same book tl1e three colot1rs se w·n together are c-ons1dered as the royal standard , whereas three separate pe nnons (in the same_ U?usual �ran�em�nt o.li �olot1rs� a·re aocepted as the na tio na l flag. , If t�s 1� th e ed1 �or m istake, 1t well illustrates th e difficulties of getting ;0 pr� c1se _1nf �rmat1on �eedless to add there was a complete lac of k uruform� ty 1n presentatJo�s of Etl1iopian flag in the editions pu blished in 1 Europe 1n the past centur1es. 1 �t is well know,i1- that tl1ree separate pennons were us ed extensively in tl�e f1rst tl1ree decacles of tl1e twentietl1 century and a decade back in the nineteenth centttry as \Vell.12 Cecclri ·refers (around 1870) to a current procedt1re of anno11ncing royal orders, taxes ,or calling to arms. Usually a �erald beats the dru1ns and proclain1s tl1e royal will, while holding a long suck or a spear on which ''a11y piece of clotJ1 is altachecl ... in most cases a ,sheepskin which is t1sed as ,a dress'' 13• This proce.dure of royal a.nno-uoce ments was practised until 1936, tl1e flags in form of pennons usually accompanying the herald. Pennons were also used by military units 14 as late as 1936, for exam_ple by cadets of the Military School in Addis Ababa.15 10 For example in Zv-,1inger Ethnological Museu111. Dresden, Gern1anv. an1ong the collected traditional E · thiopian paintings from tl1e first decades of 11is century the l1orizontal arra11gen1 ents of the flag has colours as follo\-VS: green on the top, red in the middle ancl yellow at the bottom.. Thi;rc is a cross on the top. of the staff. 11 It is of limited llistorical significance, but nevertl1eless of some interest to follow the presentatio11 of supposed national en1b:<�111s of Etliiopia in different editions of the books of fiags. It seems that nothing present.cu before the nine teenth century l1as any relation to tl1e reality. I a111 indebted to Tv1r. K. Fachinger for drawing 111y atte11tion to wl1at is iJrobably tl1e earliest mention of Ethiopian flag. This was in tl1e n1anuscript produced by a Spanish friar around 1350 (tl1 e manuscript is preserved in Madrid, there is an English edition by Hakluyt Society, 1912, a Spanisl1 edition of 1877, and an excer:-it 1n National Geographic Magazine in 1917). In the text there is a confusion be1\veen Nubia and Ethiopia, but the name of Prest--e,r Jol1n is 1nentioned. The Emperor, by name of Ardesalig, has for llis emblem a black cross of Lorrai11e on a \Vhite back ground; an anot11er version is a simple cross \Vitl1 crozier o·n each side of it, wh.ich in more complicated forn1 is a white background, with a red border and a small black cross on it flanked by two yellow croziers. To the same imaginary category belong the arms of the kiogdon1 of Abyssinia in tl1e unpublished manuscript of the beginning of the eighteenth century in. Paris (reproduction given by J. Tubiana in his artic�e i� ]!.assegna di studi etiopici, 1960, XV, plate facing p. 104). Tl1e royal en1blem 1s 1n tl1e form of a Y«?llow c�oss on a blue around background. In Depperman and Rt1schke Flagenaln1a11ch · (pubhshed _ 1840) the flag of Ethiopia is plain red witl1 a yellow crescent on 1t 12 In an illumjoated manuscript of the seventeenth century a theme of a banner in form of three pc.noons on the mast of a boat or on the buildings recurs often. See for example t11e MSS of U1e Legends of Our Lady Virgin �ary. The pennons are of different colours and do not seem to have any relation to the banners of the epoch nor the pennons in twentieth century. . . 13 A. Cecchi, Da Zeila a/la frontiere def Ca/fa (Roma, 1886�, p. 35,4. _Information referring to the period 1877-1882. . . t4 See· "Defile 'des troupes abyssines", a photograph 1n the Sen1eur d'Ethiopie, Jain 1·909,. 5e annee;· p. 597. 15 See U. Nanni, O que e a Etiopia (Lisboa, 1935), illustration facing p. 124. There is a cross visible on the top of the staff. - 139 -

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It was demonstrated in tl1e previous article that Ethiopia11s � sed . banners in the past, but tl1ey did not ihave a national flag as such. 1ney were ·probably closest to tl1e idea of it a.t the beginn_ing of t11e se,,en tee11 '.h century when a. strong Jest1it influ-ence at the court may have resulted 1-11 something like a11 In1perial ban11er. However, the idea � as abandoned later. Tl1e flag, 11evertl1eless, was found in records as an obJect comn1only ll�ed, but witl1 tl1e weake11ing of imperial power disappeared fron1 the court. Strangely enot1gl1 the En1peror Tewodros did not pay much atten� tion to the flag, contrary to l1is ,sister's custo1n. S h . e rtiled over one of �l1e districts ,of Qorata, and travelled preceded with drums and flags, a.ccord1ng to tl1e chronicler. 16 '/a11derl1eyri°1, wl10 forty years later took part i11 Menilek's expedition agai11st tl1e Wollan10 n1entioned i11 several .passag� s of l1is journey a flag i11 tl1e form of three pennons (the arrangement 1s ratl1er unt1sua1, green on t11e top, red i11 the m:ddle and yellow at the bottom), a11d added that tl1is was a ''11ational flag''. 17 011e ca11 assun1e therefore tl1at tl1e object, a flag. was in existence. What was missing, however. was a 11otio11 abot1t what a national flag has to represent to the ·people. Tl1e idea was t111k11·own to Etl1iopian traditio11 a.rd. l1ad to be i1noortecl fron1 abroad. No wonder, tl1erefore, that whe11 a great 1na11y new ideas began to penertate tl1e country at the end of the nineteentl1, ce11tury, 011e of then1 was tl1e idea o- f 11atio11al flag. It is not l)ossible to trace exactly 110w it liaJ)pened; l1owever,. we are fortunate to 11ave a starting point. Cecchi in l1is travels 11as give11 a very significant episode in ,tl1is respect. When tl1e Italia11 expedition arrived in Shoa, tl1e Ki11g Menilel<: t1sed to i11spect ,tll equipment brot1gl1t by it. ''Wl1e11," Cecchi states, "a box witl1 ot1r flag fell i11 his l1and, Menelik asked Mass1:1i,1 to explair1 to l1i111 tl1e reason \.Vl1y the Europea11s l1ave sucl1 a respect for tl1is object. Having got the explanation. he wis.bed tis to sl1ow llim how we pa)' tl1e respect, and tl1is we did at once...When we sat again l1e expressed his satisfactio11 i11 seeing l1ow we, bei11g far fron1 our King, and not seeing l1im, still l1ave st1cl1 µ respect for l1is flag." Tl1is l1appe11ed in 1877 . 18 It is obviou.s that Menilek would not have asked for explanation· if the idea had been known to him. Tl1e practical den1onstration, noted by Cecchi, was one of ' tl1e ways by wl1icl1 a 11ew concept \Vas penetrati11g t]1e country. rfwenty years later wl1e11 tl1e sewing togetl1er of tl1ree pe1111ons was establis11ed it was accompanied by tl1e t111derstanding that t.l1is was to create a natio11al flag. Ten years or so later Ato Hayla-Maryam prop,1gated a new Jdea, whicl1 in 1926 whe11 the articles 011 tl1e flag were publisl1ed .in Ber/1c111e11a Siila,11 seen1ed to be well rooted in the Etl1iopian tradition. Witl1 tl1is, the argt1111ent see1ns to be fi11all)1 settled. It is of course possible tl1a.t more details will be found in the travellers' notes, but tl1e basic outlook ,will iJ10t change. It is hoped tl1at some early flags may be found and tl1at those alread)1 k11ow11 will fi-nd their way to the museums. 16 I�. Ft_1sella, ".La cronac.a dell'In1peratore Teodoro di Etiopia in un n1anoscritto am�r1co", A11r1a/i clel/' lstituto Universitario Orie11tale di Napoli (1957) Nuova Serie, V. 4, p. 86. 17 J. G. _ �/a�derl1eym, "Une expedition avec le negous Menelik; vingt mois en Abyss101e , Le tour du n1011de, 1896. n. 11, .p. 125 · an.d 131. Photographs '·' ·pp. 112, 121,-138. 18 Cecchi, op. cit., I, 167. - 140 -

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The 111 ,1in re,1so n , however for rett1rni 11g to lhe r . n n · s he a t Lhat 110w it is possible to refer t� t l1�·Ethiopia11 view 0� ��e ;is�ori y tof· t:lei�r flag. T l 1is \.Vas exrressed in articles which t lle author ¥las b a l e to . te11 as early as 19 � xam11· 1 e r �en t·ly. one of: tl1· em was wr1t 05 by Ato HaylaM ar�a1n 5 �ra b e�on, th e ot.h. er two i n 1925 �nd 1926 respectively, and . bl 1sl1e d 1- n Be1hc111er1c1 tic1/a111, 011e of tl1e first )eriodica l s j 11 pu Ethiopia. l . T�e article of �t� H . a�la-1viaryan1 "'is of special impo rta11ce in the d1sct1ss1on 011 tl1e ·o r_1 g1n s o.[ the f l a.,g. 1 11e article is iii ,the form o.f two sh�rt 11otes, par� of a smal l pa'n1pl1let wl1 icl1 was published in 1913. This p�mph1e�19 1s,,one of ll1e ea rliest prin ts ma.de i 1 1 Addis Ababa and as state� 1n the t_1t l e_ SJ?eaks about the f lag. tl1e crow11 a11 d t11 e proclan,ation of ·His ifn1pe r1al Ma.1esty''. T l 1e 11oles 0 11 the pages 18-22 dea l with the nation al fl ag. The author expl ai 1 1ed i11 tl1 e lit le tl1at l1e wrote tl1 e article i n 1905 (I 898 E.Ca_l .) . i l 1at is, several years before it was IJubl isl1 ed. It 1neans t?at the_ articl e p re�e 1 1ted. the �tale of tl1e probl em around 1905. Th.e qt 1es t1on ar1ses therefore, ]1ow far tl1e ,1rticl e reflects the piob l em in 1913. Considering other sources o. f i11forn1ation o ne can doubt it. Why lhen did Hayl a-:tvfaryam publisl1 tl1e articl e so late? A guess can be given as an answer: that aro1111 d 1913 (a nd n1uch later accordi11 g to de Coppet) people were sti l l a rgt1i11g abot1t t l 1e f l ag. a nd Ato Hay l i:i-Maryam I1as pt1l f. i0rward his point of view. TJ1e specia l positio,1 of tl1e autl1or. wli.o was a. 1'Ai11ister oE t l1e Pal ace of Menilek II, a diplomat , a11d a writer as we l l.20 gives specia l ,,,,eight to his note. Moreover tl1ere is a c l ear i 1 1dicatio11 in tl1e tit le t l1at t l1e text of Hayla-Maryam represents wha.t ,:vas p _ ractica l ly t l 1e official view of the Government.

The first note, e · nlitled ''Preface -of the book· \Vhich tel l s abot1t the f lag'' is a didactic exposition of what a f l ag is, its 1neani11g, tise, i1n_portance and protection. The note is e1 1ric l1ed by . ma11y c1uotatio11 s and references to the Holy Scriptttres accordi11g to the ct1sto111 in Etl1iopia; its content. however, shows a very pro11ouuced fo reign i1 1flt1ence. The i1nportance of the note consist s rather in the fact t l1at I-Iayla-:tviaryam was deali11g witl1 these otl1 erwise very obvious n1atte rs, \.vhicl1 see111 ed to be 11ew and unknown i111 his counlry. I.t is 1not the o. o ly examp l e how the idea was pe netrating (in order to have it accepted, tl1e· author had to re�r to Lhe hjgh authority of the Scriptures) but also a proof that the nat1�n_al �ag was obviously of recent date. Altl1ougl1 the text does_ not show or1g1na l 1ty, there are in it two points of interest. 011e refers to insult to tl1 e flag, for which one ''is sen tenced to death and there is no amn esty for it'', the insult being compared by the author to blasphen1y �gain st t�e J:Ioly Ghos_t. This severity of punishment seems t o be a n especially -Etl 11op1a11 featt1re.

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I 9 HayI a.. 1M aryam . .2-. 1 18. pp , 13) (19 aba Ab dis Ad >> {j:: �·tf au : 1 'J(: l.'i" f'" �-.: 1t'P : llarP,..") 1 fj:f'}lfJ?,"}9° !! vin · lo\ the fol es · aiv • · · -8'i -, 84 · (P , TI · ) , 22 19 s, ar1 p1e 20 P. Merab. J1npressio11s cl/:,/J11o , J::!1. sto1re . �l ] us de sso s_ [de , tation du opinion about him: ''Historiographe tres a _u courant detr1 pu , re la es ol pa a1 ,, " co s se 11 rn pa it, fa it ta s'e de son pays . . . . . . . Ji 1ee•ze " · g J e I ns 1 ca , rse ve us pl le e u i: om l'h plus erudit ethiopien, de 'I,

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era' on the other a e . k enI ·1 M e h t of e tic jus rn ste reflecting o n one ha 11d te11den.cy to make the new idea as impressive as possible. a ged ch t s no g fla ''A g. fla e jlll n g a ch a o t s ; r The second point refer e ry rep aces a� s d an d ge an ch e ar e l op pe e 1 tl unless the government and � n dep� nd en� of ss lo e th at tl1 ng ni 1 1 1ea , m ya ar -M freedom" ' wrote Hayla · a 1D1 t d · t a no d e 1 H . g fla . "r. e th was the only possible occasI011 for aIteri ng hi Ir. ferent from s d e tl1at the people could cbmge the1· r m_I·nd an. d. chose on . version of the flag. It is rather patl1et1c tl1at 1n fac t his version was so soon abandoned a·nd forgotten.

The second note entitled ''Tl1e meaning . of . the flag'' explaine� the colours and their n1eaning. ''The flag of Eth1op1a has three _colours · red, . yellow a11d green," wrote the a11tl1or. ''Red is o n top, yellow m tl1e middle, and green at tl1e botton1 ." These three �o_lours _were cl10s� n as an e�ample of tl1e Holy Tri 1 1ity, yellow being ident1f1ed v1_1�h the Father, re� with .the Son, a1 1d gree11 witll tl1e I-Ioly Gl1ost. 111 add1t1on the �uthor gives other JJOssible i11 terpretatio 1 1s, sucl1 as gree� as a repr ;entat1on of the eternal spri1 1g of Etl1 iopia. AnotJ 1er glossary 1s tl1at the 7 Holy Ghost was shown to Nc, 8]1 iJy a dove carrying a gree 11 brancl1." An other symbol o� hope, a rai 1 1l10,v, is n1e11tioned, t11e flag bei11g an i n 1age of it, representmg the 1::rl)!l1isc ()f God 11ot to destroy tl1e eartl1 at tl1e time of the Deluge. 1-:ror less strikirl_g is tl1e author's i11terpretation of the arra ngeu1ent or tlie colot1rs. It '>Vas vertical, l1avi ng ''red 011 the right, yellow in the ,11iciclle arci £'.recn 10 111e left, thi.s oosition showing the Holy Trinity''. 'I'J1 is v.rra111I!.:J;e11t in fact follo\vecl the us11al vertical presentation of the "frinit)' in. Etl1io JJia, so differe11t fron1 the l1orizontal ones common in the Viest. I-Iayli.i-lvlaryan1's text corroborates Morie's stateme n t that he saw tl1is t) pe of flag at th.e Internatio11al Exhibitio n in Paris, 1900. This is ,one more proof tl1at foreign i11fon11ation on tl1e flag is n1ore reliable tha n it see1ns at first view. 1

Tl1e article of Hayla-Mar_yan1 seems to substantiate the opinion that the flag as it is now is not a first version of it. Altl1011gl1 Michel-Cote's note did ·not specify 110,v tl1e colotrrs were arranged (with exceptio n of yellow i11 the middle) one is ten1pted to assun1e that tlus version of Hayla Maryam was ide ntical to Michel's flag. As far as tl1e vertical arrangeme.n t is concerned, ,l stro11g Frencl1 i11fl11ence sl1011ld be remembered: it see n1s possible tl1at i n the san1e way as tl1e Order of tl1e Star of Ethiopia l1as bee.11 inspired by tl1e Legio11 cl'I-Io1meur, tl1e arra11gement of the flag could imitate tl1e tricolore as \Veil. Tl1at tl1is arra11gen1ent was still in use in the h is ce1 1 11 tury this de1 of onstrc1ted by tl1e cover of t e book of first decade travel by Pieck pt1blisl1ed i11 1909. Wha.t h�ppened tl1en? Wl1y was tl1e flag changed, a nd precisely wl1e.11? -�e stLll ?O not know. I-Iowever, one can assume that, along with the off1c1al version, anotl1er 011e with l1orizontal .arrangeme nt of colours and green o n tl1e top 'was gai11in.g mon1entun1. It is obvious that the p_eriod w!1e�1 itwo ve�sio ns were used was characterised b y certain coniu s1011. Tl11s IS amply illustrated by tra.vellers' descriotions • and the a rticles of tl1e Etl1iopians pro,1ide a source of it. Fi nally_ t�wards .t.he e11d of· ·tl1 e second decade of the twentietl1 century the _flag 1a.s 1 t 1s _now ..\�as eventually establisl1ed, and when the two articles on 1t were ;publ1sl1ed 111 1925 and 1926 even the historical tradition about - 142 -

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it see�ed to be already w el l iI'O?ted.. The author is greatly indebted to Mr. Gide on G�ldenberg for drawing hi s att ention to two important artic les re co th py em in fro g fo m r the collection of Ber/1 a,1ena S"a l am pr�erv and e d Fa ch itl Li ov br it ar e y th in Tel Aviv. Accordi'ng. to a remar k 1n t he at . . · t 1s a· er h' 1r e h on d t es e de.aling with the flag and written by s··ahaI u · 1 art1c S, ege, for A yemro, another per1od1. cal _ P\Iblis·hed at that period. Unfor tun, �tely the auth?r �as �ot ·abl� to obtain 1t (there is no, complete set of thjs importan� p eno?1cal 1n Addis Abab a). However, it seeins that Ato Sahalu dealt m�1nly �1tl1 t�e need o!. k n,owing _a mea·ning of the national flag. Two articles 1n Be, l1c1riena Sc,!arrz,21 e11t1tled ''The interpretation of1 the national flag'', were the a11swer to· l1is plea. The first article was written by Nagadras Dasta Metek e, tl1e seco11d by Saga Za'ab (Risa Adaril) who · styled himself ''Son of Ethiopia''. It was prt1dently poi11tecl out by the at1thors tl1at ''the Government did ·not tell officially :tl1e 111ea11ing a11cl isymbol of the flag". However, the views expressed by them are of great weight. Tl1ey are not an individual opinion but that of the people Wl10 ''know tl1e n1eaning of the flag". In another passage a.n opinion is quoted ''whicl1 seems to be from a person in 'the Government and not a11 ordin.ary person's opi11jon''. Moreover the interpretations of Nagadras Dasta follow ''the symbols a11d meanings as given in the· Bible''. The autl1ors of 'both articles, responding to tl1e plea ·of1 Sahalu �ege, dealt mainly with tl1e interpretation of the colours or which the flag of Ethiopians is composed and tl1eir arrangen1ent. Tl1eir exposit.ion is . a good example of how rich the Ethiopia11 imagination is i11 tl1e field of sy1n bolism. Tl1is is valt1able in tl1e articles, although 011 tl1e \V}1ole tl1e a11thors follow tl1e usual pattern of interpret;;1tion of colours, for example red means blood, green means hope, vegetatio11 etc. In sl1ort, the Etl1iopian flag consists o:f colours of the rainbow (hence the poetical story in which the flag is linked \Vith the Deluge) \vll.icl1 is a sign of promise. The n1eaning of1 the colours is as follo\VS : green ,on the top ,means fertility (prosperity) which i-n turn is a symbol of hope; yellow . sy1nbolises blood. All i n the middle is gold and faith; red at tl1e bottom colours taken together mean that ''Ethiopia is a co1111try of fertility and hope, is golden [probably to be understoocl as ricl1] and religio11s." ."�or the fertility and hope of their cou11try, their golden country and rel1g1on · l1ence the red colour the children of Ethiopia will shed their blood'' at the bottom. Nagadras ,Dasta has a few further inte�retatio�s to a?d, which consist of a blend of older traditions and novelties obviously im ported. from abroad. s thi r.s on tho au the t tha t fac the is t en um arg r ou nt for ica More signif ve m ha the of th bo t tl1a ms see It g. fla the of e ag e h t · on al th occasj d e wi no doubts that the flag, green, yellow and red, is a very old �ne. Th_e li ab s est wa ) at� (St t en rnm ve go n pia l1io Et the n s he dra , ''W ls ga us tel Na shed, Emperors and learned people,,agre_ed_ an� gave _ m�a?mg !o the flag and represented it by three colours. This 1n his obvious mtentJ.on pushes 21

.-f'DP{lt\m-: :,.c:-\CII/ . : >> r : D'/ ql\ : J.•r (l"} Y: ·r-k Jt.:, ccr e, tek Nagadras Dasta Me Berha11e11a Siilam, 21st January 1926, p. 23. Saga Za'ab, <<fJ-1..;l·f·A-Y : ('l'}f..:,, : '¼I\D'/ ' ·1·c·1·9° =>> "Berhariena Sii/a,n. July 9, 1925 (1, 28, p. 111, col. 8).

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tl1e time of crealio11 of the f lag far back into A11tiquity. Thi� of course is not substantiated by any historical proof, and it is doubt�ul if that ever cot1ld be do11e. 'Tl1 is js also i11 disagree1nent with the fact widely observed by n1 any travel lers, tl1at tl1e i!lag as it is today was accepte� on!Y grad� ally , _ _ by tl1e people vlitl1ot1t bei 11 g created by a11y off1c1al act. This flag, the Nagadras elaborates i11 a11 otl1er passage, ''\vas prese·nt when Emperor G�ilawdewos fol1gl1t Gran .Mol 1am_med [sic], Y0J1annes t11 e Turks [Egyp tians] and E1nperor Me11 ilek t l1e Italia11 s." U11fortun� tely tl1�se s�aLements are invalidatecl by I1istorical scrutiny. G�ilawdcwos did not use t}11s type of flag , a11 d tl1 e fla.g oE Yol1 annes, wl1 icl1 WftS _preserved, bad a d1fierent a: ra11 gen1ent 0( colours (for a discussio11 011 the ye l low colo�r, the rea�er is referred, to my previous article). As to the En1 peror Men1lek, there 1s no definite proof (;111 d the co11 trary is almost certai11 ) that this flag accom pa11 ied tl1e Etl1 iopians on tl1 e glorious day of Adwa. 1

The autl1 or of tl1 e seco11 d article is not less expl icit than the Nagadras about tl1e age of tl1 e 'flag; l1e follows a widely accepted -opini,on that t l 1e creatio11 of it is related to the l1 appe11 ings dt1ring the Deluge. The story goes that wl1 en Goclr pro111ised Noa l 1 not to clestroy the earth b y flood, the people or Ethiopia acceptec l tl1 e rainbow as their symbol of promise and l1ope and thjs tradition, embocliecl j 11 the flag, was transn1 itted from ''father to son llp to tl1 e present ge11 eration". · Su111 ming up. tl1ere js 11 0 dot1bt th.at i 11 tl1e n1ind of botl1 autl1 ors tl1c flag. green, yellow, and red, is a very old one, as old in fact as the Ethiopian state. In a very rerno�e past the E1nperors and learned peop l e }1 ::ive give11 to il colours, tl1e 1nea11 i 11g of wl1 icl1 is k110\vn to tl1e peop l e. A comparisoi1 of tl1e article of I-laylii-Maryam Sarabeyon \vitl1 tl1e articles of N�igadras Dtista a11d -��iga Za'ab is very instructive. In. sorne respects tl1 ey are sin1 ilar, i 11 otl1ers tl1 ey djsagree e11tirelJ'· All of tl1e1 n . are basically of a didactic 11 ature and explain what kind of fl,Lg Etl1 iopia's should be. T l1ey are not strictly co11cer11 ed \\'ith present - g tl1e state of t l1 e fla,g as existi 1 1g at tl1e tin1 e wl1e11 tl1ev were written. i� �Aore�v�r. i11 i 11 terpreti_ ng tl1 e n1 ea11 ing of tl1e colours tJ 1ey r;fer exte11sively to rel1,g 1 ous texts. Tl1 1s was of course CL1sto111 ary i11 Etl1iopia. However considering thal several 11 e\v a11d ·o_b\1 ioL1 sl)1 .imported ideas \Vere s11ggested by .tl1 e autl1ors, they .probably felt 1l necessary to justify 111 e111 b y tl1e q 11o ta11011s fro1 n the Scr1ptL1res. A11ot l1 er co11 1111 011 feature oD tl1 e articles is that tl1 ey are very ca,te ?oric i11 tl :eir _statements, 11ot gi\1j11g rooin to a11 y dot1bt tl1 at the autl1or s 1 nlerpretat1on 1s tl1e true a11 d the only possible 011e. C?ncer11ing , tl1e s�bject 111 atter of tl1e articles 011e sl1 oul cl note wI1ere �hey . d1s�1gre� a 1�_d ba�1�al� exclude one a11 otl!er's state11 1ents. EspeciaJly 111 view of Hdyla-Ma �yan1 s state�11e11 ts tl1e art 1 cle:s fro111 Ber/1c111e,zll Siilcr ,11 do not s�anc l a scrt1t1ny 011 'l :V? 1111 porta11t poi11 ts: t l 1at tl1 e green, yellow _ _ and r�d· �lag;�� t!1e only ve r1 s1�}1 of 1t a 11d t l1at this ,,ersion is a very old . _ · _ 1 1 �01 1 at no, 1s 01 e_. I� Ll � tl llayla-Marya 111 did 11 ot say a word ,lbout tile � ant 1 qu! ty ·O� l!1s vers1 o_n o[ tl1e flag - 11.e 011 ly vaguel y stated j11 the titl e op1 11 10 11 s are tl1at 111s 111· acc-ordance wit l 1 ''books''. This fa.ct g1 ._, ·,,es • a, 11 ]ffi : _ . · · staterne11ts . press1011 of· 111 ore s1ncer1ty to }11s .

·11 e vie\VS . expressed by ,tl1e . Niigadras and l1is colleague were not � . l 11sl �r1calI �, val1 �l, bt1t tl1 ey rece1 \ 1ed general accept�tnce, where.as LlJe vers 1 011 o[ t l1 e flag advocated by Hayla-Marya111 a.11d J1is interpretat·io.11 144 -

forgotte11. C onsequently tl1e staten1e nts i11 the articles froin Be rllcL iiet1ci · Siil,111i as soci,ologically in1 portant will m ainly be discussed� . T�e comp�rison o :D a history of the flag as seen by Ethiopia-11- tradi_ tion, w 1 tb th � h is tory of 1t as based ·011 carefully cl1ecke(l historical findings, _ is worth _trying, as 1t may result i n ra tl1er intere sti11 g concll1sio.ns. The striking divergence - between the historical fa cts a·nd historical traditio11 in Ethiopia is n ot altogether w 1known to tl1ose w ho deal with the problems of Ethiop i an past. H ow ev er, i-o. th� case of the ftl ag tl1is is especially sigi1i fi cant d u e t o sl1ortt1ess of tim� bet\.vee11 the J1istori cal happeni·ng a11d tl1e i nvention of a lege11 dary justification of it. 1 11 fact t1 1 ere was only one generation bet.ween the n1 0111 e·n-t \.Vl1en. tl1e £lag was sewn togetl1er and the writing d.own of tl1e ·Etl1iopian versio11 of the eve11t. Many people, includ ing Micl1 el-Cote, w110 were \.Vit11esses of J1ow tl1e flag w alive and. t11ey co11ld l1ave given necessary con1men as made were still ts. 1 11 otl1er words, i.11 1925 it was still very easy to learn l1ow th e flag wa s really created. It , would seen1 logical tl1 at the at1tl1ors of tl1e art i cles would examine accurate so t1 rces and try to prese11t a real \'ersion of th e story. Instead of that, tl1e)' prornoted a11 oral version lt11relatecl to the l1istorica seq l uence o.f .facts. Tl1is versio 11 c1ssumed aln1ost im1nediately a stan1s of a11 old venerable story.22 \Vere

The analysis of the process of legend-making, whicl1 is wortl1 atte1npt i11g in. tl1e parl i ct1lar case of tl1e flag. see1ns to be of importa11 c for tl1e � critical appreciat io11 of the orc1l tr,1ditio11. There is no dou�t t�at tl1 1s sot1rce . . of informatio11 of Etl1iopia11 history will increas111g ly ga111 111 importance. Considering the sca.rcity o:f written docun1 e11ts it is i11 several cases the only sot1rce of inforn1 atio 11. available, and, wl1ere documents sucl1 as tl1e roy,tl cl1ronicles exist, oral traditio 11 1nay add son1e. bloocl to tl1e some-v1l1 at clry writi1fgs of the a·nnalists.

How far these oral traditio11s, ''ces gracieuses legencles'' i1s tl1 ey �re called by Antoine d' Abbadie, ca11 be co11siclere? as reliab�e so11r_ce 1 nater 1 al js still an ope11 questio 11 . Tl1e at1tl1or cloes n ?t :11 1te11d to g1,,e _ a final answer . to it, burt rather to open a discussion 011 tl11s 1111 porta11t topic. I� _tl1e past some Ethiopicists dealt with .jt, usually at random. Co11seque11tly it wotild be premat11re to atte1npt a con1prehensive vi�w. As an exa:mpIe one ca11 _ _ quote three possible attitudes represented by 1 ept1ted scholars. It sl1ould be

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reated 1an.d of 'the (Il)eaning of the -colotirs g 22 This version (Of P1�w tile - I\V� _ 15 'C continuotis adju stn1 ent of it to the attitudes was by no n1eans fi nal anc��1:re nts of it. How of :peopl e.. lt /s eeins i5'on1e�hat fn;ast �ati il�e to follow :all varia , : rsion colle cted by Wayzerit Salom e l 1e ever, as an example, one can . quo Ga.bra Egziabher, researc�. s istan � t Lhe Institute of Ethiopian Studies. The � � 5 �f Solomon and tl,e queen of Sheba. The 1 flag \-'tas create� by Men� colours an.d tthe1r arraogem � nt._, ,v�� as they are lilO\V i(but not sew.r:i tog etbeT) , el; llowo. gr e·en rs tood for !the K1 ng, ellow 1 � 1 o ·being , rs ·. the ·me:aiting. 1of colou y ...... Judjtl1 · , the queen who for the Jew1sl1 trer1g1on · ,and ired rEor the 1ar· n1y. Und...,.. their 111eaning: A.ksum took red, Lasta destroy ed Pi ksu:11, the colou;s ch�n!ed ti ku no Am l a k 1put the colou�s togetl1e,r. . r Y green and Aml1ara, yellow. En� In the nineteenth century Emp-ror ohannes pttt red on the top 1n ord er to ell?W bn· the .middle Jor the Cl1urch, ,g �een show the lim,portance !of the arm_y, iYy ·t11e previous at 1th� ib· otitom · _!for -t11e K"iag. Tl 1s verSion 11,a.s 'tlie ,advantage 1sover , f Em eror Yohannes, lill ,preserved, m th.at at lakes •i nto ,accou.nt 'tile flag o t r and ��e:r ,colours is u-eversed. However which 'the a.r;rangemen<t ,of 1! he· ilp'?� - ·th at ·th e mi·date band o . f this flag rwas \.Vhite. it can 'be ,accepted laS �ertain

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emphasized that tl1ey always discussed matters in relation to a special case of oral tradition and rarely took a general view. A categorically negative standpoint was expressed by Pollera, who du� to his long stay in the _ cot1ntry and i11timate contact with people acqwre� � wide kn? wledge of Ethiopian at•titudes. Writing about the oral traditions, especially about pseudo-chronicles, as l1e called them (that is, traditions recorded in books some generations later than the actual events), Pollera concludes that ''th.e formation of any exact records has not been possible''23• Conti Rossini24 also discussed i1 1 his Storia cl'Etiopia ''... meager and more or less alternate traditions of Ethiopians about their past''. In particular cases of genea logies in their formatio11 l1istorical elements were not lacking... ''there were also traditional elen1ents wluch if not for anything else but for age have tl1e right to great co.nsideration, but unftortunately... it is impossible to separate i11 tl1en1 the facts from tl1e inventions of the authors''. Less ca1e gorical wa.s Perruchon, who. on tl1e occasion of his translation of the ma nu.script 01 1 Lalibela ca1ne across the legend, called tl1e legend of the l(i,ng's da.ughter, wllicl1 was collected by Denis de Rivoyre in Eritrea. Rivoyre prete11ded to lu'lve discovered a true record about Judit, Lalibela and Nc:1'alcueto La'ab. 25 To l1is disappoint111ent Perruchon quickly discover ed that tl1�- legend l1ad very lin1ited historical valt1e, and quoted the opinion of l1is teacl1 er, Basset: ''T11is story," wrote Basset, ''is purely Ethiopian. lt s110\-VS a11 exan1ple of tl1e alteratio11 of historical facts in traditio11s as 1ra.11sn1iltecl by people." It is a pity that tl1is great scholar did 11ot elaborate on tl1e topic. 26 l(olmodi1127 in his introduction to the translation of $�i$c_ga and Ha$ega oral traditions had more to say about them. He con cl11ded that. l1is ge1 1eral impression was that tl1ey were more reliable than 011e ,vould admit by strict l1istorical sta11dards. ''Tins impression," be wro te," can11ot i1 1validate tl1e ft111damental rule, tl1at we should consider oral i11fo_1111a1ion, transmitted by tradition, as historical fact, only because it is obviously not absurd or legendary. We would mislead ourselves if we wou�d close our eyes to- the possibility ofl frequent alterations, often im i::oss !�� e -to eval �ate,_ wl1icl1 can a.lways happen in continuous oral repeti t1011. - l(olmod111, 1_t sl1o�ld be emphasized, dealt especially with the proble1n o� genealogies \Vl1 1ch a:re tl1e subject-matter of the traditions of Ha�ega. I-I1s expla11ation of wl1y l1e considered these genealogies as fairly

23 "L'a.bituctine di 1sbrigar tutto_ �-erba ln1ente, ,quella di :considerare i fatti non jilelle loro cause e conse_guen_ze v1c1ne e lontane, �a solo negli effetti n1ateriali del n ome �o. q �lla di afftda: t_utto alla 1ne_mor�a, l'analfabetismo qt1asi generale, �_1aru1o�rpe �ltO 'lll�a qua! s1asq esatta oro111stor1a, se !Ile ,accettua l'an notazione 1ncomp eta e succ1nta _di qualch e data eccezionale da parte di rari conventi · · senza ch e se ne accenn1 affatto alle cose" A p0Jl era, orre. ge11de e favole leg St · i clel paes� clei !'l�gus (Firei ze, 1936), p. 59_ 24 C. Conti Ross1n1_, Storia c�'Etiopia (:Sergan1o, 1928), p. 249. 25 J. Perru�hon, _V r� de Lal,bela (Pair1s, 1892), 'P· iii. 26 C. Conti Rossini_ tll1 !h.is Iradizioni storiche dei Mensa · ,(Roma, 1901), p. 4 states . o as delle. tract·121_· on1· stor1c · h e, . follovvs "I=accio seguire, sebb--ne s1 esca dal can1p ,, 11 testo esatto di quella leggenda dalla "fi gl.i.a del re l1e 1I de R1voyre aveva : preteso di farci conoscere gabellan d 1a come un autentico Giudi. t, di rico rdo di Na'akueto _, ' . G·:,. I a'ab la B, asset acutamente avev a spogr1ato ct·1 molte strane a1nplificazioni il racconto di quel . agg. atore, nei o est qu ra o i ur to mi rid tes _ ma _ ; t veri limiti iSiffata .Ieggenda cu i u van tol gl'ino�ellimenti :che la avevano � , raccon1andata all'atte.nzion;, · 'abb'as•· i.c'1nza scettica a dtr vero ' d e1 p . � rruchon, . 27 J ..Ko1n10d"l��- 7:raclitions cle Tsazzega et l-Jazzega (U ppsala, 1914 ), v11. 28 Ib id., pp. v111-ix.

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�curate is based on the fact rthat they were intimately related to 'land ng�ts ? and the know� ed �e of them was a.n indispensable condition for clairmng them. F �r this vital and prac?cal reason me�bers of community h �d to know their ancestors, and this was jealously checked by other villagers. Allan Hoben, studying the Aml1ara community in Gojjam, _ om s see � . to � � to the same conclusion though he does not mention "it expl1c1tly 1n his book.29 These few examples show that the conclusions in individual cases n1ay vary �d it is not 1 tin1e as yet for generalizations. However, it seems to ?e _poss1bl � even now to detect some underlying attitudes of the Ethiopians which may l1elp to explain :the process of legend.-making.

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Fir.st of �11 it seems _to be 1ogical to start with 1the question concerning .. Naga.dras Dasta and his colleague. Considering that there was such a short itin1e of one gen'eration only between the writing 011 the articles and the creative period o. f the 1flag, one may ask if ,tl1ey were aware of the possibility of another version than those which they put forward. The question, is rather acaden1ic, because due to the lack of additional docu ments it ca11.Dot be answered satisfa.ctorily. However, there is a passage in the article of �aga Za'ab, which may lead to tentative conclusions. �aga Za'ab · refers to a disct1ssion about the flag between a Shoan officer and an Italian, which took place on the occasion of the visit which Martini, governor of Eritrea, made to Addis Ababa in 1906. The Emperor Menilek met Martini at Jan Meda and ''prepared a parade."30 Each soldier was holding a filag. Tl1e arrangement of colotrrs of tl1e flag was not all similar. ''Some had .green at tl1e bottom a·nd red between, and some yellow at tl1e bottom a.I1d gree11 in between." This obviously struck t.he Italian, wl10 asked a Sb.oan officer the reason wl1y it was so. In his answer the Ethiopian qt1oted ithe story referring to· tl1e Del11ge and added the final comment, ''Tlus disorderly arrat1ge1nent of colours ,of the flags you see is 01tly the mistake of those wl10 have sewn it [i.e. tl1e tailors] and if you co11nt tl1ose wrongly arranged fla.gs they will be very fev.r." One might argue that the argumentation is somewhat imconvincing. It would be logical 1:o assume tl1at there was ·a s11fficie11lly large n11n1ber of ''wrongly'' sewn flags to attract the attention of the Italian, and it would be quite easy to order a re-sewing of the flags if i_ n fact the tai� ors had indeed made la mistake. One n1ust conclt1de ·tl1at either the soldiers did not know the iright arrangement of the colo11rs or did not care about it and that :the situation was precisely what Montandon (mentioned in the previous article) told us. Maybe also there was another reasons which could be guessed 1from ·Hayla-Maryam's article; the parade took plac� at

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l ocia a har Am jjam Go in ups Gro t � scen De l nea bili ,Am of le Ro Tile , ben 29 A. Ho Organization (Berkeley, 1963). In the letter to the au_ thor Hoben exp�atns as

e several follows: "Concerning fan1ily trees: The w?rld re/1abl� can hav s, ant rm se info sen al onc hist ctly stri In t. tex con this in ngs ani . r�ported me �v1ng old ascent lines are not usually reliable beyond �e :�and-pare _ nts1ng _ of h1s descent men. There is much variation however. !f th: 1ncliV1dual 1s tra� from a famous ancestor and the intermediate. lines o� segmentation are of so�o importance to him in )and fights or other .claims to nghts of some sort, then hts account may be quite c!,CCurate for more than ·the usual number of genera... tions" ed that it was an "unforget30 On 15th June 1906. :f\1artini in his Men1orie not • •. • • . . • able sight". - 147 -

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'the '. rti. m� wl1en his· ver -s·io11 of the . fi°a.g was still considered by some, as a valid one. Tl1e poi1 1t is, l1owever, of so1ne in1portance as it substantiates �e st1s1Jicion t11at if �aga Za'ab knew about t11e incident which !3appened 1n 1906, l1e 11 1igh have also k:I1own as well other contemporary circumstances relating to tl1e flag. In £act it does not seem possible that the au.lhors from Berl1 a11e11a Siila,ri were not awa.re o·f tl1e article and arguments of ·Hayla-Maryam. Talcing into consideration th.at only twelve years_ elaJ?s �d since· tl1e ·publishi11 g of 11 is book, the status of the author and sem1-off1c1al cl1 aracte r of his LS;taitement,s, it is 1110,srt: improb;a,ble th·at tl1ey were unaware of it. In otl1 er words, if tl1ey kne,v what l1appen ed at the parade and what . Hayla-Maryam l1ad writte11, tl1ey also knew more about the circumstances of the creation ·of tl1e [la.g tl1a11 tl1e y cl1ose to report in their articles. Wl1 y 'the·n did tl1ey not mention othe r facts in tl1eir exposition? There is of course no possibility of having a definite answer. However, the obvious argun1ent see1 11s to be tl1 at telling a complete story would spoil tl1e picture Vi,}1 ich they i1 1te 11ded to in1press on tl1e reade r. One may a.pplJ' ar1 a11alogy wl1ich to a certai11 extent might give a reason for their attitude. This a11alogy can b e drawn fro111 a r ecent study of Ambara community in Gojjam by I-Ioben, who focussecl his interest on tl1e role of an1bilineal descent gro11ps. TJ1e Al11 l1ara society, sin1ilarly to tl1e Tegre society, studied b)' Kol111 odin, · bases t]1e rigl1t to share land o .n ance stral afllilia tions; l1e11ce an intense interest i11 genealogy and. the tracing of ancestry. In this res1Yect }lob e11 gives an interesti11 g piece of information, namely 1l1at i11 Gojjam tl1ere are two ki11ds of genealogies, those "that con.trol Ia11 d use and local office" :1nd the s11per - genealogies ''by whicl1 the people trace tl1eir s11per-ancestors''. The s11per-genealogies refer usualJJ, to the gre at historical and legendary personages of tl1e past. The common people in Daga Damot (a ·region st11died by 1-Ioben) trace tl1eir ancestry to king rfak]�i-Hay111anot and l1is wife Gan11at, \Vl10 \Vere suposed to live in Jerusalem. Tl1e nobility trace 1he:irs, l1owever, ''to otl1er celebrities includ Adam". Usually tl1e super-genealogy i11g Menilek ·1, 'Solo1non, Noal1 and , reaches the "working'' genealogies in tl1e fo11rth or fiftl1 generation. While .the genealogies that control land use are of practical interest to tl1e ind.ividual, tl1e st1per-genealogies ''are of no corporeal value, they are a source oil pride a11d csatisfaction to st1ccessful men". Needless to say the first form of genealog:y is based on real affilia·tions, whereas tJ1e secon.d is ba.sica.lly of legendary type. Yet "wl1e11 a11 important man is aske d �y an outsider about his genealogy, it is about super-genealogy ... and ms kinship bonds witl1 great men of tl1e past and present that I1e likes to speak"; tl1e ''worki11g" ge11ealogie s are ''uni1 11porta11t'' to 11in1. 31 It is possib�e t?at i11 the same way as in � ojjan1, in tl1e minds of the Nagad.ras _ and �aga s th�re we r� two g� 1 1eal?g1es �f tl1e �lag: the simple one, not .e�pec1ally g}or1?t1s, of l1 a� pen1ngs 1n the 1mmed1ate past, \.Vhicb '1:hey co11_ s1dered as , un1n1p?rtan_t, , �nd the ,, s_upe r-genealogy'', wl1e n the tracing ,could g? c1:5 far as 1IDag1na1Jon a�d pride would dictate. So it is po�sible .that ne1tl1er felt a ne�? t? me11t1on tl1e �act�a.l l1istory of their flag in �he �am� w�y as a GoJJam1 11oble would dtsm1ss tl1e ''working'' genealogy · 1n 11 1 s f1re-s1de talk: 1

Hoben, op. cit, pp. 154-155. .

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-. · roblem ther �fore f o� 'discuss-ion can b e reduced to the problem 'J:le p of att � t1.1de � whereas 1n the first version the emphasis v1ould be put on _ t the kl1owl of e dg fac s, tl1e , n o ati. t presen. chronological pt1rsu1t of h 1 stor 1cal � _ :super-genealogy a be ld 1 wo1. vers.1on the .second tJ1e based flag, the f o , on _ pr0Jectio11 of the pr esent a.ttit1.1des i 11 to the past. 1

The first ,1ttitude, a p1.1rs1.1it of his·torical knowledge, seems to be of no 1 1,1l Etl1iopia1 1... '']1istory" as Levine puts it "is jnt �rest to tl1e traditio . . · either a . problem :nor clel1gl1t to tl1e Aml1ara: 1 the essential goals of his n life are realizecl 01.1tside l1istory. Conseque11tly, be b.as traditionally had little i:nterest in his o,vn 11.istory, a.nd almost never knows any historical data." 32 TJ1j.s very reveali11g re1nark 11eeds of course some comment_ Fi,rst of a. JJ one can· . argue tl1at tl1ere is a great deal of fire-side talk go· ing in the country ai1d past even Ls are one of the topics of rt. Ho·11ever, no st1.1dy was made of trus kind of historical tradition and no Vlritre.n records of it \\'ere made.33 Nevertheless even now one has the impression that not man.y lustorical or pset1do-l1istorical facts ,�,ere transmitted from one generation to a11other by this vel1icle of comm1.1nication, \Vhat an a 1.'erage Ethiopian k11 0\VS abo11t his past is a very schematic pica1re of a feT,l; historical or pset1do-historical perso11ages, who are very loosely framed in b_istorical chronology. The saga of Ahmad Gran, to men.ti.on one of Ethio pia's celebrit· ies, l1a.s obvio1.1sly made sucl1 an impact on Eth:opian i..magin� tion tl1at it re1nained ,1ivid u1 1ti1 no,v and many rnonuments or their destruction are still quite erroneously attributed to hirn.;'..j But it would be very' dinficult to ob-tain more JJrecise in£or1nation atout hl�- �,agadras Dasta, an obviously lear11ed ma11 by traditional standar(�:. ?� e-s. D01 e\·en know Gran's proper nan1e, the spelling of v1hich in hi. a�:c'.e 1s v;rong. This lack of inte·rest i 1 1 11.istory, however, fJr;-::::; :--:.r:1 r!'.:ea.n 1�at a certain visio11 ,of t11e pa.st played anything bi-1t an ir.1r,�·}:-:.:-=1: roie ill an Ethi,opian's everyday activities; in fact be did not f.:;;� �.r,:· ::: ?�b!e _;1nl�;s 1 tr) .":�Ll. 2. .1 .!.. �ug rd(;] acc0 , find d coul ns actio 11t orta in1p e mor of his each � r•r... -,n·�r -4· -:-�,, :1.� !2 -i.lJJ . 1·-1ery ren1ote pas t . : CJ._.· �-. I ,. J ;. ... .n ) · a of ts even ar n simil catio in : •· C �r •-·"fr"°": ( ,,..,-" --r illS �--¼� .:i?JJ,. 01 n t1t1o repe that he did ·Was supp - - osed to b e a forefathers. E O 1 . a en ?rri ::eTI 0 The co11cept of history, therefore, was based O:J tr: ? • tne tc, t:: .:-J.iD .:::(, crr �r-� d an e tim 1 of 1 tio ep nc 1 l co is 011 Ethiopian attitudes: established pattern of life. . , • 7 r r ,· _e 1ne . D1 . r � . : � zt d se us s-c di en be ? dy ea alr _ The idea of time l1as j :r;: a A e :1 Th e. on .l ca cli cy a � � �"' �U:: � �: __,; . e suggested th at it is H • P • --:· � ,.. · .j,;..!."IJ.J 12 • , ar ye ch ea : s ar ye al lic e g . _ ...'cco·rdm· g to the evan .c ,. (),, ,,.,..- �,.._.._ .,_, g a c�. c 1 .e _ , · ·: ' .1 :; .. L.� I � � .. , a · I o h J o n, d an th e year of M attl1ew, Mark, L1.1ke 1 ,.:atlem 1s ... ,., ,.t::z. r.,,., • arr-: , he of four ' which is repeated. cont.1nuous1y. T 0 :

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d te o _ ev d em th � ch o ea , th n o m followed in the division of tl1e days in the ly g ar bi ye 1s a � io at br le . to a saint. In addition 1:0 the monthly ce e system l ip tr a is e, in ev L s e d ,,35 celebration of the sam· t. ''In result' '' conclu geeva� e ... Th es cl cy ar ye ur fo of monthly cycles, annual cycles and c� gi lo o n ro r ch fo ss e l e s u e rs u co lical year and .monthly feasts are of 36 Ye t, w hen t� e Amhara 1s n. ve gi purpose s, unless some othe r clue is ened p ap on h ti ac an at th g in y . sa y b it o asked to define time he prefers to d . on so d an el ha ic M of y da e th in the year of Mark, on s e cular o� it s� ur p r fo m iu ed m a s "Time," according to Levi11e, ''a e does m ti al 1c or st h1 . .. ra ha m A e th r fo e rn nc co interest is of little expicit e e xact ye ar, ye t th ow kn t no s doe Jly not claim bis attention .. . he us11a d e an of tim n tio ep nc co he ''t ct fa in nd A alone date, of his own birth.'' 37 Tomorrow, in fact ." ra ha m A e its ratio11alization l1as little sense to th e ve r. When recollect n or r, te af ek we a vv, ro or n1 to may mean tl1e day .af ter e time b y ye ars, but by fin de to e lik t no es do ra ha Am s e ing past event th e d on this rr cu oc ich wh d an 11t, rta po i1n as him by red ide ns co ts otl1er even e tc. If this rs wa s, e i11 fam , 1gs ki1 tl1e of e o11 thr the to occasion : accession ever the Ethiopian n e wh le, iab rel rly fai ole wl1 tl1e on is g tin system of da nse . Co und gro e sur less ch mt1 on is he rs yea by nt cou to lled 11pe co1 is quently, spealcing of tl1e date of a ,happening, he ma y give for it two apJ)arer1tly contradictory staten1ents, st1cl1 as, ''Tl1is crown was made for En1peror Gala\vdewos a11d it is nine hundred years old''. In fact, however, tl1e stateme11ts express ·two different ideas: the first is an attempt at a daiing, tl1e second at expressing oE the idea of antiquity.

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It sho11ld be mentio11ed that 1:here are ofl course two other ways of �lati11g ,vhich have been in use i11 Etl1iopia, namely counting by the Julian Calendar and by the years of Creation. The Julian Calendar used by le�ed people l1a.d little im_pact on the wide section of tl1e population. Co1111t111g by tl1e years of Creat1011, tl1e system used by tl1e annalists, seems to be n1ore poJ.?ular, tl1ough_ ilie a�tl1or does not l1ave definite proof of 110\v mucl1. It 1�, l1owev�r, interesting to note that the years of creation are understood literally, 1.e. tl1at the beginning of the world took actually place 7458 years ago. This lack of rati� nalization of time, and lack of precision in chrono . logical te�s as well 8 makes n1ost dating tl1at is based on t r�d.1tion very . problematic. It seems tl1at in traditional tt11·n.king ti· . me 1s conceived as two

35 Levine, op. cit, p. 226. '36 G.W.B. Huntingford, Land Charters of 'Northern Etlizop · za · (Add1s . Ababa, 1965) p. 22. 37 Levine, op. cit., p. 225. · 38 There are many examples of vagueness in ch.,ro o1 gic al terms, of which one of . the most lim.portant is tl1e term "generatio �t_ ·�oes not me an either a singl stage o� the family descent nor tile perio� O· f tu�ie th_at separates on naturale generation. !from anot11er, but a very va ue tfe1 attonship of descend e genera ing tions. ·In ·Gojjam, �o quote ,one case .::i °5t th� n_o_ble �amities trace ,t11eir ancestry fro� the men1 bers of di;tingu . s1le f�nu s m Jeru salem, who followed Men1lek I to Ethiopia. To prov t;1 pedigrel1e e, th�y prod uce a d.ozen names of gener�tions whicl1, converted i�to gures, ar� evidently -too short to to -reach the reign of Solomon. Tb·l s is · of no, c-.0nc em t, O th e . :People , and for . all becau se "gene , tw . � reason�_: t·1rs t of· ra tion dS not unders tood .as a strictly linute�. �eno? ,of time and secondly that the pe p l: do not know the date of . o · . · y nt SolC?mon s reign and conseq ue l have ia Idispens-ati.on fr om making 1a mathemat1cal, ·check. · · ,. .

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district pe riods, e ach expressing on very b d sent and past. Anything which is n o t conte;�or1 · es the ID:e�nmg of pre :r y of the pa�t. which in tum is. not str1·ct·ly define . enters m o a category d In terms of years An J "! no · 0b ·ect h�·ch is t contemporary is de fined in terms of tent or di,ro39 no . matter 1f 1t IS fifty, a hundred, or several hund r ed years o· 1d. In the same ,,. . · waiy an e��nt IS 1mmelD:0�1al'' (this giv�s to th e event a status of special respectability) no matter if 1t happened f·ifty, a hund red or several huncired. years ago. The_ se�ond _pheno_menon which dominates the hi storical trunking of tht: Ethlop1�s IS their concept of life. This is based on e id th ea of a strict �onform1ty of tl�eir. li!e to tl1e life of the generations preceding them . 1:he life -c ycle of the 1:nd1v1dual may be conceived as a closed cycle iden e tical to th . �ycles of ?th�r generations. The social and private existence of the t�ad1t1o_nal Eth1op1an was ruled from his birth to his death by a . be�aviour and forms handed down from previous generation in c�e of s, wl11ch nothing sh?ttld be changed. TI1e sam e attitude, one may add, existed t?wards nat1:1re : 1t was ''created by God and handed down through genera tions. Coming from the past, it is used, accepted, but not changed or improved."40 To understand this basic principle underlying the traditional Ethio pian's view of the world one has to use an analogy with the mediaeval period of European l1istory. And in fact the traditional Ethiopian lived to a large extent in this age, whicl1 is called in European history an ''age of faith''. His ,vhole intellectual background was based upon a l1abit of thought in which everytl1ing which v1as ''old'' was firmly fixed and good, the ''new'' uncertain and insecure. And the "old'' was based on the belief that God rules th·e world, and 1-lis Churcl1, the 011ly authority in spiritual and intellectual life, reveals I-lis truths. Consequently the unfailing source of mowledge w.as the ,Church, the only repository of it and the only source of its change. Yet the 1Jersiste11ce of the super11atura.l was in no way dispel led by any doubt - the Church (t1nlike other cl1urcl1es in Europe) ne,,;er passed through the periods ,of constant adjustments ancl .adaptations to a new vision of life. In particular the whole period of the tren1endous intellectual effort, :starting from the sixteenth century, to explain the universe and reconcile new findings with tl1e faith v1as never experienced in Ethiopian past. This lack of a testing _period o� the ''age of r�ason'' is probably the mo st significant if we consider the _mtellectual bas�s · Of �e Ethiopian 's vie w of the wo�ld in . general and �s conce-?t of history m particular. Toe scl1olar who investigates tl1e past 1s sometr�es puzzled by the obvious contradictions of the state ments by the trad1t1onal scholars ew of the vi in ble da an rst de t1n m the d fin st n1u he t e y y, ntr of this ·cou attitude of faith without any doubt. �e The traditional Ethiopia:n accepted what he wa� to!d by tthe peop ed to m ak e his clm m t s no wa d an e s iti or th au s hi as d whom ,he con·sidere .•

= _dep� _toujours , .P,,C.- 1. ); di ui (G co ti an ) an m te ae . (B e 39 "1''}:,.. 1 = ,aintfqu ) m ongme, dapan em aet (B o1s e-f utr d'a e os ch ps tem , · ux Ie temps J'ad"1s,· Ie vie principio (Guidi). 143 40 G.A. Lipsky, Ethiopia (New iJiaven, 1962), p.. - 151 -

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ents which w ere made m e a t st e h t a t 1 t1 ri io JJr own cl1ecking.41 He believed , a hal lenge d. The � ho �e c ot n '. e b ld ou sh d b y sucl1 autl1 orities were true an e 1n his r ru a m A rm e y G b ed n fi de system o·O traditional education so well al of obs erv ed ic it cr , e tu tt a 1 1 � a f o � stt1d y4 2 of it preve11 ted a d evelopment _ _ hat t h e acknow l t al 1n f ie el b 1g l11 1 a f 1n ,1nd j, nstilled facts as it ain1ed at a.n 1 e ved hi ac as w , id sa be ld ou sh is s, l1i ledged at1tl1oritie; were teaching. T e arkable r s it ty ie soc an pi � io th E e th to a great exte11t a1 1d has given to clle t te ec 1n rf pe t os lm a s it , as o t ' ed rr fe stability and, wl1at is sometin1es re tt1a.l immobility. · opian can i th E al on iti ad tr e th by ed pt ce 1 ac The \ ision of J1istory ent in to the past. es pr e tl1 of n io ct je o pr a as conseqL1entl y be defined ep etitivene ss, the r its as w e lif f e o m e th n ai 1 11 e th · as 111 the same way k of development. c la s t i: s wa ry sto 1ltl an pi io 1 l Et 1 e tl of re tt1 essential fea h surround ic wh ng hi yt er ev at th n io ss re 1p 11 i 1e The Etl1 iopia11 lived 1t11 der tl es, houses ess dr s, e nt em pl im : t s' pa 1 tl1e n i . ted s ·exi ed l1in 1 mLtSt l1a\ e already a a ttitude is tihat r ha Am ral e gen 1e l ''T . 11ts eve er 1 d otl an or cus10111s, wars ew n ch mu t no is e er tl1 t b11 , g o d an e com ple peo go, ru1d e s season com 11nder tl1 e sL11 1 ," Levi1 1e co1 1clt1des, and c111otes a country dabtara : ''Our l1islory was ,1lways the san1e old tl1ing - one lord fighting another to get 43 Conseq11ently tl1e painter in the ni11et een-sixties, portray er." e pow 111or _ ing tl1e battle Adwa, or tl1e Emperors Tewodros, Galawdewo s or Me nilek I, all disp1ayi11g the present national Ell1iopian flag, bas no doubt in his n1 i 11d tl1 at l1e is portraying l1istory, because if tl1e flag exists now, it must also l1ave existed i11 tl1e past. 1-11er _e are, of course, ma11 y otl1er exampl es of this type of historical a11acl1ro111s1n. To quote one, tl1ere is a.Il illustration in an eiehte en th cen1 ury 1na11usc: ip t wbicl1 represents Pl1araol1's sol diers subm�rged by the sea, a.II l1 old1ng �atcl1locks, typical for tl1at centLiry.44 Pictures are still produced of Me111lelc I, son of Solomon, and l1is bodygua rd armed with These aoachroni�n1.s, also known well i 11 111ediaeval Euro modern _guns. _ pea11 JJa1nt1ng, are based 011 tl1e artists' i11 1 1Jressio11 Ll1at time , events an d 11npleme11ts do not c!1ange.

It �:em_aii1S -only to 1n�ntio11 a 111 inor poi11 t, wl1icl1 i s nevertl1eless o f a� certain importance. This vlas already quoted as a nt t Pollera's re1nark tl1at Etl1iopians do not present liistoric�t1I'a�t� a�lle�

· · A g_ood example \of rtl1c :1ccepla.i1ce of an O al iti.on can. b e quoted 1!om r �\v � : lk. , s I '. the :field ·o.r u1ature 6tudy. t i a n n fact til e ale birds of the Finch family, 'con1n1on i 11 1tl1 c country cllange U e . r 1u ag °:1 the b r ding period. ee c lil , m P i l '. v \ , s' u i ds sp he an are on bir inc c ou bro n 0 y 1r ougllOtlt 1ost o f the vea:, �ut rf � tu,n, b_right and color�ul during tile ,rai;�� lie explan ation 1of_ tl1e Ethiopian for tl11s pl1en. o·menon 95 1 at 'tlley "c . c ro m 1 otl1er l?rovince". _The auth� ru m� � i n, , }' o od did � t_ 1fin� lanyb who e terta ne l d oubt ,ab . ou t this_ expl�ation. Even 1f mi gra e tl1 t1on" version is challenged tl u al answe r 1s "so 1t was told by � the 1old people (and ,U1ey kn,ow bet ter';_ Z . i 0 eir _example \refers to ·th e seed of .. the popular kosso 'tree (Ilagenia ab! ssi, llca), which l1as very n1inut:e seeds. In GoJJam there is a belief that ' "tl1 ere are 110 see . ds o t-' the t,osso tree". Even . tI1e studeats of the Univers - itv. Co11ege, when as ' ked b Y tl1e autl1or to collect seeds, 'did not do so because "they w · ere 1told -.b y the people of the village that the k.osso tree l1as no seeds". �2 �o:-:n1a � n1ar�, Education and Conflict . . Values 111 Ethiopia, Ph. D. clissertiat ron _ (Un1 vers1_ ty of Sot1 thern I llino is.' 19�!)' see chapter o n the Cht1rch. 4.,1. Levine, op. cit., p. 226-227. 44 MS, St ory o f St. I\1icl1ael, Nar!! � a Sell ase, Gojjan1. 41

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really . are, but according to the con venience of the moment. One should a d d that there is . a Very n atural tenden c}' to consider the past in view o f present sirtuations and issues. I-Iowev er, this tendency seems to be some what more emphasized i11 Ethiopia, a.nd for obvious reasons. Objective studi.es o f the past were neither conce ived of nor practised in the country: a recording o .fi p as t or present eve11:ts �vas made for somebody's glory or pride, or for an y reason other th an for the recording itself. The limitations of court an11alists i n th e past, are too wel l known to be mentioned here. I11 conclt1sion it seems to be obvi otis tl1at legend-making was an jn1portant element of 1raclitio11al l1istorical thinking of tl1e Etlriopians. However, th e oral tradition and written docu n,ents based on it should not be dismissed as useless for st11dy of tl1e pa.st. O n 1 co tl e ntrary, it is hoped tl1at mo�e 11se of -tl1en1 will be 'n1ade .in. the :h1ture stt1d. y of the past and that tJ1 ey \-Vill reveal some interesting features of the Ethiopia cultura l n l1 eritage. However, as a working conclt1sion, one \vou1d suggest that th ir value co.nsists 11ot in what tl1ey intend to relate but in l1ow they relate �1t. They can11ot be co11sidered. unless rigorously checked by other evidence, as historical pro of o.f tl1e events oar.rated by tl1em, but as a cultural docu ment fro m the period wl1 en tl1ey ,vere created: they represent attitudes, aspirations and a ct1lt11ral stage in general of the people who created them. 1

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, LES DOCUMENTS ARNAU D D'ABBADIE(1) Reginald Roger Jzarn. v� n E: iorie en �Olll�agnie de son frere ai t r ne Antoine au debut 1 de . •, nau_ Abbad1e d Arrast devait quitter ce sol qu'il avait pass1onnement a1me quelque douze ru1s plus tard, e.n 1850 , pour n,y pI us · · · J�ats •re;1erur. ·n. e leur voyage, •so11 frere rappor tait de non1breuses observations geographiq�es, geodesiques, etl111ographiques, et lin guistiques, dont la plll!S grande II)arLie demeura a l'etat de notes; meme ce aui en fu publi t e d�me1:fe, � texte n1al el�bore, diffiicile a li,re comme a- consulte ma r, is min� !nepms_a?le de r�nse1gnen1en1 ts. On a l'impres.sion que, une fois colliges ces lelements d un excelle.nt travail, Antoine ne sut pas trouver le ten�ps� 1�. courage pet1t-etre, necessaires a leur publication. Pet1t-etre n'alffia.,t-il · pas assez l'Et'hiopie pour cela ... E n frappant contraste, son cadet sut d'emblee se meler a la forte vie des champs de bataille et des cotirs d'Etl1iopie, en cette premiere moite du XIX siecle. Et il le fit avec passion. C'est un amour tres fort, tres humrun, presque tendre, pour cette terre d'Etlliopie et ses hommes, qui co11rt to, u t au long des milliers de pages ou il conte ces souvenirs de sa jeunesse. :n le fait avec 1w1 is.oin extre1ne; 11ous avo11s le p · ret1ve certaine que de nombret1x pa:ssages furent rediges au moins trois fois de suite, avant ,d'etre ooucl1.es ,d'une belle ecril11re reguliere s1ir les fet1illes 30x25 de la forme defi11itive. Le pre1J1ier jet est rature, au point qu'il r1e reste peut-etre p.as un se1tl 1not intact; les redactions su.ivan!es repre11nent ce texte, sans guere ·de modifications 11nportantes. Cer ·tains episodes sont cependant supprimes, d'a11tres developpes, n1ais pour l'esse11tiel, le texte re�te semblable a lui-me1ne pour le fond. si.n,on. da.ns la torme. Cela ternoi gne d'un travail acharne, et aboutit a une lang11e fran<;aise vive, coloree, a un style harmonieux, souvent nerveux, qu'em1Jloie11t parfois les voya geurs, et aue j oserais ·comparer a telui des aettres de 1a Marquise de Sevi gne. A l'agreable lecture de ces pages, ont .se prend a penser que, si elles avaient ete editiees, elles eussent sans dou e valu }1. Jeur auteur un faruteuil a I'Academie fran9aise. . Malheureusement, et 1'on lne sait encore pourquoi, seule la premiere partie de ;es memoires vit I',editio?· Ce�ains indices don.n�nt a_ pe�ser que le caractere ombrageux d Antome n y est pas tout a fa1t etranger. Quoi q.u'il en soit, apres la parution du tome. I �e ''Douze ans dans I_a r1t us� n , 1:,e _ d .. ma au d il Arn va tra le sur be om ret e • nc ile s i 4e '', pie hio Et Haute de ce premier tome ne figure pas da11:5 les documen!s �ue Jau pu etud1er, sinon, pa r bribes, sous forme de brou1l�ons_ de preIDJer Jet, ?o�t I� classe nte ssa s ere tre c mt e ve un a · es, mr em M s de e t esi r , Le . ile fic me nt est tres dif

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u pl nt la do , s es au ,ti nP rn u o s ue q n· · · ·qt 1 e et que1ques ·tex te s tLu ...,fo 1... � � · 11 . . ,. ll:'�- , e nquete 1ur1d 1 i th E A rn a u d � n d r u Jo se u d ? e u q o ep l' a as p d n o p es rr e �o e n e ti d ar n , p gra • s a mort Personne n e pouva1t y acce. · . . �

· . , . n h! 1 . e apres pie, demeu:ra dans isa · fam.111 u et 0P �ant. a t i _ d n ve s le d u � ' _ d te ec ir de r. Mais, e n 1942, �'l1eritiere d , Jes er ig ll s co le a 9a e n m m . co c1 1u . le P. Albert Re1 1con-Gal]ardo Cel s, d�ra.nt Ies an gt n vi t an nd pe l a-i av tr n so e or evene n1 er11ts vi 1 1rent i 11 terrom r. 1e n e· gr un d' d n fo au , se is ca i en t . iers dormiren , recieux pap qu els 1 es p a �e'' est bb A: d' ud rna A ts en um oc ''d s de U11 :episode -de l'histoire -, a�quel ia ub T ph se Jo ur se es of Pr le �� r pa e, od ri ecrit, vers Ia fi11 de cette pe il pr1_t au qu rt J?a r }a po e g 3: m m l1o re nd Te e , n � d j e saisis ce tte -oc.casio •. 1 lu t C en es s. re oi em M es 1eus ec pr · s ce de , ise al re l d' ui 1 ur �auv etage, aujo e nts, et ce n·est � cu do s ce de ur e e nt t de du jte eff et, qt1i m'i11 diqua l'.ident pas faute des ses efforts s'ils qt1itere nt la France peu apres. ence, ou il bs s d'a an e uz do s re ap , do ar all G -. on 11c Re rt be L e P. Al e , revenaiit en e!1.fet en u xiq Me a11 e, 1ill fan a s r · de ys '.Pa e J s 11 t bli da tai eta s'e ; France pour qu e lques jours, en 1962. U11 ·heure ux ooncour s de circons ta.11ce s me permit 1a,lors de le r encontrer, et de l'accompagner au fond d'une Province fr.a119ai,se, 0�1 il e11t l'obligeance de me roontrer l es papie.rs en questio11 et de un'e11 laisser pre11 dre succinc-teme nt connaissance. Son in tention affir111ee etait de les emporter au Mexiqu e , ou il esperait pouvoir acl1 ever de Iles tra.11scrire, et en .o reparer !'edition. II fut impossible d'obte11ir c 1ue les Arcl1ives Nationales OLL la Bibliothequ e Nationa le fra11 c;aise s'i11 i:eressen1t assez a ces do�t1n1e11ts pour J es :racheter et �es reten.i r en 1::-rance. lls traverser ent done l'AtlantiqL1e. Mai l e contact etabli ne fut pas ron1pu. Attei11t d't 111 mal incurable, le P. Rencon-Gallardo ne pouvait plus �e co11sacrer a ,:.e travail. Dt1 moins consentit-il a Jes JeQUer, non aux Bibiliotl1eqt1es fra11 9aises q11i s'en etaie11t desi11ter essees, m�is a l'Eglise Catl1olique. Lorsq11'i.J n1ourut, il y a qt1inze mois, Jes Memoires d�Amaud d'Abbadie prirent, 1e11teme nt, le cl1 emin de la Bibliotheque Vait:icane. 11 me ftil de� lo�s possible d' effectuer_11n �xame11 plus approfon,d i di es 6500 pages de Me1no1 res, _des c1uelque ,tro 1 s m1lle pages de brot1illons divers, et des u�l�t1 es ce11ta1 1�es -? e pa��s de tex�es h_istoriques, litteraires, et jt1ridiques ;\ ar1es La 11? 1 a�1 on, a 1 see et rap1 de s1 ?n se co11tente de la t· raii.scription !. � � : � n1t1f d Arnat1d, sera 11ne affa 1 re de e def1 _t xle du lo11 gue haleine si l',on veut 1 L en1r to�pte: ,e11 11otes, des reda�tions s:uccessi_ves, et donner Jes renseignel11s 1nents tor 1 es, et st1 rtot1t geograpl11 ques , indispensabl 1qt , es ,a· I a compre· , . . . , � e11en1enits. C est pot1rq1101 1 1 n1 'e st apparu utile l1e ns1 on .des •vv de donner un l)rem1er a1) er_9 u_ d�1 cont�11u d� ce s documents, tres br ef po ur les textes anne xe s, plus deta1 lle pour la suite 'Cles ''Douze aris d ans I a H aute t·i 110· E ' pie ' . . . I) LogoJ· : Arnat1 d av, ai.t coulume de porter -touJ·ours avec 1u1 d gran un , , Cal. 1 1er, e nfer1 11e c1a1is t111 ett11 �1 manttscrits, tel qu'en u·r1·1·rse nt Ies mo1ne · s et 1es pre tre� dans 1eur s voyages pour tra11sporter leur D · aw ·t ·t r ll gn si �i c01; ;y · . Jels rense1 gnerne11 ts divers qu'il pouv'ait rece u111.Lr su r le dr o1 t coutum1er · · · · . . . 11 et op1 ei1 la11 t. c1·v1l_ q_u e religietix, :5ous :f.o,nile de . . reponses. , .� au et esuons , Les qu e stions s01 1t ecr1tes s11r 11 11 fe uille t separe, a.u nombre ·d.e 348; les 24 A

2 l)e�ouverte en 1957, et publication en 196 . tal . . Or1e11 1 . , d . dai is _ R ocz 1�1k . 1styczny, . t.X.XV, n .2, . une partie dti tome· :r et d ll ton1e 11 de 'Douze ans dans la !-Inute Eth1 op1e". - · 156 -

der11iere s q t1estio11s soµt r estee s saiJ.s yepoilses . S u r un g_ros cabier 35x25cm, sont consjgnees le s 324 pre mieres n es, d e la ' S'agissait -il d t1n qt1es tio11naire prep�� f, ava_?ce, n:iam men1e d'Ar1 1at1d. vo 1 re transcrit d'11n autre . o uv rage, du t)rpe des aues tionna e;9tiete? Le desordre ; la variete des q uestions· , Je st1jet �tres oarlic��ier e i_ noonn u . Et1rope - le droit ethjopi.e n - sur leot1el elles- -oolr.ta1·e11t ' 11e n1e l e e11 font pas J?ense:r. Cepen , •dant, la . chose mer1te rait oetit-.eAtre e� . amei1 pl·. u� approfond1. La longueur es d�s rep . · ons va de q-uelq_ties 11g11es a 1me ldemie p a ge �nv1· ;on . Apre, s u n cert_aJn n.ombre de page s laissees bl,111cl1es.. se A . . r i o v t e con s1gi 1e dans le merne ' 1111 doc cal11er - ' 1.·i que, 111a!lhe t1reu s. eme11t incon 1plet ' intit11le' · . ,u111ent liisto · WaIde SeI]ass1e.

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�I) Fli:,:toire cle Wl1lcle Se/lassie. Ce fils dt1 D e djatch K. fl' e s u _ J �ev.:-i!t re�l�� s� r le Tigre: et, d e Ua stir 11ne partie de l'Etl1�o;e, �� iis� a ,1816, (e.ta1t ne da11s 1e f1.ef de son ,p. cre, 1Je Da, bba T . sahama,- d.ans · l'En· . comme1 1ca ses l1all ts faits a11 temps c1,u. dert·a. Il ,, Ra-"·s M"1kaeI , I orsque c e1 u1e ai· t . par la coaliLion des pri11 ces de la 1-Iau te Etl1iopie, les Ras Fasil, c1.· "f ut d'f . � Wa_ldc �OtLl, 1-I_ayad_ar, G_\VOs!10, et Wo11d \Vosse n. sous l'Empereur Tekle Gh1org1s, et fa1t _pr1s:011111cr a G o odar par Ras Gosho. Pcu aiJres. Kefle _ J_es_us fut n omn�e GoL1v�r11eur du Tigre. S11r ces e11trefaites, des jaJou x l1 ��r�nt Ras Mikael. qui se po�·t e i?-1pr,01np1u sur le Tigre, y attaque et 1 1 -�efle J CSllS, qui do1t S e11 ren1ettre a son vai11queur. II dvfa�t aedatcI: n1ourra s u ppl1c1e .c�1ellement par le Ras Mikael. Aya11t vaincu Dedjatcl1 Kef! e J _ e s tis: Ras M1�ael se ��tour11e contre Walde Sellassii. ciue son pere ava 1 t 1nve su de leur fief tracl1t1onn el de Tcl1elil<ot. Mais Walde Sellassie est vai�1queur; cepen_ dant, ses trot 1pes pet1 no 1nbret1ses ne JJe11vent pretendre . ten.1r en r epect b1en lo11gte mps les armees dt1 Ras Mikael; il cl1oisit do11c de passer sur les platea ux des Faltals. Mais ce11x-ci, apres avo ir semble l'acceuillir, veule11 t le tral1ir et le livrer a Mikael. A11ssi tJasse-t-il cl1ez Jes GalJas Azebos. Ce ux-ci fi11isse11t IJar l'attaquer. Il se - dirige alors stir Gondar, et y prend c1s·ile, JJrofitant d'1 111 droit qtii jot1e u11 role conside rable dans tous les evene ment s at 1xql1els 1Jartici1Jera Arnat1d d'Abbadie, au poin t q u'on 1Je11t le re11dre 1Jartielle1ne11t res:po11sable, par l'abt1s qui en f ut fait, de la prologation. de l'a11arcl1ie da11s Ia fiat1te Ell1iopie a la fi11 du 0 0 XVIII et au deb ut du XIX siecle s. Des l1ist oir es gala11tes l'obligent a sortir de la protection c1 ti e l11i d.01111ait le droit cl'asile. II entre alors au service dt1 Ras Hail u, e t y restera de11x ans, jt1sq u 'a la mort dt1 Ras ten 1 1Js en disgrac e, n tai cer n u te res jl el, ika M e d rt n1o Mik.ael. Apres la ekle Gl1iorgis, Bale Gaad. r T reu 1pe n l'E r pa e, 1n1 on 1 1 e etr r mais finit pa t, le an iss ad c� -�r a11 iss u p e �a t e fi �, u a e t�v no 11 s0 d e Ayant pris ·possession , e se s s d lor e rz1 n M so e etr 1 cl a pr le l, e i br Ga e ald W fils du Ra s Mikael, ette occasion po ur le c de ita of pr et , ea nb E1 ro ze oi W noces avec la belle encbau1e. Le s or al t es ie ss lla Se de al W r. e ni n faire traitre usement priso e n guerre co ntre A ly le rt pa l e ri ab G de al W ou recit s'arrete au moment Grand, Ra s du Begemder. ar ence, !Dais pp r l'a pa es · � es od m us pl s e d n i }'t r: Ill) Le ccil1ier d'ecolie e1?ble des ren:5e1gne ns e 1 r_ , pa ts n e m u c o d, s l'un ·des plus riches de tous oe nt. �. �'�git d'�� 1e nt c? '� qu s. te ai er tt ]i et ments jt1ridiques., historiques, n t e te arrac�, o ts l,e eu il f rs Je e m r p s le petit cahier sai1s couvert11re, dont · e t c-omp ta1t 5 19 D:111 5x 24 e u� es n1 , l� fi es i] es't s. imp]emen t cousu d e q_uelqu . 11s nt r? �s so pe ch . ra , ar . �ts ll �1 fe _ rs ie em pr e r . semble-it-il 160 pages. Les q_?at eu1il�ts (q uatorze ou q u1n ze f 1t 11 l1 u o t p s e r, D e meme a u ce Jlt r e d u cah1e n c01nmenca nt e e, st e r 1 u q ce � d e ys al pages_ ) on� ete �trraches. Voici }'an sent : re p re o c n e l le il u la pagination a u. ·pren1ier fe ._.........

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1.) de la p .I

t: an rn ce n oo es u iq d ri ju es 2 0, text

. , . ant 1 es posses- le mariage, ss gi re 1t ro d le t e le si 'a d it ro d - la legislation du ,, sions foncieres ecclesiastiques. Qs g o L '' r e c ahi s ro g u a re d in jo a Ces itextes seraient ! or a?t, 1p i1:1 es tr e u r iq ? �t hi e xt te 2.) de. l a p.21 a 102, pre1niere ligne, u n 1a ed t m an 1m ay u� 1q l1t po es t _ t lu et s it , fa s donnant la description precise de an s le cadre d , �e 1o th E en 1e p ad bb A d' es er tement precede l'arrivee des fr as R du , le el c a _ le ab bl m se z se as e, , d'un.e biographie de l'I m am Ahmed , r es ou ne d an ne a1 nt tre p e un r su nd te s'e Wolde Sellassie. Cet 11.istorique e em nc il co n; ie m Se le r su ie ub O l1 jartc ed D · aboutir a la do1nination de ent m se eu ur he al m t es t ci re Ce . lo al W du et e surtout l'l1istoire du Tigr ts corres lle ui fe s le , 84 p. la a 2 p.7 la de t, <li e et a il e interro1npu, comm po11dants ayan;t ete arraches.. ans doute des s e, iqu ep e r llu d'a s xte e -t s de , 05 p.1 a a l 02 3.) de la p.1 racontaient leurs ers rri gue eux r et1 val s plu les ou '', rre gue es e "them d. exploits devant la te11te de leur suzerain, pour en obtenir une investiture. C.es ,textes sont en amarique, itransc rits en grap hie europeenne. 4.) de la _p.106 a La p.109, des dictons an1ariques, toujours en gra pl1ie et1ropee11ne, com111entes en fran�ais; ils concement les chefs de l',Spoque. 5.} de la p.109 a la -p.112, une fable amariq-ue' mettant en scene un pays�ln qui cl!e rcl1ait a pa1Sser 1m fieuve, et un grand serpent; le texte para1.t tronque. 6.) �e la p.113 a la p.116, tex;tes ama .riques tres brefs, transcrits et con1me11tes co1nn1e cet1x dt1 4.) -p.106-109.

bistoire de _ "Leiceng ,Durusso'' (lt!f)1 : J!l(l0r) racontee par lui-men1e; c'�st un com pagnon d Arnaud, et 11 semble qu'il tS'agisse ici de son theme de guerre . . 8.) de _P· �21, 4en1e ligi1e � p.123, compte des chefs du Haut Damote et 11ste_, de� egl1se� d� _c�tte prov111ce; _puis enu111eration des lieux dependants des pru1c1paux d1gn1taues (en amar1que transcrit). 9.) p.123, 8 a 14 lignes, bo11,t ·rime au ,sujet du DedJ·adJ· Gwosho, quand il etait en Yedjou. 10.) de la. _p.123 ia Ia p.132, texte historiaue concernant 1 e ' de Fasil et de Socinios, jt1sqt1'au reg11e d.e yasous, successeur de ��rr: 11.) de la P:132 a la p._135, texte poetique, ''zemz em c h ant.ant'' d"t 1 Arnaud, e11 amar1gn1:1 transcrit. 12.) p.136, �iste de l'impot paye 1nar le O'T'1e' , en onces d'or . T·io.. 13.) p.137 a 141, ilexte en la.iigue galla; de meme p.143_1�414.) p.14-143, texte historia-ue a 1·oindre a ce1u1. concernant l'Imam Ah.made. , 15.) p.145 a 151, Histoire de Ras Mikael (fi n XVIIIo - d'e but :xrxo . s1ecles). . . , . IV) Des texte.r divers, assez brefs, petiites mono�ra hie sur diffe�ents s p . suJets tels que le climat, les femmes l'Eg1is�, l e� mo1nes etc. . . . mate r1aux ·do ute utilis,es pour l a redactio� d es memoires, ou qu sans ' Arnaud pensait 7.) du bas de la p.116,

a l a det1xien1e ligne de la p.121

u.J

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peut-etre placer en appendices. Ces rt � ,di•�e,s sur. feuillets S nt re ' epares, son_t souverut incomplets, et seul u e;ec�;ra�e soigneux, et difficile, des feuilles de brouillon joi ntes a u tou·f, p ermettr a1t un classement significatif. Y) ''�o�z� arzs da11s la flaute Eth. . ,, . ' . , I! s agrt d tin ensemble de e · z zop · q receuils, recliges su-r differentes a11res de �a�ier, et ?Ont Jes recits se recouvrent pa rfois partiellenlenir. bn y p eut dtSlt guer c1nq ou six tomes, selon que l'on :sep a·re ou non le :.5e_co d voyage d�A[_!la t1d en E:.hiopie, en 1850, de l a fin d u premier voy a.ge, ;e x ai1s pltis tot. Co n1ptan-t pot1r le � · tome Ier le tex te ptiblie chez ,H ac1 1ette en 1868, et , , UI s et end du 25 De,cembre 1837 at 1 n1ois de Ma,u. .s 1841 on appellera Jto,n e II" un gros ' , enisemble de 2301· pag ' es, Sll·r pap1er ..for.t 30x 25�m , 1ie · es en ca��er? de 100 ' , pages par un ruban pa:sse dans le 1 n super1eur gaucl1e. L r1ture e st ec �� u b elle, nett'e, pratiqt1e ment, sans rat r Les 400 dern��res pa�es clu ''To111 e II" raco11tent Jes memes even e· · e la pre1111ere part1e dt1 10111 e· JI! qt1 ments c · · est une transcr1pt1on sur ·· e1u1-c1 · . , . papier pe1 t. i re, rel1e en det1x cahiers de 73 et 52 feuillets, par det1x f I.ls rot1ges, passes. dan 1 I' s ,, · ang . e gauc.I1e st1perieur et dans !'angle gat1che infe. neur des feuilles.

La, pa�natio� du _'texte ne correspond pas a celle des cahiers; I'ecri tur e, tr� fine, _fa1t ten1r sur �haque fet1illet trois ou qt1atre ''pages'' d'un texte qu.1 deva1t ress embler etra n gement a celui des folios 305 a 518 du volume n.a. . 21299 de _Ia Bibliotheque Nalionale de Paris, tel que l'a edite (loc.crt.). Le texte ·de ces ''ca.hiers pelure" deborde large Joseph T�b1�a . me�t c elu1:c1, avant et '11pres les eveneme n ts qu'il relate. La pagination faot1ce q�'1l porte :oor�espond·. a q11elques details pres, a cell e dt1 texte de la Nat1onale de Paris (que, pour sin1plif1i er, n ous appellerons desonnais ''texte JT''). Lequel des deux repre�ente 11ne reclaction anterieure (aucun d.es deux n'·e:tant le premier je t, les ratures y sont trop rares q11and on a vu l es feuilles de premier jet d'Arna11d)? 11 est difficile d'etre afiirn1atif. Le texte ''papier pelure'' me parait plus sin1ple, plus nat11rel. Par e11droits, il est rature, et il arrive que le 11ouveat1 texte, quir re1111)lace la rature, cor responde a celu i de JT. J'aurais personnellemen t tenda nce a penser que le JT repfie.sente la f.orn1e I.a plus elaboree. Son caractere partiel permet tra-t-elle cepe nda nt de l'urtilis er co11une texte d'editio11? La discussio11 est ouverte. De toute ,fa9on, !'edition aura a tranch er tin a11L re proble1ne. t er le pre rre d'a t-il ien 11v co , III ne to1 ce e rti pa en 11t vra ou Le tome II rec n co i est s Al Ra r pa o osh Gw s Ra de 1re ptt ca Ja ue rsq 1o 7, 90 {P.1 mier a la e con1D1ence qu'au numero n 1i qt ., J.T te tex le 7 04 p.2 nt joi re e ? Il e mm so e. Des lors, 0111 possede em i-m Iu d ,wu n r A a e bl a u· ib r t. ait: n 100 de la pagina, ti,o , c es broi· s, sr l'on pe ui1: disclirt e D . t . en iv su ii qu s 1 ge pa 7 15 tro i· s textes po u,r le3 r oi de av y s e pa bl em e · s n il , JT e , xt te u d u , o re , lu pe , er hi ca ter 1a priorite du e II. Je pro om T t le ve re e qu ve iti fin de n o ti ac ed r , doute sur le caraotere de nemen ts qui suiven t e ev x au i i-c lu ce r te re ar d' n , tio poserais done, dans !'edi n viron, com.m e il a e 07 19 �. , ho os w G aj ed D de e ur immepiatement la capt 01 co mrne texte de 23 p. la a 07 19 p. la de e xt te et e <lit; mais de c· onsever de n t cependant si so s, oi rf pa 1e en m an pl le s, te an base du tome III. Les vari e don nant u_ i9 ph p r? ty ?g e �l rm fo e ?n a r se n e p it , differentes qt1e I'on pourra e t e x_ u 1t d te al gr te l 1n e er s, ct ra ca �s t1 pe us dans le bas · ae Ia page, e11 pl fm , ns la 9o es fa ut t� e D . JT s te an r1 v� . . ''pa pier pelure'', avec, _e n notes, les a (et 1� t1ent rrn 1? 1ln ys pa n _e d au n � A; d rt pa de d u tome, jusqu'a Ia ve1lle du n est f?um1e q ue a) ll ga e d 1 lu ce a u q t beacou.p a ce nom d'I1morma pluto 7. 0 la 1 a .4 4 p .3 p la e d et , 31 .3 p la a 5 0 par le ''papier pelure'', de la p.3 1

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, . . , .nt1t. ul,e ,_ll11! orm as'' e st lout entier co nsacre a� vo yage Le to111e IV 1 'en 1845 pou· r aide-r son frere dans qt. 1e fii1t Am attd au. S · ud. dtL Nil . Bleu, ' , 01· r d'atteindre la source du sp l'e s 1 1 a d a y ra a n n E n e e sa_ s�� o11�� exp di _ tL'?� � , '. ; Blanc. Le t e xt e , ta11t par le N il du i . igin r ils cro 1. e1 1 t et re '1, 1 o G1b1e at1 , des ratur es e st toul , l ,..e v ar� r '" ]·, t e , ee · . n ' pap�er ernploye,_ que J?3I I' ecri· tur e so1g e r de xt e te ist p�ralex s pa e l b em s 1e , 1 TI II e · n1 t? a fa1t an_al�gt1e a_ c�lu1 du e comp or terait de 1 ton e c de Jl o ti ,d. e n n_ , e o b 11n q1:. en Je] e, ma1s 11 est evid t_ ;r d� p apiers d'Antoine d'Abbadie . n o111bret1ses. 11otes e x.plicatJ.ves, a _ t 1� _t-au.,,s1· utiliser Jes r enseigne. r, t1dr i a . i.1a ' 1 I 1 1 va a C est ce� ta111en1ent _ 1 111 gro s tr . ' . s de ,Bell et Plowden, qui entrerent n1e11ls divers four111s pa.r Jes 1n e�1 1 101re e rse l'Abbaye en sa e11 Gt1duru en 11 1em e le111ps at1'Arna11 d, apres avo r.r trav · s -Ice Ma.ssa1a·, , · 3 surt - ot1t le v o·1 tim e 11·.1, ,sera1.ent oo rnpagnie. Les 111emo1re atLSsi large111e11 t t1 citer. Le to111e V co111po rt e deux r edaction s. L'u n�, br�ve , e n 588 P?ges, va du re: our d'Ennaraya, £i11 jttillet 1846, a la n 1�-Aotit 184�, ?-'1 1� a la qtrelle Je RL1s Ali, apres a\1oir negocie avec DedadJ Kassa la liber atio n de s.a mere, Woizero Men en, r entre a Debre Tabor , p our essa :yer d e r epren dr. e e11 1 11ains son gouver11e111 ent. Ce texte est stir 1ne111e papier q_ue les t on1�s II �� \:, de la meme ccriture, don 11ant la men1e .in11Jression de redaction defin 1t1ve. Ma is ii existe t111e seco11 de redactio11 , s'ete11 da11t d' un seul te nant jusqu'it la fin du seco11 d v oyage d'�\r11a11d e i: E .hi o pie� c om porta�t ,un total de 1628 pa.ges, ecrite rs1.1r pap 1er plus f� e t med10?re que l �_ u_tr e texte. Cette ''recen sio11 lo11 gt1e'' est plus ane cdot1que, plu s r1che en �era1_l�, eLl111ograpl1 iqt1eme11t plt1s i11teress' an te . Si J� tom� �II nous ava!! deJa do11ne des re11seignements sur les t out pre.1n1ers de burs de la camere de I(a.ssa, futur E1npereur TI 1eodo ro s, c e der11ier to n1 e c o nstitue unc source de pren1iere mai11, tout a fait i11egaJ.ee, p ot1r la connaissan ce de !'ascension dt1 r estaurat eur cle l'En1 pire ,e1 1 Ethi opie . TotlS les details n ou s s011t don n ees sur la ca 1Jtt1re de :tvle11 nen , stir la pris e de G o11da r, sur la fa.iblesse d'Ali qui 1aisse gra11clir s011 r ival. C'es t alors at1ssi que Dedja.dj Gwosho rec; oit le titre de Ras, a G ondar. E11 avril 1847, A n toi1 1e est, Jui aussi, arrive a Goodar, ve11ant du pa:)1S iln1orma. C'est a peu pres a.u me me m ome nt que s'ann o nce, a Massa\va, le jeu11e Cl1arles d'Abbadie; ·'Iasse d'a voir des freres en tl1e orie, il ve11ait a 11 otre rechercl1 e pou r no us ran1en er 11 da11s 0s foyers" e'crit Ar11at1d. E t c'e st le clepart, Je retour e n Franc e ... Au bout de di x-l1uit n1 ois, Ar11at1d oblient de sa. fa1 11il. le la pen 11iss• io n de repartir porter des cadeaux aux arnis qt1'il a la.isse-s en Etl1iopie; 0 11 n' y c or 1se11it qu'e n lui fa.isant pr o n1e ttre sur l'l1onne ur qu'i,l 11e frai1cl 1ira pas le Takazze savaient e11c ore pa,ssio111 1e par ce pays qt1i avait c o , tc'lnt Ie s siens le nq ui s so . n coeur. E t c'es'. la., tor:11re entre la pa role do nnee et le desir d qu'il ai1ne com n 1e son pere, et taut d'a111is qui lee rejoin dre Ras Gwosl10 p r essent d e fran chir le fleuve, q11'il a.ppren d, apres des m ois d'hesitati assasine pa r le r use Kassa, au soir de sa victoi on, la mort de Gwosl10, r e m ort a _ desor - gax1ise tou�e r�sista11;e; Ali s'enfu sur l'aven turier. Cette it , et ceux qu'Arnaud _ c on1_pta 1t co� me ses a m !s n o�t d au tre res� s;rv1:e �ti va1nq_ue: �r. Desorma1s, beaucoup ource que de se mettre au de s attaches d'Arnaud pour I Eth1op1e sont br1se es. Il ren tre e1 1 France e n 1850.

Guglieln10 Massaja, I 111iei trentacinq ue anni di ,nissione ne/l'alta Ethiopia . Roma, 1887.

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.... . Tel est 1'etat materiel des docun1e n . ,Abba .. : rna ud d d1e. Quel en est � ti? ten 11. est con ev1den1 n1ent im O .�1e e donner e11 qu le �lq ues... li�es ad e9 ide 11a t� e d� Ia richesse d� ;:� nii.1 f.iers ?e pages, ou se co · une · � o1e nt _ docurne. nts h1,stor1q11es, k1.bleaux de moeu_rs, ettides ethnogra pl1 1qu es . . . s do:t11 te le cadre d'une sin ·San l 1 e P ". . co?lintin1catio·n 11'a11torise-t-il pas un . et precis detail fa:stidieux , av ec in 1 c 1c at . 1 011 s de ]a p ' ag1.n . .- ,at1on ., • , sorte de table . J -tie, tel oue nous 1, avons prep des mat1eres anaJ'-,tiq ar e ' . Pour une publ"1cat1011 . ore q11i end ice pou rrai t en app se · rvir e d ca ta I · oir ue 1 pr ov 1s1 au,x l 11s de · tonens • • , • 0, · . l'Ethiop1·e des1re. ux d'utiJ r .1-es M·ein . ' oires d Arnal1d pour l'etude de tel ou , ise . . .ere 0 tel d�ota1-1 de l'histo1re etl p1en11 e da1 1s ' la . ' ' premi (. .. uo part1e XIX , siecle . du . . ' . . . dis. . a, votre J e me bornera1 d o11c 1c1 a u11 Sttrvol descr,iI?tif rap.1d e, tenant . ' · de�·t8111:ee s1 VOllS le des1rez. Position 11ne analyse · . Ve1 1ant II. To1 11e cle Tac ljur a , oi1 ifs . n'on t t i p · obt . . en1r es gara11t1es l , . �- . , / .. res ,1 une expedtt1on au Sl1oa,, .Antoine et Arna11 d de'b arouent a, necessa1 . , , Hode·1da (Yen1en), ou, ma1 lgre l'··acce11il peu · favor '' ,able ' de I a poptt- l a,t·ion, ·. A�toine et -�, on '·fr�re \ �e111ett 're11L quelques se1naine-s. Bientot. Art1aud en repart se�1l, a des·ttna- t10.n d� Djedd.�h {)U il rencootre 11n emi;saire envoye par le Gottverneur dLr Had3az a�pres !de Ras Ali, po11r Jui proposer 1'aide . turque · d _ a ns so1;1 effort de soum1ssion -de toute l'Etl1iopie; en ech.ange de quo1: A11 devraJJt ,promet1tre de co11vert i1 r de force les etl1iopiens a 1'Islam. �e.tla� Arnaud s en1?arqt1e po11r Massa\va, ou 'il retrot1ve .AI1toine, ven11 ?1rect��en� de rlo?e1da . Ta11dis q11e ]es deux 1freres envoie11t 11n n1essager a Oub1e, af1n �e ,�u,1 den1ander passage vers 1e Godja1n, la fougue d'A1-na11d �rovoque un 111c1dent, qui degenere en en1et1te, et il s'en faut de peu que .1-aventure des deux freres ne trot1ve l�L so11 point fi11-al (p.1-143). _ re.pond11 favorablen1ent, ITes deux freres ga .gnent ,l e Tigre. Oubie ayant non· sans inquietude; 1a Mission [Lefebvre, dont ]es eff,orrs 011t ccl1ot1e a faire 1 reconnaitre par le Gouvernemerr1,t de Lo1.1is Pl1i.lippe la st1zerai11ete d'Oubie sur tolIt· e l'Etl1iop- ie et &011 -oouvo.ir de co11c1ure llll traite avec la France au �on1 de so11 p,a;ys, a attrib11e cet ecl1ec au:::c 1ettres d'Arnatid, ou le potrvoir. d'Oubie etait decrit co111me fragile. Cependant, des cadeat1x it bie11 re�us (143-170). son e i l bac Ab d' es frer , les ant aid C'est justement le moment ot1 un 11011vel Eveque, Abot1na Sala111a, arrive d'Egypte, et bu ]e Dedjaclj Oubie espere po11voi.r s'e11 servir pour ses ian1b�tions. Il part en guerre cootre le Ras Aly, avec potir a1lje Birro, le fils du Dedadj Gwosl10, et s011te11t1 par l'excomn1l111ication portee par Salama contre Aly accuse de vouloir passer �l l'Islam. Arna11d reste alors a Adua ·avec son frere; mais Gwosl10 layant choisi de resrter net1tre dans Ies Jiostilites en cours, [a:issa11t Antoine au Tigre, An1aud gagne Gondar ou se trouve Mennen, mere d'Aly (p.170-282). Suite le recit de la gl1ere ou, malgre l'exoommunication el l'infie·riorite en nombre de ses tr�upes, Aly defait Oubie, et s'en empare ainsi que de Salama 4 (p. 282-349). F1nalement, de bonnes relations �'etabJ.issent entre Ras Aly et le nouve;l Eveque; quel que :temps pllllS tard, Aly Iiberera ?�bie,_ e� lt;i rendra l'in�estiture de ses 6tats. (p.349-400) lei se 15irtue un rec1.t detail�e <le _ la batailJe/ de_ Debre Tabor, de la victoire paradoxale d'Aly en fu1�e, ifart par des te��1ns ocu laires. Arn.aud gagne quelques che!s a Gwosho,. et. part le reJ01ndre au Godjam, ou il le recontre le 11 Janvier 1842. DedJadJ Gwosho est alors en A

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8, 36 535 P, , IX X . ap ch I. t , d. Paris, s. e, ni si 1s b) A i e, e ag oy V e, vr eb ef 4 L - 16·1 •

l1ostilites avec s on fi1s Birr o. 11 veut donner une investiture elevee a Arnaud qui <p'y refuse, p1ais participera deson:iai_s 3:u C�n;seil p rive du souverai,n, du Godjam. Le jeune hon1me s'emplo1e a rec<:n c1l1er B1rro avec son pere, et y parvien1t; c'est fort h eureux pour 1� GodJ� m. que Ras Aly se ,pr.6pare a a , ti taquer (debut revrier 1843). Antoine arrive _ s� r ces _entre faites� et ira s 'etablir 1duran-t les bostilites a Dembetcha, ou 11 coDJtmuera ses etudes de Iitterature etbiopienne . (p.400-1.000). A noter, de la p.858 a la p.898, un long exct1rsus sur les mariage en Ethiopie a l'epoque, et le role de Ia f emn1e d.ans la societe etl1iopienne et !'educatio n des enfants. Des tractatio11s de paix ont alors lieu, et Antoine part pour Mota, d'ou il espere pouvoir gagner le pays Galla. On parle alors d'une campagne des godja m.ites chez les 1Gallas, pot1r 4aquelle Arnaud r5erait nomme Fitaorari des annees de Gwosl10. Mais Birro fait echouer les negociations avec Aly, et Jes l1os.tilites , s'engagent. L es annees godjamites se retirent devant celles d'Aly, passent l'Abbai, et envahissen.t 1e pays Wollo. Lorsque la saison des pluies est procl1e et q , 11'Aly ;ne p ou.rra plus pr ofiter de sa nombreuse armee, elles rentrent chez elles, en franchissant I'Abba i dans l'autre sens, le 3 juillet 1843 (p.1 .000-1.410). La campagn e au Wolle a dure 49 jours. Dt1rant l'l1ivernage, Birro e t Gwosho attaquent et defont isolement des corps d'ar n1ee d'AJy. Arnat1d cbasse, n ous decrit une interessante ethnie q11'il 11omme Ket1t1e·, dont le s moeurs evoqu ent cell es des pygmees, et 11011s don11e tm iexcursus d· u plus baut 'interet sur la vie monastique et les anacl1orete.s (p.1.410-1601).

Des la fin de J'l1ivemage, Aly reprend ses operations de harcelement. G�osl10 se -�ou111et, �t Al� ne iui laisse qu e le Da.m ote et I' Agaw Meder; J)LIIS, lorsqt1 Aly ess,a1e traitr eusement de le capturer, il · s 'e nfuit a,rec seule1nent 6.000 1101ru11es ,au pays Shankalla, sur la fron:tiere Nord-Ouest de l'Ag�w M�der. Qua11t a Birro, retranche dans lSa forteresse d e Somma, il l1arcele utileme n · t J es .tr oupes d'Aly (Octobre 1843-Janvier 1844' p.16011676).

Arnaud �e�oit alo,rs d'Ennaraya un messager envoye par Antoine qui, aya11t pu y penet�er, s Y, t_rouve retenu par Abba Guibo, et demand e I'a.id e de :Son �ere. 1Su1t J e rec1t des hostilites entre Birro et Jes troupes d'Aly, . la no111tnatio11 de Mouzie· Hailu comme fitaorar1· de B 1rro, Ia mort de I',epouse d.e G:Vos,11?, Wo1zero Sal1alou. Arnaud, agissant e n fils adoptif de· Gwosho, fart celebrer un --e-rand d euil · C'est ,c.ur ces entre1�1Les r. · .. pa raue · , v1ent Ia nouvel 1e de 1a capture de Dedjadj G\v osho par s you.m, gene'ral d'AJy (p.1676-1858). Birro essaie d'en, pr ofiter n- our ete. ndre · son 1··nfl·uenee, et se soumettre Ies as�at1 x d· s�n p�re. .n ten�e d'ati1rer Arnaud par l'offre . d e n'importe eI i e 1nvest 1�urc, e xcept1 0.n f-al,te du go uvernorat du Godjani de l'Agaw �eder, d u an1ote et du Basso ; sur son refus il 1u_ 1· pros :pose une armee, 0 rr oyer clie z les Gallas. Arnaud . 9.w 1 vo1t un_ moye� d� p��r aller gu� y ' del 1 vrer Ant oine, est tente d'accepter; mais voici que c e dern1er a reuss1 . · · a echapper a Abba Guibo et fai t sa\'Oir qu'il vient d e trav�rser l'Abbar.· . E.. n n1eme ten1ps. un n1essage se cret de Gwo 0 appelle aupr es de Jui, chez Aly, son fidele Arnaud; celui-ci part .aussitt�' fu ant en s ecret e cam de l p y e l e meme jour l'Abb a1 avec trente Birro, travers h om m es f·Ia·eI es, ec . , bap. pant d e 1ustes�e aux tr oup es lancees ar BirrO a, sa poursu1te , et fait ro ute v ers D ebre Tab,or pa r Je plat eau d'A.ndebette. (p.1858-1971 ). , , . . . . . Comme 11 a ete d1 -t plus baut, se �os_ era 1.ci l e cho 1x en tre une 1nter ruption du Tome II quelque part entre l a p.1858 et qa p.1971, 0fin de ,,J

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constituer iavec Je_s docu ments JT t 1 ah ers sammerrt volumineu x. A moins a�e �; nei ho�!ure un -tome ID suffi siss i c a o TI s eul s i e gro rtom , ratta h nt ,a 1a P·230l Ia � de tout ras1sembi er en un � n du second cahier ca tu p ur L re a e. de Gwosho re resente__dans pel la vie 6thiopienne d'Ar f u rna to u n nt si nau d dec:isif - '1 QUe - . a- premiere \Solution garde mes pre ferences. , To111e II I. Les references y seront .· po_tir 1 es . episodes propres au texte du ton1e II le siole ''T·-')''·' p our oeux co .nis1gnes dans l es cahi·ers pe1,�e, I e ' . o · ' p u : ' . Slel e C. .' , pour les passages d 11 itex te 6ta i - bl.1 par Jos�� l1 "!'ubLana, J.T.". _ Offres de promotion fai tes par Birro :'1 A rn�11 hes1t�tions de celuici . co11ciliabules . avec 8011 ami. ymer SaI1a1 u , dec1s1on prise par un autre de- ses am1s, Te1neur Ha1l11' grieve111e1·1t b lesse au cours de la cam. . pagne chez Ies Ga 11as a11 pri11 temps 1843' d' ,. em_ b rass er la vie 1nonast1. , que, depart d'Ar naud passage de 1 Abb 1 r e t1on u de De d�dj � , �: � � l ' � � Cbia zo, de l'armee d'Aly; n1ort d u11 enf t escor � · � au d atte1n t , de la. ra ge, au re-f1 1ge de Madere Mari am ou Arnaud a dec1ae d e mettre ses gens en s1"1ret�t:: t ana·1s qu ,.11 se rend ra1. t d .1scre t erne11t a' Debre T abor; renc ontre l-'-ai·t ·de MM�- B 11 et Pl \.vde11 e�1 ce meme lieu; depart pour Debre 1 If qu· ,·1 � . � ., Tabor et a.cceu1l favorable qu 1l- y reco1t_ occupent Ies ce1 1t prem1eres pages ' de c ·p ;·C'. est 1=-a q11e nous voyons po1 1r 1l a premiere fois Arn,aud cite par Ies g�ns d �y so_us, I� no1n. de ·''R-a.s Mikael '' (p.85-86), nom qui Jui sera d esorrna1s d onne a plus1eurs reprisess .

Sujt l'altercati o1 1 avec un :&ere <l'�y a11 sujet d'un c l 1evaJ, la pre miere . nu1t ia11 camp de Debre Tabor; les tro1s textes sont paralleles, dans. }'en semble.

Le te�oin T.2 donne une version plus elaboree, pl11s complete sans doute auss1, de l'entreve q ui eut l ieu le lendemain entre Al y et Arnaud (p.2061-2?81). _Pour 1-es de11x a11 tres ttemojns, dont la pagination est prati quement 1den;t1q1Le, se reporter au. ·texte cite de Joseph Tubiana. (lac.cit.).

d Suivent des .semaines de vie au camp 'Aly, des c onversations avec

luj, un portrait de ce grand seignetrr qui ne dedaignait pas Ies travau x manuels. Arnaud desirant ·rejoind re Ded adj Gwosho prisonnier a Gondar, pretexte une cu re aux e::111x tl1 ermales de Gur Amba (T.2 ne men tion11e pas �t Mahdere tes res s gen ses re nd pre se pws , en) d w Plo . Mr de re t on l a rec rs alo • Mariam, va qual qu es j ours at1x eaux, pui s gagne Goodar au printemps 1844. La, i1 s'emploie, a11pres de l 'Abuna, d'Atie Jol1annes, puis de e Ia de joi a 'il qu o osh Gw de a n tio ua sit la r ore eli am n, ne Woi zero Men i t envoye so ho os e Gw qu fin en nt tie ob II . ur jo un er t ri fo . on c re ,et er ntr renco l que jou rs apres le 1e q1 , et e, t p m co iI el qu du ce en em a Ras Aly, sur ia cl ; 3 21 108 1 p.2 .2 (T r. bo Ta re eb D e em i-m u l depart de Gwosho, regagne n io at entre ili nc co aa re u ]ie 'a u q la t es C' 6.) 17 714 p. · CP 7; 17 JT, p.147dj �; Ila, a deux j ours a _ e ch r e rn z ve ? hi e y vo en _ ? � ello par CP, p.180. Aly et Gwosho, qui est H ie ph ra og t or ), b 36 21 p. .2 (T , or ab T re de Deb ou tr re re �e es jl r, �u da oo G a r e n u: to re de Antoine ob tient la permission -c 1 arrive en effet u1 el C . 44 18 et 1ll Ju e d t en m • ver Antoine ,au 10ommence .2156). II a deco� p , .2 (T '' ts en em ss ra ha ''maigre, hale, re.duit par tous le s rnl'a ce on n n o ian e m m , co et ; nc la B il N e l vert le Did.essa, qu'i1 croit ietre · 5 Massaja, op. cit., vol_. tutti gra.ndi di quelli Michael".

a to in 3:micicia con g le ... do ol rn "A te n en t di , 3 _ chiarnava Ras ? : I, �- 7_ _ s1 e lo , as R reg1oru, ottenne 11 t1tolo d1

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-ux de les ie, op hi Et e ut Ha la . rs ve s ise 1� fra.r s e ve •de deux ·expedition non. bell A:· ouve rte avant leur uec e . e t i cet er fiirm con i de s teo es t frer. , se een presse arr1vee. · : di pe ex L' le. ib on sp !di ud nai Ar nd re ho os Gw e D'ailleurs, la .ca;tivite d· · ·nc dociclee, et Antoine part chercher des fonds a ·tio11 en Ennara.ya.est do Massawa, le 27 Septembre 1 8 44 (T.2, p.2 156-2175). itique ba sq ue d�s s me do ien c . an un ar nd Go En Novembre, .arrive a freres d'Abbadie, nomme Domingo , devenu petit marchand ambulant; tres · � rnalade, dl lmourra ]e 19 Janvier 18 45; cette mort donne beauc?up de tr cas �t Arnaud. Le T.2 a me11tionne, p.21 8 5, le reto Ltr d'Antome en m1decembre 1844; puis fait un tableau de la situation po�tique, ck:5 tra�ta tions ·de p.aix entre Aly et Birro, me11:ees par de prem1er s�s mtention · 2 ree11e, mais pour ga.g11er dt1 ,temps {Deoembre-1_84� �anv1.er 1845; t p.2 1 88 -2222). Arnat1d est rtres occt1pe jusqu'a la 11:11-fevner 18 �5 a:ec. l � demeles relatifs lt l'l1eritage de Domingo. Sur ce suJet, T.2 est tres detaille; il 111en·tion11e par exemple qu'a !'occasion des obseque� u�e 1dispu� theoI.o gique s'.eleve entre les eccle.siastiqt1es venus aux funerrulles, tro1s paro1s ses te11a11t pour Jes ''fils de l'onctio11'', Jes netlf at1tres etant '·trois naissan ces". et les "fils de l'o11tio11", moins nombreux, doivent se retirer (T.2 p.2241-2243). Par contre, les J)ages 222 �1 258, qui d.evaient etre paraleles at1 ten1oi11 JT, meme J)::1gi11ation, n'exil1stent pas dans CP. Dan.s la pre111iere quinza.ine de Fevrier 1 8 45, Antoine par-t pour Qwara1:a, d'ou il espere passer en \pays Ilmorma. La mobilisation gene ra.le es·t '.alors decretee par Aly, qu:i se prepare a attaquer Birro. Arnaud decide 'de qt1itter Go11dar pour aller rejoindre Gwosho et 1A1y a Gou ramba. C'est la que se termine T.2.

L'excursus sur les Zellanes, l'echauffouree de Gouramba e- n com pagnie de Mr. Plowden et de ses gens, qt1i suivent le depart de Gonda.r, 11e sont rapporres qt1e par JT, p.240-263, isauf a partir d. e p.258 ou le CP .reprend s011 recit. De .la, Arna.ud part pour :Guouara.ita. De lla fP.264 a la p.267, ['ordre des ievenements '.I1'est pas tout a [ai,t 1e n1eme. ma.is :l'essentiel iSe 'trouve dans Jes <leu� texte�. · A JJartir d_e •l a p.270, le ·texte CP e· ·st [ortement 6lague par rapp ort ·:.1 :celu1 1de JT. Mais la trame est la men1e: Arnaud retrouve A11t oine � Qt1ot1arata, [Juis rejoint l'annee d'Aly, ou \se trouve Dedjadj Gwosh_ o, a Menta Debr. Aly le charge d'accompagner Gwosho en avant garde, !au Damot, clans l'ex1)e,d�, tio11 qu i va s'ebranler .co ntre Birro. Ils t�aversent done en.sen1b�e a·A�bai, �ont des <recrues ·au Godjam, puis ral , lient le_ cai:np d Aly qt11 a, lu1 at1ss1, passe le fleuve (p.270-303 dans Ies deux te:mo111s).

Le ITT1ois ! de Mars . 1845 s� passe a attei n.dre, tandis qu'un ave�turier, Guall?, Net l10, s'attaque e�- 1sole at1 Gen.era} d'Avant-Garde de Birro, � d 1� la Mouz1e Hail� carr1ere �1 ous st retracee de la p.305 a la p.315 � - 1aleme11t t11e tand�1s que Guallo (�.P.). Mouz1e/ es�t f11 Netcho, entre Aly et B1rro, cherche a se vendre. A l'a!rivee des troupes 1 d'Aly, ·Birro Gwosho flait retraite e n dire ct io n A la vadega, cl1ez les Gallas de 'la rive gauclie de l'Abb . du IT)ays ,d ·,,e · u M z Hailo etait reste en arriere p our co uvrir sa retraite·, Dlai·nten ' ,? 1. ru1rut q u 1 1 est . · I'expe, d· t o· n, a p1 u de ens, t o ut le ��Yi 0 t1_an � �a �wosho, �,.,;e � 1�est certes Godjam est ouvert aux troupes _pas lui qui pousse le Ras a our � . . _ suivre son fuls. Le 17 avr1l 1845, itoute l'armee d'Aly se transpcfrte �1 -164-

stir Jes bords du Chee, puiis a ·Tararmeda oif l'o Ar,ira n fete aa Pfrque. _ ,. _ ,_ Tro1s Jours a.pres Paqt1es Aly decide cependant de · poursu1v · re B"1rro, . , . . ' A. bb a1· ert m ont- e chez ]es Gal-l.as de Goula,sse M e'd Buro tr,avei.se I' n . , ,a " , fu11t a pet1,tes et.apes, po,ur fa,tig11er ]' armee eooe,iu m;e, S ans se . Jauss .. er . �tte1n · dre. Apres , u n mo1s et six jou.rs , vers le debu t de J·u·i n 1845 , armee I'· . . . , � (l e lY. � �i� nt a 'Abba,1., et le �av:'rse en sens inverse. Arnaud attribue d'A ,. . . ,a l 1ndec1s1? n ra , ,Aly b 1la�. ille�atif de icette oampagne. (CP, p.315-350). 1 7 . Su� c�s e�tr e,�_a�tes, B1rro l1cenc1e tine partie de son arm.ee, et, avec une po1gne e d7 f1de les, tra�erse l'Abbai vers le Begemeder, atteint Debre Tabo�, qu � 11 s �ccage. Il 1nce ndie de sa propre main la maison d'Aly. Puis, . 1 b11trn, rentre charge 1de tau :Damot ou i1 se reiugie en sa fortere.sse de So11:1 m �. (p. 3 �0-356) Aly decid e alors d'hiverner a Sicbemm a, residence orcli11 a1 re .de B1rro. Il p er met a Gw,os.ho et a Arnaud de ,se rendre a Mota' et, c. ontrarren1ent ;,'1 ·ses promesses, n'j11ves.tit pas Gwosbo de Ia suzerainete du Damot. Il '.Ile lui accorde que l e Nephs6 et l'Ennese. , A /Mota, A:na. ud appre11d que G . wosl10 ve11-t le faire son principal _ . lieutenant, et lu1 c. o11fier to11te s ,a petite a:rmee, afin de ret.:'lblir l'ordre dans les dettx ;fiefs ,q11e l11i la 1attribues Aly. Mais, au meme m oment, arrivent deux lettres tres pressantes d'Antoine, qui passe l'Abbai ve rs le Gudurt1, et ,dit fa Arnaud qu'iJ l'y ·aLJtend ·uu peu� et q11e, s'il ne vien t pc:is, il :s'e1rlo11cera a !nouvea11 s eul vers I'E11naraya (350-387) Dechire entre son affection fniternelle 'e;t son <lesir de servir celt1i qui est pour Jui plus un per e qu'un s11z erain, Ar11 aud q11i tte Mota et se rend a11pres de Gwosho, auquel il lexplique la isit11atio11, et dont il obtient Ja ·permission de se re11dre au secours d'Antoine. 1La :1nain forcee, Gwosho y consent, 011.argeant Aru1aud d'·un e missjo11: et11dier les possibilites d't1ne futt1re expe.dition militaire c11e2; les GaUas. De Ja, Arn.au.d .se rend a11 oainp d'Aly, de qt1i il Jui faut auss1 i obtenir la ipem1ission de passer ol1ez les 11.monna. Aly se trouve .ailors avec son armee a Debre Wora.- Il ,a1rtorise Arnaud a accom0 pagner son frere, sur l'intervention d11 Dedjadj Bechir, son Oncle. (p.387 � 407). Ar11aud se m et do11c e11 route et, par Basso, gagi1e Yedgibc, d�ou il lraversera 1e Nil Sleu e11 direotion du Gud11ru. To111e JV. Les ll1t1or1r1c1s. C'est J)ar Yedgibe, gros bourg procl1e de la boucle m eridionale de l'Abb,li, q11'A11toine a gag11e le pay s Ilmorm6 a; il a averti son frere q11'il l'attendrait non loin �e la en_ pays G11du : u , aus�i long!emps que le rlt1i pennettraiil l'approcbe de la s�s<?n des,..pl111es. M.:u � o.u e-st (Leja a la fin . d.e _Juin .1845.. . �rn!�ud nous ?ecr1 t le role _ de ;11:1-arche d'ecJ1anges e11tre pays de la. Fiaute Eth1op1e et prov1nce_s gallas, JOue .,1 cette e a11 m onas t ere de l asi en de m n 0 1t soo to1 1Sse 1 lai Il . ibe Y edg r e epoqu ,pa ers Sag me& des et es mm l1o iSes de x deu de ent e1n eul s v i sui et, , e uch wo Ye . plaine de Kartamora, en e uvoyes ,pa r so n tfirere, iJ · traverse l'Abbai d�s la ). 18 n. 1-1 de (p. ow et Pl ll Be us, glr a a. s e � c.1 a y, vo ux e d Jes e qu � merne temps _ o�s 11vre , en un e sort � �e n d 1au An , m Ja d Go le tte t1i q il ou e tir _ he En cette . 1 quan_t 1:111 1t ra n "E ie: op tlu l'E de ce n rje � pe ex . . on s de ._ meditation Je bilan erarc�,� leur e �ai�n� hl rs 1eu e e r q rn e c s di u .cr i 3'a s, � n ie mement ]es Ethiop te, J�-u� d1 g�te 1 tem ya nf co de r1t esp r eu , ce an ler ! cheres , qu e Jeur grand e to _ ,amour de la Patne qu on t ,, naiturelle, Ja solidarite eff'ective qu i Je s un1t e 1 '. t ai sa n . oa y c . 1 11 c a. c qu ce de t en i � 111 � co de x, eu .en � � '. trouve si developpe en at te1n d�e 11ne .pl� d es cid fa s ou u1 to s en oy m s : Oe . place, sa ·fonc·tian . o1x des foncch le s n . rt da pa e ur e 11 e1 m la 1t a1 ay haule, de ce que ]'opjnjo•n 6

p.65 § 8. e, pi io th I'E de c hi ap gr eo G . ie ad bb ne d'A Antoi

- 165 -

,. anc e se . trouvent ennoblies d u meme coup; tionnaire s, l'autori e et l'obe1ss e rte po la de t a en lim , a . n u . � nt e v u o tr r . u o m a e;t de c e qu enf'..10 I''m_tir e"t et !' q , es 1, en un m m co s Je lle � pe a n 'o u . . cl1a�un_ .da_ns _ ces pat?es ,par�elJ arr�s t en t1m e e s . pi n io th B . s Le . � .. � 1 ue nd et au t�n?mie � n1t d un e Eth1op1e, J0�1sse . 1, ss po _ e; ur au m om l'h t es c' e ss he rJc e l que la prenuere et la pltlS d·es-ir�� rce , courage, fo , te au Be . ce �r m om c 00 -il t me ac un se ch l'acq . s de ces attributs, qui dis. uerir, chez eux . . 1nte11·1gence, celu1-I'a qu1 possed, e un. o. u p1u-s1e ur . tirielle de la 'riche sse, se voue pose ?e n_ 'i �porte q?elle repres�i t��?; nl ! l'envie et de Ia ha.in�, s'il � eut au mepr1s, s expose a toutes_ les os 1 1 s ; on lan en cu cu e ttr me les de n t • i . a ontr nt s jo11ir seul_ de ses_ av_al?t ages; i l s� _ � � de s'abstraire de ses l'etat soci al QUI r egrt leur soc1,etc lui ren d m alaise . 1e s afferm1·11:, 1 se111blables; le sentin1ent re1.igieux SI. c:L."evelop . .pe de leur race encore par sa consecraitio11 dan,s ces d1spos1tions Premieres '' (119-120 et 126-127). Sitot t naverse l'Abbai, w1e deception a tte n:d �rna:ud: 1°toin �p �ofitant d'u11e occasion de .caravane, est pa1"ti pour Enn a_raya eman__;in � Arna11d de l'y s11ivre. Celui-ci envoie des rne_ssagers a._ sa poursui .e, lui den1and ant de l'attendre; ils revienent sans avo1r pu atte1ndre la car�v�n�. Arn,itid s'engage a.lors s11r la route d' �ssendabo, en � ud�_1:1; �rrive_ la, il se 111et sous la .pro'.ection d'11n p111ssaJ1 t g a lla, ami deJa d Antom� , Chotiiny tv'.1etcha, qtii l'J1eberge �t Wo1nber7 • _Lorsque les messa�ers env�yes �1 Ia po11rsuite d'Antoine revien11ent breclou1lles, Arn a ud est b1en �ell:te d� re11t.rer derecl1ef e11 Godjarn. Mais les i11sta11ces de Choumy, I� diff1c�lt_e qu'il y a11rait a traverser l'Abba·i 1nai11tenant grossi par l es plu1es, J e dec1de11t b. rester; il va occ11per l'l1iv emage �t a pprendre le galla (p.128-267). MMr Bell et })lowden ayant a.lor s tt1e 11n cl1ef iln1orma, il devient plus di.ffici]e que jan1a is a Arna11d de rejoi11dre s on frere, car desorm,a.is to s Jes bla11cs sont Eolidairen1ent tenus po11r resp onsables du sang verse�8 • Fin aou-t 1845, u n message d'An,toine a .pprend a son cadet qu'il est arrive sain et sauf1 a Saka, c.api,tale d' Abba. G11ibo, et que celui-ci desire voir au pl11s vite Arnaud e-t co11n�titre Ia mission dont l'a cl1arge Aly. Mais Choumy ne c· .011sent tot1jo11rs pas a laisser partir son l16te, et l'emmene avec lui dans ses t enres d'Edger, ou p aissent. ses troupeaux du.rant l'l iver nage. (p.268-370) Arnaud ·en profiite po11r pa rcourir le pays, se renseiigner sur les Gallas, tout e11 cl1erch a nt une belle mule pour Dedadj Gwos ho i (p.370-380). _lei se situe un bon chapitre d'etlm ograpliie iln1or111a (p.381479), suivi du recirt iildigene de l'invasio-11 de Gragne, et de la le ge nde qui attribue a.ux p orr-tug,ais, tombes e11 disgrace apres avoir sauve !'Empire de Lebne Dengel, le rneri,te d'avoir enseigne les tecl111ia ues de la guerre � d'avoir don11e le nom de ''gallas''. (p.479-578) aux ilmormas. L'hivernage se _ pr·?l onge . . !rois fois, AD:,t? !n·e e11v oie des 1nessage rs .pour in v ite r son frere a le reJ01ndre. Les tro1s1_emes en,1 oyes arrive nt u n jour en !'ab sence de Ohoumy. Arnaud oo profite, ,et pa r· t le 2 9 Novemb·re 1845 pour En nar: a.)"a. (p.578-6 68). · Le 1 0 De�e?1bre �845, il .�verse le Guibe et, apres u n voyage plein de da11gers, reJ01!l1.t e11f1n ,son frere le 15 Dece1n bre. n ous fait alors u ne in l��g�� e. t te:ressanret _description d�Abba Gu ibo , de :s o n Royaume, de l l1rs-to1re de son accession au p · ouvo1r absolu. (p.668-1 061). t

7 Massaja, op. cit. vol. III, p.147-160. 8 1 bid., vol. II, p.57-60; vol. V, p.2 - 166 -

te le. but, · d � !'expedition a accomplir: Antoine, qui a change R _ � . d ·?p11111on, pen �e m1aJn1tena11t que 1e Guibe represente !'element principal du N �l Blanc, et 11 veut aJler en reconnaitre la source. II y parvierut avec son _ er 1846, et y Janvi plante le drape au fran�ais. (p.1061-1142). frere le 16 II sera 1at1�1Si difficle d � quitter Abba Guib , o qu'il le fut d'echapper a, Cl1oumy. Enf111, le 15 Avr1l, les deux freres reorennent la route. Antoine peu con1batif et .craigi1.anrt les represailles des e:nnemis de Bell et Plowden' choisit la rot1,te du Liba:i1-Kuttai9 ; 1tandis qu' Arnaud, en homme de guerre: �r0nd !e , chem?n �irect, est _bien pres d'y laisser la vie, mais parvient a l Abba1 a la m1-Ju1n ,1 846, b1e:n a.va11t s011 frere. (p.1 142-1588). To111e V. Fin J· uilJet 1846, Arnaud arrive a l'asile de Yewo·uche, ou il av,ait laisse tses gens t1n an pltus rtot. Il y est mis au courant des evene ments politic1t1es de l'annee. Aly, infidele a sa parole, a voulu faire de 11ouveat1 e11cl1ainer Gwosl10 qui, s'ennt1yant est, rentre at1 Godjam ou il s'est reuni a son fils. Les det1x pri11ces du Godjam ont leve une armee. Et, juste menr, en ce ju .illet 1846, vie11nent de re111porter a Surkout, pres de Naza re'.h, une grand.e victoure; les deux principa·ux _genepaux de Ras Aly, Syoum et Mecl1echa. y ont ete t11es (en fait Birro fait ass:asiner iviechecha prison nier, apres la bat, aille). A ces nouvelles, Arnaud s'empresse de rejoindre Dedjadj Gwosho. qt1i l11i fait don de son bouclier de parade personnel. L'arn1e·e Godjru.11it e, retourne en Agaw Meder; 1£t, avant de conferer les inves,iittrres, Gwosho fait huit jours de re!raite, en co1npagnie d'Arnaud et de son confessettr seuleme11t. C'es,t alors qt1'f\rn , a-11,d par,t po u · r Gt1erguera ou c.ampe Aly, afin de lui rendre c o·mpte de sa mission en En11ara.ya. Puis il se rend a Gondar (Decembre 1846). c�est Ja Qt1'il entend 1e recit des pre111ieres prouesses de I{assa, qui a vaincu le ge11eral d'avant-garde de l'ln1perwtrice Me1111en, et vie11rt piller Gon<l ,ar. (p.1419). Dans Jes der11iers jot1.rs cl'Avril 1847, Antoi11e a1Tive a Go11dar. � ce moment, Ras Aly s'acharne con_tre Ou .bi�, clont il fait le bloc11s �u Sen11en. Kassa en profite po·ur agrand1r sa purssance. Me11nen ayani. yoult1 le cha.tier, elle est vainct1e et faite prisonniere. A pe11 pres at1 � eme mo men arrive de Massawa tin mes�ager an11on9ant que le _ plus Jeune des frer�s d'Ab·bad.ie, Charles, y est arrive, charge par la f.ami.lle de ramener ses a ines en France. (419-468). Aly, qui a e11 fin ret1ssi a obt�nir. ac_te d'allegeance d'?ubi�, �en�e a Debre Tabor, et commence des ne.goc1at1ons avec Kassa af1n d obten1r la liberation de sa n1ere. (p.468-588).

lei s'acbeve le Tome V.

Tome VI.

). 82 -4 05 .4 i. (p rg io G a et or W e gn ga re d au D e la, Arn tre et le ur um bo po so e Ta br de rt pa y Al � , 47 18 ; e br m ve Le 15 No ant d Arnaud, meurt du , ' are, fidele l1euten , qu _ e, Zaff Laisita. A ce tt, e epo , t n , il ra co ren a, (?U aw . ass M a u nd sce de _ est · ne toi An t _ char bon En Ju1·ne , · · ·· · 1 · , dians ·1,asile sse a 1 ai qu , les ar 1. Ch ec av 1 u en ev r , t es en 11 Mgr 1v1a:ssaja 0. 9 Massaja, o_ p. cit. �b. I, p.2 et lib. Ill, p.152. 10 Massaja, op. cit. lib. I, p. 72. - 167 -

r t pa in jo re t es il ou r, da on G d'Ax.oum, conilirruarut seul sa rouLe vers A·r11at1d a la -fi.n de 1847. (p.483 a 600). osho w �j G ja ed D r, da on G a d au Arn d' . ee iv A peine t1:n m oi s apres l'arr l pe ei m v1 e E l ar p as R _ er m rm o n, y vient, accompag11e de Birro, et s'y fait as R au ve ou t1 m _a 11t pa 1t fa d . au rn 1'A qt reur (Tekle Glliorgis?). C'est alors r re nt de re et e, 1ll m fa a s. de ns tio nc jo in de s,0.11 in-te11tion d'obtemoerer a11x e dr t or en d e � au :rn A , ho os · w G de rt pa e d· en 'France: (p.601-697). ·Apres le . 48 � rar 18 1-M m la a s rle 1a Cl e uv l!fo re il ou e, ses affaires, et gagne le Tigr leur is, Pu . se as ch la de irs ais pl x at1 11t ra v 1.i se e n e Ds a1Ltend.ent Anrtoin · nt a Masoowa so je, ub d'O e ng oo nt ne e11 or res fre ts tro les e: e nt riv ain eta ar , le 6 Septembre '1848, et 's'en1barquent pour le Cai,re. r de teu , on p , ire Ca 11 au r tou re de est ud Arna , d lar s plu is Dix-ihuit mo . Il .gagne pie hio Et en illi eu · acc nt l'o nt, a l· dll s . n · a dix i, qu x eu c . ur po ux de ca 4 l en u'i i1Sq pu , zze ka Ta 1e s pa it nch fra ne is ma re, Tig -au Massawa, monte a donne sa parole i1 sa famille. En vain l e R·as GwO'sho, devenu le chef de. s am1ees de Ras Aly, envoie-t-i.1 messager stir messager pou r le supplier de ve11ir au Begen1der, etre i11vesti d't1n fief au Godjam, et y assumer de l1a:utes responsabi11lies dans l',ar, mee d.u Prince. Arnaud occupe l e remps .en chassaJ1.t. So n, ami Te111er ' Hailt1, vieux ·compagnon d'·armes deve1 nu moine. le s111Jplie lliil jour de ne pas -aller cha�er le lion; Arnaud fait 'fil d.e s.es presentin1e11ts; Te111er Hail11 part alors pot1r Debre Dama, afin d'y prier .Dieu. po11r son ami. Mais la corde qui le hissait au monastere casse, et il n1eurt �111 piecl de la falaise. Profondement affecte par ce evenen1ent, /-\rnaud re<;oit bientot u11e no11velle qui met le point final a sa vie d'Ethio picn: Ras Gwosl10 est mort e11 combattant Kassa. L'Etl1iopie de Theodoros ne sera iJlus celle qu'il a aimee. Tl part {p.803 a 1628). Sa �ie :�e sera plus desorm�is_ en �ra!nce que celle d'un gentilhornrne s1ec!e .. On a. du 1?-al a 11nag1�1er c�t hornme tout jeune encore, dt1 XI �t. de l1n11t�r acceptan _ . s�s J1or1zons �u \ra_111-tra111 de la vie franc;aise d'alors, pa.rtagea.nt_... ses �ct1v11es ent_re Pa,r1s l l11ver, et la P-rovince 1'ete, devenant t111 tranqt11Ile pere de fanulle. Et pourtant, l'homme entliousiaste gene1cux et courageux, c�t1reur de belle aventure, qu'il fut entre vingt et trente a:ns, nous savon.s qt1 il le res t: a en son coeur •· le ,s 0111· qu•·1 111· appor l a CO.ulta , • <r 6cr pour . 11ous ses souvenirs, sans cesse parsemes de temoignag es d 80 � !1 a1nour profond pour le peuole - cl'Btil1iopie, nous en est· · un 1rrec · , usab l e temo1gnage.

11 Est-ce hien en 11850 qu�Amaud II'evint en Eth_ · opie? No tre texte -sem ble l'affiri mer. lPourtant, Massaja fait voi le ! 1ui, �e M �rs eille .a Alexan drie, _en Mars 1851; i.ls �e �parent a AJexan�� Massa1a _ . desrrant vis1ter Ia Palestine et l'Egy:pte, tandis qu'arnaud continu e ' te v�rs l' Ethiopie; il tpromet meme . ou a: � e � r saja Mas nt.er d'i eni '!vfg a v r upr s d bun: ·8 am a _en faveur des Mission na.ir�s catholiques. Enfin, Coulbeaux ' qu_i � �sposa1t des documents tres precIS ,de ises confreres missionn.aires � i�opie ia cette epoque, date la mort de G�o�ho de 1853. (Massaja · · · 11, tp.6-8; Coulbeaux, Histoire de l'abyssm1e, :Geuthne r 1929, it.IT: op p.4 l�).·• - 168 -

THE SAINT SlMONIANS. AND ETIIIOPIA .Richarcl Pc111kl1ttrs, In, trocluctory Note

El'hiopian �t� cli_es owe mucl1 to tJ1e wri,tings of a host of foreign . , tra . ve lle r a n rs d h1stor1ans whose works ··have lono '1..; ·1· ar to E"''"LWO · · o been fiiam11 . p 1 c1 sts. A. fu 11. undersband 1ng of this literature cannot be achieved without an exam1:11ation of the au11l1or's lives and ,in1terests wl1ich often do not come t o li �h·t throt1gl� t, l1e wr�ti11gs themselves. It is necessary, for example, t o ascertain :the n1otives vt1h1c� prompted the travellers to visit Ethiopia, _ .the . ar�as of knowledge 1n wl11ch they were proficient ancl ,their in-built preJud1�es. Only by !S, u�h background stuclies irs it possible to arrive at an evaluat1?n, o� �1e n:i ate�1als presented by s, uch authorrs and to establish tl1eir autJ1ors pos1t1o·n 1n l11story. T.l1e paper presented below ,i.s but 1011e out of innumerable st11clies ,vbjch are required. .,.

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.,.

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The Saint Simonian 111ovement, one of the most remarkable move m.ents of ideas in ninetee1Jrth cent1.1ry Europe , had its reperc11ssions over a wjde section of the continent, i1Jflue11cing and sti1nulating the t11011ght of such varied ,thi1J.lkers as tl1e E11glish liberal Joht1 Sti.1art lv!ill, the French anarchist P.roudl10.n, ,t:he Ger111an s,ocitalist K;arl M·arx •and ,the Rttssi�1n radic, al Hertzen, .as well ras innumer:a:ble leaders of culture, amo11g them tl1e French litera,ry figures :Victor Hugo, Balzac ancl Georges Sand., -tl1e German poeit Heine, 1�1e Englis·h historian Thomas Carlyle, and t, he I-Iu.n garain musician Liszt. . . . The jmpact oft the Sairit Sin1onians, was, however, not restricted to Europe: Prosper Enfantin, the leader . o f the movement, encouraged a dozen or more of !his· most dedicated followers to transfer their activities to Egypt land himself spent three · years in rthat country, while two of tthe younger disciples, Edmond Combes and Maurice Tarnisier, made their way sitill ilunher, visjting Tigre, Begemder, Shoa and other provinces of Et-biop·ia, as well as Nubia and Ar�bia. These travellers to Ethiopia have a good claim to rank among tile pioneers of ninetee�th century EthiOJ?ia.n � diiscovery. 'They were the first Frenchmen :to de cnbe 't!he oo�ntry smce Charles Poncet visited it a century or more earlier and. were mdeed. the of ls ve the the ce tr3: sin oa Sh _ of e inc ov pr the t ou ab ite wr to first Europeans y. usl o vl' s pre Y�� dred t hun e hre :ez vm Ai co cis an Fr est se pri Portugue y e tor rt:h Red ase on ern t r rch ,pu to r ne eig for t firs he t · r ve eo or es s m mb wa Co ay therefore be cons�dere4 one of. m d· an ica Afr of Sea coast of the Horn , · . · the precursor; of European 'co1onialism. · . · • • -� ,t,c * ' •

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1 h uc e m s0 k li t, as E e th in t n ve ad Tl1e :reaso ns for the Saint Sim on ian repre _ , � th fa t<;> t ul ic ff di d an x e about t-he movement, we re both compl ht ed vis1?� of ¥ si rfa of e r t u ix m e sent in g as they d id an almost inredibl ering o n r el��1ous rd bo ty ve ai n d an d l tl1e requirements of a developing wor ss cons,11tut� le � h el n o n t as E e madness . Th e story of their ''discove ry'' of th very of 1h1s c? 1s d n a e op ur E e th a not .insignificant chapter in tl1e ann als of er d h ot an 1t n w t . ee e b t ac nt co g in as part or Africa, .as well as of the incre lands. The Saint Simonians, a group of dedicated m en an. d wome n who sougl1t to transform tl1e world in i ts ent irety, named th emselv e s after th. e Frencl1 ·noble and ihinker Count Cl aude Henri de Rou vroy d e Saint SiJ.non (1760-1825). Tl1ey ..were in particular .greatly influ enced by Sain t Simon's Noui,eait Cl1ristia11is111e wllich s011ght to creaite a ''New Chris t ianity" whose essence was ,s11n1Illed up in the prec ep t t hat m en ''should organis e their society in t1l1e n1anner mos t advan·tageous to the largest 1111mber;' tiliey sl1ould propose, as ·the end to be aimed at in all th eir works and in, a:11 tl1ei-r acti,ons; to ameliorat, e , as promptly an d as oomplete ly as l)(?SSible the moral and physical existence of the m ost numerous cla.ss."1 Tak:i11g adva11tage of the increased :political fr eedom ushered in by tl1e· Frencl1 Revolution of 1830, the Sai11t Simonians formally c onstituted tl1en1·selves as a, society 11nder the leadership o�· E nfantin, whom t hey ref•erred to 1as their ''Pere'' or Fa the r. They dressed up in a colo.urful u11ifor1n of their ow11 devising a11d establisl1ed a daily newspaper Le Globe, i1 1 \\ l1ich Enfantin p0Inpo11sly clc1im ed tl1at God had give n rum ''a mission to call tl1e poor and wo1nen to a new desti11y; to give admittance into the sacred Fan1ily .of Man, to all ·tl1ose who l1ad l1i the rto been excluded. from it, o,r treated only as 11ii11ors tl1erein; to realize tliat Universal Association whicl1 tl1e cries of liberty 11ttered by all tl1e enslaved cla.sses Jiave been calling for, e ver since the begini1,ing of tl1e \V orld''_2 _ he Saint Simonians soon inct1rred tl1e wratl1 of Frencl1 ort hodox . T op1�1o_n . a11d· f\V�re prosec11!ed in August 1832 on ·th e du-al cl1arge of est abl 1s11 1n¥ a. society of more than twenty persons \Vitbout autliorisation and i oif_ p�bl1s.J11:ng works prej�d�cial 1 o public n1oralily.3 After a dran1 atic t�1 al In wl11cl1 he p o ured r1d1cule 01 1 his prosecut ors Enfan tin aiid two of his c_o�r:a�es were sen tenced to a )1ear's in1priso11ment ·ai1d a fine of 1,000 s, one of francs, wl11le rtw"1o other lhen1 Barra u lt, \Vho was d est 1ne · d to pIay · . . ·1mpo�t.ant ro e 1n th e Saint Sim onian ''discovery'' of th E as t . ,ver e � ' f 1ne. d 50 francs. Tl1e cou r t. ,a,t tl1e same time ordered tlle d�ISSOl UllOil Of · . · · d tl1e se1z11re o·f. 1·ts publ"1cat·ions .4 n· t- S'Jrn,oru.an Soc1etv an th.e _S-�, 1··,,., ·· , ,J ' .: · · . · · · · . rulin oou, g, so r e t's T far fr o n 1 br 1 ng · 1· n g ·- · - - h · sa 1 · n t s· im · _· o n1an act 1v1ty to . . . an . en�. ��rely _c.han.ge� Its or1enta.t1011. E11fantin and h!iS ·frie·nd Barrault ·h botl1 tu�i;i�d their a t:tent1011 to tl1e ·Bast tl1eir min ds b ·1n preoccup1· e d wit : � t"Y o:;stran ��ly o,issi�1i1a.r _concepts: t h� cu tting t of h ez canal &nd the . d 1scov�ry 1n tl1e East of a. F.emale Mess1ah. . . · . · t. tli . :T _ l1e ·,�earc:h ·ro_ t th e : Female Me�ial1. wa� art: ri�s · e m�1 n driving f orce.: Sex, equ ality, iit ·sliould be u· oted w �s � fun<l� ental ar ticle oif f� i � amon · Sim onians� and Enfanti,n and_ h is col!egues had given . - g: ·,.'tl1e Saint . · ·· . · ; - . · _ ,: : . : .' . .' . ' . ' . ,- . . . ' ,. 1

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. . . J! '. H�C'. de 'Rouvroy ·de Saint Simon Ouevres de Sa,,z t-Simon (Pa�s, 1841), 95. 2 The Morning Chro11icle, 27/4/18'32. : 3 Oeuvre� de Saint Sin10 11 et Enfanti,z (Paris, 18 86_78), Vl l, 254-5. H. Al R. d lem.agne, Les Saint Sin1011ie11s 1'827 -183 7 4 _ 193 (Pans, 0), p. 300. -170 -

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it1 d,ramatic, �f contro vers 1al, _fonn b� for1n·u]aiting the theory that God was a.nd.rogynous and that� His material manifestation \Vas under female ais wel l as mal � f o n:n, men and women being made equal ly in His image. 5 _ o social functio , It \Vas argued,. couJd b e compl ete withou,t tl1e p ,articipa � � . -tion of women, for tl1e true social unit was not the individ ual but tl1 c ''�ou pl�'', 111an and �om�n. In accordance with this doctrine {11e S,tint S1n1on1;;ns opene-d �eir ·hi�r �rcl 1y t ? the fair sex and made :public appeals for a . free woman or h1gl1 priestess'' wl10 wou.ld sit beside ''Pere'' Enfantm and thereby render hin1 complete.6 The .year 1833 was referred to by Saint Simonia, ns at tl1e time as the ''Year of th_e \V·oman'', it be ing believed thrut the a. w-aited priestess would appea � �u r1ng thrut tv;,el ven1ontl 1.7 On January 22 Barrault founded an Asso�1auon des Con1pag11011s de la Femme, pro11dl y decl ar.i1. 1g tl1at he was "tl1e St. Pete r ·Of t, he ·Female MeiS�ial1''.8 Enfantin, who shared Bar b �li�fs about tl?e e xpected coming ;of -lll1is l1 igh priestess, was mea11rault's _ . while 1- ns-1str11 g on ,tl 1e 1mpontance of the Eas t in 1the Saint Simonian scheme of t·hings. On J a11uary 26, J 1e wrote 1t o Barraul t from l 1is cell in mystical vein, decl aring tl1at in 11 i-s ll)rison he l1ad l1 eard tl1e voice of the Easrt, ,vlticl1, .lie said, was be ginning to a\vake. In language full of metaphor and would be propl 1etic c. ontent h e announced that he .had seen t, l1e Nile break out of j,ts chat1nel and spread fu11ther than ever bef'Ore, carrying with it the seeds which Napol eon l 1ad scattered on its banks and which Mol1ammed Ali, the -th en ruler of Egyp.t, l1ad render, ed fertile. D0te r1nined to re, alize this dream, he instructed Barraul t, wl10 was tl1en at L.yo11s, to travel to Egypt to pro·claim tl1e Sa'.in: t Sin1onian message, and in, par,ti·cul ar' to .ana1ounce :the coming of a Fen1ale Messiah wl10, l1e decl arecl_, would be both a conti 1 1t1a tion of lhe, spotless Christian. M.ary a11d a, transition tO\· varcls :a ne,v Ma, . .ry, a Wo· man who wo-11J.d be bo,tl1 free ,amd equal t, o her husba11d.9 Barrault for l1is vart was firml:l convinced 111at the won1an rtl1ey so en-t·husiasticall y ·a�aited would n1 anifes:t J1 erself i11 tl1e East. On Jantu1ry 28 he oRlled s0111e of -his cl,ose st friends toge :her ,a 11 d ,tolcl tl1en1: ''I l(now where tl1e Motl1 er is; in tl1e East." 10 Two days later J1c wrote to "Pere" ��fantin, saying:, ''Father, yo11 are not se11 cling 1ne to tl1e Ea�t; tl1e \Vo111an attracts me .... Fatl 1er, I will greet 1tbe wome11 of :bhe East 111 yo11r 1mme, in a loud voice. It is so sweet for me 1t-o glorify you as rtl1e redee1n er of , women.,· 11 Most · o� the Saint Silnoni.ans of Lyons, including a certain Reboul · iting Ethiopia, are said to .l1ave hearkened to who Jaiter contemplated vis the ca, ll, and on February .8 Barrau}it an.11011nced_ t�at l1e woul_d soon be ready to .leave for the East. Raising money for :h,is JO�rney by the sal� of Saint Simonian songs, he and I1is companions made their wa� to Ma�seill es with a view to taking ship for Constantinople. 1� At Marseilles ·they _met ano:her gro up of Saint . Simonians led by a certam Cayol who had decided _ .

gne, op. cit., ma e o lle d als Vi d'A , 186 V XI . tin , fan En et n 110 s· t· · S . 11 e c. res uev az11 0 I , 5 •• . . 1 I 8.

6 D'AJiemagne, op. cit., 236· 1 8

· · Germany (London, 1926), p. 32. . E. M. But Ier, Tlze Saint Simonian Rel1g101z z,i . . D' Allernagne, op. cit., pp. ·369-70. . .. . · ' 5. 21 1, 21 , II VI 11i, 11t fa En et an ,n Si Oeuvres de Saint D' Allemagne, op. cit., p. 370. 3 te s t �i,. ��1-2. Vide also J-P. Alem, Enfa�ti1z, le �rdp�z� ·az,x sep vi�age

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(Paris, nd.), p. 125.

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thusias e e �s th ? e ad rsu e p 1 to . d e tri t ul a r r u to m a. ke tl1eir way ,to Egypt. Br e be ll th wi ch hi w . t gp Ey is t ''I g, yin sa , d e fus tists to join t he m, . but .Cayo! r e 13 st." a E tl1e i11 ps e witJ1ess of 111y first footst d ac s an pl is m ro f � � ed ad · ssu di b . e 1 it-0 ot n s , Barrault, likewise, wa s �n on ni pa om c s hi . of e lv we t h t l i w ple . ino nt a t ns ly r Co b fo ing em a rked cord 't:ic March 22. Theiir dep arture frorn Fra11ce seems ,to have been a .drama affa ir. A modern ;w,riter, E.M. Butler, sta:tes tbart ,Barra:ult ''presented fue. 14 e, ma lle d'A R. H. ile wh g_n t'', en em cit ex tl1 wi d e nte ct spe acle of a man dem tl1e principal hist> oria- n of th e Sai11t Simonia ns, i11oted that ,t he embarkation took place in an a1tn1osphere of ''extraordinary enthusiasm'', �he quais and nearby shipping being crowded wiUh· Sai11t Simonians and ;their suppor,ters. to learn Many \vouild-be ,sympathizers were, :on rt:l1e other hand, sh ocked 15 tl1at tl1e n1ovemen.t had degenerated iI1itO such apparen1t ma dness. Thus in E11gland J olm Stuart Mill, informing Thomas C arlyle of Barrault's depa,nture "pour oherc.her la .Fe111111e libre'' commented : ''This seems greater madness than ! had jmpt1t ed ,to rtlhem .... It will b e lucky for them if :the scarcl1 is attended \vitl1 no dis1 a, greeruble p ersonal consequences to tl1e111 except only ll1at of not fincling. " 16 Cayol and tl1ree otl1er disciples left shortly afiterwa rds for Egypt on April 9. They tra.ve1led wi,tl1 gr eat difficulty, being oblig ed -to sle ep on deck for lack of funds. ''We leave," Ca.yol not e d, ''without a single cen tin1e." U11dau11ted by st1cl1 lack of funds, ]1e added : ''God will l1elp us!'' The four entht1si,1sts reaol1ed ,Alexandria on April 30, a nd wer e , thus ithe fir�1t Saint Simonians to s· et foot in Africa.17 Barrat1l.t and ,his companio11s 11ad meanwhil e disembarked at Constan tiople on April 15 i11 tl1e brightly coloured 1miflorms of their s ect. They spent four da.ys i11 the ,most popt1lous stree ts and crowd ed squares singing Saint Si1nonian songs, preacl1ing tl1eir doctrine and sa!luting all 1the women tl1ey could see. 18 "At the sigl1t of tl1e veiled ladies." sarcastically com ments Butler, the disciples experienced "m,ore ;tihan ,tl1e u sual g1'amou r, since it was extremely likely tl1 an the 'free woman' was a t that moment l1idden in a l1ar.em".1 9 Conditions in the Ottoman En1pire were scarcely opportune for the adve �ture. TJ1e Sult an was ,then al war wilh Egypt and the Russians were massing 40,000 111�n 01� tl1e Danube. ''Tl1e arrival of the thirtee n," writes nt F�ooch _l11s,tor1an J: �· Alem, "witl1 their strange constumes and a rece , t1nconforID1st attitudes stup1fied everyone, and in !)arti cular our ambas sador, who, unable to pr event 111em from landing, u sed all his· "nf 1 luence ·to get t1em J .to Ie,lv , e.,,.,o T - l1e result was tl1at tl1e Su ltan arr , est ed· t he m1s · · epo s1onar1es an rted d d tl1em to S111 yrna, wl1ence they made t herr way to · · E gy�t , arr1v_1ng ,rut Alexa.ndr1·� on May 24. Five days later Barraul:t he ld a meeting .wl11cl 1 drew a11 a·ud1e11ce of 300 so · uls.12 Be e leaving S1nyrna i n .May Barrault Jiad for addressed an appeaI ·to . · . . 1 111 F"'ranee to 3010 h im in th e Erust, as h1.s suppor ters st"ll a res u1t of which 1

13 D' Allemagne, op. cit, p. 331.

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Butler, op. cit., p. 32. D' Allemagne, op. cit., p. 373. The Letters of 10h11 Sti,art Mill (London ' 1910), I, 44. D' Allemagne, op. cit, p. 331. Jbid, p. 374. Butler, op. cit., p. 33. · · Alem, op. cit., p. 125. . ' D' Allemagne, op. cit., pp. 375-7. - 172 -

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.. a groL1p of clisciples, mainly fr om L . nlade .. . y heir way to M�rseille s in _ ,t �� hree of , 1 he!1 t , !uly. ! e wer stoned bY _ J>Optilace of the .port 1n ,a fracas mmiss1oner of pol· ce was 1ll wh1cl1 a co i n�or' tally wounded, while nine i b I sai l shortly .afterwards others set e ·ship L_e Telegrap/1e ,v hich M ar se ill es ft 011 Augtist 7 for �ex�1�� le .t�2 1 ey ncluded two r a young I . TI men of At 1be province in Soutll eril France,i C o1 nb es ai1d �a1nisier, as well as Rebou�, a thlifd yot111g Sai11 t Simo11. an, wfh . . o wa s destined to bec�me fr1 a close e11d of itheirs. Tli ey were a 1; men1bers of tl1e Association des Compagnons ,de la Femn1 e_23 . . Co111bes a11d Tan1isier, w110 la .. ceiltral role 111 ou. r story, seem lik e most of tl1e Saii1 t Sin1oniai1s to l�''lv� � eeil oung n1en of well-to-do famiy . C· ombes l1 ad been lies . bo r11 on 1ti n e .18 1812, at, Ca. telnau er nd . . ' . r sl1oritly earlie r on y !an11s1e s Dece1nber 23 1810, .. , at nearby Somma1�l. ;Litt � le is kno\.vn of Tamisier's backgrou11d ' bu·t' C ombes wai; ,the son of a loca' l · scl1ool1· ng at i· aw)1er. J osepl1- Alex· andre Con1bes' and on comp'Iet1n .· g his C·asteIna u dery stt1cl1ed .la,,, at 1tl1e Universit y of· Tou·1ouse.-"4 The fact rthat · ry or . . elil�tide . a�l } 1� came fron1 C 1�s env_irons wa s not forlt1itous, for as Jean " a ver1tabl e rec a G1!fot1, ent h1s tor 1an , no tes ' tl1e l1l , t le , · . · tow n'' had · b ecome . · seminary of apostles of tl1e n . ew religion."25 Enf a_ n tin, _who was released fro111 prison on Atigust, 1, was by now . also ,turn1n� ,111s eyes ito lhe East, a11d may indeed have li ad practical rea sons"f�r ��1ng so. 011e of l1is foll�wers, Petit, observed at ,tl1at time that the �ere ·would. have to leave l11s motl1erla11d in order to return 1:0 it later no. longer 1n rear. l1ated and insulted, bt1t called for, loved and respected:' "For tl1at," l1e aclded ''it is necessary to carry out a work a work outside France. "26 �hougj h s· h aring Barrat1l by t 's fascination \Vitl1 the East, was Enfa. n tin · . this time more concerned .w.uth itl1e jdea of cutLing a cana� at Suez tl1an of finding the Fen1 ale Messiah. On At1gust 8 he wrote to Barrat1lt ·outJj11ing the objectives of the Sai11t Sin1onian.s jn dramatic geopolitical rtern1s� "I do not know when tl1e East will see me." l1e declared, "b11t it will be soon ... ,I t i:s 011r duty to ,1nake betwee11 old Egqpt and old )udaea oi1e of t.he two new rot1tes of Europe ;v.rhich wi!ll lead ito Ii1dia and Chi.I1a. Later we wil1 also cut ·the other 011e at Panama. We will ll1Lis place 011e foot on -1he Nile, the other on Jerusalem. Ot1r rigl1t l1a.nd will S'tr.etch out to�,a·rds ,M ecca, our left ann will cover Rome and lea n ,again on .Paris. l carry out t11e act Suez is the centre of ottr life of work. There we wil 27 n." me are e w at th ow 1�h o t · \vhjch the world 1a\V·aii'il:s n co cly ea ts alr jec ro p . e h fi d fin to al riv ar on ed sh wi l1e t : , g l1a t rin Decla s ceived, he ,urged,�arrault an d J1is con1rades to place theilf greatest emphasi en dr in s hid hi ''c all t a . th ed clarr de e H y. str du in of on the development e tru e is try th us nd at ''i th it, t pu ly nt ai qu he as e, s i· al re lhe East'' ,should ,it should take the at itJh d an '' en m wo ofi l al e call of t-he W om an and abov 22.

23 24 25. 26 27

a�cc M M de ge ya vo du n tio la. � ,re a �· d it ra xt "E , , Bulletin de � E. Combes and M. Tamisier, 36 18 et 35 pendant 18 le s!Il ys Ab en s be m Co d on er m isi et Ed am T , Les lzon1n1es es ur Fo A. o als e id V 3. 33 , II V , 7) 83 (1 e la Societe de Geograpl,i de rAude (Nimes, 1891), p. 127. : . 19a1.se . p/11e . cle b1.og1a .1011na1re . D'Allemagne, op. cit., p. 419. fra1 1ct D , at Am d' an m Ro _ _ pass111 Foures, op. cit., p. 127; 1. , 1e cl pe lo yc 11c E le nc ra G z; in (Paris, 1961), pass ), p. 180. , 40 1er 19 el1 tp on (M e ud A r de es br le ce J. Giirou, Vies et perso,,11ages D' Atlemagne, p. cit., p. 357. . IX, 56-7. Oe1.1vres cle Sai11t Si1no11 et E11fa11t111, - 173 -

e mm e libr�'', fo r to ''f e th for h rc_ sea e h t ; er ov e t n.a c nd e n1i a e , r pla of tP do , �Id · o spend tw o \vl1ole years discussi11 g :tl1 e co111 1ng of the Female Messiah w be '' too mt1ol1 for apostles." His conclU!sjon -therefore wa s that th e Sam1 Simonians wl1ile _waiting for ''tl1 e n1ilk of the W�man'' should as (IIlen r u AN E, FL r C:B ou ' ''ts d, e r a cl, ? e d l1e ', D' RL WO l1e ''T p i- e. pare 1tl1e b,read. th ve bir us ig1 let ; LY MI FA r ou are LE OP . PE ; t tl1e n' r e n1 :he the for n1o mo 28 " . RTH ,EA , e h t ss e by work; let us en1br, ace ,and car re for rlu pa de his of e ev e th , 23 er mb pt e Se 1 01 er t lfr A few weeks e cutt �g o-f ith s wa e tiv jeo ob ry ma pri s -hi; 1 l t . at red tin cla t, de fan yp En Eg tl1e canal. Tl1e piercing of, St1ez, he explained, had been long iproJected, bL1t its realization LSeen1ed s1till .far ,off; it •was, however, n ecessary to start 1 d o so, for he to e abl be uld wo e h t .tha nt fide con was S, he and io11 l rai op.e had already 1twenty n 1 en in Egypt.29 In a letter 't:o Barrault \vritt en at the tSame he -reite r , ated: ''It .is our , INDUSTRIAL face which n111st rut this mo1nent APPEAR if not dorn.inate i11 tl1e East''. Mildly .castigating l1 is disciple for wl1at be considered exces sive preocct1paition wi'tl1 the fe111a!le Me·ssia, l1 l1 e added: ''You ha\1e called ·tl1 e MOTHER in tl1e East by yotcr words .and by )'Our pre-se11ce; it is nece·ssary to call 11ot only TI-IE MOTHER, but also tlhe WOMEN an.d the PEOPLE by wo: , rk''. 30 .A.. fe\v days later in a letter written fro111 on board shjp Enfanti11 retur necl to tl1 is then1 e, declaring that he had le�t the West in order '1-o get down to worl<. "By tl1 e work wl1 ich I , am going to tmde rtake," he claimed, "I ,vi�J1 tl1at Fra11ce, E11rope a·nd tl1e world will be i11itiated into the prac tice · of 111y ;INDUSTRIAL tl1eories.; I wisl1 that our arn1y of WORKERS ,vill be tJ1e gern1 of tl1e pacif•ication a11d glory \Vl1 icl1 GOD 'tlrrough us has pro1nised to l1un1anity ! " 31 Tl1e Pri11ce J1ereditaire, .tl1 e sl1ip bearing this ,strange :propl1et of reli gioL1s t1northodoxy and economic J)rogress, reacl1ed Ale xai..1dria on October 23, will1 ll1 e JSa.iri·t Si111o, nia· 11 ,flag flying at top 111 ast. On dropping ancl1or two s·n1aller �e�sels .drew 11 igl1 carrying a dozen or so , of the disciples, amo11g tl1em Barrat1lt, a11d otl1er Con1pag11 ons de la Fe111 111e, including �01nl:::es, Tan1isier a11d _ R �boul.32 ''Pere'' E1lfan tin did not immediately d1se111bark1, _ but ren1 a111e � e1gl1t 111ore days 011 b , oard sl1ip, .receiving impor _ ta11 t Egypt1a11 . perso11al1l1es, m11 ong tl1e111 generals, doctors a.i1d traders. H_e recei�ed .a -rernarkably 1warn1 welcon1 e. 111 a letter of tl1is ti1ne J1e writes \V1,ll1 exc1ten1ent of the illt1n1 erot1s savants wl10 \vaited t1pon him and o.f the l1osp?tali _1 ty he _was J:eceiving, _and .adds: ''Here, as in Paris, one is greeted w1tl1 a .mt1lt.1rtude of good w111es, and tl1e cha111pag11 e flows freel)r."33 _ y 11� mea11s corrt1pted by sucl1 lt1xury, tl1e ''Pere'' expressed him � _ . . self_ 1mpat1en-t to ge t do�n to work. Ile was sioon btisy inspecting the various clevelopme11t_ P:OJe�ts_ tl1en be.ing ttndertaken by Mohammed Ali, and � nt � group of lus d1·sc1p�es 011 a n1 ission of reco.naissance to Suez, tl1e s1.�te of tl1� can� lie a·nd, 11 1s follo\\1ers so desperaitely lloped to cut.34 Th-e tur, 11 mg po111-t of the visit ca111e a few weeks laiter on Janua 13, 1834, when tl1 e Pasl1a gr,ant,ed Foumel, 10ne of uu 1-.e d i's· ci'ples, an auUlence 41

28 / bicl, IX, 58-60. 29 I bid, IX, 83-4. 30 Ibicl, IX, 97-8. 31 . /bicl, IX; I00 . 32 D'Allemagne, op. cit., 398, 419. 3 3 /b id, p. 398. Vide also Alem, op. cit., p. 129. 3 4 A 1en1, op. cit., pp. 129-30. -174-

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to discus s �heiir id eas. Th� m eeting l asted t w o hours and was fo1iowed e a o r m t o,� . n h e f'Ollo:11n g day. The b� ·ou d1sappointme_nt f o r !l1e � aint S_1 1110.nians : M tcome was something of a o ha1nmed Ali declared he was e t t fo e b o � e t lI!g interested i the ,c11ttin n � � g � of the can:aJ, but ·only in b u ilding of a ra the il _ way fr-on1 Cairo t o Suez 3illd tl1e cons,tru ction of a , barrage on the N1l'e.3 s . �nfantin and h i s followers were oblig ed willnilly to change tl1eir plans. T�e idea. o f . t�1e Suez �a11al dropped off tl1eir ag en da though it was not _ \VIthout srgn1[1cance, l11stor1cally, tl1at tl1e F rench Vice-Consul at Alexan dria at. tl1is time \\' as Ferdin�nd cle Lesse1)s, generatio n l at1 er to be tl1,e driving force in wl10 was himself destined a the opening of the waterway. ''Pere'' Enf a11ti11, fo r his part, decided to ac co111odate I1imself to tl1e Pasha's pla11s, a11d tllfew l1i1nself v igorot1sly i 11to tl1e task of dam-bt1ild ing. A colourft1l personality i11 l1is red coat and white tr ou se rs , l1e main tained hi s 111essiai1ic entl1usias11 1, or, as some woul d say, self ,delusio n. On Febrt1 a ry 13, l1e ,vrote: ''More .tl1a11 ever ....I ,feel th e steady con tinuity. of .tl1e gitat life wfl1,icl1 GOD l1as given me ,an d which I only see in gaps. I wi ll fasl1ion I-Iis globe by th e i nsp ir ation of my faith i n the l1ove of WOMEN a nd of the MOTHER as I have · moulded hum an intellig ence by :tl1e 11 1spi[fation. of ot1r 1naster Sairut Simon. Tl1e practical }jfe of tl1e world iis h ere; 110 nation can -today -undertake a pc1cific lvork as grea.t; nowhere as in Egypt can we realize our jndustrial prophecies." 36 1 W'hile their leader and some of l1is disciples busied !:hem.selves ,on the dam, ma11y of the otl1er Sai11t Sin1on.ians clispersed. Some, i11clt1ding Foumel, re·'.urned to Fra,nce, others fot1nd ,vorl( in Egypt as profess ors, , advisers and exp er:ts, wl1 ile .otl1ers, among thcn1 Con1bes, Tamisier ,an d Rebo.ul looke d fu rtl1er afield. Con1bes for a mo111ent seems to have con !emplated establisl1i ng a.n in<lt1s,trial cornpany i-n Syria,�7 ":l1ile Tam.i sier planned to 1nake l1is way rto Arabi a, and Rebot1l to Ethi ?p1a. A !et ter vlritten by ''Pere'' Enfantin on November 18, 1833 contains t_I1e 111for maitio n rthat: ''In all probability Tan1isier and penl1aps Lamy \v111 follo\V the Yem en. expedi'ti1011, Rebo1u will accon1p_ a11y a French trad�r . to Abyssinia; Con1bes w , ill go if il1� can fto �yr1a _v:'here 011r _ a11?11n,?i;t1on by Barrault facilitates a11d 11ecess 1tates our 1ndustr1al annuoc1at1on.

Stich were th e plans at t11e e11d of _1�33,_ whic11 were, l�owever, for o ne re ason or anoth er Subst'antl.ally mod1f1ed 111" the next few mo 11tl1s. In A ril 1834 Enfa nt,in noted that Rebo1u had,, lef � yes• terday \.v·1,th . Tl,�1·b� 11t 39 The rtwo enthus I - , for ss . e dr tary i l i. 1 n ite w11 in � _ s i · lh e ia; n i Abyss � wh at r eason We do }lot ktlOW ' do not see. m ever to l1ave got to E t11op1a, · comrades i tidan.40 The1r though we fjnd 'tl1en1 som e time laiter ·lil :the S Combes an d Tamisier, l1owev er, were, as we shall see, mor e venturesome.

fJJ

35 36 37 38 39 40

Ibid, p. 130. · IX' 212 Oei1vres de Sai11t Si,non et EnI. antrn, D' Allemagne, op. cit., P· 4l9. . Oeuvres de Saint Si1no11 et Enfantrn, IX, 183 Ibid, XXIX, 154. boul to 1Enfantin, date Re 6 762 tin fan En d Fon al, rsen 1:A ue heq de Bibliot 1 Lambert to ; 774 839 7/1 18/ 9, j83 1 316 t :er to ault illegible; 7788 Thib On the work of tJ?e 7. 83 /1 /8 28 , 1 83 1 • 1 11 Reboul, 8/7/1836, 1 I 6 I 18��,� t, en e Em M. vid ole wh a as rica Af t E to itio n Saint Simonian s in . •rel� . asen Afriq ue Orientale et sur la routes s ne 1en "Les exploratio.ns Sa1n�-S1!1100 -116. des Indes", Revi,e Afr1ca,,ie, 1943• N-os 394-5, 93 - 175 -

His,torical study of the Saint Simonlans and their influence .is rendered difficul,t by the e!lemen1l5 of fanta1:,y in _the movement �h!ch caused many erstwl1ile suppoTters -t o con.ceal rtlhe1r. former a.ssocia.�1on with i:t. Professor F.A. I-Iayek, 'i n an intellectual hi&t ? ry <? f _ 1h.e pe�. observes 'tha·t Saint Sin1onia11ism ''covered ·itself w1th r1clicule by its pseudo-religious l1a.rlequinades'' a11d various ''escapes �n d fol_ljes," with _ the result tl1at ''m.any 1nen who '11ad absorbed m'ost of its s_oc1al and ��o sophical teachi110 - mioht w·ell l• 1ave been ash1amed to admit ... assoc1a11on with the cranks� .. ;110 we1 1t to itl1 e East i n seaTob of the fe111nie fibre." "It was only 11aturaJ." he adds, ''tl1at people sho� ld come t<? treat tJ� eir Sai11t Simonian period as a yotithiul f!olly -of which they •d id no� wish to boast. Bt1t that did 11ot mean the ideas ·they 1h ad absorbed did not continue to operate tl1rot1gl1 tl1en1."41 The :above words would see111 fully applicable to the Sai.i1t Simonian visitors · to Etl1iopia. Con1bes a11d Ta1nisier, 1tl1ough in tl1e very centre of Saint Simon.ia:Il proselytis111 i- 11 Egy,pt, ,seem to have chosen very soon rto forget, or, n1or·e accuratel;y, lo co.11cea J. , their ''youtbiul folly''. Within the 11ext :Dew years ll1ey jointly wrote a fo11r-volt1n1e ,1ccount ,of ttl1eir visit to Btl1iopia, eadh, 10f: the111 a.lso publisl1i11g a sepai·ate report of other perigrina tio11s in tl1e Middle East. No11� o[ t11ese three ,vorks, however, makes any 1nentio11 of •tl1ei-r .at1tl1ors' Saint Simo11i:an. past, nor is there any reference to either Sai11t Simo11 or "Pere'' Enfanti11, even tl1ougl1 Combes, as we shall 1 see, \vrote a somewhat philosophical i11troduction to itl1is book in 'Vl1hich l1e ci :ed st1cl1 varied at 1tl1ors as Volta.ire, Rousseau and Georges Sand.42 A ·111oder11 Etl1iopicist, S. OJ1ojnacki, relying inevitably on Combes and Tamisier's pt1blisl1ed worlcs, 11oted tl1a ·t rt:l1eir 111ost cl1aracte:ri.stic \Vork was ll1eir youtl1; 43 not ha.ving had access t'o Saint Simonian arc.hives .he was u11able 1to ·discern any rrac.e of \Vl1at H1a .yek wo.uld have termed their Saint Simonia11 follies, t. l1ougl1 •tJ1ere is ·evide.nce, '.as \Ve shall see, tJ1at tl1e two yo11ng 1ne1 1 se·t fortJ1 for Etl1iopia as ,apostles o[ tl1eir strange 11ew creed and tl1at. it c0Jot1red several sig11ificant passages i n tl1eir report. Combes :a.nd Tan1isier in tl1eir published wri·tings igi1 ore or conc, eal tl1e �r Saint .�i1nonia1 ? past : Tl1 eir joint work, tl1e Vo),age e11. Abyssiriie, wl11cl1 ·was _first publ1sl1ed 1n 183� , ta_ke.s _tip tl1eir story in 1835, two years after I,c11111ee cle la fc1111111e. Tamas1er 11 1 l11s V O)'{J<>e e1z Arabie tl1e voluines o( w_l1icl1 �ppeared in J 840 and l 845. 111erely �otes tl1at }1� fot1 1 1d Jiim _ airo at tl1e en(l of l 833 l1:1ving "left France witl1 tlie iiitention self _1 1: C ·the Ea.st''.'14 Con1bes 2:oe,, a little nearer to,vard revealing J1is of v1s1t111.g _ })ast. I-11s two-volu111e VO)'tT_.Qe e1z EtJ)'/Jt, wl1icl1 appeared in 1846 tl1.irtee11 years after the c�t1est of 'll1e �en1ale MessiaJ.1, by wl1ich til ne the excitemen1 �1 ay be p �est1n:ed !t ? !ha �e died do\vn. does, however, contai11 a b.int as to �ts 1autl1or s Sa111'l S1 111on1a11 yot1tJ1. Obser,,ing t11at lie 11a,d ]eft Marsei!lles 1 � tl1e sumn1er of 18�3 for Alexa11dria, l1e declares: ''TI1ere was at that l1 t the v.ras East tl1e : t s_ a : · E _ for entl1us1as111 nera.l g a 1 of airdent drean 1n1e 1 � � � _ 11na.g111at1,ons, and grave a.11d pos1t1v1st.1c n1en t1nderstood that great• events, 1

41 F.A. I-Jayek, The Co1111ter-Revo/11tio11 of Science (GIe11coe, Illi001s, · 1952) , p. 156. 42 E. Combes, V0)1age e11 Egy1;te, e11 Nubie dans Jes d s e ert� de Beyo1111da, des . . ' Bicha1J s et 's11r /es cotes de /a M er Rouge (P ar1s, 1846), passim. . . . acki, "S on1e Notes on Early Travelle·rs i E 43 S. Cl10Jn t.hi op1· a,, , Unive n · rsit· y College of Addis Ababa Revie,v, I 78-Si . 44 Jv[. Tamjsier, Voyage en Arabie,' sejour· dans Ie 1:.r 1.Jaz, ca111pagne d'Assir 1. ec. . (Paris, 1840-5), I. 1. 1

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events w1lich ought perl1aps to cl1ai1ge ith e fac f l�� wo ld, w er e there _ quietly bei�g prepa;red. I �hared 1:he gener al j�tua 1on� [or it w as tr uly at lo io I ve n; in d travelling an d I went to t· he E ast,. I le an fatu ft then· ' my · 1 , , f · oy i1 , �. .1 d f rt tl ist !'orwa rd 11ear t u.u o 3 � · by a favotrrable wind' 1 rsaw w� tho�t regret tl1e land of France disappear. "45 Tller e was, however, nothing In . · o 1 1� these wo.rds . ·t ·n orn1 the reader of 'the extent of the au,thor ,s Jnv · oIvement . · · '' . . ·b ,, £ · 1·n t e 10 a tuat 1 on , no th in g -to 111d1ca ' te rthat Combes ,i. · 111a d 1n f·act been a · Compagno11 ·a:e 1· a F"'em n1e, that l1e J1ad tra · response ve lle d r1-0 ti 1e E ast 1n 'l. · · , ,t·'s M ess1· a?1c s�mm· 11s_, ha d been on e 1 arr a B to of th e privileged fe\.v to � � . hi s· arrival E11 .Alex greet Enfant1ns 011 andr·ja , undertook. I11s · traveI s more , · · . or ·Iess as _a a1n t S1mo111an m1ssio11 a.ry ai1 d was th.rottghotiit h IS · 1 1·fe .a personal friend of the ''Pere''.

...,,,

·1· ..

Tl1e · t wo _i11divjclual w . orks o[ �famisier and Coinbes, on Arabia and Eg)'Pt res�ctively, nonell�eless 1help us to fill in part of the story of their travels wl11cl1 rtook itl1e111 111 cl.tie cottrse to Etl1iopi:a. : d bee11 a11. officer in 1he French royal 1narine,"6 T�na�ier, who J1a. altached l11n1s �lf, as tl1e ''Pere'' expected, to Mohammed AJi's ex1Jedition to tl1e Yen1en 111 1834.47 Tl1e expedition's cl1 ief doctor, Chedufau, was, we are .told, in need of a secretary, a.od !as Tsmnisier later observed, "the post was ofrered to t11e traveller v,1ho accepted it with joy, and thanks to tl1 at po sition, was able to sur\1ey ma11y provi11 ces of the Arab peninsula unknown lo the Ettropeans."48 On t11e completion of the assignment Ta1nasier wrote his a.forementioned wor· k, a rwtl1er n1eticulous accot1nt of the CJ}pedition ' and the country 1througl1 w,hic.h it passed. Tl1e book s con1plete title was Voyage erz Arcrbie, sejoitr llarzs le Hecljaz, ca,11pag11e cl'Assir. Though 1l1e contents of t'he book are outside tl1e sc·ope of ,tbe present discl1ssion vve r t jts at1·thor reported t11at Jeddal1 was inhabited tha ing pass in may note 49 s." sexe 1 botl of es slav ian issi11 Aby and by ''a 1aifge quarn:ti:ty of Galla Combes tells tis part ,of his story i11 l1is Voyage en Egyp,te wl1 erein be declares tl1at a t the ti111e of l1is arrival in Egypt in 1833 l1e was a mere 1111 to cl a11 see to er eag ld, cl1i e itiv uis inq a11 t 'bu -' 21 n the child-he was 1is Saint l to ers ref y usl vio ob l1 1ic wl ge, ssa pa tic ris cte ara ch a n I ." derstand t to t11 e ren pa ap be lo cit pli ex y ntl cie fifi ou t no as w ; t bu fs, lie be ian 'Simon h 1' vvi ed er low ad I1e d oe a.11 dv a : ''I ds ad 1e l , st, pa : s 11i reader unfamiliar '\.Vitl1 ellous rv m e tl1 es lv se em th e lis ea r , � aw s I 1 l , ut yo , of ce en id the ha:ppy conf 50 11e , L1s 10 nx s wa e " n. o i at in g F! a. � im , g in er nd dreams of my rurden t, wa see to ed sl1 w1 I ts in i po aU t os m al n ''o : ns tio r ga ti rela tes, to d.i·rect bis in.ves : lStry� rthe �ast �l lil , de t ra s, nt De t1I on m s, te si _ everything, to study . everything, r te ac ar ch rs ve di e th 1n en m of s 1n if:0 1s ct e mh and ,the present, but above all istics which they prese11ted."51 g in av h , d ve ri ar e H 1. o1 1 si l1 i i t . ea gr � : , . Alexandria proved for ·1iin1 a 1t on 1 b s, le ta en r1 s O o ug H r to ic V nd a s read the T J1 oi,san,cl a,1 d o,1e Nigl1t 1 45 Combes, op� cit., I, 3-4. . p. 337. ., cit . . da11s le pays des Galla, 46 Tamisier !and Con1bes, op. , ie rn ss f!y A i e, e ag oy V r, ie is am 47 E . Combes ·and M. T de Choa et d' !fat (Paris, 1838), N, 220. 48 Tamisier, op. cit, I, 1-2. 49 Ihid, I, 91. 50 Co111bes, op. cit., I, xij, 51 Ibid, I, xiii. - 177 -

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wr�tohes," while ed gg a ,r: t bu ng thi no aw ''s y t ci the ts of ng ee · rsi 1e l 1 t c str ve tra de a . eca d is th or on g 1n t en m m Co ' .'' es sid l ai ''fetid smells were exl1aJed . on t m fel sti I ms ea dr my th � wi y lit rea g in ar mp co _ so later, l1e exclain1s: ''In d un ffi fo 1t ve di ha d ul wo I 1 i, ve tra r fo ge ur lhe d t o ha fied, ta nd, if I Uia d. n, 52 ." ption dece a crt1el so rt cult to supp,o 53 , t ez a l Su na ca a g l:1ttl cu , of Considering, ,as l1e says, the possibility as e a e, tru er wh 1a, r d. an ex Al ng iti vis 1e tin 1 l1e nevertl1eless spent mt1cl 54 He entered, he s·a.ys, full of . rem ha a ed ect sp n i, , follower of Barrautt he , pe ro fro Eu m , t gh ou br d ha he as ide ' nt' ga va tra ex st mo the "f'alse an d 1 d an in a e lov t ot1 th wi e liv o t ed mn , de on ''� n me wo tl1e of e t fa, g e 1 . pityin 11l state of inc�sant struggle and rivalry'', but went ou1 t wi th the firm con ! ve ''lo in the t iha and e'' Jov of ble apa inc ill t ''s· re \�e is slin victio11 tbat Mu Easit \Y.as exclt1sively 111aterial ,and offered more satisfaction to me n than women." Desirous, lilce 1so many 1of the Sarnt Simonian.s, to JJresent his observatio1Js i: n rtl1e form of a theory, he dec1ared: ''The very fact of the existe11ce of 1.arems, tl1e pos s·ibility, the facility of ithis existence, proves, according to 111e, and in. a conclusive ma11ner that .love in the East, and a.mong \Von1en ·abo,,e all, is an al1nost u1Jknown sentiment." Developing a tl1en1e f1.1lly remi·niscent o-f Sai.11t Simon's NoLlVeau Clzristia11is1ne, which en1pJ1asised 1l1e :progressive character o� civilisation in general iand of Cl1ristianity in p1artict1-lar, ' 1 1 e exclaiJ 11s: ''Delica-te, p1�ofound, devoted love 55 it." ed develop greatly as h ' ion t civilisa: but , y : t 1ir is b,or11 of Cl1ristia1 Combes we11t 11ext to Cairo, which l1e violently denounced as a seco11d Babylo11 vvith ''sodon1y everywl1ere''. 56 Like ,his remarkable leader ·'J)cre" Enfantin, he was, l1owever, i1npressed with Mol1an1IDed Ali's mo den1isi11g aspiratio11s, declari11g : "Tl1e energetic will of tl1e viceroy, l1is unsl1al-:.ab . le perseverance, l1as elevated Egy 1)t a11d n1ade out of a Turkish pro\1ince a powerft1l State." 5i ReportiI1g the Egyptian ruler's establish. : n1ent of a. 1mo ?ern ar111y �1d navy, l1ospitals and schools, printing presses, ca11r1011_ fact_or1es and_ a mint, tl1e F� enchn1a11 excl,1ims: ''To effect a l1ealtl1y revolution 1!1 the n11dst of a:11 enl1ghtened nation, wl1ere everythi11g sup _ po�ts y�u: _ 1s �lready a . mer1lor1ous \Vork� but to ·carry the seeds of an en,t1re c1v1l1sa�1on to :an u11�dt1ca led a11d barbarous people and to make tl1en1 bear fruit, to l1ave to f1gl1t agai11st all i1atural prejudices, not to await the l1elp of anyone because there is no o·ne around o·ne but servants, _ devoted perha.ps, bt1t _ ignorant a11d coarse, and to see 1he enterprise rewarded by st1cces_s, 1s a. work \.\1l1icl1 t.l1e world n1ust applaud. ''58 The tra.veller, wl1ose altitude was clearly Sai11t Sin1onian , went on t o d ecI are 1 s w?rk ':ot1ld be cro,v11ed by t11e erection of th e Nile tl1aL• MoJ1a1nn1ed Al"' _ barra0Oe, upon wl11cl1, 1t \V1ll be recalled , Enfantin ha d been engage d. If 1tJ1e v· . iceroy 1 at. <;r s �icceed_ed ,�. .n cu�ti11g tl1e canal at Suez, Co111bei coneI ud-�d 111 tru 1 ! E n11ant1n� vein, l1e w1�l ha,,e acquired eter,nal rights to the gratitude of Egypt_ �nd to the 1adm1_ rat1on of all peoples''_59 Combes left Ca� ro for Nt1bia o. n December 13, 1833_ 0 n the Journey _ ab lea ou ri1t l1e t Etl11op1a at second lland· In a Kl1artoun1 , cafe he reports 52 53 54 55 56 51 58 59

Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid,

lb.:d. Ibid, lbicl,

I bid,

I, I, I, I, I, I, I, I,

6. 4. xiv. xiv, 13-14, 18. xiv, 77. 118. 119. 120. - 178 -

meeting a ca1·avan chief w ho l1a d several times mad th Jo . · u � e y b e tween Se11nar an d Gondar. Considering the informalion �of �ome nterest he Fre11cbm an took dow11 the details of th e ten l1a i lts o ths e month � tu , 11ey ·and noted that firo·m Wahn.i, the 1'ast halt befo�e do��a-r, . o n e co JO ru ld to travel- also Ba�o and Dabra Tabor.06 Con1bes' account of hi s visit 1to Nl1bia w as not Pl1bli shed, rt · should . · ·1 · 1s lI , 1a � d t1 a f 1 te ! 111s st1bseq_uent visit to Etliiopia. He w be e1n as tllere� ; £1 lI_ 1 c to e 1n ce �t a1 a 11 oomparat1ve observations on 1:he two ccun fore . : tr � Referring to the 1 1u1ab 1tan. ts of botl1 areas lie remarked . ''Tl1�re is a ies. gr ea t similarity in .the colo11r of tl1e one an·d -tlie otller , tllei·.r· ha · 1r · is the same · . . botl1 �e remark ab le �o tl�e p11r1ty of the li_nes of their face and the beauty � se two peopl of their body : ...But the es differ essentially in physiognomy and :.l1araoter,_ candour a11d good nature a. re imprinted on the face of the Nt1b1ans, corrlJ1dence ancl ,a p ro11d dignity are reflected on the Abyss1n1an · · 61 fea:t ures.'' . Expar1di11g this theme ?e we_11t 011: "It l1as bee11 \Vritten that Abyssi rua, on acco11nt of tl1e conf.1g11rat1on of tl1e land, was the African S\vitzer land; one cot1ld add tl1at sl1e is tl1e [African] France from tl1 e intellect11al and moral point of ,,iew. I l1ave said tl1at tl1e soft11ess of tl1e Nubians tended towards delicacy; tl1e pride of the Abyssinians, wl10 have relatio1 1s witl1 �.ei�hpo11ring peo�les, i.11creases by tl1e certai11ty tl1ey acquire of their st1per1onty, and tl1rns into. arrogance. The Nubians are timid and frioht ened; the Abyssini ·a ns revo1t against au.thority, even in slavery; the Nub ians easily':allow themselves to ·be beaten, tl1e Abyssi11ians ofte11 give proof of 1111shaka ble energy and stoicism." 62 ' The au·thor of those words writes, .a:s we have seen, as a traveller inte11t merely on recordi11g wl1at he saw and beard. It \.Vould seen1 clear, however, ll1at wl1en in Nubia l1e \.Vas still a Saint Sin1onian anxious at effecting conversions to l1is faitl1, as is evident from Enfanti11's private pa,pers whicl1 are now ho11sed in tl1e Bibliot· lleque de l'Arsenal in Paris. These include a letter to tl1e ''Pere'' fron1 a Fre11cl1 pl1ysician i11 Dongola, Dr. Drouart, wl1om Combes had give11 Scti11t Si1nonia11 literatt1re a11d converted to his creed in April 1934. Tl1e letter, a curious clocun1ent, paid tribute to Combes' ''zeal and ardent proselytism'', regre:i11g only that tl1e visitor's stay in Dongola l1ad been sl1ort. 1-!e had, 110\vever, gi,ve� J?.�ou�t however, the Pere s · 1nsp1r a collection of Enfanti11's writings fron1 wl11cl1 "I11 truth," e c1octo� add _ ed, ing'' portrait is said �o l1ave bee 11 �issing. "Je su1s S1mo� . "I must 11ave it," Evidently a fanatic, Drouart decla red nien.''63 On completin.g I1is. visit to N�bia <;on1bes sailed from SuakiD: to Jeddah and tbe·n to Suez where he arrived with ,an empty purs�- H� _claims ·that one of his boat companions, an Egyptian Copt, ofrfered him h1s house and a daughter to marry, on tl1e grounds that Fre�chmen Vv'.ere h3!dwork" i11g_, intelligent and protected by Mol1ammed A1164 Refusing tl11s . appa rently flattering offer, the Fre11chman sold his best trousers for 20 piastres Q

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iopia in th E ern th or · N f o de ra · · T e ''1b , st · ur kh 60 Ibid, II, 126. V1de a1so R· Pan . Studies J iar op hi Et of l na ur 0 J ,, , . s · ne C tu en the Nineteenth and Early Twentie�

II, No. 1, 73-81. 61 Combes. op. cit., II, 163.

62 Ibid, I, 163. . ? 3 · 18· 34 , ttn fan 63 Fonds Enfanti.n, 7626, Dnouart to En 64 Combes, op. cit., Il, 450-1. - 179. --:-

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and tl1ereby raised tl1e fu11ds necessary to travel yb c�mel train to Cairo.6!1 He was befrie11ded 011 tl1e journey by a young slave girl. whom, h� tells us, saw l1is distress and when not under l1er 1naster's eye would slip out to give l1im handfuls of dates and raisins.66 011 reaohi11g Cairo on September 5, Con1 bes bega� giving French lessons· a.nd jn 1his ma11ner soon regained financial secur1ty. After three or four mo11tl1 s, teacl1i11g he _felt l1i�self ready to .emb8:f� _on a n�w �d�� n tur, e; he was, he says, ''burn1ng'' w1t "l1 the /thought of v1s1t1ng Ethiopia. He a.ccordingly set forth witl1 a young co1npatri'?t bound for Cosseir.68 He set sail for tl1at port on Janu,ary 1, 1835,_ 1aind five days lat�r. reaohed Jed.dah wl1ere he found1 his old Saint Simon1ar1 comrade Tam1s1er. The meeting, we are told, was not fortuitous, t·he .two young men having given eacl1 .otl1er a ''rendezvous'' at J·eddah prior to tl1eir sepa· ration in Egypt, 69 apparently witl1 the intention of travelling together to Ethiopia. Though t·hey n1ake no reference to this in their published writing they probably c.011.Sidered themselves as Saint Simo11ian missionaries. This at least w.as tl1e opinion of Cornwall·is Harris, leader of tl1e su bsequent Britis·h mjssion to Sl1oa, wl10 .a few years later observed ·t11at their ''professed o b ject .... was tl1e dissen1ination of tJ1eir doctrines in 1a country which they antici pated lo forrn a promisi11g field, and wherein, according to their accounts, la fen1me libre is foun.d already to exist." 70 Tho·ugl1 ft111 o( ''impatie11ce'' to visit Ethiopia, as they afterwards related, Combes ,a:nd Tamisier remained in Jeddal1 ;for some weeks to \VLtness ·il1e festivit1 ies at the clos, e of Ramadan.7 1 Then on February 11 they began their journey, travelling southwards by boat along the coast of Yen1en, visiting Hodeida, Zebid and Moc11a. Before reaching the latter po�t ·t�e.)' gained. tl�ei� firs't_ gli1npse of the high mountains of Ethiopia w}11cl1 111creased their 1n1 pat1ence to approach then1.72 Another· indication ?f 'tl1e proxin1ity o ' ey found , f Etl1 iopia was ithe 1nany Galla slaves which th 1n Yemen, above all at Mocl1a, ·1bot1gh tl1eir numbers tl1ere were smaller, the Frencl1IDen tl1ougl1t, than at Jeddal1.73 On A:p11il. I Combes .and Tan1isier 1set sail .from Moc ha in a north westerly d1rect10� fo� tl1e_ island :port of Massawa, wllicl1 tl1ey reached tllree days later. Tl1e1: first 1mpress1on on enteri11g tl1e port was, curiously eno��h, that all _tl1e pe?ple tl1ey .saw there were slaves, a mis conception d�e. to.the pl1ys1ognom1cal rese�blance bet\veen ·tlJ.e inllabitants an.d the Eth1op1an slaves the)' had ·see11 1n Arabia! 74 tra TJ 1e vellers spen· t -the next ten days a· t Massaw a, m a1c10. · g f r1en . · . ds . w1tl1 'th. e gov�·m?r to �r1ng t he island, an� 'Studying·the trade, cu sto ms and ; ar ch acter of _its 1nt1a b1tants. They tl1en sailed 011 April 15 fo th main r e �and port of Arkiko where they met its ·ruler, tl1 · e Nai b , ·a·nd maa·e preparations 65 Ibid, II, 452. 66 Ibid, IT, 456. 61 Ibid, II, 459-61. • 68 Ibid, II, 463-78. 1 69 �ramisier �n� Combes. pp. 332, 337. 70 Great Bntrun, India Office B·ombay S ecret Procee<lings, 191-2604, Hanis, 25/4/1842. Vide ��o 159-1479, Willoughb 71 Combes and Ta.rrus1er, op. cit. ' I' 27-8 . y. 72 Ibid, I, 68. 13 Ibid, I, 43, 72. '. 14 Ibid, I, 85. . •. . '

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for _tl1e_ journe r inland wl1icJ1 beg,ln a COllple of days later. They were soon beg 1 �n ng tl1e1r as': � t _o n t_o the plateau. In front of them, as they later d rec aJ e. , ithey saw. t � e rea 1 1 ty of those poetic dreams WJ1 ioh had delighted ti's d. u? ng our cihr�dboo? · · .. �� con t emplated with surprise and greed :hese 1m:111ense c,ha1ns of n1ot1nta1.ns ,whose smnmits, hidde11 in the clouds, seemed 1m.movab1e rampa rts erected for all eternity to separate tl1e land from another world''.75 Travelli�g .�Y way of ,Hal ay tl1ey made tl1eir way across the plateau 'lo Aclowa . , f1nd1ng the _cot1ntry'side magnificent. That part of Etltiopia, ·tl1ey cl e clarecl, W,ts noth1n.g bt1t '' a11 jn1n1ense mountajn i 11teresected wi·th ?ee p n arrow v�ileys .washed by jmpett1ous torrents''.76 Acutely interes�ed 1n. tJ1 e n1anner 1n wl11cl1 t.l1e peopl e lived, tl1ey 11oted with concern that "tl1e a!most co 1rtin�ous �\.i:ars which desolate tl1e different provinces of Abyssi nia force the rn·l1abrt a nts lo ,retire to the ·sum111·i1:s o, f the mou11tains where they can better defend tl1e 1nselves aga inst the attacks of their enemies : 1 perched. on the theigh'ts tl1ey cultivate only tl1e la11ds surroundi11g l1e vil lages a nd ne glect their beautift1l plains."77 Interested obs ervers of everytl1in g they sa w, tl 1e Frenchmen seem also to ha v. e been objects of n1ucl1 i nt erest to the people tJ1rougl1 whose Ja.nd they passed. -They .note tl1at the popt1lace often looked at their dark hair with curiosity. This, w e are to·ld, w as beca trse the .011ly Europeans known in t· hose parts were blo11d Gern1a-ns or Engl isl1111en, the presence of ,vhoin bad 1 ed 1 to the beli ef that all Europea11 s were fair haired! 78 TJ1e two trav ellers reached Adowa , 'tl1e most i1nportant con1.mercia .I centre b etwee 11 M· assawa a·n d G0 , 11dar, on Sattirday May 2 \Vhich wa·s market ,day. They were ·almost in11nediately greeted by the small foreign c·omn1uni1ty which co11sisted at tl1at tin1 e of .tl 1ree Arn1enians, and a couple of Protestant n1 ission aries Go bat and Ise11berg. 79 These or other foreigners had. we iare told, established gardens a11cl had irr1ported. p]ar1ts from Egyp and Syria.so On touring tl1e l•own tl1e trave llers noted that its 1narket wa s ''one of the most in1oortant'' -i11 ·ll11e country, that i'ts trad.e was "flou.rish� ing'', and 'that Maria Tl1 eres,a dolla rs were here ever.Y\Vhere accep'ted.81 · Leaving Adowa on Ma.y 7 Combes ,1nd T�r11isier made the_i.r way to Dabra Damo, t11e site of the :ra.n1ous n1ot�ntam mon!;ste_ry _'Vhtch o��ld only be reached ,b y rope. Tl1ey we re scept1cal of the �th1op1a11 trad1t1on which h eld t!h.at 1tbe first person to ascencl the n1ot1nta1n ha� been a l 1oly man who got up by J1oldin g_ 011 �he tai_l of a serpe11t.82 _ Tl?1s story, t11ey _ declavred in ·typicalJy Saint Srmon1ai1 vein, was character1st1c of a people ''still m· rts in fan.cy'' who co1rtin ued to belie ve in marvels. 83 · While at Dabra Dama they also learnt tl1at �offi,?, t�1e s ervant of � he famous English traveller Henr\' Salt; was at , (hat tune finding refuge on the mountain .84 t

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130-1 160-1. 170-4. 171 .

195-9.

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204 205. 231. 229. 231-2.

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75 Ibid, I, 76 Ibid, I, 77 Ibid, I, 78 Ibid, I. 79 Ibid, I, 80 Ibid, I, 81 Ibid, 1, 82 Ibid, I, 83 Ibid, I, 84 I bid, I,

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e , the ruler b u W as !_l of p m a c y r b ea n e th The travellers went next t o a!ea. �ube, e th �g g1 va ra en 1 !l e er w d, un fo of Tjgre, wl1ose s oldiers, they e ighbounng v1!�ges n e th g� Lla 1 p to ps oo tr s they l ater rep orted, ''allowed hi s u 0, c1 v1 d a ea to br of e c e i p a s w ro th which l1e sacrificed t o tl1em as 011e 85 The Ras treat ed the visitors with " g. in rk ba dog to ,prevent it fr oin 6 He_ allowed them, .� m 1e tl n i ta de courtesy, but seems to l1ave wished to on, w ho had m Si t in Sa f o rs e w o ll fo s a t however, to visit Akst11n, bu h e golden ''t at th 1ie en ;e o1 ur E e et ci So la cle decla red in his Reorgc111isc1tiori 87 �ey_ found ' ,'_ re tu f� e tl� i11 age of tl1e l1uman race lay no t in tl 1 e past but es 1n lin six of ed 1ss sm d1 te r a l ey tl1 h 1ic wl s tie ui iq little i11terest i11 tl1e ant tl1eir four-v olume work. 88 e 30, e scaping from n Ju on y etl cr se um ks A. t lef er isi m Combes an d Ta dv anced in to th e m oun a d n a r e riv se k a , Ta e tl1 d sse cro es. W11be's clutch 89 ravan of Galla slav e ca a t me y the ere Tl1 . en mi Se of c� vin pro t1s taino 90 , bts d hig pe cap ow sn the es elv ms the girls bou11d for the coast, and saw for tht1s ascertaini11g that Bruce had bee11 mistaken in his emphatic denial of the existence of s11ow in Etl1iopia. 91 From Semien they tr avelled west wards •to Debarek 011 the road to Gondar, but, wishing t o avo id92th e h eavy taxes levied tl1ere, turned sot1tl1wards before reaching the capital. Describ ing tl1i.s l Jart of tl1e jo11rney tl1ey relate tl1at th ey were frequently asked for medicine. "Everyo11e," tl1ey recall, ''was persuaded tl1at in our capacity as \Vhilcs \. ve must be profot1nd1y versed in the study of medical sciences; eac.h 011e flocked to us 'to aslc for remedies or amulets in the c onvicti on that \\1e cot1ld acllieve the c 11re of tl1eir ills what· ever their na ture."93 Such requests \Vere often embarrassi11g and pres ented the travellers \Vi tl1 prol')1e1ns of conscie 11ce. On 011e occasi on , tl1ey tell us, ·a woman of i t\.ven ty appe�le? to 1tl1em to give her an an1t1let t o rem ove her sterlity. �l1 - �as _so 1�s1ste1�t tl1at: tl1e� at len�tl1 co11se�ted to l1er request Their � �.... 1cat1o n for ll11s action is reveal1n°, :co1111n ° as it d oes from men JUsr1 imbued in �aint Simo11�s Noltl�eazi Cl1ris7icu1is111e �110 until s·hortly before had been d1re�tly associated ,v1th all the mysticism in wl1ich Enfantin a nd Bar�a11lt l1ad._ 111dulge�. "We mig!1t be bla1ned in Europ e." they wrote, ''for having b_y _tlus compl1_an�e contr1but�d t o maintaining or even prop aga ting sucl1 a r1d1culou� belief, \,1e reply, firstly, tl1at \Ve 11ave neve r denied the power of moral influence wh.icl1 can alo11e , in cert·a < 1·n cas es, cure ·11 1 n esses . . . . . · 0f � �n exi·s, ling mereJy i n tl1e 11naginat1on of tl1os e wl10 bel iev e tl1e1nselves and we aff l1cted, \V1l add l tl1at we l1ave alwa'-J'S J1eld the pr1nc1 · · pI e of never · d estroy 111g a use f1.1l or ,agreeable error ,vl1 e11 we 11av n th. ng to propose .! witl1 wl1iol1 to replace tl1 e cl1arn1 of a lost ill11s1·on' · '� o P ll ung t t he1r argu. . . . men.t in another w_ay, the young Saint Si1nonians added: ''In a country de1)r1ved of remedies a11d of me11 k11owing 110,,, · · e r t11em th yy to ad m1n1st · e . . · I th·1ng 1·s 11ot to 11ndece1ve ·tl1e inhab· ta t essen t1a e p ower of · a.mulets, b11t ,ra111er to pr ocure -t11em medicines Ian� �o��o��-' '�� 1

85 86 87 88 89 90 91

Ibid, I, 239. I bid, I, 263.

· · :· ·· 1-1.C. de Rouvroy de Saint Simon o euvres Choi sis (Bruxelle, ·t859), II, S28. Combes and Tan1isier, op. cit. ' I. 68•. Ibid, I, 340-1. Ibid, I, 346. J. Bruce, Travels to Discover tlze Source 01 tl1e Nile in tlze Years 1768-7 (Edinbu,rgh, 1790), JI, 296. 92 Combes and Tamisier' op. cit' II ' 19. 93 Ibid, II, 8-9. 94 Ibid, II, 17-18. ' • •

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!�ough willing, on th�t occasion to .make an amulet Combes and Tam1s!er often sp o�e up a?a.� 1 st supe� stition, and on at least one occasion pro� J.amied to . tl1_e1r Btl11,opian �ud11to!,s .the typically S;aint Simonian thesis th . at soc1et1e:s pr,o,gressed i,nt,elleott1.a11y i111 tl1e co,ttrse oif histo rical develoJ?me1:t�5 • W�en a _group of Ethiopians asked them whether buclas, or evil sp1r1ts, existed_ 1n Eur �pe, they· repliecl that before enlighten1nent was s_o �en e:al tl1e various nations of Europe believed, like the peo P!e of Eth1op1a, 1n sorcer� rs and gl1osts, but tl1at sucI1 superstition had disappeared among the enlighte11ed classes of society, and was foui1d only among -the_ co�on people wl10 were every day freeing themselves from it. Furtl1er_ d1scuss1on ensuecl i� whic.h, the Fre11cl1men recall, they did . eve:Ythi11g they cot1ld 'to· co11vrnce tl !eir audience of the absurdity of their _ belief, tho· u gh tl1ey af lerwards admitted that their argu1nent1s ''persuaded no one''.96 The tra vellers'. sot1thward journey ,took the1n ,to Dabat, wbich they visited in early August, a11d Derita, tl1e ,adult male pop11lation of which, they say, -was composed aln1ost entirely or Hajis, or Muslims wl10 bad made the pilgrin1age to Mecca. 97 The Frencl1men travelled .next to Dabra Tabor wl1ich they reached on August 21. There they met Ras Ali, the most important ruler of 11or:tl1ern Ethiopia, who urged them to remain \vith l1i1n. ''If yot1 love me, do not leave 1ne," l1e is reported to l1ave said. witl1 im "Yot1r country is not 011rs," tl1ey replied, ''our parents await us r patience." In 1a tSUbsequent a11dience 1l1e Ras is said to have pleaded \Vit:h them, saying, ''Do not leave, I \vill give yo11 beautiful \VOmen, s11perb l1orses and vast la11ds to govern; you will l1ave everytl1i11g in abt111dance." 98 The Saint Simonians also met Ali's motl1er, the Empress Men.en, at 11a11dera Marya1n. Like l1er so11 sl1e too tried to persuade the1n to stay in Ethiopia.99 Commenting on tl1eir determination to resist sucl1 entreaties Combe s a.nd Tamisier a:fterw,ard wrote: ''Ma11y persons i11 Europe .... will without doubt be astonished t·o see us reject suc'h apparently magnifice11t proposi� tions and will 1even be te1npted ,to doubt tl1e veracity of our staten1ents." In an effort to justify themselves tl1e Rrenchmen offer � revealing explana , tio.n of their .character and motives. "When we left on our per1lo11s journey," they wrote, ''we were you1�g, a11d tl1e tl1ot1g�t o� 1 �;compl�sl1ing T11rrung_ to an importarut work ·was ·t]1e sole motive of our enterpnze. the personal aspect or living in Etl1iopia they added: ''We co�ld not find er we ch h V:7 res asu ple be t 1 of y an � , nts ! me joy � en tl1e of a in Abyssini any 1 _ es, rti pa nt llia bn no e, atr the no s, ok bo o n ce: n a. Fr ed in to om accust e11 be ve ha d u wo it try tts � ind d an ce en sci of strangers to •the progress ve ha uld w ; 1t ed tat ge ve o wh l op pe � f t ds mi e th � � necessary to vegeta1e in _t en m oy nJ th � been necessary to transform ot1r lrfe. Besides what _are � � . try t1n co is th of ng ki e th of en ev t ; bu , an m t we would no t say ·of a grea _ d d an ea m k in dr , to er pp pe d an t ea m w ra t ea To sleep on a carpet, to e on ve o lo wh ns sa te co d an s ve sla e av h , � to , dy an sometimes wine and br pha te lu so ab of ea id e th ss le or e or m only in return ,for favours; th.alt is 95 96 97 98 99 100

Oeltvres Combes Ibid, JI, Ibid, IT, Ib;d, II, Ibid, II,

de Saint Si1no11, p. 94. ancl Tamisier, op. cit., II, 38-9. 45. 57-8, 63. 66, .91-5. 79. - 183 -

•

----.. d se po ex b to d p a. n io sit po re � cu se a ve J1a . o piness in Abys, si11ia; never ,t . r s no ne ici ed m er h ut. ne e ar e er th e us ca be es l as to. fearfu i ncurable djse . . ' n comu so 1s s oi ge ur bo ch e n Fr ch i l J w. doctors .... We would ask now ian moop hi Et an of at t11 r fo e fat s hi fortable tl1at l1e would exchange na·rol1? '' 101 Tl1ough detai11ed. again.st their will tl1e young Frenchmen succee� ed in leavin g Dabra Ta.bor ,by a strategem on September 22, and, crossing tl1e Bashillo r iver, entered ·the prov ince ,of Wallo. t e n i th Sa of ny ma so e lik , ied up cc eo -pr re we r sie Combes and Tami th wi oillS ati rel ir the d n an me \vo 10 d cte ne n co s i est on a11 011 ns h 1ja wit 101 Sin , men . Thus in this part ,of the narrative the travellers noted the great ease of d.ivorce, wl1ich contrasted with its impossibility in Catholic Europe, and appear to have been son1ewba:t favourably in1pressed, for they observe t]1at, desp i te itJl1e practice of di vorce, ''the country is not overthrown, the I)eace is not compromised. "102 ;Tl1ey were, thowever, often critical of the st'ate of marital affairs i n Ethiopia, declarin .g: ''love is u nknown in Abyssi nia., or at least, 1S 80 li'�tle developed there that it is very difficult ror a European ... to recognise it. "103 In W�Lllo the Fre11cl1men were again for a t in1e l1eld prisoners. this ti1ne bj1 one of 'l�he Galla cliieftains,104 b11t, on regaining 1,heir liberty, detern1 i 11ed ,10 cont· i11ue the ir journey still f11rtl1er i5outhward to Shoa. 105 Ever anxious to general ise on tl1e peoples th.rough whose la nd they \Vere passi11g, they noted that the Gallas ''scarcely ruffered'' from the northern Ethi opians they h·ad n1et earl ier ,on their ·travels. They thought, ho\vever, that 1l1e Galla wo1nen were more arden t and voluptuous. "Abyssinia," tl1ey tl1erefore so1new]1at 11aively co11cluded, ''is France, the Galla cot1ntry, Spain.; but the France and Spa in of Africa."10 6 This foMl of cxpressio11, we may n ote, was very characteristic of the Saint Sin1onians, one oft whom, Gt1stave d'Eichthal, had earlier proudly reported to En fantin in tJ1e course of a v isit to Great Britai 11, tl1at 11e l1ad discovered t11at tl1e Irish \Vere religious, the Scotc]1, scrvmits .and tl1e English, ird 1 itStriels.101 011 reach ing Sl1 a Co1nbes and Tamisier \Vere i mpressed, like later � _ observers, by its relative prosperity; ll1ey noted t'l1at tl1e fi elds were ''better \Vorked., and bette� cultivated than in the other parts of Abyssinia." The reas?n ther explain, w �s t}1at _"the peasants, protected by a vigilant ? and ,l1 �v 1ng 11otl1111g 10 fear fron1 tl1e rapine of tlie soldiers, adm1n1strat1on, de �oted tl1 �mselves with greater energy •to the cultivat i on of their lands, being certa111 to gather wl1at they l1ad so\vn".tos Our travellers reacl1e� Ango]a]al1, the capital of Shoa , on Novem ber 1. They �ere at once 1n'l�rrogated b)' �11e o� the officers of the king, . y were skille SaJ1le �ellass1e, rus to whet11 �1 tJ1e d 1n an y craft and in articular 1f they could make rifles or gun-powder.109 Tli . . e sovere1gn, · pwho 1

101 102 103 104 105 _ 106 107 108 109

lbicl, II, 80-1. I bid, II, 108. Jbid, IT, I 22. lbicl, II, 251. Ibicl, II, 262 I bid, II, 304. R. Pankl1urst, The Saint Si1no11ians• Mill a,id . , op. cit , II, 346 Com bes and 1.am1.s1er . Ibid, II, 347.

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carl,.·/e

(Londo11, 1956). p. 69.

hin1s�lf gran'ted 'lhe� an audience o� th follow ng da y, � � . !epeated these questions, , and urged llhem rto remain m hi s domains, offering them ' ,they report, land, won1en, horses a.nd gola.110 Combes and Tamisier share tl1e admiratio 11 for Sable Selassie ex�r�ssed b � l �ter tr a_vellers. They wrote with enthus iasm that ''the th of is � a�t.1v1t� . ng, _which was tho11ght 1to be absorbed in the cares of war, finds time t? direct itself towards the industrial arts which J1e passionately love �; -h� wishes_ that iall 1:11anual w or k is carried out unde thi r s eyes, an d •the 1ntenor -of his_ palace 1s ft1ll of weavers, joiners, masons and other _ worker� engaged �n n1ak1n g of gt1npowder, repairing rifles or working in gold, silver and 1vory." Sable Sellassie's interests doubtless seem ed to Combes and Ta:misier to a�ord with 'the Saint Sunonian spirit as ex pres : sed by the fiounder, Sarnt 1S1n1on, wh o had declared that ''the industrial class js the sole useful class'',111 and that t'he King should be 1:he ''first indtistrial.ist. 112 Tl1e Frencl1men seem to l1ave been carried a,vay with their en1husiasm which cat1sed . then1 to write, doubtless witl1 exaggeration, that ''the principal personages'' ,a:t Sahle Sellassie's court were ''all workers to whom he listened with tl1e greatest co11sideration."113 These words may thus perhaps be regarded as a manifes:ra'tion of Saint Simonian wishful tl1inking. 1

The young travelJers' Sai11it Simon.ian preocct1p a•tion with women may likewise b e responsible f-or Con1bes' s· tla! · temenJt 1n [his 'J1oyage en Egypte thait ·during lhis �tay iJ1 Sl1oa ,tl1e Ki'11g often �poke 110 rum ''of European women ,:vith grea:t :airti.1nation'' 'and !bad ''ch\Mged io11e of 1his agents to bring l1im a white islave from Cairo or Arabia."114 Neuther · o. f these observations, it 11s curi·ous lt10 'note, �re in.eluded a·n tt'he 1 J/0)1c1ge e,i A byssinie where one would !have expected •to fi11d them. 1

During It-heir 1vis ,it to S·hoa 1il1e F'.re11cl11nen a.lso visited rtl1e capit.:'ll, A.nkober, and •the importa.rut town of Te,gulet. They 1:ried 1to assess �e power of Shoa. Discussing tl1e significance and role of fire-ar1ns, wh1c]1 were ·st-ill fairly new, 1:h ey signi£jcantly o- bserved.: "fire-arms l1ave ·only recentl y been a.ntroduced inil:o this coun1try and ·the;Y IJ.Jave ?'ot Y� �ffected a no:able ,revdlurtiion in t,he �t af w.ru· las !they are still il1ere ·.1111tberr �nfancy. The inhabitants llia.d difficulty 1n !believing !that -the eJfect of :1l1e nfle w:as not due ,l1o supernatural causes land n1Jany 1of the1n came to ,us lto ask 'Us for lamu]ei!s 1:0 .cause tlleir anns Ito If.ire 1Slr-aigl1t."115 On 10avin· g Shoa the travellers once a gaJ:? �ruter�d G.alla 1err?tory g lon a oke p s. We . ion elig r , on d ih:a. hey t ' ion sat ver con la ere ort ey wh t.h rep time," the· y report., ''and all the great ones .. crowded around ?S, tl1ey l�nt . taccen wbJch as ide _ t w1·th eaoe-ern·ess tl1e an tuttent1ve ea:r an d l5eemed ,.i:o . t os s alm wa ich wh , ge ssa · me ir tlhe tly ac ex w Ho ,, � , gave th em grea.'t lh,onr-> .I:'�· .• 1• sfied Wl'th sat lly d. tol ot n · are r we d nte ese � pr s wa , ian on nly certai Saint Sim _ · rt en mm � lly ica 1St tim op ss ele rth ve ne r sie mi the discussion Combes an d Ta _ g on e am ur nt ve to re da ll wi 10 wl s, rie na io iss m le "We are persuaded that ab 1 IO Ibid, JI, 348-9. Vide also ID, 29. 111 Oer,vres to Saint ,5i111011, P· 243. s in£lustriels, I 12 Jbicl, p. 151. Vide also Saint Sin1on, Catechisn1e Po/itique cle passin1. . . 113 Combes and Tamis·1er, op. c1·t, Il, 349. Vide also III, 16-17 114 Combes, op. cit., J, 251. 115 Ibid, II, 24. - 185 -

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d in ee ly cc si su ea ld ou w s, ibe tr od go d an th.ese savag. e yet ·hospi rr able 116 uniting them under one law ." am r d oj re he G w te e en d an e il N e lu B e th d se os cr r te la 1 1 1e The Frenchn d e re th de s o pr y he T rq } � W <:-O ra ab D d ? , : they vis-ited Bichan.a, D i.m a an e t rv bu se 1a , 1n ob ss d by A 1n 1le l't fe t os 1n 1e t1 1 n io ct di ra nt co ut vince ''wi tfl1o ly nt ng ·a ei ns ', co n' io at tu � si le ab or pl de '' a in e er _ that i:ts agriculturalis·ts \V gly ?een obli in rd co ac d l op pe f � rs be m nu � e rg la ': pilla.ged by the army; ore important m e th f o , ty 111 c1 v1 e 1 tl 1n um yl as 1d fi1 nd a ged to leave tl1e land : churches. 117 ed rn rs to tu le el re av tr e th ds ar w rth no y ne ur jo r ei th ng t1i Conti11 to ce ra en ab th D ed ey urn jo d an , 36 18 ry ua J an Mal1 dera Maryam on , s to ng fra di ee Em oc pr re fo be e tim d on ec s e th r fo d ite vis Tabor which they re, rfa by its d wa ge ma d� ch mu a.l t pi, ca tlhe 1 d u1 fo ey Th ru1d. Gondar. 118 Nonetheless ·they met a . f sel r ne fon its of on popt1lation only a fracti learned 1nan \vith a large }jbrary of b-ooks ''translated from Arabic and Indian''. 11 9 T11e ciily, tl1 ey say, also possessed a large number of prosti t tt1tes, for it was a ''tow11 of pleast1res," a11d it wa s presumably for tha 120 it. adm lves mse y the the as re, the reason Ll1at tl1ey ,va.sted tl1 ejr 1no11ey To co11lint1e tl1eir journey ho111e tl1ey were obliged to borrow 10 Maria 1"11eresa dollars fron1 tl1e leading mercl1ant of the city, Kidane Maryam, \vl10 exacte(l a ra.te of interest of ten per cent per month, or 120% per year, tl1e normal rarre in tl1e place. 121 Tl1e�>' Ief,t Go11d.ar on Febrt1ar)' 9, and made tl1eir way to Wagara, a l)rovince v1l1.ich tr l1ey fot111d cleva.stated by civil \Var as was evident from tl1e rem_ajns of fon11e:r villages. 122 Tl1ence they proceeded to the hlgh n1ot111la_111 of Lamal1no, a11d, soo11 afterwards, came a.cross many refugees �ron1 T1gre wl1_0 l1 �d b_ee.n d�i ven across tl1 e Takaze by t, he poverty result ing fT01n the f1ght1ng 1n ,tl1eir own province.123 Tl1ey �l1e11 tl1e_ i:nselves crossed 1he Takaze, and. n1aking their w,ay th.rot1gl1 Shire, rev1s1ted Aksum and Adowa.124 In the latter city they receiv ed a \Varm welco·me fron1 tJ1 e Prot tant nussion aries Gobat and Isenberg, � _ wl1om they l1ad. 111et fo� the first t:1111e earlier in tJ1eir visit_ 125 Though grateful fo r this l1�sp1!ality they note tl1at tl1e missionaries were not _ tl1e1r_ successf'L11 1n dLS,tnbt1:t� on of_ Ai11haric Bibles. They had presented ·_ _ e n1ost ntell1gent me· lar�e nu111bers 1_to 0 n1bers of tlie population who � ne\ .ertheless paid l11t:tle alite11t1on to ·tl1e · n1 , mar1y ·of the sacre d wark'S r·-inding . t11 e local Jnarket wl1ere tl1ey were offere their w_ay to ver y a at d for sal e low pr1ce. 12 6 While at A.dowa., i t, is interesiting to n""' ,f. · · e ,ed th F e am L · o men b renc , v. h · · · . .fro . m ' the nus-s1ooar1es 1a cooy ·of the fam Otis_ work , par?les d i1rz croyant, wl1icl1 'l1ad bee11 publislled bY the Frencl1 priest and philosopher, Lamen116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126

Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, I bid, Ibid, Ibid, I bid, / bid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid,

III, 243-4. III, 285-6. III, 342. III, 344. III, 342. III, 347. III, 347. TV 34. IV, 43. IV, 132-3, 158. IV, 143. - 186 -

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na.i:s. onl� t�\vo_ y�rs e�rlier. This bo-0k, which had been placed 00 the . 127 Ca in th de ol 11 x 1 June 1834, marked irs ic Roman , author's break wit, h the Church ,and ha.d be en conden1ned by P-0pe Gregory XVI as ''sma 11 m size, · · • · ,, 1,8 C b11t 1_m�;ns� 1n p�rver�ity.. - ombes and Ta isier, on tl1 e otl1er l1and, reading 1t w1i__th Saint S1n1·on1an eyes s1.c'l� ed that � 1t impressed them greatly, tbe more as they ha d n�ve: hoped to find sucl1 a masterpiece in su ch an isolated country as Ethiop1a.129 �ogaged as they we�e iI1 a �. expedi,tion of investigation they took careful notes on e-cono1ruc co11d1t1ons at Adowa which enabled them afterwards to write ,three in1portant ,chapters on !the handicrafts con1merce and commt1nication.s of the co11ntry. t 3o Tl1is report, it may be 'added, was far more comprel1e11 sive tl1an a11yllling penned 11p to tl1at time and may well 11ave been taken as n1odel by later writers.131 I1npressed by the im portance for Europe of tl1e E· 1hiop-ia.i1 market tl1 e travellers noted tl1at 1tl1e country's produce was ricl1, but ·its 1 comn1erce still in :i!'.s infancy. Ttrrning to .the implic3:tions of all tllis for France and Et1rope they developed argumen,ts ,vl1tcl, 1 were soo.n t- · o be prese11ted directly to :t11e French Govern ment. Tl1ey ''deplored it.h e �oact.ivity ,of our governments wh.ich co11ld procure valuable mercl1andize for 1he1nselves at a very low price, giving m exc.hange th-e prodt1ce of our 111dus'tries with which we are often em barrassed but wl1ich are ea.ge.rly sougl1t afier by tl1e Abyssin, ians." Tl1eir solution, like that of tl1e Britisl1 1travellers Lord Valentia and Henry Salt a genera,tion earlier, was !that Etl1iopia sl1ould be opened up to Europea11 camm.erce.132 Admi·tting that ,traders en , ter:i11g Etlliopia at tl1at tin1 e would have "grea't obstacles ,t o surmoun, t'' rt�1ey urged the :need for establishing stations or factories on tI1e coast. Once that was do11 e, they claimed, tl1 e Shoho tribe on tl1e coast wo11]d t111derstand the advan1 tage to it of trade. Ras . \Vube, tl1e lflller of ·Tigre, !tl1ey added, would. be 1011 1y too pleased to enter into relaitions with a E11Dopean po,ver, a11d was i11 a posi:tio11 'lo reduce tl1e coastal tribes to s11bnlissio11 . I-le cot11d eve11 have reached Maissawa by way O '� Hala, y if l1 e ]1a.d not been preverl!ted by fear of giving Mohamed Ali a oretext for i11vasion. If, l1owever, tl1e E11ropean po1rvers promised assistan�ce t11e r11iers of Etlliopia i,vould be willing t� bring to _ order all tl1 e peo1)les under tl1 e jurisdicti�n o� tl1 e Na1b of Ark1ko. 011ce the rou1es were nssured ;t}1e ·trade of t11e 11]ter1or wo11ld flow to Ma.:sawa and nearby Amphila where Et1ropeans would be able ,to trade \Vi;th ease. 133 These ideas a15 -r.,ve shall see, were s,oon to J�ain wider curre11cy, in parit i'1lt leasit :on f�cco11nt o , f Combes and lTamisier's vi.sirt. From Adowa it.he Frenchmen made theilf way towar� tl1e coast, passing ·by _.way of 'Daba� wa, Asmara -and �hinda._ On ,the _ JOtirney ·th_e � quo:e a cunous oo.nversat.Ion between a Muslrm sheikh an� 111s young w1f which they claim to have overheard. Tl1e ;sl1eikh wa:.s argu1ng the need :for him 1:·o embrace Christiani1ty, the creed of his rulers and of the population 1

Index LibrorL11n Prohibitori,m (Roma, l 948), P· 253. Encyclopedia Britannica (London 192) XVI, 125 Combes and Tamisier, op. cit., IV, 135. Ibid, IV 109-11. Ibid, IV, 63-127. ia an,l O11' tlze Reel Sea Abyssin ey 1 C l,a, . 1,,c to s vel 132 G Valentia, Voya{?es a11d Tra n do on (L 11 ·a · 511 , · Ab)S to e ag oy V A lt, Sa . H Egypt (London, 1811) III, 251-71; 1814), pp 496-8. 1814), pp. 496-8. 133 Combes and Tamisier, op. cit., IV, 105-7.

127 128 129 130 131

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J I(

(''. ! i

. I

! I. i I

I II lI 'I I ! i : iI

I, .' r,I

I '

• I

d� Go Y e nc ou ren l t ar ''th , red cla de JI? he " ry, ssa is t ece ''J; n · d un m. bi aro 134 I am a slave, an d if I submit . ns tia ris Ch e th order to accept the beliefs of n, g ma un o y, wo he .. 1 ' e.' fre me co be n ca I st, to tl1e law , on ,the stro11ge e Slt rte, ap Ith to 1 l we r fa de ba � ve � ha 10 ed os pp � su , is rds s-hocked by rihese wo , the Christian of : comma1· 1ding hin1 lo J.eave her and •seek 1fue .affection ble w,omen. Whether Co111bes. a.nd· TaJnisier aot11ally heard :this remarka 135 k. 1.· . ac Ch OJn b d Y te ges sug en be s ha as , on . est qu 1 excl1 ange may be ope1 to 1 . they s ap h r, pe ot, b1e u sr he to • 1 cy a11 1ign po perl1 ap s 1they were inc'luded 10 add ll. ,te oti nn ca e \V . ing an me le t1b o 1 d ia1 n o· e Sim ve int , ha som Sa Later tl1 e Frencl1 me11 1til1eniselves got into conversa,tion, this 1time wilth 1 a young Galla 1slave girl wl10 was ·being 1take11 rto rt:he c·oast. When ��y showed l1er a Maria Theresa d o• llar 1s11e js supposed to have observed: I1 is tl1aL tl1en wl1 icl1 serves to bt1y cllildren and men?'' 136 1

TJ1e -travel1ers were by now d·rawi11g near 1 t,o the coast. On reaching San1l1ar :1l1ey made a collection ·or inseots, a11d 1tl1en proceeded rto Mon cu!Jo, 1:-J1e principal mai11laJ1 d port in the v:cinity of Mas.sawa, w .hicb rthey reacl1ed 011 Marcl1 29.137 On arriving a1 Mas1sawa, fatigued , by ,tl1eir long journey, Combes and

set sail for Jeddah Tamisier bo· th wenit d.ovvn with fever, bu:t eventually 1 on April 17. T11ey reached :llhait por,t on Apri1 29, where they met Che dufau, r.·J1e doctor for, whon1 Ta1nisier had acted as secretary two years . ogna:t ,wl10 l1ad accom.panied lfue dootor. 138 The previously, an.d ·a cer:tai11 C at1�1 hors refer to C,og11at as 011e of tl. 1eir in1 timate friends and it is interest ing to ·110.:e rtl1at !he was in fact a leading ·S·air1it Simonian and the author or at least ,two Sai11t Simonian rracts I 39 . Boardi11g an Egy111tian vessel at Jedd,a11 the ,tra\rellers then sailed up . airo. tl1e Reel Sea lo Tor a11d journeyed ·t11e11ce by land to Suez .and C !here tl1�y n1et the fa1nous Fre11ch doo�or, Clo!: Bey, who gave them an 1. nt. roduc· l1011 't,o ll1e 1Savan1t Jomard, a leadjng men1ber of ithe Frencl1 Geo grapl1ical Socieity vvl10· was known ;t,o be interested i n ·t:he various d.i-s cove ri �s ,tl1en being made in A:frica. 140 . La.ter, i n Afexandria, they received .a 111e fron1 tl1_e1r old friend Ferdinand de Les seps, tl1e French welo tr1e11clly ? . ·/1ce Co11st1l 1n Alexa11dr1a. 141 TJ1e)' left Egypt iat ;the end of Oc-tober but becat1se of bad weather tl1eir sl1ip Vlas obliged to n1ake for R·hodes. There they spent tl1ree �1ontl1s wl1ile tl1eir vessel was being repaired, with tl1 e re�t1lt that tl1ey did not reach M�rseilles 11ntil Marcl1 12, 1837. They bad thus bee11 away fron1 Fra11ce all 1n all almost four years. 1

On landi11g at Marseilles ,tl1e travellers went firs,t to Combes' native

':own of Casite'ln �t1dary t, •o recupera•te a. 11d 'tl1en rto Paris. In Marseilles it-hey l1ad 1111e'l a certain TouJousa11 wl10 n.1ad -give11 them a second in1tr , oduotion J,on1a �d. T�1ey a �c,ordi11gly wrote to ,t he grea1t man., t � :tl1e �eograpl1er _ asking l11n1 to guide tl1e111 1n tl1e1;r s!tud1es and expressi11g their intention of /bit!, I\T, 159-63. Chojnacki, op. cit., p. 80. Combes and Tamisier, op. cit,. IV, 192. Ibid, IV, 201. Ibicl, IV, 220. C?gnat, Les apotles a Merzilrrzontanc (Lyons ' Si11ioidem, 1832); Saint Les 111e11s (Lyons, 1832). 140 Con1bes and Tan1isier, op. cit,' IV, 242. 141 lbicl, IV, 246.

134 135 136 137 J 38 139

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re·:;�ning to A:frica and of peneitr:a1ting even further inrto th e in·terior.1 42 This contac t :Wllth J omard evoked a . certain amounJt of disquiet on th . t of at least 1one of Jibe ol d Sa . int Simonians, Sonnerait, who wro�f: November 27, .1837� to. R�boul, who was then in Jeddah, saying: ''I tre� ble for them ,to see them 10_ rthe c� :a�s of 'liliat old rogue; he will eteal �heir notes ...wi;hotut exag�era·t�· o11 this Joma r. d ,is ;a sworn expl,oi•ter o . f all t'he you11g 1people who clai111 11 1s pa1tro11age."143 N· o st1ch outc-�n1e seen1s, however, to l1 ave occurred, tl,otigh J·omard later \Vro �e a N_ot:ce sttr /es Ga/las. 144 Tl1 e travellers .received a warm welcome 1n Pa1;1s. T �1ey were received , ·by King Louis Philippe who gave tl1 e1n a commerr1orattve madel. 145 J omard, so far from plagiarisi11g their work.seen �s •to have b �en co111ten• t� be know11 , as ,:I,e yot1ng mer1's ,patron. Tl1rou.gh his ,good offices tl1:ree articles of their-s were publisl1ed i 1 1 1837 in itbe B1tlleti11 de !{1 Societe de Geogrc11Jlzie. The articles, whicl1 de.�cribe s,om e ,of ·tl1e 1nore i n1port:an. t i 11 cidents in the journey, co11tain a plea for tl1e Govern1nent to play a dynamic role in exploration.Emphasising the extent of tl1e task still to be accomplisl1e d, · 1 Combes and Ta nisier declare: 1

''Wbe1 1 a11 ,observer casts h.is e yes 011 a n1 ap of tl1e world h . e 1nust be struck by t.l1e enormous disproportion whicl1 exi·sts be· tween existing k110,vledge of the sl1ape of the coast a11cl tl1e facts wl1ich we possess abotit the interior of the 001ti.inen ts.

''Fully approvi11g the measures 1take11 by governn,ell.!1s in support of tl1e n1arine, one can1 1ot refrai11 fron1 reproacl1i11g tl1eir 11 egligence towards those intrepid travellers [by land], wl10 taki11g a differ e11t directio1 1, have been left .to tl1e1r ow11 devices." 146

TJ1e aui�hors went on to· urge the 11 eed for Gover11'ment .st1pport :for geographical research both at ·tl1e coast a nd i11 1l·he in,lerior. It was ''in� dispensable," tl1ey declared, "for tl1e various governme11ts, ancl above all tl,ose of old Europe, as the most enligl1te11ed and n1ost powerful, to accord eqt1al protection i'n -tl1e fui.i1.1re 1to these two t)1pes of expeditio11." 147

The full :account 10ft Co.rubes and, ,Tamisier's journey appe ared jn llhe following year, 1838, whicl1 sa-v.1 tl1e publicatio1 1 of tl1eir [our-vol11me VO)'age e11 ,..£{ byssirlie, . da11s le 1pays. cles ,Gallc1s, de C/10a et cl'lfat, a sec011d edition of wh.ich appeared i11 1843.

In their .intro duction l'l1e two au,tl1ors explain 1t'heir decisio11_ 1to pu�lish a11 account o, f their uecen.t visit ,to Btl1iopia before thait of :ll1e1r previous travels in Egypt, Nubia a.nd Arabia. . They observe ·�hat tl1ougl1 the jour'.IJ,eys of in•trepid 1t ravellers 1had 1 given it�e � orld 'a �owledge of Ame rica and Asia tthe African conti11en,t was s,t11J almost ,entirely _covered by 13 ve'il of mystery. This veil bad. bee:11 lifted as far as the per1pl1ery ·or 1ihe it, · n continent was con ·cerned by the est:a· blish t he coaS s ment t of Europe o a n , i " while knowledge of Egyp-t, Nubia .a11d nearby 1ancls had been opened up 1

142 Tamisier and Combes, op. cit. pp. 332-3, 337. 143 Fonds Enfantin, 7783, Sonn.erait to Rebo�1], rl7/9/18�7144 E.F. Jom·ard, Notice si1r /es Gal/as de L1mrnou (Pa.ns, 1839). 145 Foures, op. cit., pp. 127-9. 146 Tamisier and Combes, op. cit., p. 338. 141 Ibid, p. 340.

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ii. I l · II ·•. I I, I ! II ' II. 11 I' I·. I I!: I; : I I, '. ' I I' I

II I 'I

' I

• 11 i l

"I I'' ' '

by Moha.mn1ed Ali who had enabled travellers to journey freely throughout tl1ose areas. The reslf. o:f the interio,r, however, was known in only the most sketchy fasl1ion witl1 the result that in those areas one could be lost in fertile, inhabi;ted lands as in tl1 e midd'le of arid desests. Tl1e a11tl1ors went 0 1 1 to theorise about the state of knowledge of Africa at 1:'11a t tin1e.. Tl1ey exJajn1ed tha1 th,ough Africa had ''arou , sed ,the attention of tl1 e most adva 11 ced men of the period," 148 - presumably an allusion to Enfa11 tin and bis followers - jt was still the ''least known'' conti 11 ent. 1 49 Tl1ey reverted to tl1e great discrepancy between what was known abo11t ·t11e coa.st' , which .had been largely s 1tudied by perso: ns at tached ',o 1tl1e 11 a, vy, a11 d the i 1 1terior where explorers had been exposed 'to all sorts ,of dangers a11 d privaJ:jo 11s, .a11d ·a:rgu.ed that �hough it was neces sary to detenn •in1e the exact dirnensio11s of our planet and to produce precise 111aps for shippi11 g, it was .no less important to explore the interior. 1lt was ·011ly by ·the Go• vern1ne11,ts ''combining the one with the other'' that n1ankind would ''be able to arrive a1t a perfect knowledge of the globe wl1icl1 belongs to it."150 1

Tt1r11i11 g to tl1 e travellers wl1 0 ]1 ad visited Ethiopia before them, Com bes .ai1cl Ta11iisier endeavo11red to; -asse11t their own s11periority. They spoke wi !l1 so.n1 e .apprecia.t'ion of Bruce wl10, ,d1ey said, had on the whole worked co11scientiously, but asserted tl1 at l1is Protestantism had led him on oc casioi1 t·o criticize 1t·l1 e Catl1 olics unjt1,s·: 1y . The two autl1ors were even more critical of the Catl1 ol.ic n1jssion1aries, arguing t·bat t·hey had fallen into serious erro·rs. "Uncler tl1 e :influence of religious preoccupations'', and ''in tJ1 e i11teres,t o·r the catise wl1 icl1 ·tlley believed themsel,,es obliged to defend, they l1ad not been af1·aid," Oon1 bes and Ta.misier claim, ''of falsifying 111any fac:s ,a11 d of giving ,otl1ers erro11eous ii.11terpretations''. For their own part ll1e Fren.c'lrrnen cla.i1ned to be ''free of all old preoccupations, and J1e11 ce able to appreciate a11 d jt1dge tl1e situation as tl1ey saw it without oei11g i11 fluenced by any exclusive theory.15 I 1

Not\-vitl1Standj 11 g thls _claim ,tl1 ere d-s no ,doubt, as we ha.ve seen, fuat the a11tl1 ors wrote from ti1ne to time in essentially Saint Simonian tem1s. Tl1ot1gh 1I1 ey were careft1l, as already explained, to make no refere11 ce either to Sai11 t Si1non or to E1 1fia11tin or l1 is n1oven1ent, tl1ey come close to ad.mit ti11g their adl1 erence to a special philosophy wl1 en they state that for them everytl1 i11g l1ad ,a ''dot1ble �pect, the poetic 'aspect' and the pos1ti\re aspect. batl1 trt1e, ex.i6Ling a11d i11 co1 nplete, the one wi.:bout the other." 1 52 Is j,t i �100 f no: fiLtl to ponder wl1 tber 1this do· uble aspect was not a duality irrhe _ _ � � rei1t 1n so 1nJny_ of tl1e Sa111 � S1n1011 1a11s \\1ho s011gl1t, ron1a11tically, to find a Fe 111ale Mess1al1, 1nr.1d, ra1t1onally, rto 1ope11 a 11ew s11.ipping , route? Tl1e aL1�·hors' S1int Sin1 01 1iisn1 ,seen1 s also t, o account for a Messianic • na1 an �lysis in 1beir Voyage en trait v.:1l1!ch is i _11terblended wi1tl1 raitio Ab;1ss1111c1 and 11J 1s0 �1 e way � ·resen1bles the mixture of acut, e analysis a.nd appare11t self delus101 1 which can1 e so naturally to Enfantin and his followers. F11ll _ of co1npassion for E�l1 iop }a, wbicl1 at tl1a.t tin1e had long _ been ton1 by cJv1d war, tl1e young Saint S1mooians expressed the naive tyeit 148 149 150 151 152

Combes and Tamisier, op. cit., I, 2-3. Ibid, J, 18. Ibid, I, 4-5. lbicl, I, 10-11. Ibicl, I, 21. - 190 -

wse:

in some ways tm ders;tand.able h o � -that Europe could and would come to 1 su . ff enng .people. ,Summing up the d" .es the rescue of 1he sore 'f ff. 1 icu t 1 whi dn the couin-try raced !ll ·the era of. .the ,nasafirit Combes and T am.1_s1e � r h e o e t1 h w re a on I 1· . 9 , t1c 1· · · a d II y, 1f melodramatica.lly, ·that· ''Abyss1n. declare . 1a . . . If �.a , g�s war, �arts, Abyss1n1a suffers, tosses and torments h erse horribly 1 su ffe rm tSh g, e wi ll not '.by l1erself einerge from ,the her exha les ma1a1s · e · gnaws ... h er Abyss1· n1a . · 1 ack s unn1Ly, she has 11eed of help to drag 8l1. . . which harself out ·of 1truis abyss of war. -and ·anarchy rnto whjch she has been . '' 15" 1 M or or �s s e re d a 1s! ;) 1 e 1c _tlnder�taucli11g of the situation then gave plung . way to mere hope or �1shft1l tl11nlcing: ''If ot1r presenti1 nents do not deceive us,"_ th� authors. cont1nue,,,"Et1rope will 11ot rem,1in aloof from tJ1e reor �an1sat1on ?f this peo1Jle. T�e at1tl1ors,, tl1en s�em to be carried away 1nrto downright 1antasy wl1en they add: A n1t1lt1tude of ·arclen,t and ven tt1.r�som� ima_ginatio11 s are turning towards Abyssinia as towards a point which gives light, a11d t'l1ey seen1 1to 11nders 1ta.nd that rthe terrible clamot1r wh:cl1 she gives .fo11tl1, so far from being tl1e ra:tle ,of death, are the pai 11ful cries pf ,a mot1h er who is §Oing to give birth. If the me11 wl10 will be atitraoted t·o rthis coun:try are s11fficiently 1able 10 discern the ,tendency of i.t.s rin11abit.ants, if they ki1ow 11:ow , t o give ,them a directio11 oomforming to Providence, -they will accon1pli�h a glorious work by \Veaving the bond wl1icl1 m11st one day 11nite Ab)1 ssinia with th .e rest of tl1e globe." 154 Combes and Tamisier's three articles in tl1e Bulletirz de la Societe de Geogrc1pllie for 1837 a11d tl1e four-volu1ne VoyL1ge eri A byssiriie of 1838 nevertheless did much to ·awaken ,outsid-e i11terest in Etl1iopi-a. Though ·the earlier writing of Bn1ce, Va]e111tia, Salt a11d Gobat h· ad by this time been translated into Fre11cl1, Combes and Ta111isir's works were of great interest and .uriginalifly. T11.ey described SI1oa, a 1nore sot1tl1erly province of Etllio pia ·than - any . :tl1us far described by 11ine-teen1I1 centt1ry travellers; -theirs was m ·oreover . the -first accounit of Ethi.opia by Fre11clunen lo ap1Jear in the century, and for that reaso11 alo·11e arou.sed co11siderable i:i1terest i11 Paris, as was later recognised by tlhe subsequent .French explorer Rochet d'Heri courr.155 Combes, despite l1is uno1rtl1odox views, received recognition from hi.s G,overnment, obtai11jng 1the n1uc h prized Legion d'I-Ionnetir ·on April 23, 1838. 156 *•

.,.

• !,

After tl1 e pub licatio·n of tl1eir Voyage en Abyssi11ie Co1:Tlbes �d Tamisier wen:t different ·ways. Tain.isier seems to have los.t interest 111 Africa. He saw the two volumes of his Voyage erz Arabie tl1rougl1 tl1e press irr1 1840 and 1845, but then moved entirely o·ut of the �i�ld of travel an d exploration. He s_ eems to have been always a keen mus1c1an and l�a? 111e z yss �b en ge yc1 Vo �e _in ion lt1s inc e th r fo e ss ibl tle ns ub en do be respo , ow kn as ar as , ing be � is th , g� � so ian of the mu sic of �everal Etl1iop . ? Mus1 c . ion tat no an pe ro Eu o t 1ni i sic mu n pia 7 the f1rst ,attempt to put Ethio

!�

153 154 .155 · 156 157

Observer, ia op hi Et , y" or ist H n ia op hi Et in ar W of R. Pankhu-rst, "The Effects VlI No. 2 passi,n. Combes and Tamisier, op. cit., I, 22-3. . ouge er R M a de 1 e tal ien or . te co la r s11 ge ya Vo t, C.E.X. Rochel d'Hericour 1ones et en M , res te ng ra Et s ire ffa A s de re ist ia M (Paris 1841), P IV, France, Documents, Afrique, LX, 1839-66, p. 70. Foures, op. cit., p. 129; Girou, �P· cit., p. 180. Combes and Trunisier, op. cit., II, 353-4. A

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•

111 �11. tl1e 1 8�0's bi nd fi e w : e lif s J1i in rt pa r te e a gr _ _ later c a111e to play a an � later ol! La �1·,t1� ue l a_ zc us M e 1c c11 ,· F al 11 ur jo _ _ using n otepaper of tl1e _ t d in s ol Sa h1 1an 1th on w m t S1 a nt co 1n , er ev w : ho d, 11e _ ru n1 re /t.1i ,sica!e. He r 1 1 ued rto . correspon d with Enfant1n wl1om he alwa ys · co111rades, a.n·d .coi1 ti d, ''Per ' ,, 158 . e · :, a se, es r . dd a y sl ou ul 1p rt sc sm r ia fo us th opia en hi s Et hi d 'l1e ai 111 ai n1 , 11d ha r he ot • l1e t on s be Com er h · s in t h e comm er o� t es r te in to ed · r ou v an de e , d n , a. t and ,:J1e Red Sea coa �, e e o th to wr Fr �nc}1 he , 39 1� I, t � 11s ug A n O . ea ar e th of n 11e t p1 lo e v de cial ng up n1 on pe ati o rel y t I! s sis. ce ne � e tl1 g ? gin ur ff irs a A 11 eig r . M:nis! ry of Fo· r fo at n h 1. 1o d-1t purpos� pe e an ke rta de 11n to � ing fer of n d a wi.th, E,tl1iopia 1tl1rut 1f there ·was a sure way of ed rgu a . e H . 11t 1ne n r ve Go e t'.J1 of - ehalf 011 b gh e:c ou mm thr s co e. wa it re the e nc lue inf g 1in 1 i a g of d n a a pi : l1io Et en•tering r('.h, 11e ba d alr ea dy -addres,sed him t 1tru s tl1i of ed c 1 vi1 n H e ·d,eclared ihat, co 1t'h the di.rec·· ion 1 wi im h · d ste :ru en had 0 self to 1l1e sl1ipow1�ers of Nantes wl1 of ·a comn1erci.al operati,on in rbl1e ,area. ''Once the Abyssinians see with tl1eir ow11 eyes tl1e -produc �s of our jndustry," l1e opined, ''they w.ill them selves call for Et1ropea11 worl(ers and 1the basis of1 a new colony will be ] a I'd "159 (�on1bes" propo� al was that ]1e sl1ould be despatched by the French Go\1e-!·i1111en L ID c,)11c�lt1d e 'cl treaty of commer ce with the rulers .of Etbiop1a. J.-f.e ,vas CL)11fide11t !l1at tl1is cot1ld be successfully acliieved. The fact that he '11ad alread)' tra�,el.led. in 1the area at his own expense and witfhout ainy offici.�Ll !)rotectior1 v1as a clear indica.tion, I1e cla imed, of wb. a t he should be. al)le. to clo vii tl1 tI1e Governme11t's support. En1p i 1asisi11g i. l1e t1rgency of 1Ll1e n1a.tter he dec lared that the cargo l1e . ,�as io s1hi.p out for tihe -traders of Nan1�es couild not be unloaded a:t Zeilu or 1v'.fassawa t1n,til a treaty liad been n1ade -with one of the rulers of Lhe in.terior.. �he weait.her was tl1en sui•table for t11e projeot, and. he himself rea.dy for an 1nstan.t depar,ture. 160 1

Combes' jdeas 111ay be seen _in a n1emor andum whicl1 he addressed at a t :oL_tt the sa1ne ·ti,me to Cot1nt Mole, i{l1e Preside111t of ,the Council of M1n1�- ters. T'he docw11en1:, w�ich was re111iniscent of certain of ,t11e argu ments already expounded 1n tl1 e VO)'aoe e,1 A b),ssi,iie urged the a ?va ?.•!ages �l1i?, h- Fra11ce would derive fTo� grearter contact wi·:b Ethio pi a.. TI1ere 15, declared Con1bes in dran1atic vein. ''in t11e interior of �rica : � powerf�I 11arti�11 w11icl1 has, for centuries, �lled ,to our civilisa11,011 w1t, h loud cries: tl11 s n ation is Abyssinia." Observing ifl1at King Man oel I of Portt1gal, Louis XIV of France and . even Na:poleon I1a.d ·all expressed . inr tereslt in tl1e fa r ofii Christian land C�mbes noled. ��t l}1e � rilis11 �ovemme11t h ad ·then recently made iseverai efforts to e51tablis� r�la:t1ons w1tl1 1!�1a,t country,. bu,t ha faile fo lac f ko d d r tl1e persevera11ce 1nd1spen. sa·ble for tJle accomplishm ent of so great work. The F en�h, 11e :"as oonf:dend:, would l1ave i111uch mo chance of ,succes'S re f than 1 le excltISIV� and mtoleran1t men'' who had hl!herto at,tempted to open up con;tact �i:th Ethiopja. 158 �onds Enfantin, 7786, Tamisier to E f . s1er to_ Enfantin, 19/3/JS47, 20 5 1�:;tin, 14/1/1845, 13/6/1845, 76�3, Truru 1 1 159 lvfemo1res et Docunient· s LX . . · ' Comb es·· to M1nistere des Affaires Etrangeres, 1/8/1839. 160 Ibid, Combes to Conte Mole, 1839, pp. 11-14. .

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'·Abyssi11ia,". h e declared, "is still waiting; sJ1e a roac 1es pp �l1e � l1 oc l p r t t ne e e b� e g sh . n; O r ll ar has 11eed of bein·g he] p of l1er . ed, and tt will be · h . w· ho wr· -11 .ca ll ,to a new destiny a Cb Franee, 1·f yo u. w1·sh . JJ., iris ·ian n au�. n _ t · . Mu slin1 peo ples who, until this day, 1 1ave tri . encircled by .tlhe ed m vain ·t The t:'ls k 1s · full ofi ditfficul-ty,· but ·,1 t 15 to _make her su·bm 1i: · possible and it 1s above all glorious." Besides glory, Co111bes .argued, Frat1ce would obt .a111 great com m . , . er. 1 c1_.al ' scie11-tft e an.d �ve� p o ·11!.1 lc.:�l a�va11tages fron1 a.n alliance with Ethlo· 1v1cty 1n A p1.a. rF e nch aot . 1 gena, sinc e the ,occupation of the territory in 1830, l1ad sho�, he claim ed, tl1at France cottld well olay a '' t "I in tl1e regen�rat1on of tlhe East," clearing away -the , d;rkness ;1:fih �� urrounded 1t he p e ople for s o long. ·:�1id profot111d .and widespread '. 1gnora?�e of �· he aclva11rtages of a c1v1l1satio11 wl1ic}1 claimed it back o r me ecl ireq n 1 a u of Aby g od will, a�d it ':� reserved to the present ss1n 1. ,· . Governn1ent to pusl1 France towards tl11s pac1f1c conqtiest whicli would not be characterised by blood bl1t would cover -tl1ose concerned in iit with glory." Urgin� _that th.is e �terpris e be undertaken by rF c1nce he declared i n to �es rem1n1scelllt. �f his ol? mas-ter Enfantin: ''Abyssinia is above all allied to us by .rel1gion; she 1s proud :to s11are the b eliefs of a n.ation which sl1e consid ers superior. The efforts of l1l1111a11ity are never Jost, it was_ not in vain, !"fonsieur ,le Ministr e, .tl1at w-e visi•ted t ·hi$ people so anxious for our l 1gl1t. Our work of . exploration was notl1ing but a prepa ration for a more beat1tiful work.'' Affirming 1hat these ideas were not based on ·the u11ere travel enthu siasm of a young man, but were the fruit of mature reflection, lie re,;erted ito almost the idell'tical argun1en1ts he ha. d propounc1ed a year or so earlier in tl1e VO)'age e,i A byssir1ie, de clari11g: ''From tihe commercial _poi11t of view tl1e advantages \Vhich France would obtain from an alliance with .A... byssi_nia are very st· riking and cottld be am.m ediate. Abys' 'Sinia contains immense riches and everyone could obtain. valuable merchandize there ITTlOSi t .cheaply, givi11g in excl1ange tl1e produce of our indu.srtry, w�! h whic h we are o·ften ,embarrassed, but ,vhich is so eagerly demanded ,by the Abyssinians." Ethiopia, he explained in some detail, constituted a market for s11ch i, tems as cloth,· velvets, silks, lea:tl1er, ironware, glasses, mirrors, fire-arms and medicine and ·could supply all kinds of cerC£'lls besides gold, coffee, civet, -ivory, ostrich feathers, wax, and many ty pes of skin. T11e cou11try moreover wa,s believed to possess vast mineral wealth, which cottld. be er g lar ea ar an in d lan e til fer ch mu as e ll w as , rts y pe sil ea discovered by ex than , France. th d wi ce fa re e V:7 try un co e th er t r en to 1 g in I t was true thait traders wish ch su t bu s, be tn l ta as co ly ru un e th om fr · m.ajor obstacles, in the main ," to ed ar cl de he ," sy ea be ld ou w t ''I e. m co er difficulties could soon be ov a of ce a pe ap � h !' 1 a; e Se d � � e th R of t . e esitabilish .trading ,stations on the co as at 1 t1m 1n to � nt 1e 1c ffi su be ld ou w n de warship cruising in tlhe Gulf of A the ve eo or . aw e th � � of ! its lim he t ; n the savaige tribes to remain w1thi a ith w s on ti la re e 1n r e nt to y e rl Ras of Abyssinia, who wishes so eag s ed fu re ho w le op pe s m ar of e rc fo _ European . p ower, could ea si ly reduce b y in e th of e uc od pr e th d e sur as as w to protect the trader. Once the road to ns ea op ur r E fo sy ea be ld ou w it terior would flow to the ports w,here come and buy iit. '' 1

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ly be reach� si d �a ul co d, ne ai pl ex r le el av tr ic st ia us . Etl1iopia, the enth e_d Ali m am of t oh or M pp su � tl1 d an a, Se ed R e tl1 by way of Egypt ,lnd . Even m the ea ar e th in se n rp te en y an of s · es cc could ensure t11e su ia was still op l1i t E n io at er op co s hi ng si ftt re oy er ic V unlikely case of the d reacl1 the Red ul s co te ! al N om fr ng ili sa 1ip sl a as , ss of fairly easy acce or at most four e re th 1n ope H d oo G of e ap C he . t of Soo ports by way months. Reiterating the fact that ''iohe 1Abyssinians craved foc the benefits of 011r civilisaition'', he ,ven-t on to make two other concrete proposals. The first was thart' several Ethiopian children should be colle�ted and brou0()"l1t in the ca,re of an Ethiopian priest to Fran. ce for their education. Tl1is �tiggestion, it may be interjected, is of some historical interest as bei11g perl1aps the firsit ever made fur .tl1e sending of Ethiopian children abr-oad for stu,dy. The nearest idea to tl1is in the pas:t would se1em to have come fron1 tl1e m E peror lyast1 I, who, aln1os;t a. century and a half earlier, is sa.id to l1ave considered ll1e possibiliity of sending one of his sons to tl1e Cot1rt of Ki11g Louis XIV. 161 C, ombes' second proposal, wluo11- \Vas also fairly o r· igjnal at the time, no st1ch idea l1a,ri11g been voiced for ,over a hundred years, 162 was that l='.ra11c,e sl1ould se11d a teol1nical expedi·tion to Ethiopia including a dootor, a na t1_1ralis,f, ;cL clra11gl1tsn1an, a military man and several workmen. as well as all tl1e. l)ooks, instru111e11'ls a11d equipmelllt required for their work, 1nodels of inr.111strial objeots which would be shown to the local people, a11cl prcse.n ts to be given to dignitaries. Urging ,lhe need for aotion of this kind Combes declared: ''Many le!:ters fro111 the kings of Abyssi11ia to varirous sovereigns or the West prove tl1al for cent11�es tl1is cou11try has �1.lled on -the help of a European power ,vl10 ,vould a1d lier to regenerate herself. That whicl1 she asked for in f�rn1er i�111es, Mon?ieur le Ministre, Abyssinia still wants today." Offering 111s ser,1 1ces for tl11s great work he explained that he had himself lived i11 Etl1iopia an a "k11ew its desires and needs." _ Tt!r11ing in conclusion to tl1e political advantages of an alliance with Etl11op!a, Combes wrote ,to the Minister much n1ore frankly than he had �ared 1n _ ll1e V0)1 age en A byssi11ie. I-Ie recalled that Napoleon a genera t10� �ar�1er l1a? declared that ithe way to end British power was to attack Br1ta1n 1n India and _ l1ad argued tl1at tl1e �tablislun ent of forty or firty thou�an�. Europeans 1n gE ypt would n1ean tl1at Indja would be lost to the English ratl1er by the force of circumstances than by tlie force of arms." x E plaining the rele:a�ce of Ethiopia in this context Combes argued _ t. sl1ould the tl1en ex tha 1stmg. Fran ' co-Br 1·t 1·s11 a11·1ance come to an en d 1t · " :V0t1Id be of an 1m1nense advantage'' for France to be able to send a fleet . into _the _Red �ea, be i! to maintain her trade with India or to attack the English m their colonies. 011 �I1e Red Sea coast, �o t far from the straits of Bab-el-Man b, it de w s_po�sible, 11� went 011, to find a friendly port with good anchorag while e :E h1op1a cons . · t1,t11ted. a vast granary which could supp1· y the prench' fleet · · ·. 161 W. Foster, Tlze Re d Sea and Ad" ce c01111 trzes a tlze close of the Seve n! teent/z ce_ntury· (London 1949) P 1/4� · ��ide PP-_ XIX, 140, l 63. . 162 R Pankl1urst, An Jnr,:dductio;i to rlze Econoals� 1111c History of EtJ1iopia,. (I:ondon, 1961), pp. 289-306. -·194 -

not 011ly with g r ain, bli-t even with m en' wer. e i t necessary to · re p1ace any . . . · Th ·1 · · f e ? rs i rm a 1 s p anting of French c1v1l1sation o 1tts in E thus const1 ,tute an even �ea_t�r t?-Teat to Britain than the thiopia would es ta blisl1ment of ur E f o opean fam1l1es 1n Egypt as envisage thou.sands d by Napoleon. . An _alliance wi!h Christian �thio�ia, Combes concluded, would lik e wise be 1n;al11a�le 1.n other cont111gen�1_es. It would be useful in th e ev ent ha 1 vi ng to hel�,- the British ,�nd their colon of �ranee ie s against the wo an ul 11� ? d be ?f 1n11nense help also should France en R: s1an�, d1£f1cuJt 1�s w�th ,the Mus_luns w ho already looked on the French oc counter cupation of i\Jger1a w1tl1 an unfriendly eye and were always liable to unite against her.163 These a['gtiments wo n th e support of the French Government. Th e Mini�tries of Forei%-11 Affairs, War a11d Commerce agreed together to provide Combes wi.lh an a11nual allowance of 6,000 f rancs to enable him to travel out to tl1e East where l1e was to endeavour to purchase one of the Gulf of Aden por ts, preferably Zeila. 164 It was further agreed that a warship ·fro1n tl1e Frencl1 isla11d of Bourbo11, 110w better k nown as Reunion, \Vas 1o cruise in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden in support of the operat:on, and tl1at Combes would be entrusted with letters in the name of the King of the French to Ras Wube, ti1e ruler of Tigre, Ras Ali, the ruler oE Begen1der, and Sal1le Sellassie, the ruler of Shoa.1 65 Besides 11rging ltis views on the Frencl1 Government Combes had, as we have seen, app11oacl1ed the world of c ommerce. His greatest support can1e from a group of French s l1ipowne rs at the western ports of Nantes and Bordeaux who were anxious to expand their overseas comn1erce and b.ad already establisl1ed a Con1pagnie Na11to-Bordelaise with a vie\v to the colonisation of New Zealand. 166 Tl1e company, inspired by Co1nbes' ac cotL11t of tl1e opportl111ities in Etl1iopia. establisl1ed a stibsidiary, �J1e Compagnie Frai19aise et Royale d'Abyssi11ie, tl1e expressed aim of \Vh_1ch was tl1e opening up of Ethiopif1n trade .by tl1e establislu11e11t o� a trncling statio11 at Zeila, or possibly Tajura a little further 11ortl1-\vest. 16' ...

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Combes, though a pioneer of nineteentl1 century French discovery of n . cl1 naval Ethio1Jia, was not by tl1is time alone i11 tl1is field, for a young Fre . s ene offjcer, Tbeophile Lefebvre, had by now appeared on the c royal m��iIJ�, ch en Fr the in ars ye l1t eig d ve ser d ha o vre wh feb Le ' .r · s r s1e ID1 Ta d an es mb Co vJ. ,.. L ,u ,+.,. � r yea • e t h · 1.e. . . c an1e to tl1e for e 1n 183 8, . . . . c e?Cped1uo_n 1 t1f en sc1 ief br a t 011 ed rri ca en th st ju return to France. He ha d s to Eliliiopia an his ow n expoose whe�,. on _May 27 � he wr:ote_ to King �o�i g in sis lJa np ei , ia op hi Et 1n t r te 1n sh 1t1 Br �� . Philippe, outlining tl1e I1istory of y, tr co e th of st re te in al c 1 � t li po d an ic 1 om : _ t.<l·· ··1 fic as we11 as the ec on tl 1e sc1en . . e th · in n io at st g n di tra a g r1n qur ac of e c an Fr and urging the advantage fo r 163 164 165 166 167

pp. 11-14. , 39 19 e, ol l'vi te om C to es b om C I Memoires et Documen,ts, LX, P. 71. so al e id _ V . 59 p. , ie in ,ss b A e Idem, Note SU� le VO/age_ c!e _ M. Lefebvr � n t tere de l'Agriis i 11 to es er n r an 1 Af fde,11, ip. 71. V1de als-o M1n1stere des �� inistere des Affairs I\1 to s b! m �o culture et Commerce, 1 /2/ I 841, P -- , Etrangeres, 1/9/1841, p. 227. Ibid, p. 71. Ibid, p. 70.

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y reb d the an et rk ma n_ pia hio BF e th up i11g en op w a Red Se witl1 a vie to of n at th tha l rfu we po re mo h, ric re mo , ate t i ng w o1 ini ne ''a· s 11tr ga . of co I nd 1a'' . l68 Lefebvre's view at tl1is ti1ne was .thait tl1e trading station should be es ·taiblii sl1ed not on uhe AIJrican coast, as Combes had proposed, but on the nearby Dal1lak islands. He was ,confident that the suppor:� of Ras Wube, the n1 ler of Tigre, ,would easily be obtained, and acoo: d1:°gly urg� t�e advisability of tl1e Frencl1 Government despatching a m1ss1on to Ethiopia a1t the earliest possible mon1ent. 169 As a rest1.lt of tl1is letter Lefebvre succeeded in obtaining an audience witl1 L . ouis Philippe at wl1icl1 lie agai11 11rged tl1e political, commercial and scientific value of U1e Etl1iopian oonnection.170 Spurr�� 01: by the S):11pathy of ithe King l1e wrote ft1rtl1er letters to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Con1merce and Marine, and soon won their support. 171 I-le was accordi11 gly con1111issioned ;to trndertake the mission on behalf of -the Govern111e11t, and left Marseilles for Ethiopia on Decen1ber 11, 1838, accompa11ied by a medical n1an, Dr. Petit, a11d a certain M. Darche, an ex1Jert · 011. pearl fisl1eries, des1Jatc]1ed by a private firm interested i n the pearl tracle. It l1ad :fL111tl1 er bee11 arranged tl1at a second doctor, Quartin ·oillo11, wot1ld joi11 them shortly afterwards in Cairo.172 Travelli 11g slo\.vly b)' way of Egypt, itl1e Red Sea and. Arabia, Le febvre's _party reachecl Ma· ssa\va on May 13, 1839, and began the journey i11la11d C)Il Jt111e 6, eve11l11 ally reacl1i11g Ad'.owa. on At1gust 6.1 73 There ,they received a. cordial welcon1e fron1 Ras Wube with whom they later discus sed. political ·n1atters. In the middle of Septen1ber tl1e Ras proposed tlia.t L . efevbre sl1011ld take back a letter to l(ing Louis Pl1ilippe offeriJ1g l1im l1is frie11dsl1ip a11d a treat), of c.omn1erce. Art tl1is point Lefebvre consulted his two companio11s as well a. s tl1e Roman Ca,tholic missionary Sapeilo, wl1om tl1ey had n1et .shortly bef10re. The fou,r men agreed tl1at Wube sl1ould be asked to inclt1de a prea1nble in l1is letter offeri11g France a co1 1cession, a11d it was accordi11gly decided to propose to tl1e Ras that he sl1ould cede tl1e port of A1nphil.1. Tl1is maii1la11d port l1acl obvious adva11 tages over tl1e Dahlak islands wllicl1 Lefebvre l1 ad earlier favoured as tl1e site for tl1e proposed Frencl1 Comn1ercial Station. coofide11� -tl1ait the Frenc11 Gover11n1ent would support Lefebvre s w � . . tl1e 1?ea oE acq111r1ng An1pl11la and seen1s to l1ave co1 1sidered tl1at l1is plan \\'as indeed a d�velop:n1ent of Comb�' proposals wl1icl1 l1ad alre:ady been approved. 111 l1Ls .subseqt1ently ,p11bl1:Sl1ed account l1e observed that at tl1e tin1e of tl1eir dis �t1ssio11\S ,vitl1 Wube he and 11is co111pauion.s knew tltat Combes 11.ad received orders to buy a port i n tl1e Gulf of Aden ror tl1e Icl:111, Lefebvre to Mi11istere des Affaires Etrangeres, 27/5/1838, pp. 21-5. Ibid, pp. 21-5. Jbicl, pp. 26-7. Jclen1, Lefebvr�. t ? Mi111stere. des Affai�es Etrangeres, 1/6/1838, pp. 26-7; _ _ Lefebv1e to M1n1s.tere des Affa1res Btrangeres, 3.6. 1840, p. 40; Notes sur le voyage de 11. Lefebvre en Abyssinie, p. 51. 172 ld�11! , _ Ministere de_ !'Agriculture et Commerce to President de la Conseil and M1rustere des Affa1res_ �trangeres, 9/6/1840, p. 50; Notes 511 r le voyage de M. �efebvre en Abyss1n1c, ,p. 67; T. Lefebvre and others, Voyage en Abyssinie (Pa.r1s, 1845-9), I, 1. 173 Memoires et Documents, Lefebvre to Nlinistere de la Marine et des Co lonies' 6/6/1839, pp. 37-8. Lefebvre, Vo)1a.ge en Abyssi11ie I, 33, 43, 68. 168 169 170 171

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Na 1_ 1to-Bo�delaise_ company.�74 He believed tl1at the occupation of Am pih-1Ia, b es1d es being .or co11s1d�rable �omme�cial advantage, would give _ Red Sea coal 1illg staJtL011 winch would be connected with e e a us ftll F r anc . that Comb�s had b een commjssioned to purcl1ase.175 Full of enthusiasm for _ the Amph1la proJect, he later claimed thaJt it would offer F rance a ''new path : to comme rcial and scie11tific gre a t11ess."176 Lefebvre in_ d.ue cot1rs � ·returned to Massawa on J·anuary 1, 1840; he reacl1ed Ma1.11se1l les on ,April 27, arrived jn Paris on May 3 and was soon afterwards afforded a seconcl at1dieuce }?y Ki11 g Louis Phillipe.111 T�e '?-n1 pl1ila p. roj �ct was gi,,e11 a syi11pa·th· etic but by no 1nea1u; fully enthus 1asttc r ecept1on 111 Fra11 ce . An official report drew attention to a ve. ry unfavourab, le accotint of tl1 e 1port which the Fre.nch traveller Arnauld d�Abbadie had drawn up on February 29, 1839. It explained that the port . ot belong to Wube , wJ10 J1ad 11ot tl1e least freedo1n of action the .re d .1d n The port moreover wais no 111ore tba11 a desert i11 hab�te d by wild tribes.178 Anothe r r epor-t of .tl1is time nevertheless took an optimis· t1c view of fttture possibilities. Tu: noted tlhat there were thre e places through which it was poss, ible to e11ter Abyssi11ia, namely MasLSawa, Amphila and Beilul. Of these t.J1 ree , it believ ecl, Atnplrila off ered by far tl1e be.Sit possibilities. E·ndo wed w , ith a . salubrious climate, 1t e11joyed relatively good con1muni cations with tl1e inte rior. Adowa was a 1nere four .days' 1narch away, and th·ere was easy access to the Galla cot1ntry by a ro11te which [)re sented no difficulty at le asrt as far a.s the ifoot of 'the pla,teau. The proposed French esitablishme nt would m,oreover be near to tl1e salt plain which supplied the cotintry's pri11 ci1Jal for1n of curre11cy. Eve11 more important JJerl1aps. tl1e rul er o.0 Tigre .had offered his st1pport in establishing ihe Frenc1 1 at the port a11d. l1 ad p ron1ised ,to cause all tl1e n1 ercl1a11dise of l 1is country .to flow tli-ere. 1

Comparing tl1 e Amplli.la and Tajura projects, the repoft rioted tl1at the forme r port was 11 earer to ,t11e main comn1e�ci.a.l centr�s of �t�l iopia, \Vlh.iJe lhe J.atter .was se· paraited fro111 them .by hostile (l)Op11lat1ons s1n11lar to those \vhic;h hindered the dev elop1ne11 t of the ,Brjitish position al Aden. Lefebvre, 1he r eport add ed, was n1oreover confi dent th31t Wt1be \.Vas "suffic, iently powerful to mainlai11 11s in pos�ession. of :Ai11 phila ��d that he doe,s not pu1 on �t a greater price ilian a , grut of rifles and mun1t101:-5 ofl war." It would, however, be necessary, the report conclt1� e�, to provide a warsl1ip to protect French i11teres1ts agai11sit tho se of Br1tam_, t? . st1pport _ Wube in l 1js good dispositio11 towards Fra11 ce, and, no less s1gn1�1cant,. to prevent hi.m nr,om bre aking any e nga.gen1 e·nts he had en,tere d into W.l!Lh he r. 179 .,

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174 175 176 177 J 78 179

· Colonies, M,(,cmo1res . febvre to Ministere de Ia Marine et dos et D ocumeo 1·5, Le · ·e, I, 103·-4 . 6 / 6 J 1839, pp. 37-8, 58, 71; Lefebvre, Voyage en A byss1111 Lefebvre, Voyage e,z Abyssi11ie, II, 158. s, ere ang Etr aires Aff es d re te . s M" rm to vre feb Le s, Memoires et Document 3/6/1840, pp. 40-8. Lefebvre, Voyage en Ab)1ssinie I, 140, 144-5, 148. . . Memoires et Documents, p. 72. lclen1, Nole sur le voyage de M. Lefebvre en Abyssinie, P. 60.

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· eeding with irts proc s wa e h"l · m se rd c N el an a r t oBo Tl1 e i �Pf�f e:�:0� .the sbjpping firm of Raba R plans. �n a Jetter of Octob_er � ' . 9.' g uin rs, arg on fai Af ' O g . rei Fo , f O · r 5te 1n1 M l1e t to ote wr . . Co e ai1 d , er1 Ba . lgu to open as ' w n au s i1y pa m co he t t ha t s be om C l111es already· developed bY . ,.. of an ever inorea sing --,1 Dc;cu.-:i e h t h 1c wh ce , er m m co ne\V cotmtr1es t o our . ies tor our , fac ish fiurn to d an ry, �sa ce ne re mo d an re o n nrs i popui-atio rende of s uttin n g ea e m th , ed um ns co s i an th e or m h uc m e uc od dy p1, 1 ea whicl alr [ hi c e 1 on w . ts a e111 m oy 1pl en e th d an n tio uc od Jr of Lty tiv ac y tl1e on rm J jn b.a sl1pp]y ill and can make it prosper''. · e Company's objective, Raba explained, was '' to cre�te, faT away Th from F-rance, a French c011iptoir, or fact ory,_ a s011t_ of India Company, tage,� \V}1icl1 , evenitlta}ly, will present1 Ollr COlllltl)'. WJ.th •t he IID�ense �d wl1ich l1ave prod11ced the wealth and mart1t1me po":er of our ne_i g;r01:lrs ·. Tl1is objective, Raba argl1ed, wo11ld not be achieved by private mdi vidtLals alone ' but requ - ired tl1e aotive help of the Government. T11.e con1.pa.11 y's plan \Vas to despa'.cb a vessel in Janu.ary of the following year, 1840, ,vitl.1 these supplies: 6 '000 rifles of a11 old 111·odel, wit1 h - or witl1out bayonets, in. case\5 ,of 12 1-i[les eacl1 . I,000 pairs of large n1odel Arco11 pisto!s, i n cases of 65 k1los eaoh. 1,000 ca\ialry s,vords rin cases of 65 kilos. 500 pilceis i11 c,as· es ofi 65 kilos. . . Car1�onacles ' or sn1all ca1u1on with large bor e, capable of finng . 12 p,011nd balls, togetl1er w1tl1 a11 11ecessary instruments for rtherr use� ill1 e said can11 on to be left ·.ait Zeila or brought back to France according to Govem1nent ins tructions. Tl1 e company proposed that the above arms should be provided by the Frencl1 Governn1ent on credit on pay or re:um basiis. Payment would be 111 ade o· n 1tl1e vessel's ['e,'.11rn to France, any -arn1s not disposed of it:o be ret11r11ed to the Governn1ent. Jl1s, tifyi11g itlus proposal Rab� argue d ithat if the compa11y co11suLted ,011ly its -6w11 interest and was not concerned with the wider i11 tereSit or Fra11ce it, co1Lld obtain tl1e arms easily from England at a 1nuch cheaper price tl1a11 i11 France. Tl1 e purcl1a.se of Frenoh arms, eve11 on. cred.iit, •ll1us constit11-ted sometl1ing of a fina11cial sacrifice. Not conten t wi,th 1naking 111is req11est -the company propo s ed that ith.e Government should co1ne actively r.o its support by establislling a garrison at Zeila and by recognising tl1 e c-ompany's privileges ait •that port. Raba 1 1rged that ll1e garriso11 ait ihl1 e po1,t sl101lld be ''sufficien,tly strong to ensure i!ts possessio11 by !:;-ranee a11d ,tto give 011r A.byssinian Company help and protection''. Elaborati11 g 011 tl1e rigl1ts \\1 l1icl1 be claimed , l1e argued h t at ''ifi ever by a11y aot ·Of \Var i t, fou11d itself deprived of its privileges'' the con11Ja11y wo11lcl "wisl1 to cot111t 011 tl1e Gover11me11t for t11e i11 demnity of its losses'' and thait any peace treaty e11tered into by th e Government ''sho11ld be based on tl1e recog11ition of [tl1e con1pany's] rig l1ts." An incidental advantage of tl1e acquision of Zeila, Raba ad d , would de be :to ensure a supply ·of n1ules fo r ·tl1e Frencl1 island of Bour which bo n, imported oonsiderable nu1nbe1·s ·of these animals. • . Tl1e Fre?-c11 _Governm.e11 t was int er ested in rthe oompa11y's plans, but hes11tated a t f_1r�t 1n comm�t�i11g 1tself to ru1y tangible su Novem pp O or n t. �e_ r 2 !the Mi111� ter of Fo�e1?n Affairs replied to Raba's requesit, saying: I cannot bt1t a�plaud this 1d·ea an d reco g.nize in it yo ur a ne of pl \v ed ge constant a11d pra1sewor.thy efiforts folt' the i11crease a.nd prosperi ty of French 1

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�rade. _" Revealing that the Frenc.h Government was already interested 111 Ze1l a a11 d had actua�y sent �n a.gent there, fhe Mirlister urged the need _ to avo1d pren1ature aation, par.t1cl1larly in rela,tion to the despatch of arms a�d eve11 1nore of '1.r-oops. ''As for :the arn1 s whicl1 you desire to be ·sup plied bl the G:o�ern !Ilent _ and above a]J the d etacl1D1e11t of troops," he wrote, all �ec1&1on in rtl11s n1a.tter s·eems to me premature in rthe actual state of affairs." �y n o_ means t1nsyn1pathetic to the project, he nevertheless conclti�e_ d by aff1rm1.ng � ?at the co111pany could ''in any case count on the solrcntude and prote ction of tl1e King',s Governinent''.tso Af'.er _ft.1�l�er oonsideraition the Gover11n1en,t appear:s to have recogn _ e s1gn1f1cance of 1the company's pla11s, but deoide d on striking a ised ;th c,arga10.. Tl1e result was :l.h.a,t on Decen1ber 4 the Minister of War wrote a _ conl!ide�tial _ l �·tter ·to tJ1e Mi �1is-ter of Foreign Affairs, declaring that King Lours Ph1l11Jpe had at1tl1or1zed tl1e allocatio11 of the arms wl1icl1 fue co1npa11y had reqt1estecl, st1bject to two co11ditions: firstly, tl1at the con1pany ceded ·to ,the Gover11 me 11-t any te1Titorial possessions which it might acq_uire ''·on ·the coast of Abyssi11ja", and, seco11dly, that in case of the failu r' e of •the op era1ion all \-Veapons woulcl be r· etur1J ed to tl1e State , arsenals. · J1he arms were accordingly l1a11 ded over to the Balgt1erie company at the end of Dece mber. Tl1ey came in tl1e mai11 from ll1e Paris arsenal, but also from Gover11 ment stores at Per_pigna11, Toulouse and Le flavre.1s1 Enoourage-d by tl1is decision il:he company continued with its pla11s for the despatch 0£ a vessel whlcl1 was call ed the A1z!(ober, afi er the capital of Shoa. 111 a letter wl1icl1 l1e ,vrote 'lo tl1e Minister of Foreign Affairs on Febrltary 3, 1840, Raba no,ted ttl1ait tl1e boa-t was ready Lo sail, and once again urged tl1e value of Zeila, wl1icl1 l1e described as tl1e "key to tl1e Indies'', adding: ''It is jmportant for tl1e Gover111nent -to come to a de '.emtination on t· l1e occt1pation of :tJ1is point wl1er e the future could offer such a fine position for Fra.nce."182 Tl1e Minister, unwilling to b econ1e too 1nt1cl1 inv,olvecl, replied, ex pressing saitisfaction lha;t ·tl1e work was proceedi1Jg accordi11g to plan, b1rt r eiterated that as far as ·the acqt1isi!tion of Z eila was concerned t,he �v ernment could not agree to do anytl1i11g until the rest1lt of the enterprise wa.s known.183 ' The geographer Jon1ard, whose assistance C� mbes an� Tamisier h�d _ originally sought on their retL1rn rrom Eth1op1a, at this st� ge ag�1n __ appeared on the �cene, urging tl1e Gove_r�meot to ,tur1! its alt�nt1on _to �h: __ East coas,t of Africa. He ,vro:e ,t o the Minister of Foreign �airs de� l� rr;110 tba'., in view of.France's growing contaat with Eastern lands 1n the v1c1n1ty of Egypt, ·the time had come ''lo r epr� sent t�e cou�:try � y capable agents in many places iJJ ,these various countries so int er':5t1ng for commerce and politics." He recommended the Minister to appoint a consular repre��n tative at Massawa, or, preferably, at Adowa, adding that �u_ch an off1c1al should [end frequent reports on the activities of both the Br1t1s� and Egyp , e e -the ar e a, and obs rving that the French trav e ller Antoin d �bba tians in die, who knew Gallinya as well as Arabic, would make a suitable candidate. 180 181 182 183

Ibid, p. 169. Vide also p. · 70. Ibid, p. 170.

,. . Et.rangcl.rcs, 3/2/1840'·p· 180· fru lde,11, Raba to Ministere des Af rse Idem, p. 180. - 19 9 -

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Jo111ard, v.1}1 0 appareJ]tly sil1ared Combes' view� ·on . the ne ed for gov er11n1en,tal , support fiOr explorers an d rtravellers 1n dist�nt lands, also m as fro an ric Af 'the 1 tr-0 pw � t1ld sho ip � rsh wa 1 l ed i t enc a end tha Fr reoo1111n , at e gre v1d pro uld wo , red cla de !he , sel ves a cl1 r ir. Su iba sse to 11z Oo Za services'' to ·p1�encl1 rbrave.Jlers i11 Ethi·opia, irrespective ofi wl1 ether they were e11gaged i11 diplomatic or scientific ,1ctivi ·t�; i,t would ''mak� t· hem ng ! cti lle Uhe co as ses d rie va l1 suo e 1av ] t1ld wo s'', � ive t : d 1 respecte by tJ1e na _ er, of ng e da cas 1n . on at1 c11 eva n ow r hei t ! g 1 1 ri . t1 ens ens and s' ler cim spe travel , and woulcl ''serve above all -lo show Abyssi11ia that France bad no t lost sigl1t of her."i 84 th wi the 9, 183 1, ber cem De on ce an Fr t lef d l1a ile 1 a1 wh me es Con1b 185 H was accom . eila Z _ of se cha pur -tl1e � 1 g i1 t c. . tion of actually effe in.ten panied .on tl1 e jour11 ey fby a doctor and a 11atural1st. Tw o off1_ cers ha� ?een also at tao.l1 ed to l1in1 by tl1e Mi11istry of Wa-r, but laiter left him and 101ned L efevbr e. 186 On arriving at Jed.dah Co1nbes reported, 0 11 March 1, 1840, ,that a Fre11cl1n1 an and several Gern1ans l1ad the11 recently embarked ·a t Tajura wit, h tl1e in,teri:tion of travelling inla11 d ;to Shoa. Turning to his own plans I1 e su2:gests tl1at tl1ey l1ad bee11 somewl1at modified, for l1 e declared that Tajt1r;, rat·l1er than Zeila, would proba·bly be cl1osen for th� establishment of -ll1 e Fre11ol1 trading s-tation, and that he would soon be preparing the A11k:ober's return cargo for France. Despite 1 the optin1 istic character of ·ll1is report h e now apparently for tl1e first ti 111e c1t1es;tioned the desirabilirty o - f the GovernmeDJt's decision -t o despatch two separate nlissions in 'll1e area. He expressed regret t· hat his m . ission l1ad n · ot bee11 combined with tl1a,t of Lefebvre, · s o ithat both could l1a,1e _,vorke -d together with :ll1e s-i 11gle aim of founding a French esitablish1nent i11 Etl1iopia, i11 stead of negotiati11g separately, tl1e one for a station at An1 pl1ila on the Red Sea, tl1 e otl1 er for tl1 e purcl1ase of Tajura on tl1 e Gulf of Ade11. 187 Such doubts as to :the advisability of rtil1e two missions may well l1ave been provoked by a growing awareness of the difficulties ahead. lnvestigatio11 on ·ll1e A:frican coast wa:s soon to re,,eal tl1 e extent of the problem Wthich was explai11 ed in a let;ter Co111bes despatcl1ed from Massawa ,sl1ortly a·fiterwards on April 20 rto, tl1e 1Frencl1 Consul in Alexan dria. Recalling tl1at l1e l1ad been cl1a.rged to purcl1ase Zeila, tlie traveller sardonically ob.served_ ithat _ in o :der to ·bt1 y the port it was necessary for it to have a master; _during 111s s0Jour11 rut Mocha, !however, this had not been the case. Elaborati.n.g witl1 some naivety · on the difiiculties he :had con fronted, l1 e reveals tl1e ignora11ce of local co11ditio11s witl1 wl1ich he had sta�ted the expediti?n. Tl1e difriculty, he explained, was that on arrival at Mocha l1e l1ad discovered, w.l1at 11e had not known before thait Zeila belonged to Mo_l1an1?1ed �Ii a11d could n ot _ tl1erefo �e be purcl1�sed locally. Tl1� same applied to TaJura : whose cl11ef was tr1b11tary to tlie chief of Ze1 �a �nd ;tJ1 erefore by ex,tension a subject of tl1 e Egyptian Pasha. Ever an optim1st, our traveller added tl1 at tl1ere was, however, good reason to 184 Jdern, Jomard to Ministere to Ministere des Affaires Etrang · eres, p. 15· 185. Icle111, p. 71 186 Note sur le yoyage de .M. Lefebvre en ·Abyssinie' p . 59 · 187 Ibid. - 200 -

assu me lt 1at the rul�r _of _Egypt was about to abandon the Yeme n. w er no as 1n e 1 d ca t 1 n though t·h o as to what Government would succeed -_it.. .·• 110t know; remarked tl1e trave 1 ··- I there for e d'd ller rueful·] Y, ''t0 wbom to approach for tl1e acquisition of Zeila." Not w! shi11 g, as _ l1e 5.ays. to remai11 i 11 idleness, he sa ile d Massawa w1tl1 th_e ,o�Ject of ipersuadi11g Ras Wube rto sign a com on to m e rcial treaty. He was, 1t will be. recalled. already supplied wi th le tters to th is as e�l · a to Ra s Ali an·d �al1l� �ell.assie, and declared that in ruler, s ;-1 vie w of Wube s 111terest and good d1spos1t 1on a11 agreement cotild easily be efrfected. Reverting to ,hi, s own inunediate pla 1 1s _he declared that if he saw chan�es. of st1ccess he wou!d Jea.ve one of l1is com panions to conclude the negot_1at1ons a�d wot 1 Id 1111nself rett1r1 1 to Mocl1a to take tip again the question of Ze 1. la. If, o.n tl1_e otl1er 11a11 d Mobam111ed Ali retained the gov er � menit �f the Yeme_n, a· s he 1 10w lear1 1t was anticipated in Massawa, the Zeila proJect · 11 eed ·still not be abandoned, as the por,t, he beJjeved, could easi.ly be obtained from Moham111ed Ali. Developi11g tJ1 is new argu me11t he expla ined Lhat tl1e authorities at Mocha received a11 annu.al ,tribute of 450 Maria Theresa dollars, fro1n which h e co11cl t1cled that i£ France offered 500 "\vithot1t doubt Zeila will be ours''. The Pasl1a, l1e explained, bad no troops in Zeila. AJI :tJ1e la-tter official was i 11terested in was the tribute he received and if tl1is continued :to be paid he had little reason to prevent Ze iJa from changing hands. The French.ma11 . added m oreover that he ,vould 11ot be as ifonis-h ed if the Pash a wot 1 ld, no t be displeased to see a Frencl1 establis1hment as a counterbalance to tl1e nearby British position at Ade n . Com bes therefore co11cluded ·by urgi11g tJ1e Const1l at Alexandria. to negotiate with the Pasl1a for l11e aqt1isitio11 of Zeila. Mol1amm ed Ali, like subsequelllt rulers of Egypt, l1ad, l1owever, no inten,tion of divestin g himself of any of his t, erritories, so that 11othi11g came of the idea. 188 Meanwhile Combes, ever a man of ]1as!e, 1,ost no time in executing his own !part of !tJh e pla11. As he afterwards relarted ;he moved so f�. s t Th.at only twenty days afte r his disembarl<atio11 at Niassawa he was at W t1 be's camp in the cold mou11 tains of Sem ien. As we shall see, lie seems to have dispensed with the fom1ality o:fi bringing \Vitl1 hin1 man y presents. !he reason for this is obscure. wt may hav e d11e to a reluctance to waste time on a mule caravan, o.r a desire to conserve his presents fo.r 1ise in /th e a nticipated subsequent purchase of a port ; i .t �ay eve.n have been a mat· ter of policy. Combes m ay hav e sharecl tl1e ,,1ew of Edo�ar� Blondeel, the Belgian Consul in Egypt, wh o, visiting tl1e �ou_ntry at this time, argued thait it was undersirable to· giv e presents to Ethiopian rulers on the g:r<?und i te and hence to stiffen that s,uoh gifts were liable t o be iruterpreted as tribu the chiefs' demands on the Europeans. 189 h _ e at mp ca e's b u_ W at al riv ar on at th us lls .te Alt all even·ts Combes 1 �he th wi l on ief ch r once explained ithe reasons for his visit, _present, �g the letter firom th e Frenoh Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a por�rallt of King Louis Philippe. Wube was almost certajnly displeased at the g1ft of a m ere. 1

188 Idem, Combes to Consul Genera.I de Fra.nce, 20/4/ .184Q, J?:.199. Vi?� als_o_ p.1 71 189 Blondeel van Cuelbroek, RaJJport ge,,eral lie B/011deel s11r so,, e.tpe<l1t101 en Ahyssinie

(Bruxelle, 1843) 29/4/1841. - 201 -

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tio n on ly for ira m . ad ed ss re p ex f ie ch e th at poDtrait, for Combes no.tes th t well for u er l w al t . as Je at e ac rf su e th on er ev ow the fran1e and, tl1e glass. H ived a letter ce re f ie ch � th l ti un s, rt po re an hm nc several days or so, tl1e Fre rench Gov F e th by m hi to t n se 1 e be ct 1 fa n i t no stating ithat, Combes had n g his wr ath 011 two i nt ve r, ge an at e gr r o s gn , ernment. Wube the11 showed si n e d'Abbadie. oi nt A d an ld au rn A rs he ot br other Frencl1 travellers, the 190 . e tim is tll \Vl10 happened to arrive at e ev ents which th of n :io rip sc de a ft le as h ie ad i Arnauld d'Abb e days' journey fiv p m ca e's ub W at g in riv ar on at tl1 es . followed. I-Ie relat e oblong hu1 t sitting in Turkish rg la a in ief cl1 e -th d un fo d ha from Adowa he n g m ea d afte r breakfa st .lci in dr s wa he h; tic co , or ga al gh hi a n fashio on raised it to e he tim ch ea ; nd ba s lli in e, ttl bo ss gla or le, and l1eld his baril r from vie w ste ma eir th ld e i sh uld wo by ar e n g din tan s s l1is lips two page ted s in sea wa , ing ink dr o als es, mb Co a. tog 1 eir of l rt t , pa se loo witll 1tl1e s front of tl1e cl1ief, \\1hile fio11r or five Etl1iopian women couch ed on pillow at tl1 e foot of tl1e couch drank in silence. On the ground stood the portrait of Louis Pl1ilip1Je. Wtrbe, d'Abbadie soon discovered, was by no means in a good mood. , f ilie women made a sign to Nol long after the traveller' s arrival one o Con1bes to give her some snuff; the latter replied, also by a sign, that be 11 ad none, but tl1e \Voma11, insistent, continued to stretch forth her hand, ' wl1ere11pon Wube aslced her; ''Wl1at do you want of this man?'' ''Snuff'' sl1 e replied, ''b11t he says he has no tobacco." v\'ube, wl10 \Vas clearly very displeased, tl1ereupon exlaimed·: _"'He lies; l1is race is deceitful. Tl1ey pretend tl1at we conceal the truth' b11t 1t .is tl1ey vvl10 live in deception. " D'Abbadie reports tl1at l1e tran slated tl1es e terms or abuse to Combes . 1_n an _unclertone,_ and_ the11 t11rned witll deference t o the cliief, explainu1g !hat 1 11s con1 1)atr1ot did. 11ot take sn11ff, tl1at l1e had none on }1im and that Jil tl1e preseo�e of so great a prince l1e had no need of it to' use as a present to gain protectors. \Vube, b)' 110 n1eans mollified by these words, t ransferred his anirer .., on tl1 e s1Jeaker. ''If your neigl1bot1r l1as 11011e ''' lie sa·Id , ''you hav e some yo11rself· ., ��u a11 l_1ave it, . b ecat1se snt1ff -tobacco con1es from your country· a.u<l even if �h�t 15 not so, yo11 are liars a nd intrjguers whom we are to� goo� to .a�m1t 111 10 our cot111try; I · Ot1gl1t to send you all back to your ki ng and tell him tl1at I do want an)' more of llis sttbjects. "191 . .. Tl1e cl1iefi then questioned d'Abbadie on 111. s proJected v1s1t to Gondar, a11d, learning froin one of tl1e pag s tl1at the Fre11 clunan was in itl1e habit · .· .r 1 em of travelli n.g witl1 a la' r ge escor t of� r1 en became ve ry angry. C ast·ing . his eyes o11 o11e of the Fre11clunan' erv�nts . ,, l1e turned �o tl1 e women, and exclain1ed: "TI1ey ·tluok tlle a�e �! . n, th�se Cop ts ! Like our lords, they need plaited-]1aired fellows [1 k e tl i s 011e lDSle�d _of con te�ting tl1�n1selves , � witl1 son1e bald-Jiea.ded co�11tr y n to ca;ry ili eir deceptiv e -looking bag � g�_g� with which tl1ey come ito a· use our ignoran ce and capture our good w1ll."

. . 190 :tvlemoires et Docu1nents ' Comb to Mini Ster� des Affairs Etrangeres, 1 / 9 / 1841. . . � . . . · .. 7 : 22 _ . . p : .191 A. d' Abbadie, Doi,z · e a,,s de sejoz,r dans la �a te-Ethiop (Pari 1868), s, ie u_ • pp. 526-8. - 202 -

_O�v:.usly �nfur�ate� not only wit11 d'Abbadie, but with other for eign ers, 1n c � 1ng t 'e sc1en t1sts who h ad coll ected specim.ens in his cottntry. be ex. c1a1me d .· ' Ta k e ca re n ever to set foot 011 n 1y cou11try. You and tlle E11glLsh, you a·r e pe nned u p on cursed land and you covet our healthy clin1ate: one of )'0:1 gathers our plan ts, a11otl1er ,our s tones; I do not know what you are lookin g for, but I do n ot want it ito be 'Chez ,noi that you find it." The �om�n who ha d be en the in vo , lu1rta rily cause ofi this outb·urst , e signs to preve nt d'Abbad:e from replying, but Wube bent made fu�t1v f_? rwar_ d 1n �fer ·so far t_ ha t ·l1 e aln1ost fel l off l1is couch, shouting at the _ 11ld lik e to sl1orte Frenchman . I wo n that tongu e which yo11 believe of go , od use,:to you." As ilie Fr�11chman endeavoured -to respond, the chief By tl1e deartl1 of I-Ia1lu, 111y fatl1er, I will cut off your foot and a dded: band."192 Tbo11gh ·tl1ese -threats were not carried out Wube was clearly in no mood to n�go�i�te. On rthe follo\ving day _h e sent one ,of his messengers 10 d'Abba die with the order tl1at l1e should leave the kingdom at once on pain o f the loss of lus lim bs.193

Combes, wl10 has 11 otbing to say abo11t tl1e i11cident, contii111es the story, merely reportin g tha t l1e felt it l1is duty to efifect a �peedy departure from Wube's ca mp. He tJ1 eref o re made bis way back to Massa wa witl1out having ob:ain ed fr om t he cl1ief the 1nuch desired agreeme1rt.194 1

· ajura, H aving thus been ba ulked in tl1e inter.i.or as well a s at Zeila and T he decided to investig ate possibilities elsewl1ere on the coast. He accord ingly a t once sailed t,o Mocha to a,vait the ar1ival t11ere of the A,zkob er. In due course l1 e went on board on J11Iy 20 ,v.ith tJ1e intc11tion of visiti11g tJ1e African coa st and of acquirin g a port i11 accordance with l1 is a rrange ment with tl1e Nanto-Bordela is e co1npany.

Combes hi.n1s elf tells tl1e story of tl1e e11suing 11egotiatio11s, wl1ich it is perhaps n ot too tmkind to sugges t had an element of the amateur about them. The Ankober's first place of ca ll \Va s Assab ,vhere Com bes lan ded with one of r.be members of tl1e crew, Peluchena u, and a passenger called Pajot. Finding an Ara b ba rk a t anchor, tl1ey asked tl1ose on boa rd to accomp any them on la nd; tl1e Ara bs consented. The heat, Combes records was ''excessive'', so tl1ey wa ited in the sha de of a tree and sent for the loca l chief w ho soon arrived. After son1e parley the Frencl1man persuaded him 10 follow the m o , n b oa rd, but be tdid so, Combes reports, ''not without long hesita tion''. ''Once o n. board," the Frenchman continues, ''nothing w�s 11eg_lected favourably 'to dispose this chief; he dined with �s and I entertained bun ... He listened atten tively an d said to me . on leav1n� us_ that he would und�r take talk s on t-his matter with the principa ls of his tribe, and that he would give us a reply on the following day." •

• 192 · Ioid, pp. 529-31.- · : , 193 Ibid, p. 532. 194 Memoires et Documents, Combes . to Ministcres. dos Affaires Etrangere,, 1/9/1841, p. 227. l ••

- 203 -

•

�--�- .

Tl1e cl1ief seen1 s, ]1owever, to have been merely playing fur t ime or else l1ad seco11d tl1oughts, for on rt he morrow he failed to appe ar. Combes relates that Peluchenat1 and Pajot accordingly we11t ashore an d scoured the cou11tryside in vain: ''after tl1e mos t thorough search they returned without l1a.ving met a single individual: they l1ad found all the huts abandoned." TJ1 e Frenchmen were no more sticcess ful at Beilul which· they : visited 011 tl1e following day. Combes, Peluohe11au and Pajot all three went on land, but were singularly u11fortu11ate. "We wa11dered over a magnificent plain", Con1bes rela tes, ''without disco vering anyone; ·the habitations were empty. We l1ad :walked for more tl1a11 an hour whe11 we s aw two men armed ·with lances wl10 ra11 off as fas t as their legs could carry them; we cl1ased t:l1em for a long t in1e, but they ran be tter than us. We losit sig.ht of t l1en1. Exl1austed by fiatigue we res t ed in the sun under the foliage whicl1 in t. l1i .s place bordered the coast. Soon we heard voices near to us. I t was some passing fisl1ern1 en� \Ve interrogated them, but they did not kno\v the Arabic language and could not l1nderstand us. They departed. Tl1e11 we saw 011 t he higl1 la11d n1any armed .me n watching us. The most daring approacl1ed, spear and shield in l1and, and the others followed. Arriving wit l1in earsh,o t tl1ey slopped and arranged themselves in :two lines. One of them tl1en left t l1e ranks a11 d asked if we wanted peace or war. l advanced to,vards tl1en1 . 'Peace,' I replied. 'Do you want peace?· ' be repeated. 'Yes, peace'.. A t hird time J1e asked the same question, and I agai11 replied 'Peace.' Tl1en everyone dropped tl1eir am1 s. Each side approacl1 ed each other and \Ve fraternised''.

Tl1e e11suing parley proved, l1owever, fruitless. "Not one among them," wrote Combes sadly, "spoke Arabic, we understood each other with difficulty, a.nd I jt1dged it useless to u11dertake anytl1ing serious." Tl1e Fre11chrnen l1ad 1therefore no alternativ e but to re t urn to tl1 eir vessel which tl1ey reacl1 ed exhausted, for, as Combes says, tl1e l1eat was ''devastat ing" .195 Exasperated by tl1 e above proceedings the A11kober's capt ain Bro �ua �t lat ,<;r observ � th �t thei:, efforts up to this point had been entirely fru1 tless as tl1e 1nhab1tants iiJed at our appearance or approached us only witl1 the greates t fear ".196 On ·tl1e day after leaving Beilul, l1owe ver, the Frenclm1en dropped anchor at Ras Asoute, wl1ere they saw son1e bedouins wl10 declared that thei: count r� was subject to :the cl1ief of Edd. The trav ellers thereu p , on again set sail and soon aft erwards reached Edd where Peluche.nau and Pajot again landed. They were well received b y the inhabitants whom Broquant later pat ronisingly described a.s ''more civilised'' th�n than t hose of A.ssab or Beilul.197

Peluchenau, who spoke Arabic a11d had on this occasion been . entrus1ed witl1 mak �ng tl1� first parle)', was flooded ,vith questions i n that and both sides parted ''well satisfied with language fr,?m . the 1nl1ab1tants, _ each otl1er , it being concluded that Combes and Captain Broquant sl1 ould go on shore on tl1e following day. 195 Ibid. Vide ialso Blondecl, op. cit, Annexe 19 ' No. 12·' Annexe 23 N , o. 15, An nexe 24, No. 16. I 96 Memoires ct Documents, Rapport du Capitain . e Broquant 22/6/ l 841 . p. 235 . 191 Ibid, p. 235. ' · • . -204-

. l t \.Vas, however, la ter decided by the Fre nclunen ta h . t. any negoti.atio n pop ula tion �hould be conducte d 011 the with the· loc al · e ob r "W nk A 1 n e co v ," r 1 e o nt 1e C on:ibes notes, "to m ake the chief �e judge .ct 1l 1n co 0� p . . 1 1 1 e 1 uc o1 en M .n a d .P a3ot rettirned on laud to I· 1te board . .M · lum.. The chief d1d not come, but sent his nepl1ew ancl thr ee n. � henau �c a doc as ed tor a11d distributed. m ediciil es r::1 y. 0� i}:� was cons11lt ey urn Jo along tJ1 e sl1 ore to tJ1e Ar1kober one of the envoys' wh0 1lad a c. . hil d covered . w1t ·· · 1e s· tl1 e J aitte r rep1·1 ect th · n1ed·c11 · h sores, aske d Pe 1 uche 11 au for ' ait: m a . n y . ' . · - cure tJ11s 1 ]Jne ss. 'Well' then,, rep1 .ie . n1ontI 1s \VOLild_ be requir e d to d tl1e inhabitant of Edtl. 'stay \· vi111 us.' "It was thus," Co n1be s expla i11s, ''tl1 at t11e negot·1at·ions began. . , : ·F 1 e M p 1 1 � uc . d e s11 �e enau .. 1 \-V1ll you gi.ve 115 li otises and a small ..r,e11 d, ' _, ) _ we w1sl1 to establ1sl1 ourse lves among you?' 'W"tb 1 d 1f la1 of e piec 1 out any · · · we ask yot1 to sell tl1 e land, will you · 11d If . r1� · a n. 'A · ' re pI·1e_d ti'l� Af do11bt, agree to se 1 .J J t?. C. e r�_ � 1 ?.ly .' '.y e ry �e ll.' saicl M . Pcluchenau, 'we will go on _board. a nd I will f111 1sl1 .tl1 1s bus111ess for yo11 wit11 M . Combes.' '_'The y arriv ed'', Co1!1b�s relate s, ''I w a s informed wl1at h · ad been doii e and I purs? e� the negot1a t1011s ?�iskly; the e11voys received preseitts, and, clearly s� t1sf1ed, left us, pro�1 1s111g to do eve rything in their power to make t1 1eLr r11ler favourably dispose d." 011 tl1 e following day Combes a nd B roqL1a11t we11t asl1ore witl1 Pelucl1 enau a11d Pajot. ''I had a 1011g confe re11ce with the chief," Combes reports: but the l�tt�r declared l1e ''cot1ld not conclt1de. anything withot1t consulting tl1e pn11c1pal men1 bers of1 the tribe."198 Broquant, describing ,the san1e stage of pr ocee di11gs, puts ·the matter slighty differently, sta1ting that tl1ough tl1e terr�tory

i 11

qt1estio11 ·'belongecl

exclusive ly to tl1e sovereign of 'tl1is area it \Vas also -tl1e ir1J1eritence of l1is brothers," and tl1at tl1e cl1i ef ''could not or would 11ot conclude any bar gain with us without havi11g previo11sly consulte d l1is all.ies."199

Both negotiators agree, however, tl1at the chi-e f gave them eve ry hope of a speedy settlen1ent. TJ1eir accotrnts neve rthele ss vary sligl1tly j11 de :ail. Combes states that the chief ''advise d us to 1nake 011 r way to Massaw a and assured us that if we wo11Id return j11 ,ten days h. e v1ot1ld ·sell 11s J 1is co11n try; he hoped he would not meet witl1 any oppositio11''.200 Broqt1ant agrees that the chief told tl1ern tl1at tl1e propose d consultation with his friends was ''only a m a tt er of forn1 and 11ot to break an old friendship whjch he believe d it his dut)' to respect''. Accordi11g to Broquant's ver sion the decision to cle part would see111 , however, to l1ave been made entirely on the Frenchmen's initiative .and as a result o.fi 1tbeir lack of full -confidence i11 the chief. The time which the latter req·ueste d, Broquant says, ''would not have 'been an obstacle to our stay wit'h ,him. J 1ad we b e en persuaded of the truth of wl1 at be alleged". ,As it was, however, �,J1ey _ ' e could accord him no more than ''half confide nce' and therefor decided on a temporary deparlure.201 At all even-ts the Frenchmen lent Edd without having reached any agreement. They sailed north to Amphila, the port which L - efebvre l1ad 198 199 200 201

Idem, Idem, Idem, Idem,

2. oo 2 P· ·P 0, 84 /1 /9 29 s, re ge an C-Ombes to Min.istere des Affaires Btr Rapport du Capita.ine Broqua.nt, p. 235. rcs, 29 /9 / 1s4o, P· 202Combes to Miruste-re des Affaires Etrange Rapport du Capita.ine Broquant, p. 233.. - 205 -

r e s fo bl hi .ita su un �s w it at th d rte po re proposed acquiring, b11t Con1bes ute as to whether sp di a be -to d 11e e1 se e re purposes, principally because th or not it was under Egyptian suzereinty. e d. in th e h ac r� it c� hi w a w sa .as M to ed ed e oc The A11/(ober then pr ery 1e w wi th th e t 1n ng lo a d ha e c on at s be m Co . nliddle of Septen1ber e , be 1n g, as b e �a s, 1� a1 Fr to '' e s u at re ''g of e b d ul co d, Naib wl101n, l1e note th e �a1b's at th ed c�d d� l1 1gt le1 at s wa It . t'' as ''ruler of a large part of tl1e co l ilu d, Be or Ed to s1t v1 _ rn tu e r a on en hm c . en Fr son would accompany tl1e s an g m wa un yo e th ne tu ch Ea . . ed 1ir q1 e r s ce tan ms cu Assab according as cir e d for one reason us refi \va sa as M of or rn ve go e th er, ev I ready -to leave, 1ow or anotl1er to g:ve ·(be necessary ;pem1ission for him to depart. Aft er some delay Combes therefore approacl1ed tl1e governor to wbon1 ·h e h�d appa rently earlier been of some service, and who thereupon a�reed himself to provide a ;inan who would accon1pany the party as reqmr ed. Con1bes thereupon sailed back 10 Ed d witl1 Broq uant, Pe luchenau and tl1e Naib's man. Tl1ey arrived at tl1e port forty days after their earlier departt1re, 011ly to find tl1at the lo,cal population bad become far less friendly. Combes, wl10 has left a reveali11g account of the ensuing nego liatio11s, observes: "The i11l1abitants, \vho had at first receiv ed us with so 111ucl1 lci11dness, sho\ved the1nselves cold and littl e impressed. We saluted ll1 e cl1 ief vvl10 did not co111e to see 11s t111til long afterwards. The n ego:ia tions bega11 011ly on tl1e follo\vi.ng day and lasted for four days. The coun cil of il1e elders v.1as almost al,vays assembled and it was only by buying tl1e voices of the most i111porla11t tl1at I arrived at a -l1appy result. There \Vere l\.\'O ca1nps i11 ll1e town a11cl tl1ose wl10 ,vere opposed to tl1e sale of la11cl •11.ad taken 11p a l1ostile attitude and declared tl1at they would resist it by all possible means. Tl1e chief l1imself came -to tell ·us to b e careful. \\ 1e landed some arms an,d despite tl1ese tl1reats we slept on land." Eventt1al�y, l!owever, an agree1nent was concluded. ''We had slipped son1e a?le SJ?Je� into tl1 e e11en1y camp," Con1bes records, ''and tl1ey suc cedecl 1n \V11111111g over tl1e principal opponents. Our confidenc.e had disc?uraged our aclversarie_s. It was no longer n1ore than a question which port1011 _of l�nd to acq111re and at what price. Tl1anks to tl1e activity a11d. 'll1e 111tell1gence of our agents tl1e se questions were promptly r esolved. "On September 12 a treaty Vi as written and si2:t1ed in the house of tl1e chief: and at midday the territory ofi Edd, one �f the . n1os t advanta geous _P�Ints on !l1e Red Sea, for its facility of enteri11g it1to rela-tions with Abyss� n1a, tl1e r1cl1est country of Africa, belonged to France, wbicl1 will henceforl,]1 110 longer l1av e 11eed to fear tl1e English at Aden. ''At ll1re_e o'clock i11 tl1e afte_�11oon we lifted ancl1or; proud of having _ 111g for 1ny cou11try do11e somet11 , I retur11ed to Massawa."202 �on1bes' tr · e_aty wi t� the sl1eikl1 of Ed d is a docum ent or some histo . r1ca1 1nte_ rest, be1ng, as rt was, the first such agreenletlt fo r tlle Euro an pe occt1pation of any o f tl1e ports of the I-Iom of Africa. Writte11 i11 Fre11ch witl1 a11 Arabic tra11slation the text · spec ·r·ies the 1 ' tenns of tl1e :agreement in some detail and conta1·ned a number of clauses . ;s co es 1gn to es d · e ta bl d . 1s h th ve e nd or 111plete an d irrevocable acceptance of . its terms. 1

202 � I e 111, com bes to Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres 29 · ' pp. 200 2 19 11840 V 1 d e a1 so R apport du Capitaine Broquant, pp. 235-6. ' - 206 -

· T.he docum e11t stated that it was signed in -the house o f t e b chief o f r 12 , e m t 1840 e b . p T e S he opening p aragraph observe th Edd o n at ct, . . th· e en t ered n i a s w to, nt o • n eem the e one hand' by ,combes and Bro qu · nt agr . a e 1 a , on i: o. t f ng t· h N h b · I· i:; e anto-Bordelaise com any bot. ac 1 . w hi c h reserved J? · c F 1 the 11 e na t ssu a o me of · I nia company and he ren h Abyss the right t on d b ou a �; . M hm d FI � 1cm. h J er ·as sa11, sovereign rt1ler of Edd and' Badd the _ot er i rel 1 tl 111 1g1 e tO\l/D. Th e two latter 51· gnator1e 011 "cl11ef of · s ' ctec1ared t1 1at' . . . _ .ex ct1te the cond1t1ons . · or . e to t.� ey a�cep ·led and sw of the sale, the details � of wb 1ch l1ad bee11 sta ted 1 n th e prese11ce of four Prenchmen, pe1t1c1 1e11au, K.1rcher, Laneoor,1sse .an d Cl1a11savel' as \Veil a·s ,tw·O other persons who are descr1·b ed as ''Bett Iem, captain'' and ''Idris, pilot". "'The above _1ne1� tio1�ed s_overeig11 a11cl judg� of tl1e to\vn of Edd'', the , agree�nei1t decl�1es, act1�1g 111 concert and their own free will, sell and cede_ 1n p��petu1ty, �11d without any reserve on their own bel1alf or that of the.tr fam1J1es or hei rs, al� tl1e land between t11e island ,or Cordo neat, that is t· o say the parallel wh1cl1 passes tl1rougl1 that island, rto wit 14 ° 8' of latitude Norlh, a.11d tl1e parallel wl1ich passes through the white rock situated to the S.E. of Aycook, or Haycool<, to ,wit 13 ° 47 N.... The above men·ti-oned :sovereig11 -and judge sell all tl1e lands comprised between these t\\1 0 parallels to a · deptl1 of three leagt1es inland fro1n the coast at Ecld." TJ1e follo,ving paragraph staJted tl1at the sale included bays, road s'.eads, rivers, strean1s, lakes, spri11 gs, 1nines, pools, q t1arries and all obj,ects of any kind which 1night be found to exist wilhi11 tl1e above defi ·oed a rea.

TI1e ruler and judge of Edd declared for their part that they ''renoun ced all rights a nd pretensions of a11y kind to sovereig11ty, at1tl1ority or property over the lands, sea, rivers and wa-ters, etc i11 tl1e above-definecl area," and agreed to ''enter i1Tto an ofie11sive a11d ·dere11sive alliance "with their co-signitaries of the Nanto-Bordelai.se company."

Such was the first treaty ever signed for_ the European acquisition of any part of the m ainlan d of tl1e Horn of Afnca. *

203 lde,n, ,pp. 205-6; Blondeel, op. cit., Annexe to dep&he No. 16· - 207 ·-

Ii II·I

tI II

The price of the sale, cessio11 a11 d renu11ciation of Edd was fix�d at 100,000 fra ncs, which sun1 ,the ven dors recognised. that tl1ey l1ad received, "de;clarin.g in addition tl1at tl1ey were con:ent :a11 d satisfied." In consequence of this arrangement the cl1ief and jt1dge ''recognisecl that all the rjgb.ts of property whicl1 tl1ey l1ad over t11e said lm1d belong today to the Nanto-Bordelaise company." ad been h t en em re ag e th at !h 1g ti1 a st by d de The doctt1nent conclu ad been h � an s s� es n it _w d 11e tio en 111 emade in the presence of tl1e abov d a h ho w e dg Ju nd _ a f ie ch e th of , ge ''translate d verbally rinto the langua : 1� a _ ?t co e er th s se au cl d n a ts en nt co e been given ''ft111 ex.planations on th lied ti ra d an ed ov pr ap , ed pt ce ac , od to rs ed'' and declared that they '' t1ncle them.203

I;,r

•

• en a d s w f A er o lf u l1ad G d n � a e S ed !l in es � b m o C The a.ppearance of erable d s1 n s a .l co eJ s w a te a n 11 cl l a 11 0 1 at n er 111 eailwhile created a new i11t local excit'e1nent i1 1 tl1e area. TI1 e British a :t Aden were in particular greatly alar? ned a� the ;possib ility of Fre11c]1 control of tl1 e opposite co�st, and to� k 1mmed1ate steps to fore, stall it by the111selves gai11ing a foothold at TaJ_ur_ �.. Lefebvre ·aflter wards blan1ed Combes for this development, cr1t1c1z1ng the latter's ''awk:v.rard'' }1a11dling of tl1e affair and asserting that �ombes by ab�don ing the idea of acquiri11g Taju;ca had allowed tl1 e proJeot to be ,earned out by a Britis1l1 ,,essel wl1ich J1e had ,warned by his ''boastful chattering.''2°4 Tl1e Britisl1 , it 1nay be noted, were i 11deed quick to act. 011 April 19, 1940, Captai11 Moresby of tl1e Britisl1 Ea_st India C?mpany succeeded in concludi 1 1g a treaty witl1 tl1e Sultan of Ta3t 1 ra by which the latter engaged "at all ti 1 11e s to respect and regard the friendly ,1dvice'' of the British Gov ern1ne11t, a11 d agreed ''not to enter i11to any other Treaty or Bond with any otl1 er Et1ropean 11a!ion or p erson" witJ1 ot1 t bringing it to rthe notice of rthe at1tl1oritie s at Ade11 so clS to avoid ,a11 y action that might ''prove detrimen tal lo J1is F'riencls, tl1e Englisl1, or tl1e.ir Conunerce."205 On the same d.ay {he St1lta 11 s ig11 ed a :Dee d stating that he acknowledged that he had sold the 11earby island of Mt1ssa lo tl1e British Government fior ''IO bags of rice. "206 Besic!es establishing their in{lt1ence a. t Tajt1ra the British endeavoured 10 ne·utralise, Con1bes' acitivily further north. On returning 1o i_1v1assawa after the sign i 1 1g ·of tl1e ,1green1ent at Edd C , oin bes and his colleagues found a Bri,1is1 l1 corvette at a11cl1or 11ear to Arkiko. Tl1e com..111ander, l1e reports, s�e111 ed suspicious of Frencl1 desig11s and questio11ed the principal a.nba ?Ilan ts o , f tl1e coast, offerin.g a ''considerable'' .Sllill of mo11 ey to ,the Naib if l1e ,vottld cede tl1 e is]a11ds 11ear An1pl1ila. Discussion ,on th.is matter, !10\Ve�e r, became l1eatecl. ':"itl1 the rest1lt, Combes happily reports, that tl1e 1nl1ab1tants \Vere at tl1at ·t 1 1ne greatly 1 hostile to .tl1e British.207 The British seem also ltO l1 ave sl1own son1e interest in tEdd On (? �lober 18 Comb �s reported that a Britisl1 ship watcl1ing over lus a�tivi t ics I1 ad ·. call ed 111 at 'Lhe port, and askecl ,to see its n1ler. ''I wish to �urcl1ase your .cot1nlry," Lhe captai11 was reported to l1ave told the chief. . Yoti I1 ave ,trrived too late," tl1e latter re1)lied, ''becat1se I l1ave jt1st sold it to tl1e frencl1." Tl1 e captain is said to l1a,1 e accepted tl1e situation, . , reJ)lying. very well, we l1 c1ve notl1i 11g to do bt 1 t to retire' for · a woma1� cannot rn.arry tvvo n1 en."2os · · Cornbes' acii vitie s seen1 t·O l1ave aI so - create d mucl1 excitement among . .the 0 ,..--al 11 1l1abita ·.. 111!s o( l1l1e ports. T\,1 0 otl1er Fre11cl1 travellers Ferret and · · ' . _ G al1n1er , w110 v 1 s1ted M · assawa a. 11101 1th after tl1e arrival tl1ere of the . te ll1 at "1;] /-111/cober, sta 1e. -orese11ce of a French · .vesseI 011 tl1e coast s of . . Abyssinia a 1ld 'the acqtiis1 l1011 o( tl1e territory of ,Edd by the ,owners of this �an1e ''�ssel were an eveirt for all 1ll1 e {Peoples of the. Red Sea· At Massa' wa 111 oart1 cular tl1ere was st·1 11 110 other· news but tlus double event. It was . ti1e- conversat1011 of all tl1e itown · 111 the st reets , 111 . (PUbl. "1c pI aces as 1 0

204 iv[emoires et !Docun1ents' L�febvre to Ministere 1. 10/1/ 184 de Com la merc e, . . 205 Hertzlet, The Nia e_a 1)' (London, 1894), I, 275; ]l, 832. c h>: 206 lbicl, I, 275, JI, 83i �d: �I� ; 1 Ti: Con1pagn1e oire et to Docun1ents, Broqt1ant J"s Fr�n<;�ise d' Abyssinie, 30 / 12 / :3� ;? 1 .p. 207 ivfen101res et Doctim · en·ts ' Comb es to -:- : stere des Affaires Etrangeres, 29 / 9/ Milll 1840, p. 202. 208 lde111, Combes to Mlnl " ·st'ere des Affru.res Etrangeres, 18/10/1840, p. 215. - 208 -

. .. . . private l!ouses_e,,eryone co111�11ented 011 tl1e ne\vs and!,interp . reted_ it 111 �l1etr · ures 1e 1ecr can Con rnto , ) . oer,' pla', ,. ··God kno roan. · \\ s. theJ, contrnue '·th at· · ' , · ,v pa er rt e b s11 r a e rd a . t e W e gr ,, ou.ld Sa)', h�\\'ever ' t b .at the t]Je _ ·most . absurd we re general!,, the n1ost accepted and publ.1c op.1n1o n, b ?ldJ_y defy' rre s had b i · 'vocabl)' esta li hed that France w as me ing reason, di 1ng tat · the 1· 1op1 h. an E. an f t d o s: est [tl1a t France ,vas] a h\r_. pocr1·t1ca conqu · 1 and amb i tious o w :� ;h 1c. · 1n1e11se designs under the pretext of · h hI·d 1n a commerciai P: o operauon. Opinions as to the .\•alue of Con1bes' acau - isiti·on van·eel great1 . y. r . 1ag1ned. ,vas ent irely Combes, as ma) be 1n entl1 usiastic · In a cllafaCL,Cn- SL. IC , · · f , · } 1e o t cto b er 1v f O l 1111 o ster ot Marine and Colonies he emphasised _ r e tt le � of t11e purcl1ase. declaring� that ir \vould neu-·t1a e the· great. \1 alu - 1·1se ..Lhe · · · · 11 pos1r1on 1n .f \den and ope . p1a. Br i.tts . ·. n up for France the trade 0 ct Eth1o wh1ch he roundJy de scn.bed. as · the mos t fertile country of Africa''.210 Broquant, ,,·ho t�ok a Si_?Jilar \'ie\v. w rot e in his report w ith enthu. siasm of Haycook v.-·h1ch la:'.,r ) leagues to the eas t of E-dd. but still vrithin the a!ea _he and _Com�e s l1ad b?,ugl1t. I-fay! cook. he declared, ,vas "one of .. and had the f1nes1 po�ts 1n th.__. Red S.__a good communica tions \.Vith 1he inte rior, the_ JOUrne1, to AdO\\·a requiring only four days. Another advan tage, Jie c��III1ed, ,vas that the country' near the port w as healthy and "more feru.le than ,an�v\'here else on thjs c.oast'' with the result that cat11e could be brought do,,n to the sea , .-itl1out fatigue _: 11 Other observ ers, hO\Ve\'er, rook a \·ef)· different \'iev1. Thus Ferret and Galin.ier exclaimed that there \\·as "nothing n1ore sad:' tl1an the te,rritory of Ed4 and added: ''L--nag:ine along a fe\·er ridden coast a badly' si'tuated roadstead open to all lhe ,;1,·inds and particularly those to the north. Ima!rine - at the end of ihis roacls1ead huts of.i slra,v of the -- aQain rnost miserable appearance. and around these buis an uncultiva'ted plain burnt by· tbe sun, aric L barren. de,·astated; _you v.·ill ha\·e an exact idea of the village ..., of-A,t . . t and of its eD\'irons. Add to 1his that the ancient route, whlch once 1in.ke d this villag._,e v:ith Antalo has Ion!?--· been abandoned and that the territOI)' of "-\1rt, separated from Tigre by· the country· of the Taltals, 212 " a. Ssini Ab\' of nc�.s ' prO\ rn easie the \::i!h i ns r . no Ion!le has relatio Blondeel, the Belgian consul i.n Eg�;pt. -took perhaps an unbiased vie'.v. Comparing the poris of Edd and i\.J"Ilphila be declared that the former was the larger vilJa2e and possessed a be:ter supply of water, and that the French c;uld h.a\� confidence in the loj'alty of irs population, \vbich consisted of Dankalis. O n tl1e other ha nd he agreed with Ferret and �he Galii1nier that th e port ha d "'no road i.O Ab�{ssinia" and t�at �o reach r io pa ss th.rough �mt?n�s cx:cu 1ed r�, sa es c . � highlands of Ethiopia it v;as ne at Lh l? r 1Ja s1� J' lic po a _ of te :a vo ad an by the bos-tile Tal:a.a]s. Hi:nL�Jf '·could a p1 1o th E at th ed m ai cl be e, r v· eb ef o L prop unded bv Combes and !! d, �ut Ed . aI d ge s vi en t a th e . lik � ns io .at sr ly supp several large trading ch 10 la re al ci er m m � co � e th � e , -� Warned that it. v1ou.ld ta.lee time to ''crea1 ns io ct sa an tr 5r rl de or to n tio would habitaate a semi-sa\'age popula 1

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439-4o. . II ) -S -4? JS s. ari (P 1 _ ie . 1 i s s .: _. P.\t_ Ferret '!.f , es ... ld J GaJioier.- Vo---;age en Ab_rn-s er g an tr E es ir fa A.f. es d e i\f6moires et Documents, Combes to �·li ter 1 /1 Of J 840, p. 2 03. .., .. ld1:m, Rappon d:u .Capr_c.2ine B;oquant, p. 2.,J-6 . Ferret and Galinier. oo. c-iL, ll. 473. , .. ..,, r . ,- 5· .No ->->: e nex An 16; Jo. ; e Bl.ondeeJ: 0,p. cir., P•.nneY.: 24.

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Tllough tlle purchase of Edd crea:ted greatt interest both looally_ and internationally iilie aotual voyage of the Ankober was a complete fiasco as far as con11nerce and profits were concerned. There were, as Blondeel Later noted, a number of g�?� reasons for t11is. Firstly, t11e captain and crew of � l1e Ankober were far mor_e con cerned wi·1hr the establisl1D1ent of a s·t3!1:J.on and the pur�hase of a pi� o� land ...than wit11 t'.11e sale of tl1eir cargo." Secondly, 1n the selection ?,f their aargo t11ey liad ''displayed little knowledge of the Red �a trade . Tl1irdly, ilie vessel never visited J edda11, 1hen pro�ably the m?st 1m�nt commercial port ll l the Red Sea, _a11d conrt:en1:Cd 11tself only m attempting to do btisiness at lesser ports. Finally, nothmg was done to prepare a return cargo, \Vith ilie result iliat ,the Arikober, ''rll?ugh i1 visited al°:1os1 all the African ports brou!Ih.t notl1ing back'', a serious _ state of affarrs, the n1ore so as t. 11e r�turn journey should have yielded the greater profit. 214 Tl1e causes of tl1e A11/{ober's commercial failure ma.y perhaps best be understood by retraciI1g tl1e vessel's jot1rney along the African coast. Co1nbes a.nd Broqua11t began tlleir AErican voyage, it will be recalled, by visiti 1 1g Assab a11cl Beilt1l, i11 botl1 of wl1ich ports tl1ey failed to make any 00111k'lot witl1 tl1e loaal pop11lation. This failure, besides preventing the purcl1ase of tl10se, po1-ts, as Combes had complained, ruled out any pos sibility of trztde. Tl1ough t:l1e Frencl1men succeeded, it is true, in n1eeting the popt1lation of Edd, tl1eir 1na.i11 concern iliere, as is fully apparent from Co111bes' ow11 accot1r1t, was witl1 tl1e acquisition of the port, to the exclusion o.f an:,' otl1er bt1siness. Edd, will1 its wretched pop11l\ation and absence of comn1unication with tl1c i11terior, l1ad in a11y case virtually no commercial possibilities, as the c,1ptai11 of t11e A n!(ober leamit to his cost. ''DuriI1g t· he stay wl1ich he mad·e al Ayt." Ferret and Galinier so1newl1at n1aliciously noted, '·M. Broquant brotig.ht 1na.11:,r of these poor Arabs on board the A11kober in order to show tl1e1n the v•1ork of ot1r factories. He l1oped by tl1a.,t to dispo�e ofi certain articles. fle asto11ished tJ1e visitors and that \Vas ,all. The people cried out witl1 surprise. Tl1e clo111, fabric and guns gave them a l1im idea of F1�encl1 i11dus�; Y, a11d the captain of th� A,zkober \Vas vef)' quickly assailed _ ,v1th �eq uest_s for gifts. There \Vas little or no talk of trade. Explaining _ tl1e d1ff1ct1lt1es \\'l11cl1 rest1lted from s11cl1 den1ands, the travellers state tl1e 17nfortuna.te cal?tain was not i11 a position to dispose 0£ I1is respon t tl1a _ _ _ s1?1Jrty of l11e goods which l1e l1ad thus exposed ·to view, as he was@ agent of the co1111)any a11d was obliged ito gi,,e ru1 exact account on his return to France of everytl1ing entrusted to l1is care. U 11able either to sell or give _ J1� ed to l11_s natural generosity l1e was obliged to sail on to Massawa with 111s cargo 111tact.2 1s Con1bes �d Broqt1an t were scarcely more successful at Massawa. _ TI1ey were trying, as Lefeb ,,re later observed, to develoo trade witl1 Tigre _ tl1ougl1 t�1e1r vessel l1ad bee11 called after the capital of - s11oa Ras Wube, . he expla1ns� was not p.}�'l.Sed by tl1e 11a111e an d was unwilli to give his _ ng , p� t�onag� 4.o ai� exped11t1on wl1ic.h ha d come ito l1i pr s ovince only after _ l1av111g failed to · 1�eacl1 tl1 · at of · h15 · southe n1 nVi · al. Th'rs cons1·aerat·10n, . . Lefebvre �dds, \Vould 11ot have greatly affeoted sa les if the cargo had been selected wrth care, but tl1is was no t rt.he ca.se.216 1

· 214 Ibid, Annexe 28, p. 37. 215 Fe�ret and Galinier, op. cit., II, 439. 216 Memoi. res et Documents, Lefebvre to Min istere de Ia Commerce, 10/1/ p. 74. - 210 -

The first news of tl:ie arrival of the Ankober seems to have created tere t � grea � am0'1Jg the trailing comm unity at Gond ar and other towns · e 1nte�1or . Ferret an d Galinie r of t h or t tha.t the most important mer rep cha.nts, excite d by the news, organized a car.avan an d went down to the coas.t with their merchandise in the hope of doing considerable business, while, Ras Wube se11t 011e of his agents . , Agaw Deres, with in.structions to rch a se m u any goods which tl1e rL1I e r o f p T igre had long wished to obtain. Disillusion, h o we ver, so o n set in. ''W h cargo of the Ankober," F erret and G en tl1e traders cast a, n eye o n the aJinier relate, "they foun d only three or four ar,ticles to· their liking. The cargo l ne eds of t11e co u11tr)' l1ad bee11 ignored Tl 1ad been badly selected. The They \Vante d flint-locks, bt1t \.Vere or.fe 1 e clotl1 was too thin or too fine. r ed percussion guns. There we re gla.ss es an d bo tt les, bt1t 11either tl1e glas ses 11or the bottles were of the shape or size h,allowed by ct1s,t on1 i11 tl1e i11 te rior of Abyssinia; finally the sword blades ought to have been larger, bette r tempered and ofi a more accentuated cu rve . We clo no t speak of otl1er articles which had been 0110s,en in st1ch a way tl1wt th e 1nerch . ants <lid not even �1ke the ,trouble to examine them. "217 The t1nsuitability of tl1e ca rgo is confirmed by other a11Jthorit ies. Bl'ondeeI says thart the mercl1andise i11clt1 ded clot11i11g ''very indispensable in Euro1)e'', but ''completely unknown'' Etlii ·opia,218 while �efebvre declares: ''What is inconceivable th ere was nothing on board su1t�ble to the oountry; all the olo·tl1 was too high i11 price, tl1e glassware di d not correspond to what the traders we re acc_�tom to and tJ1e anns w e re not of the kind sol1ght after by tl1e Abyss1ru,L11 s.�219 .Combes and Broquant, faced with tl1e impossibility o� selling to the merchants from Etl1iopi;a, ope11ed a. sl1op at Massav�a 1n th�e l1ope of dis· osing a£ tl1ei r me rcha.ndise retail to the local i11hab 1 ta11ts or the port, buf the latter, Ferret and Galinier relate, "showed 1hems_elves no '."'tte� satisfie d t11an tlie Ab)'Ssi11ia11 if: raders ...The sl10� ren1a1ne? de se1 ted. The only result, w e are tolcl, i.vas tl1_at the orga111sers l1ad . 1nct1�red . tl1e expense of the s]JOJ) iii stallations, wl11cl1 bad to be added to tl1e1r otl1er cosrts, including that of tl1e purcl1a.se oft the port o:f Edd. . . . 1 e s _ ill co1 effects dary The iru'tial commercial faill1re was not witbolllt fo� the company'. as Ferret an d Galiitie r note, tl1e failure to sell the out� gomg cargo me:\:!t the "A,zkober could not obtain a return cargo.220 Nanto-Bordelaise company was obliged "�ot only The result was .a �. whi ch .1t hoped for, but also to resign itself to to re. nounce the prof1.ts oons1 derabIe loses,,.221 Combes futly rec?g111. ed .the c-ommercial failure of the voyiage, but � the need fo r a second attempt. In fo r lit� urgiino o n at gav e his o w n e,xplan i �d out thait the commod}ties he an d n h a letter ofl September 1, 1841, een 1n·tend_ed for b not had wa ssa Ma t ella s o t d ure av? nde e u q . a Bro :nt had , sale aJt that port. TI11s was_ 0f course tnie, for, as we have seen, 1t had · 1ablishing him.self at one of the be en his original ho pe and mtent·ion of es p• c1· t., II'· 44 1· · · • • •0 217 Ferret and G·aJ ID1er, 218 · Bondeel, o p. ci-t., Annexe 8 p 37 1_ , /1 1 10/ e, erc mm Co Ia de �� e ter nis Mi to · . , � re bv fe Le 219 Memoires et Documents, , ,. . . • 220 }e�!t and Galinier, op. cit, II, 441-' 221 /bid, II, 442. -·211 -

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Gulf of Aden ports in comme.rcial intercourse with Shoa. Though there is no way of teHi:ng how far a cargo unsu itabl� at Massawa would have found fav·our ,at Zeila orr Tajura it would be unwise 1:o assume tha.t Combes ��s .entirely ig11 orant of commercial matters for th e Voyage en A b)1ss1n1.a whicl1 }1e had written wi t11 Tamisier contained, as already noted, m_uch detailed observations o·n the trade of northerr11 Ethiopila. Con1bes' second �rgument was that his commerci al cliffiic�l1:ies a'l Massawa had been intensified by the burden.some, system of uaxati,on then operative ai t that J?Ort, but rthat taxes had subseq�ently been �ed�� an_d rendered less arb1:trary as a. result of the Egyptian oc:eupation.--- This opinion, it sl1 ould be noted, was widely held by observers of this time.223 Combes' argun1ents would, l1owever, seem to be at l east in part an a tJtem pt a:t speci,al pleading. Supporters of tl1e scl1 en1 e tended in comidering the reasons for 1ihe commerci!a1 f.ail11re oJ tl1e A11,kober to emphasise 'the immed.iate c auses and to avoid the basic q11estion whether tl1e failure v.1as not in the \last analysis i 11evitable, wl1atever Co1nbes migl1t or migl1t not l1ave done. Tl1us. Blon deel, empl1asisi11g tl1e bad selection of the v,essel'.s cargo, declared that an expedition ,.vitl1 be tter p1a11ni.J.1g could offer ''certain success'',224 while Lefebvre i11 his letter of January 10, 1841 to the Minister of Commerce argued tl1at the failure should i1:ot disc.ourage the Na11to-Bordelaise Com pa11y fron1 followi11g Ltp a p-roject whicl1 could a, fter s,orn e years offer "great advantages''.225 Ferret a11d. Gali11ier, 011 tl1e otl1er l1and, took a n opposjte and on tl1e face of thi11gs n1ore :realis.1ic view, doubting whether Combes and Bro qua11t could ever l1ave succeeded in diverting the trade and we alth of Etl1iopia to the 1niserable - and isolated por,t of Edd. Tlli.s view, they claim. wa.s not only 'tl1eir perso11 al opinion, but als,o 'that of 011 e of the richest traders of Adowa witl1 wJ1om tl1ey l1ad discussed tl1e matter. ''Listen." he had_ said ,to lhem, "yo11 will . never persuade tl1e traders ofi Abyssinia � ventt1re them.selves and 1tl1e1r 111 ercl1andi�e acros:s tl1e country of th.e 1 altals. Wl1ait wot1ld reaU) happe11 ? One of two rtl1ings: either our carava_nlS would be pillaged 011 tl1e road, and our fortunes be fost or else the� would reach �yt, and, for lack of con1petition, you would s� 11:h�m obl1ged _to sell �1e1� goods at a tariff wl1icl1 tl1e ,1gents of French trade would fix at their own pleasure''. _' ; Agreeing that the merchant:s objections were fully justified, the above 1 ut!h � or� _ar��d t11at tl1e popul&t1on of Edd was ''tl1 e mo st n1iserable of all those 1nl1abrtm,g tl1 e eastern coast of the Red Sea ·'' Lt1 was, they 1add, a ''popula�con1n1erce as without ind.ustry, a ftana1:ical, , 1 o. n f Ara bs wi_·thout l�zy and ignora�t race g1v_en u_p !O all the prejudices o f ignorance." Their _ picture of ��e village and its en�1ro!1s was most unflattering. ''Her e," they ,. t ��hl_and re pels cult1vat1on; m an is redu ce d to living on the . 11s lS· 1.ng and o.n a meagre l1erd of . goats,. the greatest fontune -f��rdi scarcely reaches a few ;hundrred thalers."226 1

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222 Memoires et Documents' Combes to Min . iste . . , re des Affaires , Etrangeres l /9 / 1841, pp. 277-8. 223 .M ·. Parkyns, Li/e iri Abyssinia (New ·yo�k , 1854), II, 335-7. 224 Bl?f!deel, op. cit., Annexe 23, No 15 225 M1n1stere de .I· � �ommerce, 10 / 1 i 184·1 :. . ' 226 Ferret and Galin1er, op. cit, II, 438-9. . ,' •

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. . By 110 m ns discouraged by the fiil· an�ial f. ilure .of th A1zkober, Comb -s de-cided to n1 ke furth r inv tig _tion of the Gulf of Ad n ports Je ir r t r . d , e . On �: th a ving and M ss wa , ail on er to Moc_ha � tt� 1-rzkob _ ! where he I�ar11� the ''very r gr ttable" 11e ·· s of t11 e Br1t1sh agr en1 nt wi th 1l1e. rul r of. 1laJt1ra·· Th latter po rt, h e noted ·was ''the soIe _po · -t int hro ugh . .. . 1g \1/h1ch .f!or ners cot1Jd penetrate to Shoa th securi t)'. � 1t was already reported that th.e g;o ver11 or of Adetl had g�� °: orclers .an _ that no one should . be ru11owed to pass except travellers f unis.hed witi1 a safe conduct signed by himself." The A 11kober sail d 11ext to Ade·n wh.J c h Combes d escr1b . d as '' n w · . .. GI.bra Itar. '' H was r ce1vecl w1tl1 great oliten s by the �r1t1sh, nd stayed o.n a.fter th e departt1re of tl1 A 11 ko b�r when I1e. was rec i v d by the governor, Mr.Haines. T�e Frenol1man _t�e11 n1ade l1is way by l1unself across the Gulf of . Aden to Berbera,· arr1v1n. g tl1ere on J anu ;�J r v 7 841 J , · • f.I . e report·ed .to the . 1rs that " s: ·.:ster o.f Fore1gn Affa ·11.tvun1 · Europe. : t he port thoti gh "littl e k DOWn Ill • • · ' '' f' • . . .,, . 1 0 i nterest , having au 1111portant market fron1 October itill the was o 0 end ? f Marcl1. Ther w s a good harbottr where 40 to 50 vessels wotlld re� tn a_ t nchor tl1ro11gl1out tl1e tr di11g s aso11. Co111merce was, however. en.t1rely 1� the h nds ofi Arabs, Ba11ians and men of Musca;t thouol1 h� was co;11 v1nced there w re good possibiliti s for French com'nierce� and accordingly forward d \vitl1 his r port specim o.s of th goods on sale. He urged, o.n tl1 e other hand, tJ1;a.t for Etu·opea11 ships to be successful it wo�ld be neces_s ry f?r then1 to 11a ve agents at tl1e port througl1out t11e per i od of th fair, durJ 11g w]1ich tin1e tl1ey would be required to prepare the return cargo a.s we.II as to super,;ise transactions ge11 eraJly.227 Whil at Berbera he was confronted witl1 11ew evidence of the dee, p, suspicion witl1 wJ1ich J1is activities v1ere regarded by the British : t\1/0 British w rships from Aden put sho ,re and had clearly been instrl1ct d to keep an eye on him and his doings.228 A report of Febnrary 2 fron1 the British Political Agen.t t Aclen to the Secretary of ·the Bo1nbay Govern , inia yss Ab 11 to sio mis a of or ect dir nch Fre tl1 es, mb .Co ''M : ted st nt me te. rou rar the Ha by d an inl cl cee pro to ble ssi po iv ing end int r rb Be at \Vru; d cte 1n 001 on a.ti onn inf ery ev n. tai ob to s ou sir de ly lar He s ms p rticu 1 e d'Abbadie brothers tl at th g lin No ." try un co the s of ge nt va with the· ad d ps ha ste at d tl1 de ad ly nt ca ifi 1 1 sig rt po r tl1 , ra ju w r then bo un d for Ta pre e ac pl at h th ac ''r d ul wo es at l1r i1p E 1 ip sl 1 s 1 iti Br , b en tak,en that ,the 229 " . ns io t n' 1 in r ei th v cise. ly. at th moment to ob s r d to pe ly al ho in ig or d b he rt po e tih , l ei Z to Combes s,a.iled next . ra be er B om n fr io tit pe m co by ed in ru en purchase, nd fo un d that it b d be at r th a fo il d Z ne do an ab d h , id sa h , or ri t A11 th c ravans from th in er more ts w or xp . E en se e b to ns i an B y n r po·rt and ther w re n o longe . 230 r. tte bu nd or l ss limited to sl v s . 11 ry a ru eb F n ? e� v ri ar e h re h ra, w ju T s w ll c f o rt o p t is x n · H s by then a , g w 1o 1r u cq a d te l p m t n co r ie rl The place, which h e h�d ls o e ea

reat

· 227 M.(.1;:;mo1res cl. 2 6/3/1841, p . 228:/bid, P 2�9.. 229 Great _Bnta1�, 230 Me'1101r�s et 26 /4/1841, p.

eres, g an r t res E ai ff A es d re te is in M D ocumen ts, Combes to , . . ?. 722 . . p p , 41 18 9/ 1/ 5, 22 /1841. 2 / , 2 n e d A ·· . t, en g A l a c ti li o res, Fore1gn Off.ice,..,,1 13 P ge an tr E rs ai ff A s de e tr is in M . t0 b es om C , ts en m u oc D 225, l/9/1841, p . 229. - 213 -

•

- Ill

.firmly under British influence. It was, he declared, the most imp�rtant centre he knew for the export of Galla slaves, as well as a market for ivory and slaves. Son1ething like 1,000 to 1,500 young giirls an-d 300 to 400 young _ boys were, lie tl1ought, s·hipped from Tajura every yea .r, mainly to the Persian Gulf.231 n ai to nd ag la in ay w s l1i ak m to en be d l1a an � On landing, his first pl 1 the o7:1 r fr tte le a d 'ba ill st be d, lle ca re be ill w Sl1oa, for whose ruler, it it any rm to pe d se fu re r, ve we l1o , ra jt1 Ta of ief ch 1e T1 t. French Governmen n that io ss cu i d_ y el liv d an ns tio tia � go ne s es itl fru ter af g sucl1 action, insistin vernor h go tis Bn e th n1 fro ter let a t ou th wi l , ve tra t no d ul an co m the French t s no ap rh t, pe bu , or rn ve Go e th to ote wr E!ly of Aden. Combes accordi11. surprisingly, received no reply. Having failed i11 his efforts tto advance inland from Tajura_ to Shoa, Combes tbo11gbt next of joining a carravan from Berbera to the important con11nercial centre of Harar. He tl1erefore again set sail for Berbera, but put asl1ore at Zeila on the way to invesrtigate the possibilities of travelling inland fro1n tl1at port. Findi11g these non-existent be proceeded to Berbera, only to be inforn1ed t1 1ere 1.I1at it was quite impossible for him to travel to Harar a11d tl1at atl)' white n1a11 attempting to do so wo11ld be promptly put to cle.atl1. I-le spoke witl1 several merchants from Sboa, but they swore tl1a.t tI1ey could be of no l1elp to hi1n. Reporting this second fiailure to pe11etrate inla11d he cleclared: ''I was not l1appy, but I was obliged ,to resigr1 n1yself". I.:.re accordi11gly waited patiently for the close of the Berbera fair, a11d 11otes that a Brit, ish wars11ip was also standing by, a1J1)aren.lly watcl1ing his activities. 232

\Vl1ile at Berbera 011 this or the previous occasion, it is not clear whicl1, l1e 111et and joined forces ,vith a compatriot of bis called Evin, a fonner 111ilitary n1a11, wl10 had been a bookseller in Ale:iers and had already been several months at Berbera, wl1ere lie l1ad given lessons to European merchants.233 Con1bes 11eard rut about his time that caravans bound for �boa son1etimes left ft1r-tl1er north from the tiny port of Raheita. Great !y d�s1rou � as he was to reach Saltle Sellassie's kingdon1, he therefore _set sail with Evin for ,that port, ,vhicl1, l1e sa)'S, received slaves, butter and durra from Aussa. '-'

Ral1eita l1e was a,t first well received and given some at arriving 011 _ assistance, b11t after a long deliberatio11 tl1e local cl1ief ordered him to -leave and_ announced that no11e of l1is baggage miglit be put asI1ore. Combes than leave the port, as lie was r �pl1ed that he would ratl1er be kiIled _ exhausted and needed rest. The cl11ef t'.b.ereupon allowed him to remain re, but _ r e_ �t1sed to pe�ut tl1e disembarkation of his goods. some _ �ays asl1 <? _the 1mposs1b1l1ty of cl1ang111g tlie cI1ief's mind Combes was Re �l1s1ng obliged once rnore .to abandon the African shore. The traveller, by this. tin1e weary and exl1austed• had bu t one last tl of -1 one · l1ope pr 1· nc·1pa1 men of· Tajt1ra had ·earlier promise � d, despite his · . _ _ chief, to 1,1�1 p him inland rn ret11rn for tl1e sum of four I1undred dollars. Though this by now represented his enrtire fortune Combes decid ed to 231 Idem, Combes to Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres 26/4/184 1 , p. 225, 1/9/ ' ., 1841, p: 230: , 232 lden1, Combes to Ministere des Affaires Eu· , ·ang eres, 1/9/1841, .P, 229. 233 Lefebvre, Voyage en Abyssinie, I, 242_ - 214 -

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accept th� proposition. H � accordi11gly sailed back to Tajura and that very evening sent the captain of the boat asl1ore to begin n egotiations. The man was, however, ca11ght by rthe chief's follow ers and forced to return to his boat. On the �ollowing morning, Combes hi ms elf tried to go on land, but more than fifty persons assembl ed on the shore and forced him back with violence, tlir eate11ing tl1e capt1 ai11 with death if he remained in the harbour the day. . . Combes � .ttribu t-es th �e di �culti es entirely to t:he hos1ility of the Brrt1sb, assert111g tJ1a.t on h. is e arlier visit to ·�l1e port the chief had written to Aden to ask the governor ,vhat r11Ie of conduct he should adopt with r egard to French rtravellers, and t11at the instructions ftom Haines had by now arrived.234 D'Abbadie , who by coi11cid ence had arrived at Tajura a little earlier and \.Va.s then in the port, l1aving been allowed to r emain tl1ere a few days on suffe rence, provides interesting co11firmation of Com bes' account. I-l e relates ithat on e morni11g, appare·rutly i n April, he l earnt on waking ''that an Arab vesEel comi11g fro1n Aden had dropped anchor at dayb reak, that a Europ ean l1ad stepped asho re, and tl1at be bad been forced a coi1ps de batorz to re-e111bark and. set sail." On i11quiring into the event l1e \Vas shc,vn the boat disappearing i11 the entrance of the bay, and afterwards lear11t tl1at ·t he E11ropean was none other than llis compatriot Combes who had be en endeavot1ri11g to make l1is way once more to visit Saltle Sellassie in Shoa, but bad been prevent ed due 1to British inflt1 ence fron1 landing at the port. 235 D'Abbadie goes 011 to relate that Combes l1ad con1e to Tajura from Aden, whe re Hau1es had ''given l1in1 l1ospitality in J1is l1ot1se, b11 t i,.vitho11t forgetting however to prepare for l1i· m tJ1e unpleasa11t receptio� \Vl1ich had been afliorded''.236 Tajura, d'Abbaclie confirn1s, wa.s by no\v f11111ly tinder British i11.fluence, as he l1ad learnt lrimse]f to his cost. On landing at the port a few days e arlier he ·had b ee11 accostecl by tl1 e Sultan. ''You J1ave 110 do11bt th e pap er'?'' t11e latter l1ad asked. ''Wl1icl1 IJaper? '' tl1e traveller repli� d. . ,, "Tl1e p ermit f rom Ade11 for yo11r d1sembarkat1on. D'Abbadie expJai11s that be bad pleaded his right as a Frencl1Il1an to land in a territory depe11dent on Constantinople, but the St1lta� . had merely r eplied: ''!l1at is po�sible, but _the gov�rnor of_ �den:, �i r fne11d, wis.J1es that the re 1s 110 land111g here withou t I11s pe rmission. 2 D'Abbadie ha. d s11cceeded in ren1aining . in �1e po rt a l�t;e while Exp ul longer ;than Combes, but was soon obliged, like _h1�, to depart. sion, i,t would appea r, was i11deed _tl1e fate _at this time ?f all Fre� �en: Combes tells of two othe r compatriots of bis, a pbarmaci�-t called � rian � and a doctor called Lamba rd, both of whom bad been ill -the serv1C<? o Mohammed Ali of Egypt and I1ad lat er been d eported from both Ta1ura and Berbera.

234

236 237 238

res Etrangeres, fai Af s de re ste ini M to e b 5 om C Memoires et Docun1ents, 1 I 9 I l 841, p. 229. Ibid, p. 599 lb�d, p. 585. . . also E Seco11� voyage sz,r /es t, ur ico er d'H et ch Ro � Ibid, pp. 588, 607_. V1de cle C/10a 1e un ya le ro et ls de A s de s ay , s -le -� P cleu,t rives cle la Mer Rouge, Cd a, .s (Paris, 1846), pp. 37-40. - 215 -

! , 1I1 Ii II I!

II l• I

l " i. I

$:;;

t ic fl d n e co il e v ly in th t u b a 1g i1 Britain and France were in faot wag bsequ 1e to tl ed st te ro p y l ,c en · su 0 11 tl1e East African shore. D' Ab,badie ly p re rt cu a e iv ce re to ly n o , n o British Foreign Secretarj' , Lord Palmerst at .. th u .. yo o t . e at st to am I '' from "Pan1's'' secretary whicl1 declared: d.o to as h t en m rn ve o G sh ti ri B 1e tl Vis col1 nt Palmerston d.oes not see what t's en m ern ov G is l1 g in h as W " a. ic fr \Viul1 yotrr scie1 1tific. researches i 11 A nch re F y b d re te n u co en s ie t l u ic ff di 1 hands of a11 y responsibility fo r the d that de ad y s] ou nu ge in un t l1a ew m so al travellers in East -Africa, tl1e offici ties in ri ho ut A sh ti ri B 1e tl ow ''b 1 d a.1 st er 1d the Foreig,1 Secretary di d not t11 r he e ot th n. . O .. or ri te in e tJ1 1to 1 i Aden could preve11t yot1 fron1 travell.i1 1g nes was ai H in ta ap C at th on st er lm Pa , nt ou isc ha11d it does 11ot appear .to V u ec os e pr th r fo s ie lit ci fa ar ul ic rt pa e under any obligatjon to give you tl1 239 " n. tai ob to ed tio11 of yo11 r jour 11ey wh.icl1 you wisl1 don hope an ab to ed lig ob st la at as w , an m k sic a e 11 Con1bes , by t1 his ti1 d ke t as lo pi e th en wh at tl1 s te la re e H . of any j111mediate rett1r11 to Sboa ac e . H wa sa as M to jed pl re l1e l ve tra to ed sl1 wi l1im i11 wl1ich directio 11 he in at g ttin pt1. d an a eit 1 l Ra g sin s pa s, ard l1w ort 11 led 1 cordingly once agai1 sai r the ste ma as ed eiv rec s wa he s, say , he rt, po ed o11 11ti me t Edd. At l11is las cl1ie f se nding l1i111 presents and a(ordi11 g him every hospitality. Inquiring o( the co11tac t, be,twee11 t11e port a 11d ll1e interior he was told that the Aussa traders brougl1l do\v11 dt 1rra and a certai11 nun1ber of slaves, but that th� i11.habi_tant� of Edd 11ever visited. Aus sa. T11e chief nevert·heless pro n11scd to do l11s 1.1t, 1nost to ope11 11p tl1e road. Rej�cting any st1ggestion tl1at his c .on1p atriots were badly looked u pon ::i.L Ecld_ Co:!1bes d�lared that the ''poor inl1 abitants'' of tl1e ,rillage ''arden tly cles,red· 111e Fre11cl1 and looked forward to itl1eir generosity. What was neeclecl, l1e concluded, was f1or France to establish a s teams11 ip line bet �veen �ouroon ,tn� St1ez; \Vere tl1 at accon1plis J1e d the port of Edd would 1n1n1e:J1atel)1 acqt11.re in1me 1 1s e valt1e. 2-10 On lea,,ing Edd Combe s rell1rned 0 11ce 1nore to Massawa where he w,ts �,eJcoined 011 A1Jril 17 by l1is co1npatriot Degouti11 . tl1 e tl1 e11 ne\vly aJJjJC)1nted Fre11 ch consul at the port. · · Combes' first tl1ot1gl1t seems to l1ave bee 11 to undertake a third m1 ss1on 1 1·cated bv th r to con1p \Vube. A1 1y sucl1 expeditio 11 was , howeve ·· e presence · · , . . . . . mission led b\r 1n tl1e 1nter1or ot a rival Frencl1 J Lefebvre v1. ., l1 0 had been . . deslJ�l... tcI1ed .or a second t1n1e to Ethiopia i11 Seotember 1840 L efebvre, f· . · · and h ad 1 1841 wa � tl wl1 0 had. reacl1e·d Mas sawa .011 January 1 e11 1n T"1gre · • cs , . ,actua - JI )' s een WL1be on Apr1l 11 JlISt under a week b ef ore con1.....bes, arrival · ' , . ,. ite Lefebvre s prese11 ce itl u1e are _ ass awa.2.11 0.�sp at M' a Co 111 a t es wro b e . letter to W1.1be wh1cJ1 was fonvarded bY. Dec�lttin. o Tl1_e latter also wrote . . to .the Be. 1gia11 Blondeel, wl1O was aIso 1 11 T1gre asking h i� to as� 1st . on Apn l 29, stating Co,nbes 1 11 every Wa)'. Blo11cle el replied rto Deg�u' �in t·l1at l1e aoreed to do Jiis best but ex:pr�ssed in.1sg1v1. 11gs as to the desirabil . tl1e tw . ily of a s:co 11d Fre11cl1 n1issi�n. Referring to o en vo rs, ] 1e dec Ia_re d . j , "Tl1ese gentle1ne11 are . �ntrus bo·tl1 Frenclunen. tl·ley_ are bot� t�d with a miss io� by the Governmeilt, aild yet the'Y are in. com et1 t1on. It 1s not for p , , . , · me to Judoe t hein H i . e \Ve 1 1 o be tween t o1 , 1 to as k ho 1 ,1/ h· e cou· Id exp a1n to . _ 1 e offer o� presents Wt1be wl1at l1e did 11 0t tinderstatld 11imself, 11 amely tl : 1

239 F.?., � /3, Palmerston, 18/6/ 1 s 41 _ 240 ivf emo1res et Docuinents' C0111 bes to ]VIinistere des .l\ffaires l /9/ 1841 'p. 2?5 - . 241 · Lefebvre, Voyage en . Ab)'Ssinie, I, 159, 129, 206.

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Etrangeres,

made by two compat riots in th e n a n1e o f th e same King, ,vhen both in tl1e 11ame of France 11rged mutually exclusive p rojects. EID:phasisin g tl1 e u.ndesirability of n 1 a kin g any mistakes in· their rela tions ,v1t � \\: ub�, Blondee l explaine d .tl1a t the position of foreigners in E th norther 1 1_ 1op1 a w a s tl1e1 1 very difficult. '' A cat astrophe," ]1e declared. "is i :°1ID1nent ; the d an ger of ex pulsio11 for all Europeans is real." 1e TJ Belgian wen t o n to declare that Wube was ''very badly disposed towards Combes''. w h o l1 ad clearly rnacle mistakes in l1is handli11 g of the chief. w id w ely asserted, h e noted, •tl1 at the la It as t . te r on his earlier visit had gi 1 W ve b 1 t n ot e a1 1y present, t:l1ot1gl1 tl1e R,1s l1ad 1 se n t l1 is brotl1er-in-law expressly to receive one. Con1bes' latest lette r ,to t11e chief was moreover , also ,,ery t,1ctless, Blondeel tl1 ot1ght, for it expresse cl a desire to visit Sahle Sellassie, wl1icl1 n1t1st ha ve alienated so st1spicio us and jealous a ruler as ,that of Tigre. W11be l1ad already forbidde11 two other Frenclm1en, Ferret and Ga.tinier, fro 111 visiti11 g Go11dar even tl1ougl1 they ha d d.one 1nucl1 less Co n1b es tl1an to arouse his n1 istrt1st. . The Belgian concluded by l1rgi11g t:he need to put an end to ''the sad collisio11" bet,veen Combes an d Lefebvre, t1.rgin g that, , as Frenchmen, they shot1ld co111 e to a11 1111ders1a11di 11 g between tl1e111 selves. It was impossible, l1e declared, that they l1ad 11ot as tl1 eir common objective tl1 e honour and .interest of Fra 11 ce; it was .tl1erefore ·tl1eir dt1ty to ltnite their efforts in order to ohtain ::1. favot1rable co11 clusion to tl1eir work 242 Co 111bes, wl1 0 did 11ot n1entjon any of these points in his report to tl1e Mi11 istry of Affairs, 111erely noted that on arrival at Massawa he ha_d . enquired eagerly after 11 ews rrom tl1e il1 terior, but fot�nd 11011e of _it to �s . liki11g. It vvas reported, l1e says, tl1 at Wube was at this t1n1e looking \¥1th disfa�our on tl1 e-Europea11 s, wl1ose 1 1t1111ber, had "i11s1Jired son1 e fear on tlie part of tJ1 is st1.spicious prince." Thus 1:efebvre �a� reported lhat Wt!be was no longer we-11 disposed and tl!at tl:e l·re11c-h 1n1s�1�? w�� e11coun,ter�n g many difficulties. Bloodeel :l1 ad l1kew1se been prol11b1ted r101n travellrng aoy further than Gondar, wl1i.le B�yle, an Engl1sl1man, _11ad �ctually �een assassinated. Wttbe, tl1ot1 gl1 11 ot 1n a.ny way responsible for. the 1,,tter in cident, was reputed to l1ave declared tJ1at BI011deel was 1he last Et1ropean he would receive. . Despite this an rti-foreig n ct1rrent, Wt1 be, Combes _explained, \Va_s by . I Y opposed to · E11ropean contacts, for he appreciated no mea n s ent ire receiving gifts fron1 foreig11 �1 1vo�s: and l1 ad actu��ly despatcbe d presen ts to Queen Victoria tl1 rougl1 his Brtt1sl1 serva11t CoffJn. . , eir . .· , art were clearly interested 1n t]1e area as The Br1, t1sh, for 1h_ were still carefully watcl1in g Combes' wa� �-!?parent fro m the fac� tfPat '. pl 1 er isto Cbr ut. Lie by d. ilde lma con l :sse �: . r O nge arra act1v1ties, and had . an m ch en Fr e 1 l t ' · ,is e ,. r un t 1e san tl1e at a to vis-it Massaw · . eless felt he could achieve . rth 1 e ev 1 e n e _se he t · 1�� ey rv Co·mbes, su . goutin to notl1 ing by a further v1s.1 t to Tigr�. He therefore banded over De t. In . n ch Governmen e Fr the by l hin t ste tru n e t, he b·u]k of the presents en very parsimo be t fac jn d }Ja he t �a t · s re he reporti 1 1g t�e _l1and-ov er �:!i ha d suggested , for the only gifts he ha d _ 111ous 011 his Journ ey, as Blon __ 1 , as we haye seen, 1 ic wh e, pp ili Ph s ui Lo f O to accou 11t 'for was t]1e portraJt it ems wh1 c.l1 had t an ric ni sig jn w e f a d l at e, tib had been given to Ras W gone to the ruler of Ed d. 242 B!ondeel, op. cit., 29/4/JS4l. - 217 -

f b de re es b o C s, od go e � th � r fo � t ip ce re s After accepting Degoutin' l sh va ri n� s E hi om fr t or sp an tr well to Evin, an d accepted a11 offer of ed nu the n ti co , nd ha r he ot e th o n, vi E e at � _ C l1ristopher. T11 e unfor,tun as he w at ed th er t ga d an r te � la e tim e m journey inland. Lefebvre n1 et him so _ tended to give lessons to the _ 1n d an ds ar hw ut so _ ay w s e hi ng ak ni m to an pl e. ur ag uLt h 1c ac te to d he is w e 1 l re � he w r Gallas before reaching Zanziba ds ar rw te af tly or sh an chm en Fr e th , m ea dr Nothing, however, came of this 3 . sta La 24 in meeting i1 is deatl1 at the hands or bandits *

ery ed ev is pl m co a d ha � l1e at th lt fe ve l1a ll � we ay m w s by no Combe 1he coast he had acquired f ?r h1s co_untry t On a. ric Af st Ea in uld co thing l1e , ed s sh he wi r if he to up s wa it rn; Ho tl1e _ on on ssi _ l1er first and only posse : h Et of or ten 1n the 1n ul ssf cce s11 s les gh ou Th . wn so d ha to rea.p wl1ere l1 e f the er rul the , 1be . \V do 1 ld e cou ] re mo ? le _ litt d 1ne see o � als re iopia, tl1e nortl1 , see1ned for the tune being at least unsympathetic to foreign alliances and l1ad clearly rejected the friendship of France. Sable Sellassie, on the otl1er l1 and, could not be reacl1ed, for l1 is southerly province of Shoa was geographically i11accessible to tl1e Frencl1. T 1 1e northern rot1te from Massa wa I1acl bee11 closed to all Et1ropea11s b)' Wt1be's hostility, "'bile the French l1ad been 1Jre,1e11 ted by tl1e British from t1sing the easterly route from Taj11ra.244 1 Official Frencl1 opinio11 failed to take a st1stained interest in the ideas of eitl1er Co1nbes or Lefebvre and soon indeed began to turn against them. Tl1 is ca11 clearly be see11 fro111 the official reports of this time of the various JVlinistries concer11 ed. Tl1t1s, tl1e Minister of Agriculture and Com merce \.Yarned tl1e 11inister of 1::-oreign Affairs on April 21, 1841, of the political con1plicatio11s ,vl1ich migl1 t result from the establisl1 merrt of - a Frencl1 establisl1111 ents 011 tl1e Rea Sea Coast, and on September 21, 1842, declared that the polit�cal situation in Etl1iopia did not appear very favot1rable for tl1e proJect.245 Tl1e Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to tl1 e ]alter cornn1 t111icatio11 on September 25, 1842, was also critical. He declared tl1at the previous "vague attempts'' to acquire a port f10r Fran:ce and the "indiscretion'' of the persons engaged in tl1e \Vork had been responsible for tl1 e E11glisl1 purcl1ase of Tajt1ra, wlticl1 Combes l1 ad ''too hastily" annot1nced his intention of acqt1iring for France. Tumino to the actual acl1 ieve1nent of Combes tl1e Minister declared tl1 at the tr:veller's acqt1ision of Edd ,vas ''notl�ng bt1t a deception'' as the port did not belong _ who l1 ad _ sold �t. Tl1 e A1nphila plan, l1 e added, was not very t� tl1e cl1 1ef different, as tl1at �err1to_D,', l1ke�ise _ ''in 110 n1anner belonged to the person _ red 1t . Re1ect1 1 � ely offe fre so 110 1 g all sucl1 atten1pts at wl1 at he con _ ¥: sidered as illegal purcl1 ases he declared tl1at tl1 e conduct of Lefieb,,re and Combes . l1ad ''already too mucl1 compron1ised t11e nam e and dignity of 0 246 France.' *

243 Lefebvre, Voyage e11 A byssi11ie.' I 241-2 ' 262 Vi"de also M,(cm 01res +,, et D ocumeni.:s, · ' Com b�s to 1v '11.f1n1s " • tere des Affairs Etrangeres, 26/4/1841, p. 225. ? _44 Ivfemo1res et Documents, Co1nbes to Ministere des Affa.·ires Etrangercs, 1 /9/1841, p. 23 2. 245 Ide,11, Ministere de I'A.griculttire et Conunerce to Minist'ere d es Affa.ires Eran· geres, 21 / 9 / 1842, p. 93. 246 Icle,11, Ministere des Affaires Etra11geres to Ministere de !'Agricul ture et Commerce, 25 /9/ 182, pp. 95-6. - 218 -

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For al l tl1eir fajli11gs, Co mbes a d til . e Fr �nchmen who had followed in his footsteps did n1L1ch to awak n :... t� ropea n interest in E tl1iopia and the surr ot1nd.i11g a r ea, a11 d Freil ch a ct� i. tY 1 urn sparked off Britisl1 interest. On September 19, 1841, for exa; 1e � ; · Barnett, _the Bri_tish �epres�n tative in Alexa ndr�a� reported tll� Co ,, rr·in liad arrived with disturbing news of Fre11c h act1v1t), in E t hjopia . 1 ?ears," he wrote, ''tl1at there are above_ th�rty Fre11 clm1en travelli�g ii·l ��f 1 erent parts of the country and Mr. Coffin 1s ap pre}1ensive tll'tt F n��y succeed in gai_ning an_ in fluence ve r� injurious to B riti;l1 in��sis � ! f encourage1nent is not given by Her Ma1esty's Gover11111 ent to the opeiling of trade with the different parts of the c oast." . . Tl1e Sain t Simonia11s were tll us t �.ta1.!1 e�tent 1nd1r e_ctly_ pioneer s of Europe's growing awareiless · 0f 'h,��iop1a in ,the m1d-n1neteenth century.247 *

-�.,.

.,. .,.

Com�es meai1 wl1 ile \Vas 1naking rus way back t0 pranee,. h e was · . Y a youn�o G� 11 a girl wl1ose precise role i11 tl1 e story is accon1panied b t1nknown. Not for�elft1l of 11 1s old Saint Simo nian faith he sent Enfrult in a copy oft one_ of 1 11s reports to t1 1e Frenc11 Minister of Foreign Affairs and stopped ove r in Egypt to n1 eet those of l1is old cornrades wl10 \Vere still to be found tl1ere. Tl1ough ru� publisl1ed writings make no reference to tl1ese ma!ters-or _to tl1e Galla girl-a letter fron1 Combes to Enfantin is extant \Vh1ch explains �hart 1he Saint Simo11 ian "Fa1nily of Egypt'' l1ad entrusted the traveller w1tl1 tl1 e task of bearing \Vitness to tl1 e "love" it bore its leader, and Combes wrote to tl1 e "Pere'' ·tl1at1 he l1ad accepted tl1is 1nission with ''proud jo y''.24B The explorer, wl10 wrote from Malta 011 Janti:1ry 25, 1842, stated tl1at he was due at Marseilles on February 12 anci ii1te11ded to spend only two or three days at tl1e IJOrt, afte r wl1 icl1 l1 e \Vould report to E11far1ti11 a11d l1a11cl 10 l1ad wl les, cip dis e 1 tl of one . ert mb La m fro . er lett n tial e on fid him a c a sked him t o deliver it in person. 1 tl1e Sain t Simonia n tl ,vi g tin ee m s' be m Co of 11t ta ex No record is 1at tl1e traveller still felt tl e m su as o t fe sa ar pe a1J d ul o w it 1 leader, tl1ougl al follo wers. y lo s" e' er ''P e tl1 oft ne o as ss le r o himself more onian m t Si in Sa ith w d ue 1b en ill st 1 e1 be ve l1a C on1 bes, who seen1 s to 43 18 e in im et m So n. ti an nf E h it w t ac nt ideas, re m ain ed i n fairly close c o ntained co ly nt re pa ap ch i h. w on i at tr is in dm A he wrote a t r eatise 011 Poliifical 1 e role wl1ic h a tl z. vi e, em 1 tl a n i n o n1 Si t in Sa a discussion of a typically r �,abou ts e � e ,� th , nt 1e n cu o d is h T �. et ci pro gressive clergy coulcl play i n so o th e Pere a s a n t ed d n a h e 1 l r, te ri w t of .which is un. k n own to the p r esen . ',-,49 • ce an ss a1 1 . 1 n . o c re d n ·o f o r p '' evidence o f I11s *

....•;-

chi Ar e anc Fr · 1 4 8 1 / 1 1 / 9 1 . � t:f o Co ls a e id . 1 4 Y 8 1 / 9 / 9 1 , 247 P.O., 1/3, Barnett ie. in ss y b n e s � n o si is M ves Nationales, F. 12. 7210, 842· 1 / 1 / 5 2 , n ti o a f n E to s 248. Fonds Enfantin 7603, Combe tin, 7/2/1844, 249 lde,n, 7603, Combes to Enfan - 219 -

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.. urgance of Saint � re _ a r fo e p ri l ess n r, e v e w o I1 , re e s w The time a. Co� be �, who 1 1 p l i l ' E f n ti a tr e n e p 1e tl r fo 11 a th a d n a g a 1 n r Sin onia p p e ic rv 1n the se s d r a w to d e n r u t ly g in rd seems to· I1 ave reali.sed tlus, acc ala-N va, t a <:, S e g t a ? r a l su n o c cl1 n re F ed 1t i1 o p p a as 50 w e H t. n 1e n Govern .6 4 18 o, 1n c c ro a M t, a b a R t a l su n o C Turke)', i11 1843, and Vice1te, w�c ? ) g E n e e g a y o � is ars in h e y n ia . p · io h t E 1 is 1 l 1 0 ck Looki11g ba at the v1s1t g th n ti o n e , d ri p f o 1t e1 em a.ppeared i11 1846, l1e wro te \.Vi.th an el a�,'' le d to a n �xtra � r ie is n ru T h it w to Etl1iopia wl1icl1 h· e l1ad t111 dertaken bl ished pu e th , es ri nt u co en tt rg fo ordinary n1ove111 n t · towards thos ttering way by a fl t os m e th in d ve ei accot 1 11t of the travels being ''rec th e sciences." of ss re og pr e th in es lv 1s 1 11 1en who i11ter sted the1 re a k fo bo s hi to d de ad e b d in m of 1 tun al Always of a pl1ilosopl1ic reference y an g in ak m t ou ith W . ny 111 sti te a as 11 ,vord ,vhicl1 1nay be take bes re ite rated several m C , rs w llo f 's ter lat e ll1 of y to Saint Si111 011 or an : a u thors. Thus giving us m fa 1er ol'l 1n fro 11 g oti qu s b)' ese tl 1 11 1 1 Sa�nt Si11 01 ia xpa nd ing character of e 11 the i f lie be 1 ian 01 1 Sin int Sa e old 1 i tl c to vo l(no,vedg and ll1 e need for ll1e rulers of t l1 e worl d r t o devote themselves to its advancen,e n. t,251 lie qt1 oteci f.r n1 �/oltaire's d claration in t11e Dictio1i1zc1ire JJl1iloso1J/1iq11e tl1 at ''geograpl1 y is one of thos sciences which one 1nL1st al\vays perfect" a11d tl1at ''all sovereigns must dev te themsel ves 252 Similarly, urging the ''. work great is 1 tl in 1 elp 1 t1t11al 1 ll'.eir 1 n le:1d 1d a nee? 1 !:�_,el·fe-ct for vvl1at Sai11t Si1non l1ad referred t as ''Science of ScJc1�y,: _)J. 1:e Cttiot_ed tl1 argun1ent i 1 1 Rot1 ss au's DiscoiLrs sitr l'origi11e lie I 111 gc�l_zte JJc1�·i1Zl !es l1orr1111es that on shou ld ''not always study stones : anc� l�1r1ts. ?Lit ror_ 01:ce 1ne11 a11d_ cu�ton1s'', so tl1at ''aft r so many cen � , 1 �g �1 1cl c?ns1 d r111 g tl1e house'' sc l 1 lars would ''dare �ur1e.:i SJJer1t 10 111 easur ,1L_ lasl lo u11dersta11d 1 ls 11 1hab1ta1 1ts ."�54 E1 11 pI1asisino · rtance f o tJie llllp tI11,s. Ja't"· · t· c0111 b_ es a 1?o qt1ot_ed l1is old patron Jomard's decl aration ,, t e: poin ll1�tl II�� L11 1ders t, and1ng of 111an 1s tl1e fi11 al obJ· ct o·f tl1 e 0o gr ap hicaI 'sc1�· e·11 c,,,s· c . . anc 1 Ge?rges S a11d's state111e11t tl1 at ''tl1e n1ost int resting tl1i11gs to . ob:> rve In a f·ore1 g11 cou11 try are n1 e11 . "255 o

Tl10L1gh deeply consciotts of tl1e i1 eed for a' sc1·en·t1f· 1c· approacl1 10 . 1 1d . ' geograp 11 y combes fiot1 hum·111 it ren1 akablY a·r . 1··t 1n 1 r·1 cu . practice to . . co11clusio11s fro111 11 ,·s obs rva t·ions Tl1 is draw . is v ery �pparent Ill h .IS . d 1 sct1ssion of tl1e vital Qt1estion of race.. ucl 1 pr�_°.ccup1ed, as he was, . wit� national and raciaf cllaracter a�d WI . l tl1e_ d 1 [fer 1 1ces between 1tl1e various peopl s 11 e 1iad iicouilt red he 1�_11� ed t loo k at sucl1 111atters in wJ1 at w would 11ow consider frailkl ,. Y CISt t n 11s. St1 cl1 an a.ttitu.de, h wev r deplorabl it 1nay 1 10\.v· be . a -� lO ll SUf ed e b er id 11S C0 � llO � � �� , e: : r �� p_rising, for it WOlI)d }1ave COille e a O. c Sa,n,t Simon1a11 \1/}10Ge cre d, un l 1 ke tl1 at of 1 nost scl1ools of arl)' so� c ia 1 s,n, fttlly acceptecl, na y proclain1e d, tl1 fundan1 ent· al i i1 equality of 1113' 1·.1 ' 3 11 � t 11 conseql1 ent need f r a ruerarrath c cl1 i al er tl1 a11 a11- ega · litar,·a' 11 a1 ra11 gen1 n t f soci·ety. . The appr ach of t.11� sect was cl arly def•ined i i i tl'l e 11. � troductio .· n to tl1e official Doctri11 e de . Sa111t-Si11101z wl1ic} 1 excl·iim ' s 'P · artisaiis of eqr,ta[it)1 ! Sai1 1t-Sin1on tells ·

;50 -51 252 ?53 254 255

Fo_ures. op. cit., p. 129. Saint Sin1on, Oeuvres Clioisis I, 32-6. Con1b ::. s,. ot)· ci I. I ' 11.. . S1mc11 Oeuvres Cl .. ° 1nt 0a 74. 3 , ,s ,s ,a .. .. I , it c ' Con1b 2 s op 111•1 v. ' ·· · Ibid, 1. 'rv.

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· 1·aea l1ad yo u me? are i,,,eqi,,aL·,,..,-56 Th1s en be furth• er propo und ed in a t o of Oc e b r, 1830, to the Chamber of Jetter t pu De ies m fro er "P e" Enfantin ea oJJ ue his d rd an za Ba g , who emphatically declar ed that � they rejected any eq ual d1v1 s1 or 1 of pr operty becat1se they belie d ve in "the nati,rc1l INE Y of . 1 I'f e 1n 1_'', regarded st1cl1 jt1eqt1ality QUA� as "tl1e jodispe11sabl e con dition of rtbe social ORDER'', and den1and ed : r i at n o ganis o _ of s ociety in which "each one's task a. "HIERARCHICAL'' shoul d be the expression o f bis capacity an d hts wealth tl1e 11 1 east1re of l1is work ''.2s7 Combes, who st1 bscribed to s11cl1 ideas,. tried to exte11 d tl1 ern to the ion of race-and perhaps eve11 to tl1e rela t1ons betwee11 11 atio11s. A qti1 est pio r 1ee in 1nany things s t1s wa 0 tl1 11e of the ea rJies1 t writers he to devel op a philosopllical basis for the clenegration o1i African peoples, - an attitude w 1 l ic 1 needless-to-say l fitted in very conve1 1ientl)1 vvit l1 tl1 e tl1eory and prac tice of colonial ex 8 .25 '"T he idea of ithe absolu te ec1t1alisatio11 of natio pa11 sion ns ," l1e declared, ' 'wot1ld be as absurd a11d a11ti-social as tl1at o[ tl1e equalisation of men: all 1nen are brothers, it is tr11e, bttt in t11e sa r11 e \vay as tl1 ere are amon g them tl1e elder and tl1 e }'Otinger so tl1ere are superior popt1Ja.tions and inferior races."259 T11rning to tl1e posilio11 of the African in this assumed· schem� of things. l1e conti11 ued : ''I-It11n:::1nity l1as developed st1ccessively in its var1 ot1 s a spe'cts, and the blacks remained always in inactivity; they,,never took part in t1 1e general move111e11 t, a 11d did 11ot make a11y progress.De velopi11g a no less pessi111is·tic approach to Ethiopia11 civilisat_io:1 he dre,v attentio11 to its 1naterial backwardness, obser�ing: ."!he �byss_1 n1ans, \Vho embraced CI1 ristianity, an e111i11ently progressive rel1 g1011, 1 nhab1 t h uts, their kings go barefoot and tl1 ey l1ave only 11t1ts for cl1u�cl�es._ U able t_o ris e to rtbe l1eigl1t of Cl1ristia11 ily they ha�e. .lo\vered Cl1r1st!an1ty �to tl1 e1r o\vn statlire. Tl1is people \Vas, I1owever, v1s1ted by tl1 e Jesuits and by the Port1.iguese who bt1ilt tl1e111 palaces; tl1ey erectecl cht1rc�es a11 d constructed bridcres on the rivers ; bu!t after t-l1e.ir depart�1re, tl1 e br1d�e�. _cl1 rcl1es an � � a ll tl1 esc pala�es fell down, and there re1nai11s notl1111 g bl1t tl1e 1 t1 1ns ot great works. "260 . to . med assu e . h what of ence evid er 1 l anot vvas d ie ve Sl� ry� CoJ? b�s arg,. . ·' " ol: · J 1e continent of Africa i11 general, bl1t . be Afncan mfenonty. Wntmg. excluding Eth1op1a, whe re co.�? 1t1 ,:s were, as he recognized, very diffrent, he declared. tl1at tl1e 11 egroes "'ace�p t sl.avery with a resignation of wl11 cl 1, 1s 11 aitt1ral for them to serve n see ·t ' a. bl cap ..., er nev d u · wo we thank God , ! · � us, and it l1ai s certa ]11ly 11 �ve1 e11 _ teret �11 � lie1 adit' ·of a 11egtro (I speak of 1l1e 1ld give orders to co ey th ) 1a t y r nt co 1r tl1e t Ief: 1 ot 1 negroes w]10 have whites".261 as his fin al conclusion ew dr es mb Co t en .n; gu ,� Carried aw ay by such y of rit rio pe su e tl1 ew vi of t in po 1 � ec 1 t in tha.t ''from the moral. aD<l � ,,2 whites over blacks is 1 iiconteSltble.

· . . 1011 Pren1iere A1111ee, 1829 _(Paris, 1924), ----. _--6i68. 'Vide 256 Doctrine de Sa111t S111 � �� 55 , 1 n o d ) P 9 · on (L 11 11 . 1 Moses to Le1 . 101 257 A. Gray, The Socialist 1 rad,1 also p. 167. . 169-78·' p p ), 56 19 , n o nd o (L a ic fr . A l 258 Vide rr. 1-Iodgkin, Na�ioii�,.��1 z Colonia don, 1959), pp. 20-l. (Lo11 d re ve � c ,s e · cci 7 f, A n, ld so O B. David 259 Combes, op. cit., T, 245. 260 Ibid, I, 24 6. 261 Ibi<I, I 246. 262 I bid, J, 248-9. - 221 -

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. . ve ad h . ha to s em se or th au e t h t dic Arter pen111n g this fe arful ver w a te fe no ot fo a ed dd h enou f:; seco11d tl1ougl1ts, fo�, in t�restingly e dg e a ju ak m to on si n t: r: p · 110t ·· pages furtl1er on, saylllg: I have a of uc ts fi ed ne be e th t le d t n1ent witl1out appeal; let the blacks - duca ann er in m e th by us to ;e � r� ey t tio11 be lavisl1� upon tl1em, � 11 d 1� ed dg ve ju I ha at th em th n ve � g be will_ l1 whic which they receive the care le be ab to y pp ha be ll wi I , aken nust been I have rely, that hen1 too seve ,t to recog11ise tl1is ."263 . ·nto a well-nigh racialist . • T�1o�gh his Saint S1 n1?n1 a.11s-11:1 swept him s, from drawing ist rac er o� ny a m so e u1:J1k l11n1, analysi s, it also prevented any selfish co11clusio�s on behalf �f t�� E1:1 p� an_ po�e:s � On the con ace or people trary. he was �t 1?�1ns. to ar�e that the_ 11�er1o ty � x Ploitatio. n. Reverting or sion s oppre its . . atJ.on for constituted .110. 1ust1f1c S a mt s·1mon1ans, the by d ice to tl1e mess1a111c belief 1n progress. so ofte11 vo . . · those unhappy from far are l1e proclain1ed the opti111istic belief: "We days \Vhere tl1e feeble was tl1e natt1ral prey and slave of tl1e str ng; �od y tl1e strong is 011 tl1e contrary tl1e 11atural support of the we a�, an t� e powerful encourage a11d exa I t t1 1e 1 1umbl e.''?-64

?�

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...,. ;,.

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Coinbes left 1'.1arocco for France shortly before the Frenc� Revolution of J.848. I-Ie is said to l1ave rett1rned home on accountr of illness, an�. accordi11g to 011e of l1is friends, M.A. Metge, deterrr1ined ror_the s�e of his fa1 11ily to \vhicl1 l1e was mt1cl1 at1acl1ed, never to leave l�s. natJve land again. 1-Ie was, ho\vever, i11 Paris a:t the ti1ne of tl1e st1mng eyen ts of . 1::-ebrt1ary 1848. wl1e11 l1is frie11d tl1e IJOet La1nart111e was brought into the revolt1tionary Govemme11t as Mi11i ster of Foreign Affairs. Co111bes was greatly interested in tl1e cl1ange of Government. On Marcl1 I, less tha11 a week after the fall of Lot1is Pl1ilippe, he called on l1is old master, E11fanti1 1, and subsequently vi.sited the Min istry or Foreign Affairs, wl1ere he fou11d a brotl1er of tl1e Saint Sin1onians' old friend Ferdi11a11d de Lesseps \vl10 pron 1ised to give l1im llis support. In a letter wl1icl1 'he wrote to "Pere" Enfanti11 that ver)' s rune day Con1bes explained tl1at tl1is 1nigl1t be t1seful, for tl1ot1gl1 Lan1artine k11ew hi111 ''personally'' he l1ad ,tl1t1s far fot1nd l1im '<una.pproacha ble.'' Appare11tly anxio11s that he and l1is friends shou ld join the new regi1ne he offered the "Pere" l1is ow11 sL1pport in confiden t tem1s, saying: ''I� you tl1ink:. tl1at we n1ust take son1e part in tlus great 1novement I 1(no\.v tl1at I could exercise a salt1tary influen ce in n1 y department."265 Co111be:, and E11fanti11 appear to l1ave bee11 id ealogic ally very close to each 0 thcr dt1ri11g this tin1e. Tl1e ''Pere'' presente d the traveller with a copy of l1is book CorreS[JOJl(la11ce philoso11!1iqi,e ·e/igiei1se, and et 1 Con1bes reciprocated by co111po�i11g a lon g poe111 w tl1e Saint Simonian leader. E11ti tled L' a1,a1it 11eil hicl1 h e dedicated to le et le surle11de111.airi, i.e. ''t'11e Day before tl1e Eve an d the Day after 1:l1e Morrow'', it was set to tl1e_ tt1ne Te J'0�1,iens-ti1, clisait i,n captain a 11d c arried an optiministc refrain to the e[i:ect that the men of tl 1e d ay before the ev e should 1

263 Ibid, I, 252. 264 / b:d, I, 252. 265 Fonds Enfantin, 7603, Con1bes to Enfa.ntin, 1/3/1848. - 222 -

have hope be�a�se only they morrow. Outlining the sufferi. Wo11Id b e the men of the d a.y after the ngs of the people un der the Bourbon and subsequently under the "hyp s ocrite " Louis that the oppre sse d w �uld o e Philipp e it prophesie d da y � ri se Erom the tort11re d F �ance to g1 ve voice ruins of a divided and to tl1e by-no,, me a11s uu-Saint Sin1onian slogan: L1berly, Peace , Order, Religion! ''266 Master a� d d isciple , for all ,th eir si1nilarity of vie\.vs , went diff er ent ways. E� fant1n foun d� d a daily n e wspaJ)er Le cr eclit, wllile Co1nbes 011ce a g a in devote d l1 1n1 self to t1 1e Fre11cl1 foreign servic e. Lamartine, awar e of t he travel ler's six years' e und ertake a d angerous n ew n1ission xperience overseas, asked him to 10 Syria. Combes at first ref used bt1t was later prevaile d upon to a , gree. He accord i 11gly set fo Dan1ascus anc1 w as in tl1at city rtl1 for a t tl1e time of a serious outb reak of choler a. H e filed witl1 'his fa n1il y to a village in Lebanon o nly to see his eldest dat1gl1ter s tr11ck do\v11 \Vith in th ree d ays by the epidernic. He himself shortly afterwards caugl1t t he disease and d eci ded to return to Damascus i1 1 tl 1e hope of obtai11ing atte there . His wife, Ann a, wl10 w as later ntion fro1n a French physician k no w n to her friends as "the Abyssinian'', r ef11 se d to leave l1i1n a11 d travelled with lier fever-stricken I1usba nd. O n arriving al the city tl1ey wer e populace w ho are sa id to have been in a state assaile d by the Muslim ofr religious fervour-it was Ramad an-and accused th em of s preading the in fectio11. :tvlada1ne Com bes attempte d :to d efe11d l1er enf1eebled l1t1sba11d, bu t was throw11 from her horse . She s11cceeded in reacl1i11g the l1ouse of tl1 e Pasha, wl10 sent a detatchment of soldi ers to protect tl1e cortege against tl1e mob. "It was then," Metge r elates, ''that the re prese ntative of France saw the end of _ ·his physical a11d 111oral tortures. I-le passed away, 1s yes tur 11ed � ; . , toward l1e aven as if to b e ar witness to so 1nany atroc1t1es. Comb:;s die d on August 22, 1848, l1is remains being brought b ck to France at llis Gover11ment's reqt1est in Septe1nber of the follow1� na year for i ntenne nt at Ca�telnaucl::irv 267

266 /elem, 1603, <;ombes to -E� f tin 28/3/1848. 267 Foures, op. c1-t, pp. 13 0 6, afro�, op. cit., p. 181. - 223 •.

•

THE ADWA PEACE T REATY OF 1884 Sve11 R1rbe11scJn

On Ju� e 3 , 1884,_ Emperor Yo]1ann is concluded the only two inte rna. tional treati e s to which h e ever affixed his seal. One of t'hese was an Ethio-Britisl1 agree ment to coope rate i11 tl1e abolition of tl1e slave trade. 1 This was almost a ro11tine diplomatic affair discussio n either a t th e tin1 e o f sig11ing or a11d seems to ]1 ave caused n o later. The ot11er treaty was a more con1p l icated afiair. Its p11rpose was to no m1 alize Ethiopia11-Egyptian , relations after the. \.Var of 1875-76 a11d thereby make it possible fo r Egypt th to save ose of its troops garrisoned on tl 1e Suda nese-Etl1iopian border from falling into the hands of the Mal1dists. Besi des tl1e signature of Empe ror Yobannis, tl1is treaty \Vas signed fior the Eg yptian government by Mason Bey, a n American in Egyptian service as governor of Massawa, and for the British gover11n1ent by Rear Admiral Sir William He wett, after wh om it has been na me d the Hewett Treaty. This reflects the fac t that t'he pe ace mission to Adwa was a British i11itiative; tl1e participation of Mason Bey was largely 11 01ninal . 2

The peace treaty contai11s seve11 articles, of wl1ich the tl1ree first and most important in the E11glish text r11n as follows: Article I

From the date of the sjg11ing of this Treaty there _s�all �e free Abyss1n1�,. transi·t throuoh all for O Massowa l1 , to ancl ·from • go<Xls, incl uding arn1s a11d. a111mun1t1on, under Brl t1sh pro tection.

! I II

Article 11

. On and afit er the firSl day 0f s epte mber 1884 corresponding to t·b e e1g · hth day of Mask. arram 1877 , the' country calle d Bogos sha l l be re Stored t H Ma ·es ty the Negoosa Negust; hn�ss the Khedive shall have � and when the troops of his 1m d 'b and s.anh�t ,tl1e bu il d l eft the Garrisons of KasS'al - h n:: bel oing to His Highness ings in t�e Bogos c oun t1; �-�� the Khed1ye, together �it a l e store s and munitions of W�i" e d.el1b all sh s, ing ild bu id sa e th . 10 a.1n rem n ich the wh shall esty the aj M s Hi of t · y er op pr e th vered to and become N egoosa Negust.

J�

. · . ., . ---.:� ' rlia Pa h . itis Br /3· , /2 93 · (F O) d s r o · ec R I ce l Publ ic Record Office, Foreign Off"c ff. 5 50 o 8 1 l V mentary Papers (B.P P.) . 8 4 . L�i 1 ff. The most importan_t �ourc_e , XXX 2 F .o . 93/2/2· B pp . . 1884 , Vol. L L of the Hewett rruss1on 1s cu· · g '. 1n . r r a c for the pur'poses; pre ., • , parati ons. and P.O. 1/30 and 1 /31.

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Article Ill His Majesty the Negoosa Negust . engages to faciJ!tate the withdrawal of the troops of His Highness_ the_ Khed1ve, from Kassala, Amedib and Sanhit through Eth1op1a to Massowah. In Article IV the Kl1edive undertakes to facilitate the appointn1ent of bishops for Ethiopia. Article V provi�es for extradition of criminals between Ethiopia and Egypt, Article VI reference of all differences between the two countries to the governn1ent, and Article VII for ratification of the treaty.3

future mut11aI for the British

Ernperor Yol1annis carried 011t ;J1is engage-ment� u� der the treaty and saved tl1e Egyptian garrisons 11ot only of Senhit (1._e., Ker�n) and _ Amideb but also of Gallabat and Girra througl1 Ethiopian temtory to Massawa. That Kassala fell to tl1e Mal1dists was something that Yohan nis cot11d not be blamed for; l1e wanted to relieve the garrison in time and Ras Alula. ,vas fully prepared to go but told to wait until it was too lale. 4 Following tl1e Egyptian evacuation, Ethiopia temporarily occupied s0111e o.f tl1e evact1a1ted terri'lory, buit in1asm,uch as .Ar:ticle II was intended to establish Etl1iopia's legal rights to tllis territory, Great Britain was the first to violate it. Eight 1nonths after the treaty had been signed the Italians arrived at lv!assawa witl1 tl1e full blessings of the British govern111e11t. Soo11 they began to pusl1 inla11d regarding themselves the heirs of Egypt in the area. Tl1e British government informed them that their occt11)atio11 of Massavva was subject to tl1e conditions or the treaty with Yol1annis, bt1t the atte1npts to restrain them were less than convincing, a11d in 1887 Mr. Gerald Portal was even sent to Yol1annis to ask him to give tip Bo-gos peaceft1lly to tl1e Ita l, i.an.s.5 A·s for ''free tra!Ilsit'' tl1rougb Massc1wa "for all goods, inclt1ding arms and am.munjtion, u11der British J.)rotectio11'', the port soon became as closed again as i t had ever been t111der the Egyptians. Although v.ari-ous exct1ses for the conduct of tl1e B·ritish govern n1ent l1ave been offered - Yol1annis was never promised Massa\va, the coastal strip went with Massawa, Bogos was asked for only after Yohan nis ·h.ad given tl1e !tali.ans a ca.s1t1s be/Ii i!Il the Dogali n1assacre, etc. it has also been qt1ite generally accepted tl1at the Britisl1 treatment of Tl1e most scathing published :0�1 �nnis �as less tl1an fair and ho ��urable. _ 1nd1cLme11t- 1s probably tl1ait of the Br1t1sl1 V1ce-consul for tl1e Red Sea, A.B. Wylde, \vho had been a men1ber of Hewett's mission6 and who wrote in 1.901: I-le was of course the natural ene111y of his western invaders. b �t fr �m tl1e north l1e o �gl1t to have been safe if our treaty w1tl1 him went for an �tl11ng.. Look at our behaviour to King Johannes from any point _ of �1 �w a11d it will not show one ray of l1onesty, and to my nund 1t 1s one of our worst bits of busi11ess out of tl1e many we have been guilty of in Africa, and no 3 The treaty was ratified; see F.O. 93/2/2, Nubar ,to Granville' 12 Oct. 1884 .

(Copy); F.0.,1/31· \ , Granville to Speedy, 18 July 1884 4. Augustus B. w,,lde, Mo�er!1 Abyssinia c(London, .·1901), p. 35 f. 5 Gerald H. Portal, My M 1ss1011 to A b)1ssi11ia (London 1892) pp 14 75 6 Augustus B. Wylde, '83 to '87 in tlze Souda1i (Londo� ' 1888), ' I .P· 1'so f.f ., Il' ' p. 6 ff. .

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wonder ou r position diplo at·ic IIY . s such a bad one with the rulers of the country at p� sen�· �n an� ·Johannes as long as he was of any glserv made use of King ice, and then threw . hi m ov er to the tender mer es of Italy: who we nt to Masso _ wah under our auspices w it� the n tention of til ing territory that belonged to our ally d a Jowed them to des troy and break all the promises E� :nd had solem�y made to King . . Joh annes after he had faitlfull · Y carried out h1s part of ·the agreement. The f t 1· n ot kn ow� ,to the British pu blic and I wi sh it was n ot ��ue 1or our credi� s sak�; but unfortuna tely it is, and i t reads like n o_f tl1e v les t b ts of treachery that � _ � lr ; e , h.as bee n perp t rated . r1oa or m Ind1a In the eighteenth century.1 .. . In 1947 wh en the future of Eritrea. was a hot �ol1t1cal issue, Mar. . gery Perham admitted ''tha . the Br1t_1sh acti on in transferring their :Y was against the fr om E thio pia t It supp ort 0. a letter, certainly against . . . th e sp 1r1t, of. the I-Ie\v1t1 (s1c.) tre·aty though this b no m_eans h anded �he whole of tl1e modern Eritrea to Etl�iopia''. B t �v t1 �g th· e par�!. t1on of Eri t�e a, t �e auth or als o claims that it ��u�d � b l t e a a e or b d · . . "wroiil.g·' t o 1 ncl,ud_ e , _,.a., B ogos, Kun a · m a, a. nd Baria 1n t1be .area to be . . _ n ited with Ethiopia, an d maintains: reu · · · t �at the Ethiopian claims to Eritrea based on the so-caJled Hew_itt Treat y of 1884 seem to have been advanced rather too confidently by Ethiopians. A careful examination of the tre aty and of its his torical co11 text discoun ts tl1e view that it supports a clain1 to the modern Eritrea, w.l1ich did n ot then eXJst .8 That Eritrea did not exist as a politica1 t1nit at the time is obvious. It was created by -the Italians on I J anuary 1890 and re.cei,,ecl i.ts b,oun dari�s ,through !reaties a. s Jia:te as fro1n 1900 to 190·8. B11t all the t, erritotry was JUS� as ?1bvJ-?usly there, �nd a. ca·ref ul exa,n1ination of tJ1e Acl\va, ,treaty and ,of 1: ts h 1sto,r1c·al context 1s long ·Ov- erdue. Is there really sufficient b'a.sis for Wylde's accusation again st the British government for "treachery'' or not? The Ethio -Egyptian conflict which was brough t to a close by the Adwa treaty of 1884 had opened with tl1e military occupation of B ogos in 1872 by the Egyptian governor of Ma.ssawa, Munzinger Bey. The an nexatio n was allegedly n1ade at tl1e request of the population. 9 But the fact th at Munzinger even after he had received the order expressed his hope that Bogos would su bmit peacefully and asked for 800 addi tional so ldiers in case it did n o t, is sufficien t evidence that not even Munzinger bjmself! was c onvinced that the popula tion of Bogos wan'ted to bec ome Egyp tian su bjects. 10 Emperor Yohannis reacted by sending his milita.ry adviser, General Kirkham,. t o Eu�ope to complain about Kbedive Ismail's act ivities and seek the d1ploma t1c support of the Euro pean governments in the face of Egyptian .aggression. In order to solve . . . (L�don, 1947), pp. 53 f., 436 f. 7 Wylde, Modern Abyssinia, p. 39 ,1t of Eth1o p1a 1e n rn ve o G e h T , am . 29. 25 ?viarch 1872; 8 Margery Perh , p rs e r1 pe su s re rd � , 9 93 ; �1ve lsma,l_ (Ca1.ro, 1936-51), III, �· p. 3�8 . 9 Abdine Archives (A.A.), Reg. t �l1ed du ze g, re i, n, d ow e 8 ir D , to is 72 H 1 , r. in p u o A 26 D . G e, iv ecl to the Kh er g . in DZ u M 7, ier ss o D 3, 10 A.A., Sudan op. cit., Ill, 2, p. 340.

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(

I . I

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I II I

I ' 1.

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II l I

Ll1 e m�tter peace-fully, Yohannis offered to ac�ept tl1e . decision �f a European arbitrator. 111 ::1ddition. to the Bogos 1ssue, . Kirkham rat�e? tl1e followi11g ni.a tters : the Egyptian occupation of Anf1lla, the prohl�1tion against import of arms a11d a1n1nunition through Massawa to �th10pia. t}1e exorbita11t custo111s duties at Massawa, allegedly amount1ng to 36% 011 all goods goi11g i11 or . out of Etl1iopia, and the t�reat to th� salt plaj11 s posed . by th� Egypti'111 troops at Anfilla. 11• While ther: e 1s no dot1bt. about tl1 e ar111s en1bargo - it was extended to 1nclude sport1ng guns � 12 73 18 in tl1e begi11 11i11g of - tl1 e duties may or may not ba,,e been -'6 % , but they· ,vere at least· ad.n1itted to be very l1igh.13 From tl1e very begi1u1i11g ofi the conflict Yohannis thus made his desires k11 own to tl1e Et1ropean powers. They were the retrocession of Bogos a11d otl1er districts a11 d places occupied by the Egyptians, 14 and ·eitl1er a port or free lransit of goods i11 cl11ding arms and am.n111nition tl1rougl1 Massawa. Altl1ot1gl1 the Britisl1 go,,eroment, to which tl1e appeals \.Vere particularly directed, did 11 othing to satisfy Yohan.ni8, it was most Likely Bri,lisl1 qt1eries at Cai·ro as to \Vhat was going on that -took the ·pressure off E.tl1 iopia.'s nortl1enn frontier for some ;time. T11 the 1niddle of Septe111 ber 1875 t11e gra.nd scl1erne of Ismail to i11corporate tl1e I-:Iorn. of Africa in l1 is empire was read.)'. Four expedi tio11ar)' rc,rces 1noved in on Etl1iopia fron1 the 11orth and east. One was directed to the Somali coast ofi tl1e Indian Ocean and concerned neither \r ol1,u111 i s nor I\1.i11ilik:.; �1 seco1Jd was landed at Zeyla and successft1lly occttt)ied lf,trcr. \vl1icl1 greatly displeased Mi11 ilik; a third was landed at rfc:1jurra a11cl led by Mt111 zinger into Awssa where it was ambushed and al111osL an11il1ilated: tl1 e fot1rtl1 marcl1 ed fro1n Massa\va in.to Rama.sen and Seraye a11d n1et .its fate at Gttndet on November 16. Khedive Isrnail's atten1 pt to tak:e revenge for Gtindet led to a new decisive victory for the Etl1iopia11 s al Gura, Marcl1 7 - 9, 1876.1 5 ·J111n1 ediat. ely after tl1e Gt1ra battle tl1e Egyptians opened. arn1 is tice ancl peace negotiations \Vl1icl1 were to drag on for eight yea.rs. The reaso1�s are quite evid�11t al�eady fr?n1 tl1e first conditio11s offered by tl1 e Eg)1pt1an Commai1der-10-Cl11ef, Rat1b Pas'J1a, on instructions frotn Cairo. Tl1ey' were .: .. '

1) tl1e restitt1 tio _ 11_ ofi all c1ro1s lost by the Egyptia11 s in tl1e t\VO battles; 2) tl1e repatr1at1011 o[ all prisoners of war;

3) free trade belween tl1e two cou11tries.

Yol1 annis replied tl1at if tl1 e �g)1ptia �s really wanted peace tl1ey ought to h . and baclc Bogos and pay an 111de111111ty. I-Ie also declared tl1at be was •

F.O. 95/731'. Y<?ha.11nis t o_ Vi�toria, 13 Aug. 1872, and to Granville, san1e date; P.O. 1/_ �7�. State1ncnt_ for Lord Gra.t1vil1e . ' by Kirk.11am, 31 Oct. 1872: Archives d u M1n1sterc d�s Afrfa1�·es Etrangeres (A.E.), 11en1oires et Docutnen ts, Aby s _ . s1D1e 3, fohann1s lo fh1ers, 10 (sic.) Aug. _1872 and 'Statement for s. E. l'vf. ,je r Ren1usat, _ Nov. 187 2: Ge n1an and Au.str1an arcl1ives also contain docun1ents

from K1rkhan1's n11ss1on. 12 Douin, op. cit., III, 2, p. 415. J. 3 . P.O. 1 /27B,. Sta11to11 to Gra nvil l_e,· � De.c· . !'872 ·' F.O. 78 /·2501' Vivian to �-r ,u-c; by' · · · 1 •• 20 Oct· 1876! ·1.4 .. F.O_. l/27 / ; y 1873 _ �, Ki.rkhan1 to Oranville, 13 Jvfa. F.O . 95 732 ' Yohannis to · y . Granv11ie, -15 :tvf a. 1873. ·15' The· rnos t· detailed_ and � est docrunented, thougl1 sornewhat biased, account of _ foun the \Var 1s d 111 Douu,, op. cit. III, 3, pp. 629-969. 1

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prepare d to release the prisoners of war and concl t1de a commercial and postal treaty but wo uld 11ot return any of tl1e cap . tured arms.16 In April it was agreed �hat a treaty establishing peace and providing for tl1e trade wo uld be s1g11ed, but \�hen Yoh . anni s, who had already signed the docume11t, rel eased the pr1 s011ers of war, Ratib Pasha decided not to sign and brought_ 1 1p n ot_ only the c1i1e stio11 of the arms again but also the pay n1 e11 � of a11 1ndem111 ty. to Egypt to cover the expen ses of the war and pens1ons for the fam1l 1es of the soldiers killed in it as well as additional territory, possibly as f::1r as Mereb. 17 It is q11ite obvio i1s tl1at Is1nail eitl1er did. not w:an.t to commit hin1self ,to ainy agree1nent at all or underestu11,ated Yol1 a11 nis . Tl1e Egyptia11 p.eace 1uis sion \Vas told to return ·to Cairo .l8 Yohannis, h o\vever, se11 t a 111 ission of1 l1 i s own to Egypt to get across bis own conditio11s to tl1e Khedive bt 1t \Vhen tllis failed the nego tiations cea sed.1 9 1�11e Egyptia11 s remai11 ed at K ere11 , but witl1drew from I-Iamase11 to Massawa and its in1n1edia,te 11eigl1bo url1oocl, with outposts not more tha n five kilon1e tres inla11 d.20 When it became evident tl1 at Isn1ail and Yoban11 i s wot1ld 11ot be able to come to te rms witl1 each o tl1er w.itl1 011t assistance , it was suggested that an English officer be entrttst ed with the negotiations. General Gordon, \Vho was tl1 en Governor General of tl1e Sudan, thus came to dominate the peace nego tiatio11s fro111 Febrt1ary 1877 1111til the end of 1879. Altho�gh there are n1in or differences between variot1s docu1ne11ts, Gordon's first proposal s ca11 be listed as follows :

a 1 1 arnlistice p en din g the fi 11al conclt1di11g of peace; pre servatio11 of tl1 e frontiers existing before the war; free trade and free pas sage for e11voys thro11g]1 Mas�awa; _ tl1e rigl1t f or Y ol1a1111is to jmport arms and a1n1ntrn1{101 1 tl1r?u?h Massa wa witllin 'fix ed li111 its' (111 011e of tl1e doct1n1 ents the l1m1 ts are stated as: 50 J)Ot1nds of gunpowcler, 10 muskets an d 500 percu ssion ca.ps an11 t1ally ! ); . . . . . 5) tl1e sanction of tl1e I<l1ed ive for se11cl1�g a new bishop to Eth1op1a, 6) an 11ndert, .aking to .5;to.p R as Welde JvI1kael, �vl1 �, l1 ad, gou�... ove·r to · tlle Egyptian side , fro1n raidi11 g over tl1e Etl1 1op1an borcle1 .-L

I) 2) 3) 4)

Tl1e l ast two or tl1 ese co11d;itio11s ,vo uld, of cot1rse? n1eet Etl1iop�an o gos and surrou11dwg areas o11 ts1de o11ld leave B w n eeds. . B ut ar t·1c Ie ? . . · . . .. . 8 75 w s e <led as tl1e beg 11111mg of. t I1e. war, ru1d. the m ea11 th1op 1a 1£ 1 , . TJ1e fact · its'' WOllld· need clarificatio n ' d lim os 1n � of ' , free tra1 de � aI:n r��fixe th ;! the ten muskets and the; r am��mi !�: ; i::e 0 f ti�: documents are paid on other 10 . at _ d 1 J 1 sted a s duty-fre� .mdicates th Yotild YohanIJi s b e pennitted to im w eoods . A11d even if dirty were pald' port ar1ns a ·t pleas11re? t these or similar terms throu gh ep acc . s ru an oll Y ke ma o ts t np te1 At ordon set out to meet t11e G 9 187 b e � Se in d an deputies al! failed � onditions oft Y ohanni s and if � c the ��t 0 n i t o s wa e H . Emperor him self ff. 16 ,· Douin, . ·.r·rr, 3 , P· 986033 . op. c,t., ·t7 lbicl., pp." 101 l ff., 1021 f, 1 18 . Jbicl., p. 1038 f. . ·19 Ibid., pp. 1053, 1090 ff. . 77 18 n. Ja 23 d an Ja n� 1 , by er 20 F.O. 78/2631, Vivian to D � Ap · an d 19 June 1877, Wylcle to Derby, 21 F.O. 78/2631, Vivian -to Derby, 23 Apr. 1877. - 229 -

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y de an ce to t no cte str in s wa � he t Bu � nt. me ree _ _ possible come to an ag us vio 1s ob ma lem di s h1 of t ten ex e Th rt. po a or s go territory, whether Bo e on th ck ta at an r fo ed ar ep pr a ul Al s Ra d un fo at he from the fact th at e th ar aw l we as ! on r Go r, ve eo or � M . � wa sa as M Egyptians near . Egypt. on ms a1 cl e b f1a st1 JU d � ha d an e on d ge on wr e th s Yohannis wa _ t: am str t re ou th wi us tr t ou ab gs lin fee s hi als ve re In unofficial documents he t g t no an I st, be m ing do t, � tha re � su l fee I � . od ''I am in a very angry mo his e e m giv t no ll wi es nn ha Jo ow ''N ." ess sin bu s with credit out of thi ou ''Y ." len sto ve ha we at wh ing ep ke in st rsi pe I en , help for nothing wh , d ple an eo y-p r nt· asa pe e av bT , ed nd mi ple sim r, o · po se the ing lik t . can : no h·elp ty en d tw an e ey an r fo e ey an nt wa ) us e (lik y the Eor m; the d use I have ab shillings for one pound. ''22 d as an ' hts 'rig n tia yp Eg ain int ma to ed lig ob t fel n rdo Go s, Nevertheles y. pp ha st n u. mo re we r bo Ta bre De at or per Em the l1 wit ngs eti me ult a res l1is Yohan11is was fully aware that he could bargain fro m strength and asked for: 1) the retrocession of Metemma, Shanqilla and Bogos; 2) tl1e cession of tl1e ports of Zulla and Anfilla; 3) a bishop; 4) a11 indemnity from one to two million pounds. In the course of the negotiatio11s, Yohannis offered to drop the inden111ity for the port of Massawa. Other combinations were also men tio11ed, but all co11tained some Egyptian cessions of territory including a port, l'er1ns ,vl1ich Gordon was bound by instructions not to accept. Gordo11 left with a letter to tl1e new Khedive, Muhammed Tewfik, in w]1ich 'Yol1a11nis declared that he would make peace with Egypt only if the I<l1edive app roached him througl1 the sovereigns of the Europeai1 po\.vers.23 During the following years Yohannis was diplomatically very active, writing to the sovereigns of E11gland, France and Germany asking for their support in gaining a port on the Red Sea.24 Son1e appeals were accom pa11ied by threats to reopen hostilities if the Britis11 go,,ernment did not support a settlement that provided for tl1e extension of Ethiopian territory to the coast,25 others contained the promise to do notl1ing except with the approval of his British friend Victoria.26 All was o� no avail. British policy vis-c't-vis Ethiopia had been expressed by Earl Derby in one b ·rjef sentence: ''Tl1e less we meddle i11 Abyssinian politics the better."27 But the ten1 porizing ans\vers sent to every letter fron1 Etl1iopia meant tl1at Yohann_ 1s . was hampered in dealing ,vitl1 Egypt; l1e never knew where the Br1,t1sl1 S· to·od. They wan;ted, o.f course, to see an ,end to the conflict, but hardly at Egypt's expense. By May 1882 tl1e Egyptian government h.ad 22 M. A. Gordon, ed., Le tters of General C. G. Gordon to His Sister (Lond'Jn _ beck 1888), p. 202 ff.; G. B1rk Hill, ed., Colonel Gordo11 i11 Central Afric� 1.874-1879 (London, 1881), pp. 402 f., 408. 23 HiU, op. cit., p. 412 ff. 24 Corr�p_ondcnce on this mat!er is found in F.O. 1 /30, P.O. 95/738-742, A.E. Abyss!n!e 3, and I-Iauptarcluv des Aus\vartigen Arnts' Abteilung A · (A ·A · A)· ' Abess1n1en 2. 25 F.O.. 95/?39, Yohannis to Victoria, 29 Apr. 1880, Y•ohanniis ,to ·the Ministers of V1ctona, same date. 26 F.O. 95/740 Yoh:annis to Victoria, 5 Nov. 1881. 27 F.O. 78 /2853, Minute by Derby on Vivian to Derby, 9 Feb. 1878. - 230 -

to �onsider ''t erritorial conc essions to. Abyssinia''. They would howe�er, offer no port, and were supported in this by the British Consul in Cairo: I cannot but co�t�nue to be of opinion that the possession of a port_ by Abyss1 n1a wou ld be a danger to EgYPt, and t hat such a cession s�ould n ot b e ad_vocated by England unless our presen t attitude of protection towards this country b ecomes changed to one o.f ho5-tility.2s On th e other hand, th e British w ere becoming a bit concerned about Yo�1�nnis' con �acts w ith France and G ermany. By 1882 th e Emperor was d·�fin1tely turning away fro� E 11g�and an d l1oping to s_olve his problems with French or G erman assist ance.-9 But when Yohann1s learnt about the. British occupation that f10llo\ved Arabi Pasha's rebel lion, he made a last plea. Now, at least, ther e was i11 his eyes notl1i 1J g to stop the British govern ment from settling the n 1atter.3o started

What actually force d En gland to go from words to action was, ho\vever, the Mah<lis, 1t reb e;llion in ·th e Su-d-an and tl1e ch,ances that Egyp:t wou ld n ot only lose tl 1e dis puted areas but hav e i ts troops in the eastern Sudan caught bew ee n ho stile Sudanese and Ethiopians. It became a question not on l y of t emporising to prevent Y oha11n is from reopeni11g the war and capturin g som e port for Ethiopia, bt1t of solliciting his hel p to sav e the Egyptia n garrisons. Tl1is was the situation towards the end of 1883 when Hew et t was sel ected to l1ead a peace mission to Ethiopia. Th ere w er e some difficulties in agreeing upon the conditio11s to be offere d to Yohannis. On 011e ha11d, tl1ere was sti ll tl1e Egyptiru1 and at l east wit h regard to Massaw a t l1e Otto1nan governme11t to tak:e into con sid e ration . On the oth er l1and, the Britisl1 knew what Yohan11is wanted and Granville mad e it auite clear that the Egyptian gov ernme11t would hav e to give the Briti,sli n1 iss ion free hands to satisfy E.t li iopi a. 31 The Egyp:ian governm en t tri� to ofiler Bogos, bishops and free .,.tra.de tl1:ough Massawa with the e xcept10 11 of arins. 32 Wl1en tl1ey_ were LOia tha1- they might have to let Massawa itself go, they agree d to lift the _arn1s en1bargo but obj ected to tl1e cession of the port �n th� grounds that 1 t cot1ld not � ceded except by the Sul�an.. Foreign Office did nort w�rry n1�ch a.botut that. I£ the Po,rte a,ccepted tl1e a.ba.ndonment of _;tl1e Sudan 1n the £1·rst .. �Lace. both Bogo,s aind Mrussawa oouLd go along wi,Vl1 111:. In any case, the Br1 at1sh wo11ld decide .33 er continued. Gen eral Go:don off o t t a wh er ov g in gl th Ev 34 Other adv1� ers . all at n o ssi mi o n ly rab e advoca �� :� lit;l:��possible, pref ted some coastline, ca vo ad , er k . Ba ul ns Co d n a dy s ?n the spot , capta1· n. P 35 Bu .t whatever the condi:t:ions, the miss ion · a c: · l l eez u l b 1f not Ma ssawa po ss1 y

2 8 F.O. 1/30, Ma]et to Granv�lle, 1 M� y 1�8 to· v· 1881 · A.A.A., Abessinien 2, '1 h 1m' 9 Apr. 1883 . See · 3 ' Y·obiann1s to G re vy ' . · 1e 29 A.E., A. byssm to W1· e 1s nn a oh Y , 82 18 g. A Yoha, nrns to Rohlf-s, 19 . 1883. ov N 26 g in ar B b u f ind also F.O. 1 /30, Memora � o 1883 30 F.O. 95/743, Yobannis to V_iot na, 9 ·Air' i 883 · 31 F.O. I /30, Gr<1;nville to Ba1:ng, 27 : 3 8 8 1 : . � N . 12 , e 1.ll o":' ro G 32 P.O. 1/30, Ba:nng to tached mmutos. at th wi 84 18 n. Ja l8 d an fl • 12 33 F.O. 1/30, Baring to Gran�ille, .. . 4 8 8 t . eb F 4 2 d an 3 34 F.O. 1 /30, Gordon to. Ba,r1.n�, 11 Dec. 1883, Baker to Granville, 7 21 d an 35 F.O. 1 /30, Speedy ito Granville, 2

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n1ust not fail. ALtention was paid to proper presents, to the form of the Quee11's letter - illuminated vellum with na.mes and titles in red 1nk and the large signet at tl1e top - a11d to Yol1annis' title - for the first time_ he would be called 'Majesty' i11stead of 'Highness'. 36 Sir Robert Napier, Lord of Magdaia., was asked to write a letter to support Hewett and agreed provided ''we are going to.give hi1n any help in return for his forbearance bt1t if our purpose is merely to make him hold his band ? ow that he has the opportunity of recovering the territory wrestled from him, I should not like to do so. It is an opporturuty for Abyssinia which should not be lost". 3 i This should l1ave been obvious to tl1e Foreign Secretary as well. Nevertl1eless, l1e vacillated between givi11g up Bogos and Gallabat for the safe witl1<lr.awal oS ·111,e garriso11s and refusing He\vett ;the autl1or i1ty to cede any territory wl1atsoever. 38 Finally Hewett lost patie11ce and asked. for po,ver to settle the business. 39 He was then at1thorized to negotiatate a treat.>' on the follo\ving terms: 1) l(i11g 1·011n to facilitate tl1e witl1drawal through his territory of the Egyptian garriso11s i11 tl1e neighbourhood of tbe frontier; 2) All differe11ces between Egypt and Abyssinia to be referred to li.Tv1. Govt.; 3) Tl1e l(ing to be at liberty to occt1py tl1e district of Bogos; 4) Free transit tl1rougl1 Massawa, tinder British protection, for all goods i11clt1d.i.ng arms an, d an1n1t1ni.tion, from .and to Abyssiitia; 5) TJ,e settlc1ne11t of tl1e CJliestion regarding tl1e appointment of an Abun. ][ ab::;olutely necessary he was also autl1orized to concede that '',l!l1e occu pation. or Gallaba,t by Abyssinia \vould no,t be opposed''. Fjnally, ''tA gene ral reservation with -respect to the lawful claims o, f ,the Por,te sho11ld be introduced jr1to the agreen1ent''.40 1-Iewett was puzzled by tl1e ''general reservatio11''.41 It was agreed in th.e Foreign Office that the claims were ''ill-defined'', and that si11ce Yohannis would not receive ''any Turlcis/1 territory as distingt1isl1ed &om Eoyptiari territory'' and the word ''cession'' would not be used, a11d since ''the title of Egypt or of the Porte was never constunmated or confirmed by a Treaty of Pe.ice or by the st1bmission ·o.f King John," -and .the reservation it would perl1aps be wiser to ... strike would be ''so diffict1lt to explain it out of the i11structions, and trt.at the occt1patio11 of Bogos and Gallabat as a reconqt1est by King Jol1n, whicl1 Egypt l1as not seen fit to resist''.42 !his is an exceptionally grand exan1ple of l1ow complicated the diplomatic issues _could become; b�t nobod:y seems to have tl1ought of the fact that r10 article about the territory ,vas 11ecessary at all if the '' cession'' was to be regarded as a reconquest - nobody except probably Yohannis !

· Jan. 1884. 36 F.O. 1/30,_Baring to Gra11ville, 5 Jan. and 23 Feb. 1884; F.O. 95/744, Victoria to Yohann1s, 2 Jan. 1884, 37 F.O. 1 / 30, Napie'r to Granville, 26 Dec. 1883. 38 J:.O. 1 /30, Granville to Baring, 9 Feb. and 1 M,arch 1884. 39 F.O. 1 /30, He\\'ett to Baring , 6 March 1884. 40 F.O. 1/30, Granv.ille to Baring, 1 O MaTch 1884. 41 J:·0. l /31, Hewett to Baring, 12 March 18 84. 42 F.0. 1 /31, Memorandum to P.auncefote, 15 Marc , h 1884. - 232 -

me ideas that the Empe�or could be bro·ught to had be_ e Tl1er � � n. � . . Mas�aw a_ to 11egot1ate_, i �ut _ ';l1en He��tt and h i s starf arrived at Adwa kept �h �n1 wa1t1ng for a mont11 before he came. on April 26, Yol1a11n1s _ But once he a�rri·�ed , the negot1 .at1on_s were ca rried Oltt in a few days ancl on June 4 t11e m1ss1on co111d rettirn with the treaty.44 A �on1 �arison .between the treaty and the list of articles in Hewett's s -the st·ronge r ,party in tile nego eveals \Vl10 w� o· ns 1mmed1ately T j�st r11ct1 . _ _ r t1at100s. 1-\ t1cles 3 and 4, tl1e two_ most important for Ethiopia, have been 1 11oved to tl1e top as nos. II ancl I respective1y. Yohannis' undertak.ino to assisit in, 1the ev11c11ation ,o,f t. l1e Egyptian garrisons and to refer dif.fere;ces to ·tl1e Britis11 goverm11ent l1ave bee11 1110v, ed d o1w n from nos. 1 and 2 to nos. Tll and VI. -r.J1e ·,uticle abo11t extraditio1111as been .addecl as Article V n1ost certai11ly at ll1e reqt1est of Yohan11is. Moreover, Article I about fr� tra11sit through Massa,va goes into effect immediately on signature, a1t11ot1gh the English text originally l1ad "On and after the Eirst day of October 1884''. Tl1e alte ration is made 011 the sjg11ed copy. But more import,1ot in view of tl1e d isct1ssions a.bottt tJ1e "rese rvation witl1 respect to the lawful claims of the Porte'' is the change in Article II. It is quite obvious that Yol1annis did not believe i n being "at liberty to occupy'·. W11etl1er he ft1lly u11derstood tl1e i111plications of the matter or not, the change was made: Bogos sl1all be restore{! (.eflDti/J: /iti=) There is also the addition about tl1e buildings and tl1e stores and mu11itions of war which were to be l1anded over , and tl1e qt1estion whetl1er ''the co11ntry called Bogos'' is the same as ''tl1e district of Bogos'' or a wider term. T11at Gallabat is not included, neitl1er in Article II nor ill, is due to tl1e fact that it was believed tl1at it had already falle11 into the hands of the Mahdists.45 But eve11 ,vitl1 tl1ese gains, t'he q11estio11 remai11s ,vhy Yohannis settled for anything 'lessi tha11 a J)ort of his own. The a.nsv,er must lie either in the fa.ct tl1ait f ewet.t ma·naged. to n1ake LJ1e En1p0ror 11ndersta,�d that Massawa belonged to the Tu rks and could not be ceded or 1n Yohannis' understanding of the n1eaning of ''free transit''. Hewett' s original u11derstanding of ''free transit'' is evident f_rom the fact that he phrased this article in a 1ett_e� to Ras Alula as fol�ov1s: "... goods coming 011 t a.nd going into Abyss1111a, wl1ether 1nerchand1s�. or n1 unitions of war, n1 ay pass free of duty through Massowah 1md�r Bnush protection.'' Mason, who had not see? the lett� r beforehan_d,_ pomted out that this said more t11 an the ins.tr11ctions and , itha:t -Abyssm11 should be content with the passage of a1711s, th?se add re�sed to the King, free o: _ d uty; otherwise, it wotild be 1mposs1ble to n1a1nta.1n the port of Masso wah''.46 -_ LIS ly M a<:.. on's remark made some impre.ssion o� Ifewett, for �e ObVIO the customs dues was 'brought up Ill of ion est reports th· at· when the q11 · · s tom cus of the alf e-h ''on t tha d ste ge SUg s wa it , the negot1at1ons at Adwa a''. ini yss Ab of t tha to lf ha er h . ot the t, yp Eg of ry ld su shou go to th e Trea en wh but , self him t wet e H m f ro me ca al os op pr e th i s, rd Acco ng to Yohanni _ �

· . 43 P.O. 1/30, Ba.ring to Granv· ille, 18 Jan. 1884.. an, ud So the in '87 to '83 e yld \,\/ ' 4 188 ne u ' J 44 P.O. 1 /31, Hewett to Granv1. 11e, 9 I, p. 271 ff., II, p. 6 ff. . f 45 P.O. 1 /31, Egerton to Granville, 12 J uJ Y 1884 • 46 P.O. 1/31, Maison ,to Nubar,.7 May 1884, - 233 '

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the Emperor wanted to have the arrangement !n�erted in th e t�e�ty. Hewett ve go 1t1s Br h of Ji on ss1 rnu pe the � !11 ed � ed ne he backed out stating that ng tti ge 1n y ult fic d1fi y an ct pe ex to m see t no is did ment first.47 Yohann r n as tte co ma the ard reg t no did he t tha us vio ob is this, but even so it e the ed gat en op g vin ha for y rtil hea st mo en e . Qu the s . nk ded tha He clu of Massawa, but also requests her to arrange tha t it be· returned to Ethiopia while protected by England.48 Exactly what l1opes had been held out to Yohannis about t he future of Massawa is impossible to know. There were later statements that a that verbal agreement in addition to the treaty had existed, and it is a fact 49 One d. wor its g pin kee not of ent ernm gov Yol1annis accused the Britisl1 need not, l1owever, look for broken verbal promises to explain Yohannis' later accusations. He l1 ad a document in his hand which would almost certainly make hi1n the master of Massawa very soon in any case. No notice has t o my knowledge ever been taken of ·the Am'haric text 50 Mason. and , Hewett is, Yohann by sig11ed d of tl1e treaty, also sealed an . Article I tl1ere incorporates in tl1e most explicit v,ay possible Hewett's original u11derstanding of ''free transit'': 09 °'r'P : {lC : ftP/.lDll)t; : fOI/.1'1 : ]\j> : U"ft- : f ', ,;J .�'? : h.�()J : fi.lf1 : f(llC : UG '1C.f9° : n,r.r1 : h 01,nc : ',� : f_,Wc;A : 01\1'1/\,11 : ,n'lcl!',:,• :: If tl1e Egyptians could not stay a.nd administer ·ihe port under these conditions, Yol1annis would not n1ind if they left. In the meantime, it was a ireaty oblig� ti�n of ·the Britjsl1 government to see to it that all goods to a1�cl from Ell11op1a passed tl1rougl1 Massawa 'fli·f} C : �X : - duty free. Tl1at _ tlus actually contradicted the proposed 50 / 50 sharing or the duties did not seen1 1? �orry Yohannis. But tl1en it did nort wo,rry Hewett ei.tl1er, ·and it wa� 111s 1nt�rpreter fro1n Cairo who had mad.e tl1e -translation, besides \Vl1 1cl1 Captain Speedy also knew Amharic.SI But it is not 011ly Article I tl1at presents a different story in the Aml1 aric text. Article II runs as follows :

_ . l_/31, Hewett to Granville, 9 June 1884·' F · o · 95 47 F.O /744, Yohann1s to V1otona, 25 June 1884. 48 P.O. 95/744, yo11annis to Victori ,a, 25 June 1884. ' 49 F.O. 1 / 31, Mi1nute on memorandum by R If 9 July . · · . Arc1?-i� _18 84, 1· 0 Sto nco dell'ex ·Ministero· dell'A.frica Italiana' 36 3�{2, F�rr 1 ar1 \1ancrn1, 25 May 1885. 50 F.O. 93/2/2. 51 F.O. 1 /31, He\vett to Granville, 9 June 1884. - 234 -

Although it�ere is no definitio� ofi "the . r. the groupin g o try coun called Bogos" 11ere f Kassala:· �1 1deb a.nd S eithe e11l1it together as the places - �tilitl : /lt;:C·f = - wl1 ere bt11ld1ngs, stores and n1 t1nitio ns of war should be handed over to Yohann is, raises tl1e qt1estion w h et l1er Bogos does not fo s_ rn r t an t1cl1 more tl1an tl_1e clistrict d }1ere . of B areas 10 th e north _which tl1e Egyptian s \Vere abou ogos, namely a.II tile t to this is aln1ost certain ly ·tl1e case at least as far as Yol evacuate. In fact, 1annis was concerned. si Ev. er nce 1872 Bogos w as at the ce11 tre of tl1e cot1flic t as far as territories "rent an d it w as often used as the over all nan1e for the disouted areas bet,veen Massawa a·11d KassaJa. Yol1annis n1ad e it aL1 ite cl�ar that he intended to occupy everytl1 ing as far as and includi,11g kassala,s 2 and one might ask w l1at good tl1 e buildings there wot1ld clo J1im if he did no t. be no ou :e ld 1 sl d It tl1at ev en \Vitl1 tl1e E·nglisl1 versio11 only, Granvill came to th e conclusion tl1at by' A rticle II Kassala, Amideb an Se e d nl 1it seemed all to be included in Bogos. \iVl1e11 Co n1n1ander Rolfe wl ha accompanied He\.vett drew tip a plan ftor the evacuation of th ga10 d e rrisons he stated as some tl1i11g self-evident tl1at "Kassala should be given over to Ab),ssinia as so on as that country is read.y to take it over".53 There are other discrepancies between the two texts which may be of value for a reconstruction of tl1e translation procedure. B11 t tl1e only one of importance as a possible indication of Yol1a n. nis' independent attitud e appears in A rticle VI \vl1ere 1Lii1r : 11 1,(l(Jl}· = is st1bstitt1 ted for "refer ...for s ettlement''.54 4

The Adwa peace treaty of 1884 was ge11 erally speaking very favo11r able for Ethiopia, wl1icl1 in vie\v of the history of the confilict and tl1e ,,rar as well as other circumstances was to be expected. Etl1iopia's lost borderlands ,vere recovered. Massa'.-va was a free port. TJ1ere wo11ld be no more embargos and no more cL1 stoms duties to. pay. 01: the 0Ll1er hand.there were ambiguities in the E11 glisl1 -text ancl d1screpa11c1es between this text and the An1haric. If verbal agree1ne11ts to make 11p for the�e deficiencies had been reached at all, -tl1ey were 11ot to _be re�pected. It !s revealjn g to find i,n one and tl1e sa1ne Foreign Office _n1111t1te _Ro�fe s ''account of what was tl1e (verbal) u11derslanding ... sl1ow111g the �,ncl1�a tion of King J ol1n'' discarcled because ''we �us� go by tl1e treaty :While Hewett's report of what he l1ad told Yol1ann1s 1s accepted as a basis for handling the Etl1iopian questio11.55

The effect of the treaty on the situation at Massawa was probably to Yohannis the mo st disappoin·ting aspect of tl1e whole matte�. Apparently et there was hardly an y cl1ange at al�. In Septe��e�, the ��re::: r a h r a !��r �zl 0 th d c is tl1 for roonl ere s t t . obse ved imr o�e�e1k�ng ·j�hn w f rh a ra 1 y o e the Egyptians detained a bell tl1ere or ere 'sjmply to annoy' un der pretext that custom dues had not been paid."56 52 53 54

55 56

.a e Jun , alty 16 mir Ad to t wet He 4 188 ay M 30 , lty r F.O 1 /31, Ha stings to Adnii 1884. , 9 July 1884. ely tiv ec sp re lfe Ro d .11 i n ra G ?Y F.O. 1 /31, Me_m oranda . the phras.e viz II, le tic Ar � in e on is e : �h r ma Am-ong the m1nor question as it .. " ,,., for or err g tin it wr s ° b re ' he nc,n10 , J'/l•+ " Cnn �1 1n ter is lat the If e? els ing eth som a an -� 1 es _do js spelled some lines - a b?v<?, 01 n try" bas nothing corres u co s o g ;i e t h in s tn� ild the case , then "the bu ponding to it iJ n_tl1e A� a �ic text� i d 9 July 1884. a n um r ::l' em n, ·e ol R f � J .O. J/31, Minute 011 · t· IS84. ·· P.O. 1 /3.J, ?vfinute by Gr.anv1Ue, 8 Sep - 235 -

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B11t inst, ead of reaUy doing so,mething about .ilt, the British govern.ment 1,,ve11t on temporizing: '' ... it would be wise to keep him iI1 good humour by a frie11d]y reply to his inquiry poi11ting out 111at H.M. could n�t do more for him at present and. that the co11cession of f:ee transit thro�gh Massowal1 under Britisl1 protectio11 is one of immense importance to him, and \vil'l no do11bt prove of the greatest be11efit ... under tbe new and advantageo11s conditions obtai-r1ed for hin1 .by the Treat.y."57 Uncler tl1e circ11ms t· ances this was l1ardly reassuring, and when ihe llalia11s appeared at Massawa in l::;-ebruary 1885 like a bolt from the blue, Yohannis' confidence in tl1e Britisl1 received a terrible shock. He managed to accept the first Italian mission i11 a sufficiently friendly manner to 111:ike tJ1e Italians .tl1in.k tl1.at �h,ey had vvon his confidence instead� and there were even talks of signing a-n ·i1nproved treaty,58 but the truth of -the matter was t11at the I-Jewett treaty did 11ot need i1nprovement but implementation. As Yohannis understood ·tl1e treaty, the only possible improvement would J1ave bee11 a11 agree1nent for the transfer of Massawa to Ethiopia. The coming of -the Italians b11ried all hopes that this would materialize and ver.)' soo11 t'he lreaty beca111e entirely meaningless. Lord Napier's suspicions tl1at Yobannis wou1d be 11sed as a tool and thro\v11 a\11ay l1ad co1ne trt1e. TJ1e Emperor wrote a frank letter to Queen ·\/ ictoria, expressi11g l1is clisappoi11tment tl1at after all he and his people l1ad clor1e to save the E.gyp.tian garrisons, tl1e ·treaty sl1011ld become void Witl1i11 a year of its signature. Although he asked whether the Italians J1ad co1ne of ·their own accord or had been sent by the British, he probably tl1ougl1t he knew tl1e a11swer ,l11d he felt betrayed.59 Yohannis. of reign the in turning-point a meant Treaty' 'Hevvett Tl1e. -1 11<JL1gl1 a cliplon1atic success, it was a political catastrophe. Ethiopia tradecl 011e \Ve �k _e11en1y, Egypt, for tw� strong, the Mal1di State and Italy. TJ1at Great Br1ta111 11ot only allowed • this to happen to the accompaniment of tl1e �1ost pr ?fuse _ de _clara.tio11s of friendship, but i n actual fact played tl1e n1a1n role 111 br1ngmg about the change is probably the core of the 111a tter and tl1e reason for the stro11g words of, Augustus B. Wylde.

57 l:;-.0. 95 /7�4,' !vlinutes by Pauncefote, 30 Aug. 1884. Cf. F.O. 95 /745, Victori-a ito Y ohanrus, 6 Sepl 1884. 58 Vide Carlo Giglio, lvfar-Rosso, Vol. I (Rome 1958) p 404 ff 59 F.O. 95 /746, Y.ob,annis to Victoria; 28 Aug. isss. ' . - 236 -

IL TR.ATTATO DI PACE ITALO-ETI OPICO DEL 26 OTTOBRE 1896. Carlo Gi�lio '-

I doct1n1e11ti relativi al trattato di pace itialo-et1·op1·co de11896 .res1· . n.ot1· · . · _. 1 a · 1a souo qt1ell1 co11tenuti: s100 ad ogg1 d parte 1ta 1a1 I. Nel Libra Verde .rlv. ve11i111eriti d'Africa (111arzo-a/'Jrile 1896), presen _ . . . ta,to aJI a C,a1ne-ra de1, Dept1tat1 11 27 aprile 1896 (Att1· parJamentar1· · 1att1r.a XIX - pr1m Leg1s · a sessio11e - Sta1n1Jato XXIII ter.) 2. Nella_ .gran�e , ��ccolta_ i n corso di public.azione ''I Docu1r1e11t i Diplo1r1at1cl ltc1l1c111z , ser1e III, Vol. I (1896-97). Questo voltin1 e e stato edit, o ne] 1953. II Libro1 )Verde riprodt1ce co11 a1npiezza e fedelta i doctunenti relativi alle-.trattative tra il Negt1s Negl1esti Menelik II ed il Maggiore Salsa Iimita lameote al periodo n1arzo-a1 Jrile 1.896. Le trattative dt1 rarono sino al maggio, qt1 ando Menelik Je dicl1iaro i11terrotte non ritenendo di. poler accetta.re le co·ntroproposte italiane circa Ja conclt1sione immedia.ta di una convenzjone prelimin.are di pace per la cessazio11e delle ostilit�1 , c11i avreb be dovuto ,far seguito u11 regolare e clefinitivo trattato di pace. 11 volume de1la raccolta ''I Documenti Dip1omatici Italiani", c1t1anto a11e trattative Menelik-Salsa, si lin1ita a riprodurre i testi gia pubblicati dal Libra Verde .senza aggi11nge111e altri di 11t1ovi. Circa Ia missione Nerazzini e ]a nuova fase di lrat.tative (n1aggio-ottobre 1896), il volume de]la ra.ccolta pubblica uno scar• so nun1e.ro di • doct1menti ·rela1tivi al perio<lo 21 a. gosto - 17 novembre. Le omissi-on· � piu vistose sono le istruzioni del Govemo a ·Nerazzini del 28 maggio. 1896 e la 1 t1Dga relazione finale di quest'ultimo. II volume, invece, contiene a1cuni doc111nenti su di ooa offerta di mediazione. avanzata dalla Russia nell'agosto-settembre a d. a dichiarazioni fatte irresponsabil seguito di un equivoc-o inoenerato 0 mente da oo russo residente alla cor,te di Menelik, ii Conte Leontiev, cbe aveva accomip agn a:to in Europa un inviat-o ·abissino, Ato Joseph, }at; ore di una Iettera del Negus allo Zair. Da pa.rte etiopica non sen1bra almeno da quanto mi risulta, che esista alcuna documentazione. La ci1ro11iq1,1e cl1l Re,(?11e d� _11.fe1zelik 11 1 dedica alla missione Sals,1 .13 rigl1e e ,1Jli:1 missione Nerazz1n1 8. e e, el �k 1 Cfr..Guebre .Sellassie, Cl1ro11.iq11e 'dtt. Reg11e dCopM �' .Jn Ii ��lt�ir�s�e:�� e p · Maurice De da a tat pubbl.icaita ed no an Il vo1. II ' ' 2 3 ) ( 19 ), te l ll a tl A . e . (I 30 vr1·ca.ine , 19 . n1.( Pan·,g1,· ',L1.bra1ne 0n·.en tale e·t 'A pp. 449-50 e 455-56.

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Docun1entazi·one non pub considera rsi cio che, a prc,posito delle trattative italo-etiopiche, si trova scritto ne1la biografia del. Keller �u Ilg.� pur dovendosi tene.me conto come testimonianza del contr1buto d1 quest1 al felice esito della missione Nerazzilili. Le discussioni nel Parlainento italiano e le polemiche di stampa sia dopo Adua che dopo la conclusione del trattato di pace non rivelarono nulla di particolare sulle trattative, se si fa eccezione per quanto concerne 1 tiopia, sollev!ata <la u.na pole la ques.�io!lJe dei confini· tra !'Eritrea e l'E mica Nerazzini-Salsa e sviluppatasi 11el settembre 1987 sule colonne del = de ''La T·ribun.a'' e de ''Co,riiere dell.a Sera'' C·O·O l'i-ntervento segn.atamente "La Nazione'' 3. Qualcl1e not, izia di un certo int: eresse si ,tro,,a in memorie e diaifi dell'epo::::a (G,an1err.a, Pedo,ne, Farini, ecc.), in ra.ccolte ufficiali di docu rnenti diploma, tici (Libri Verdi) o raccolte private come quella del Ros: setti, in biografie (come quelle del Soderini su Papa Leone XIII o d1 Ca,nevari e Con1isso sul n1aggiore 1Salsa, ecc.). Alla luce di quan:to sopra, pare si possa affermare che 1a storia delle tr,attative per la conclusione della pace italo-e'.iopica dopo Adua deve essere anc.ora scritta. La fonte doct1mentaria essenziale, per non dire escl11siva, e costitutitc'l dai docun1e11ti che !facevano parte dell'archivio del Ministero degli Affari Es'teri di Roma, poi passati nel 1912 ral Ministero delle Colo11ie, divent1to i11 seguito dell'Africa Italiana. ed ora ritornati al Mi11islero d,e.gli Affari Esteri, ove co1it• it11iscono una Sezione a se stante, Ministero dell'Africa Italiana nota com.e Arc11ivio Storico del soooresso -(ASMAI). :La presente relazio11e e oerta11to basata sui detti documen.ti. Ovvian1e11te, questi potran110, anzi dovra11110, esssere i11tegrati da.i docu menti di archivi di altri paesi, dalle carte private di Ilg e di Mondon \1idail11et oltre che di eve11tuali altri Europei residenti in quel te111po ad e i sentimenti Addis Abeba. E' probabile cl1e, da tali carte, l'arttegiamento di Menelik risulteranno con n1aggiore precisione ed a1npiezza, ancl1e se la sostm1za non si discos!era da quella risultante dagli archivi italiani. Tralascio di accen11are alle l1attative Menelik-Salsa4 sia percl1e sono note in llitti i loro det-tagli sia percl1e non approdaro110 ad llil risultato positive; tralascio pure di soffermarmi sull'offerta di n1ediazione russas, cui 110 sopra ·acce11nato, li111itandon1i ad acce11nare cl1e essa fu declina.ta dal govemo italiano, cl1e, tuttavia, prego q11ello di Pietroburgo di consi gliare Menelik a giungere ad run ,accordo con !'Italia. 1

2 Cfr. Keller, Conrad, Alfred Ilg. Sein Leben and sei11 Wirke11 ·als sclzlveizerisc/1er Y.11/turbote in A bessi11ie11, Verlag von I-Jubert & Co., Frauenfeld und Leipzig, 1918, pp. 103-108. 3 Gfr. Canevari, E. - Con1isso, G., JI ge11erale Tornr11aso Salsa e le .site campagne Milano, Mcncladori, 1935, pp. 100-115. 4 I ·docu i:n�nifii lrelativi alle _tr?'tt �tive Menelik-Salsa (5 marzo-18 miaggio 1896) travans1 1n _AS !"{AI, _pos1 �orn 3/16-12� ; 3/ 16-130; 3/16-132; 3 /16-134. Essi furo.no 1JUblicat1 quasi tutti e nel testo 1ntegrale nel citato Libra Verde XXIII ter_. _dcnde in "Docun1enti �iplon1atici itaLan.i" (= DDI), serie 3 ° , vol I. II de�a .Guerra curo . Una lra?C <:>lta a <Starnpa per uso 6.nterno. Sulle M1n1stero _ trattal �ve, ved1 ancl1e _C _anevar1 e Com1ss10, op. cit., pp. 84-100, e, per Ia citata p0lem1'.:a con Neraz.z1n1, pp. 100-115. 5 �UIJJ'offerta di mediaz.iione niss,a, i _!d �um �ti sono dn ASMAI, posiz. 39/3-29, :,9/3-30, 39/3-32 e 39/4-36. Molti d1 ess1 furono stampati nelle serie confi 0 cliplomatioi ita. L iani", serie � '; alcuni in CI (1896-1907), "D<;>cumenitii denzi�I : X : _ _ vol. l, !.f1pres1 -<lalle Carte iNJ.gra anziche da ASMA!. - 238 -

I n b rev e, la p resenrte relazione si conc entre ra , essen2.1alment e sulla · ·one Nerazzll· ll· a1 N egus iNeghesti e sulle tra m1ss1 · ve che· con dussero 1· t tta· . c a p o e 1 · e ct t ,a t t a II : t a conven21on e p er l a li be al ra . . . . ta z · io ne d e1 pr1g1on1e n. , ambedu e 1d el 26 ottobr e 1896.

Allorche assunse le r edi11i d e.I pot ere ii . governo pres1· edut. o da1 . . ' . march ese d1 IRua·-1n'1, co n 1.·1 du ca Caetan 1 <l1 Sern1oneta ag11· Ester1, ·· s1· p o se . , . sub1·to i l p ro bl em a de11a pace con I Bt1001 a di cui la I"b 1 er az1on e de1· ' . · · �n1· er1·_ era p er l'I ta 1·1_a u no ,degl1 asp �tti essenziali. Se sul p pr1g1 ro bl ema .. en co! on1ale 1n � �o _ lato vi er� profon�o d1sacc ordo tra gli uomitli po lit ici n ll o e 1n s�no a p 1 1o_ne �t1 _bbl1ca - s1 anda va dai progetti di abbandon o 'E r o dell ! trea � d1 gn1_ p o �1t�c a _co� o,�iale a qu elli di riv�ncita _ sul problemad_ella l1ber az1 one d e1 pr1g1on1 e r1 I accordo er a unan1m e. Non tu'. ti, pero, s1_ rendevano co�to cl1e quest. a er� strettamente c on11essa alla stipulazio ne d1 un tratt ato d1 pa�, ch� a�ogl, ess e la ricl1i esta di Menelik dell'abroga _ z1on e del tratt ato d1 Ucc1 all1 . Nel n1 entre ii go verno trattava attrav erso Salsa, fiorivano spontanee l e iniziativ e per por-tare iutanto u n· ou - alche soccorso rn ateriale e morale ai prigionieri. Tra d ette iniziativ e la piu importante fu quella del cosiddetto "Co mit ato delle do.nne roma11e pe:r i prigionieri in A£rica"6• II Comitato invio i n Africa, col co11Senso di papa Leone XIII, una missi on e di sacer doti e r eligiosi con a capo i l pr e1ato austro-t1ngarico Verszo\vitz Rey, co- nfid . an, do- cl1e Meine lik l' avr e;bb e f at.ta :sali-re all o Scioa. Partita a fti ne maggio 1896 e -sbarcata a fGibuti, la missione fu un falljmento per caus e vari e : :a.11zitutto, la mort e per i11solazio11e (4 lugli o) del Verszowitz app ena p ar ti·to da Gibuti; in s econdo lt1ogo, la inido11eita a ope rare in t erra d'Africa e la eter o ge11ieti1 dei rima11enti men1bri, ad eccezione dell'ab,ate fr ancese Ot1din, ohe ·as·s u1ne, -assie1ne al con,'.e di Chois eul la di r ezione d ell,a n1issi one� infi11e , la ,scarsittl dei mezzi messi a sua ·di;posizione (tra l'altro, n1 ateriale disadalto). !I Nerazz!ni definl la mission e ''una v era . e propria JJaroclicz" (rapp. a Ester1 n. 6, Ze1Ja, 6 ago sto 1896). Ma}gra do cio , i primi i n dum enti e l e pri1ne lettere ,<lei congiun!i ai preceduto prigionier i giuns e ro proprio tran 1i-te l'Oudin,_an�h e .se Ilg 1 aveva _ nel distribuire i talleri i111viati dal gov erno 1tal1,ano. Fallite le trattative S alsa, i l govemo italia. no si affretto _ a chi-ed�re al allo s1 or cc so di a an v ro ca a un e lir a r a f r se a n io , az Negus N eghesti l'au·torizz .

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razia

oc ist ar ll' de e m da cLa tto re cli e . sso mo ro : , 6 Sul Comitato delle ,donne iromane p . Vari ·docu.n1enti in ,ASMAI, p·osi, in col11tartto ,con la Corte e 001 Vaticano, ;ed � . 13 -1 15 3/ ), tti lle lte Co e ini zz ra zioni 3/13-106, 3/14-109 e llO _(rappJr,/ i11 0111ane r,er i prigioni?ri ,. e n n cl: e ato , Inoltre, cfr De Cesare,. �-, Co,77 t C., , tti se os R ; 97 18 i, an rz Fo a m e 0 . e,, A/ricer. Diario dellc1 1111ss1011e; doc11111 � en, St o, in or T II ik el en M i 'd . Storia diplor11atica del/'Etiopia clz,,:ant_�. 1 Scioa llo ne ra dr gu di ro ie n o gi �i 11 e:_ 11 �. ., 1910, [Pp. ]88-190; Gamerra, G:, !Z 1co, 1 G , ne do Te 4; 13 . p · 97 l8 B�berf (marzo 18 96 - gennaio 1891),_ Firenze! rdan 1-2. 11 98 p p 4 6 9 1' o, · . · io G , Angera, 5econda edizio�e, '!vf1lan ? _ Lettr�s ,I� la' princesse Radz1vi/l Cenru. cli un certo 1octeres.se S'.l it:rovan�in. ch Iii t933 (voll. 1 e 2) e 1934 ai, Renerc1 l Robi/a11t, in 4 v�ll: Bolob �' .· a� ie' secolo (a cura di E Mo f� (voll. 3 e 4), II, p. 27; Far1ry1, D - , 1a 1 � 1I 948, 941, 937, ( !PP· ), 1896-6 9 rel1i), in 2 -VO!ll., Roma, Ba;rd1, 19 62 , ne 1 01

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961, 969, ,980, 1012, 1017, 1026.

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II I

a Scio.a (6 m a- ggio), e cio -anche con l'intooto di trarre poi da que s- t, a ope,r eo lin Si de . ce pa di e tiv tta tra re ola av int r pe zio11e un1an-itaria .lo spunto cosi la n1issione·, N· erazzini. in e po tem sto hie ric ro be reb av e ett dir e tiv Prevede11do cl1e le tratta se egli fos e Ch . vie re alt di a erc ric a all se mi si 11i a, 1di olt R1 Eic ato dif 11tr co a pensare di rivolgersi a Ilg, autorevole consigliere di M�nelik, o _ch� ta d1 accogliesse il suggerirhento di altri, sta di fatto ch e mella prrma me 111aggio ve11ivano avviati co11tatti tna il goven10 italiano e l'ingegnere . lik ne Me di n co to r pe go uri Z a va va ·tro si si , svizzero, cl1e da · vari me Quasi co11ten1por,111eame11te si affacciava la possibilita di una mediazione vaticana per l a liberazio11e -dei prigonieri, di cui venne poi incaricato il vescovo Cirillo Macario, capo clella cl1iesa copta riunita a Roma, resi• dente in Egitto. Pri111a di esporre le vicende della n1issione Nerazzi1ni , e quindi oppor · el tRt1di11i con Papa XIII e con l'ing. Ilg. tuno accennare alle intese d Se si tie11e :prese11te l'abilita ·con cui aveva indirizza:to nel maggio 1896 1a propria azione st1 tre str,1de diverse, alle qt1ali pt10 aggiu11gersi una quarta, sia pt1re 110n t1tilizzata percl1e profil,atasi tardivan1ente, e cioe la pregl1iera rivolt.a a. ]lo zar, rno11. gia di svolgere opera di mediazione ma di scrivere a Me11elil< percl1c accettasse di firmare una. ;pace onorevole iper le due parti, ap1Jare pii1 cl1e git1stificato il va11to di Rt1di111 di aver lavorato ''di fino." 7 Ot1anto ,t.lla n1issio11e Macario8 , e opportt1110 in primo Iuogo precisare cl1c c del Lutto erronea l'affern1azio11e, che si trova ripetuta in 1nolte pub . c1t1ella del De Cesare del 1897 (cl1e for.se l1a tilicaziooi, a co1ni11ciar, e ·da da testo JJer tt1tti i commentatori successivi), secondo cui la missione fatto l J' erazzini 'ft1 ''imn1aginala" clal gover110 it.:'lliano a seg11ito delle reazioni negative di certi s. et tori clel Parlamento e dell'opi11ione pt1bblica alla notizia della. n1issione del vescovo copto presso Me11elik. Per tali setlori, la n1issio11e Macario dirnostrava l'i11capacila ed in1potenza del ooverno i laliano oltre cl1e scemare a.11cor piu il st10 gitL basso presti0o-io a fa;ore del . Vat1ca110. Dal co�fironto dei cloc �11nenti e�iste11ti 11ell'ASMAI con q11elli resi noti . _ _ 1nter111e Jece da d1ar10 tra jJ n1arcl1ese di Rudinl e Ia dal Soder1n1, che 7 8

Cfr. 1:ari_ni: J)ictrio, }J. _I 071 (26 11oven1bre 1896). SuUa n11ss1one Macar10, vedi vruri docun1enti in AS!\1AI po· z. "/l"-106 3/14-108 e 109, 3/_14-112 e _ 113 (specie i rapporti NeralziDi � C�lteflctti)'. Inoltre, cfr. De NoaJ l les (V 1 con1t , e de)' Mgr· 1,.facaire· cr�a � 11•0,z di, pa1r1arca 1 • · , e11 J 895. A 111�lassa<Ic aupres <le 1,1ene/ik en 1896 Parigi 1897 :("Le cor_ coptc r�spondant". IO lugho 1897), citato 11el la bibliografia d�l De C0� Je t l O ap en � � dice a Gucbre Scl. l assie. Cltro1;iq11e c/11 .l�e�JIC <I� A1c11c/il,·' II' c1 11el la notf\ .:.. ' . ,:.,-111, ,1n I ne_ .n.. dJ 1 p . i,, E·., ..Jea '. · 456· Soderin 3 Voll., Milano, !vfondadori '1933 (vol1. 1 ' ) e 193i' £1- (vol. 3), �1cl vol. II, IJP, 208-220; Rossetti ' op. cit , 189-196·' pp. _ . Pedone, op. c,t., pp. 93-93. I � DI, s �rie J3 �, vol . I, c-ontengono un solo :docun1e11to, Jl ,n 264, e cioe Co1tel Jc tt1 a \1�scontJ Venosta, Itel. arr. 2459, �den, 28 ottobre. 1896 (origm · ale · in , A�l\ t[1\J, �/14-1 12). Il Coltelletti 1rifcriscc �u di ·w1 .coUo u ·10 . on 11 _ o_ . a.n c_ u1 que�w �,arro_ ,�lcuni dettag]j d ella st1a missione. trVeJ' _anNci e !a az.1one _ . �� e fin .ale d1 Nerazzior a stan1pa, PIJ. 7-8 e ?3--'J4 (i11con o d1 erazzin1 con Macar,io). Cfr. ,a.l,�resl cenni di tin cer:to interesse in Fanni D ·a .· II r ,ro '. pp. $47' 948, 95_ 1, 961, 969'. 985, 1012, 1017, 1026, 1059 ' .1063, ' 1066, de la Lettres 1078, 1:.1:1ncessc Ra�lz11vi/l, vol. JI, p. 30_ r l rapport'J de.I ves:ovo Cirillo J\1acario fu . ,1 , 1 • �- · _ T , Osservatore ·1Jtll o.i..,.:1to ::.u · . ,, S �r l 1 14 vem ,del no · - c 1 96' do11 d e c \Sta..to r1 reso Ro111a110 dal •Rossetti. p - 240 -

Sanl a S �e, r i_sult�. q�anto seg�1e. La mis . . s io n e N e r a zz1:111 fu dec. s .i- l 6 magg:10; le 1:struz 1 on1 gov.erna1t1ve furono da � � te ? il 8 u ce g sivo; N�razzrn, p, arti il 3 iugno d. a Napoli. L'idea dell'inv · � � � � i� d , i a p ission er. ot te 11 er e e � Men elik Ia vat1cana a Ii b er _ a zi on e · · de . ··i pr·1 g· 1on1er1 venne al pr· inci· Baldassarre Odesoalchi, c-he 10e parlo con p . . � R . u d in C i · · e d · 1. ·) B (M d ue · r 1n n11rustr ar1na), 1 q nal 1 dettero 11 (Ester, e . 1 aetan1 loro _ L e o X d 11 a e III, ch. e s1 n1ostro esitante assenso.c Il Principe 81. reco, aJlor a L a . .· d a t ' a ' ,e p rec1·sata dal Soder1n1, t· l · quest1 . ·: e vent1 non ·. · 1·1 qt1ale, mvece, · • ,, , ind · · ioa '' verso n 1e l.<.1 . 1 · d t>m agg10 de1 1896 1n 1z10 Vero e propr10 "1 negozia.ti se g reli tra governo e curia . ,. . . · cana. 11 Pa'p a rese 11oto vat1I 111v10 d1 Mo 1 1sig11or · e Mac ar1·0 1·1 31 1naggi . (ques t1·, ,pero, s1: era m1 b· arcato dt1e e-1o . o n 11 p r • in • 1,a ca Po""t sa1·ct su11o stess ..., vapor e cbe trasporlava la 1111ss1one o V e rs z o v·itz ReJ'-')• Sti ·pressant·e · h . , · · , . r1c 1e ' s ta rc de. l 1na hese d_1 R t1d1n1, I a11J1t1nz10 1della n 1i ss io ·ne Macario ft1 data d a . n r , v . a ss � to o n . L'O 1a 11 0 1- 1 1 o. g1t. 1gno. L 1 ndorna11 �� C . � i. il P re si d e n te d e g_l10 r � ngrazio il �ap a :per 11 s u o g esto s ia pubblican1e11te in P l onsiarlamento s1a pr1vatamen. te. a 111ezzo lettera ::11 conte S o . derini. ,JJ 3 giug1- 10 . co1ne s1· e: et N to a r e z , z1 n1 p a rt�v � d,a N apoli. Gli att c � h � ! al governo {taliano per � 1 assenso d a to alla n11ss1one ,1 a t1ca na ebbero 1n1z1 0 a partire dal 2 gittgno. L'esposizione cronologica di cui sopra porta ,a una sola conclusione e cioe. �11e la m i?sio11e Nerazzi11i 110n ft1 <lecisa p er p lacare gli avversari� che cr1t1cav ano J·a .s senso· d el gover110 e clello stesso re Umberto alla mis sione Maoario, 111a era stata gia decisa prilna de ll'i11 izio -de]le trattative col Vat-icano e, m ·o,g11i caso, molto prima cl1 e il p apa pre11desse Ia :st1a deli be razone del 31 maggio. Pe r il gover110, le dL1e in jziative, qt1ella Nerazzini e quel]a vaticana , dovev ano pJ"ocedere distinle e sepa rate; nella incertezza se Menelik ricevesse o no , Nerazzi11i, il �over,no rit eneva ne:::essario che ,, intanto si svolgesse il tentativo di Macario. Dubbia, ino,ltre, appa:re l'ipotesi, general1nen,te difft1 sa, che t1nu, delle cause del fallime11to de lla n1i1ssione Macario sia . stato l'a ttegiamento "freddo, esitante, ·in1pacciato'' (De Cesare) ass11nto da l R 11dini ne i confronti di essa dopo 11 2 giugno, s ·otto l'i11furiare degli a:ttacchi degli ,1vvers ari del governo. iE' da ritene re, j11vece, piu probabile l'ipotesi che ,- pii1 cl1e <la , detto atteggiamento, certame11te fattogli noto dagli stranieri resi den:ti ad Addis Abe ba (celermente iaformati via Gib11ti e via Aden) - Menelik flosse indotto a non accog]iere l a preghiera. del papa di lib erare i prigjonier i italiani, avanzatagli da1 vescovo Macario 11ella pri1na t1die11za del 12 agosto 1896, ,per un altro motivo. Prin1a ancora dell'arrivo di Macario (1� go � sto), ee:li ave va r icevuto u11a lettera del 26 giugno .co11 ct1i N e razz1111 gl1: comun'Icava di essere arrivato a Zeila e c]1iedeva d.i s alire allo Scioa per trattar. e Ja liberazione dei prigionieri per incarico del gove ? �taliano. Era ovvio che Menelik prefe.risse trattare direltamente con � 11nv1ato del govern o itali.ano, col Qt1al -e, se :non altro, avrebbe potuto discut �re le ques : tioni dell'indennita di g11erra e dell'indennizo per il m,a11.tenlllleinto <lei prigjonieri. Si deve quindi respingere l'acc11sa fatta aJ R11dini cli ave �abotato · la missione vatica non v17 e alcuna , na dopo averla mvoca.ta. An z1·ttulto . prova 'al riguardo, aJl'infuori di un acce·nno �ella corr1sp o?� enza �el :� · -ZOJ·9 · · " ; 1.n se·oondo ]11ogo, 1I lungh1ss11no s 1· 1enz·o razz. 1n1 ' durato, ,...on.e " 1 del ·Ne, · ·1.

9 Cfr .· ASMAI, pos,jz_ re • .osten J a · ·, nota n e a ar1 Er ato oc vv A. 6, -12 15 3/ l O marzo 1899. - 24f -

3177 del

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vedremo, sino al 22 agosto non poteva non consigliare il govemo italiano a concentrai"e le maggiori speranze su Macario; l'atteggiamento ''fred.do ed impacciatio'' era stato assunto per e�igenze d! p olitica intei:na. Puo, quindi, presumersi che l'atteso arrivo d1 Neraz2:m1 ebbe una mfl�enza decisiva sull'a.11imo di Menelik a non ,risolvere il problema della l1bera zione dei prigionieri per mezzo del Vat-icano. E' altresi lecita l'ip otesi c_he l'ing. Ilg - par.ti:t,o da Marsiglia il 14 giugno, sbarcato .a G�_ but1_ e s� l1to velocemente allo Scio a, , ove giunse il 27 luglio, cioe due se , tt1mane pnma di Macario - a.bbia avuto la sua oarte, imoegnato com'era a fare buona figura col governo italiano, nell'attitudine di Menelik. Ancl1e 'Se deciso a non trattare col messo vaticano, Menelik avrebbe potu:to fare un gest,o, simbolico nei confronti del Papa consegnan,do, a.J suo inviato un certo numero di prigionieri, cosl come aveva fatto per 50 di questi, liber.ati in o,ccasione dell.a inco,ro.nazione dello zar e consegnati a Leontiev, cl1e Ii aveva. condotti alla costa, ove erano stati ricevuti da Neraz zini (fitlle luglio). Invero, M,enelik manifesto tale intenzione, giungendo ad ofifrire sino a 500 prigionie r· i, con1e poi Ilg riferl a Coltelletti, coman da.nte della Prova11a, la nave in servizio nel golfo di Aden a disposizione di Nerazzini 1 0, n1a Macario non rite11ne converuente accettare una offerta parziale per la dignita del Papa, con1e egli stesso riferl. Sembra anche che ii n1esso vaticano non facesse una buona impressione alla corte etiopica e cl1e certi st1oi atteggiamenti sollevassero l'irrita.zione dell'abuna e del clero ·copto. Alla fi11e, Menelik prese a pretesto ii fenno da parte italiana (prin1i di agosto) del vapore ola11clese Doell-vyk, che trasportava armi a lui destin. ate: si noti, tuttavia, cl1e la notizia giunse ad Addis Abeba il 5 seiten1bre, cioe circa un mese dopo l'arrivo di Macario (11 agosto). Ai pri n1i di o,'. t, obre, ques;ti, de1us.o ed irritato, prendev,a la via del rito m , o. por:ta·ndo co11 :se soltanlo una cortese lettera del Negus per il Papa e due. prigionieri liberati da Menelik per motivi particolari. Q11.ali cl1e fossero, le v.ere ragioni, cl1e indussero Menelik a fa:r fallire la missione Macario, non vi e dubbio cl1e egli avesse convenienza a non rilasciare troppi prigionieri a titolo simbolico e a trattare con Nerazzini a preferenza di altri. Significativa e la frase di quest'ultimo nella sua relazione finale: ra del Doell-vyk !llO� si riper �osse in n1odo palese a scapito della "1-: a cattu _ _ m1a m1ss1one; m.a ebbe pero la st1a influenza -sull'esito di una missione cbe precedette la ;mia'' ,(p. 11). Forse, .quindi e da concludere che Ia cat tura del -�oelw)1l,,_ piu cl1e da git1�tificazio· ne sostanziale, servl da pretesto _ _ , a M �11el1k pe, r ag1re come ag1 ne1 oonfront1 · d 1 Macario. Infatti, essa ncn fu d1 ostacolo a trattare e a co11cJudere con Nerazzini.

III Ed , ?ra passiamo _agli incontri di Rudinl con I'ing. Ilg. Al riguardo . es1s�e �11 �SMAI, pos1z. 3 /9-65, un volt1minoso dossier di 54 documenti c ?st1t�1to m prevalenza ?a lettre scambiate tra Ilg e Franzoj, il noto r1portato le spog�e di Chiarini in Italia, � tra v1agg1a!ore, che aveva _ , FranzoJ e I on. S1neo, allora Sottosegretar10 agli Interni (dal Iuglio Min'i10 C �r.. �SMAI, posiz. 3 / 14-108, Coltelletti a Visconti Veno� teleg. ,arr ill. 2585' G1but1, 17 novembre 1896. - 242 -

t·ro delle Poste) nel ·Gabine tto Rudini. La notizia' se non de1. coIl . u1 · · oq G · dato dal overn o 1tal1ano a Ilg incar1co s

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di , un , · ;trapelo ben pres to a opera . . h e ID:e I?ar1' c 0, o a t1 ul pe m �nt e appe a sbarcato rta �t e q di � �_ _ _ � . ,a ti bu Gi il , g1 a m ru o do 1 1n al L rn · s v1zzer1 e tedeschi riprod u<Ssero 1 1-3· gitigno.· . · ' a · no t a 1z1 · 1· I I ta 1n zo 1 a a b ov rim e , era ua le . r1n s 1a ta a conoscenz'a di un 1. 1ta la q . to. ' . · 1m · 11 :-. 1 t so numero d1. pe� na I a . Tu ttav1a, .1a pr1D1a conferma , diciamo uff'JCJa . _Ie, ? dell jnc arico s1 eb· be .a,tlTaver.so Ia. ,, p11bb:Iioazione del- dia·r1·0 del Verszow rtz 1 D e op <le e C ei r s a ar e a -. 18 U na se conda conferma venne d 1 ne1 97 a b' 1013 g 1918 e 1 . n I · l 1 d cr0rafo 11 Cfr. Farini, .f?iari�, 11, pp. 976 e 979. II Farini, presidente del Senato critico aspramente J'l!nca�1 �0 dato a. -Ilg e l'asse:nso •all 'invio _ cleila ·missione Macar io. ad sos d1n ch pet e ttu to 11 ia go verno avesse -eombin- ato una manovra Neraz Egli zini-l1g-J\:1 aca.ri_o (ibid, p. 985);_ si_ railegro fo:temente di essersi sbagliato quando apprese li1 fctllll.Illento .della n11ss1one Iv1acar10 (ibid, pp. 1059 1066 107 ) . Su 8 ' ' Ilg, vecli iancora ibid, '.PP- 1026, 1034, 1069, 1071. Dalla :eorrispoadenza �n Jingua italia.na con Franzoj e Nerazzini, nella quale_ nor� n:ian��no ,ancl1� :e,spressionj colorite, l'Ilg -appare :Piuttosto Ioqua.ce e facile di giud1z1 su uon11n1 e cose. Temperamento vivace, dinamico Pratico semplice, cordiaJe, molto 1Sicuro di \Se e delle sue convinzioni, dotato' cli sen� umanitario, Ilg non sembra cl1e ravesse \prOJJrio ]a �toffa dell'uomo poltico e del diplomatico. Accorto nei •suoi affari e sostanz.ua1mente fedele consigliere d i Menelik, egli non fu cer to un amico dell'Ita1ia al.ineno .sino .alla giornata cli Adua e l'epiteto d i "nemico" non era del tutto infonclato. Rivale degli Italiani in affari e J.Jel tentativo _ di guadagnarsi J'animo ,di MeneHk, la •s ua a.ntipatia e l ii suo n1alvolere contro di essi raggiunse puote acute. l\1utata la situazione dopo Adua, .ancbe .[lg rnuto attegg iamento nei confronti dell'Italia. tui rese clisinte ressatamente importa nt servigi. 12 Riprodotto in Rossetti, op. cit. (1910), p. 190. Scrivcva il prciato ;austriaco nel suo cliario cS olto la data idel 14 giugno 1896 <la Gibuti: "J'ai eu une longue conference avec l'ingen;iem Ilg. D est cl1a rge du Gouverncment italien de son der Ue )terrain pou,r �a conclusion d'une �Jaix avec .le Negus. Selan son opini?�, les propositio ns dt1 Gouvernen1en t italie11 sont acceptables avec quelques n1od_1f1catrions. Si le Negus -accepte ses proposi tions, Ilg avisera_ le . Gouver� ement 1t! lien, Iequel alors ICloit envoyer un an1bassadcur extraord1.narre a Aclis Abeba , 13 Scrive ii K eller, Alfred Ilg, p. 104: "Marchese di �t1dinl ·.·. crinnerte sich seiner friiheren Bekaantschaf t mit Ilg und ersuchte 1hn dr1ngend nach Rom zu kommen, um mit il1m Uber die Freilassung der italienischen <;}efangen�� zu berat::n. Dieser ,:volte ei11 gutes Vol k ni cht entge]te� !assen . �vas e1nzelne Fuhrer gestincligt, und folgte der Einla.dung. Zweimal ·gi ng -er_ -Jun_; e� wurden 5ehr eingehende Unterhandlt1ngen gepflogen und offenbar die wichtigste� Punkten vereinb art die •einen d auernden Frieden m it Abessin.ien und Fre1gabe _der ' er e1s K · bart, cI as Il.g sofort zu en Gefangen i chern konn ten ( l ). Es \vurde vere1n s � ..ltn1. ssen · · rha Ve ' ess. in ischen · ·1, der mi·t den ab Mene]1k abre1sen und MaJor · Nerazz1n vertraut war, als bevollmachtiger Spezialgesandter den Fnedensvertrag a bschries_ sen solle". . e:rhandNeita nota (1 ), iJ Keller precisa: ''Ich bemerk�, das�r ..�b��bd �ese Vkum ente o D e i t n kei ga t aup �rh i.ib Jungen keinerlei Au fzei chnungen, ;et-�c b trafen die man in � exi&tieren. Da 5ie eine auszert delika te Ang e egen verkehren. �u h ic dl e .. m bur � t, a�h em abg rde wu keiaer Weise gefahrden durf te, . rungen A Ilgs". 1tteJ M n he lic au rtr ve 1 icl ke an rd ic ve isz We a .· r be rii da W s b t ere e 1 te1eguamnu t le le i s ar ov tr ro be Nelle cart� Tig, �ttavia, dovreb speclitigli da Fr anzoj e Sineo. . rd a to quanto questi ave. • . r1 . . A ch1ar1mento deIle prime p a role clel Keller ' v. a coel suo primo nun 1 st ero, d one va s_c�itto in precedenz� a pp. 88-89. In occas;i1 er avere informazio_ni �ull� Rud1n1 aveva cercato d1 prendere conta tto co �. 1on 1, z ta s1 e e lt o m o p o D i ll a si t uazione etiopica e Ia questio ne de] trattato f1 cc�!; ] pa]az zo del principo ne Ilg accetto e neJ 1892 si reco a Ron:ia,_ ove � 0 1�nl In tale occasione fu Ruspoli, sindaco della capitale. Iv1 · incontr organizzato anche .un. Jncontr:o ''casu,ale" con ire ·Jmberto J

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, . . . ta segu.e. an qu a lt · su ri ri e st E · 1 0 v 1 h arc 11 n t1 ten � Dai docun1enti es1 . � di i, ti far or af pp ra in ra e i cu c 0 ra , n va e In data 18 m�z� li� sc_r1: a F { J: cn;' . cc hi Brichetti, lo R ob e in g g 1 0 · a 1:11" va trova che da alcun1 giom1 s1 . ui re ''F pu · do en ng giu ag · · o, 1ar h c 1va par ap gli on scopo de11a cu1· presenza n . . . . i . per erc la ved ma Ro a ta g un a re a d ag pe gi o rs invitato da un gran on if _ Jbb&>"' un br·· utto scherzo''. d re ca · ch e non m1 .ac pri111c1verc1 colla gara nz1a Si deve dedurre da ques�e pa:ole che s1 ·�entasse (e da parte di chi?) di i in vista di tratta n altr avviare qualcl1e conta.tto 1n Sv1zzera co1: l Ilg O co· . ? 1 sa S a e 1t ram so t tive con Meneli.k i n aggiunta a . quell e m oor · L'l 1 aprile .l'on. ..Sine o scriveva. a F ranzoj cb e Rudinl n1o� pote v� che, se Ul F ranZOJ ma rivolgere alcun 1nv1to a ng a·1 v enire a Roma . . ' a· ' fosse riuscito a far venire in Italia il suo am1co sv1zze ro,_ allo�.a R � :� ''sarebbe .stato contento di riceverli imn1ediatamente e dedicare oro il len1po necessario''. · · · ' a, ma s-i FranzoJ s1 reco a zur1go per conv1·ncere . Ilg a . ven ire in I tali . trovo di fronte ad t1na forte opposizione. N el pnmo colloqu10 del 13 maggio, Ilg disse testualment, e: 1 ° - ''Sono impegnato con altre potenze e non J:>Ot!ei in modo alcuno rompere o sospendere delle tratrat1ve per ·av,1iarne altre direttamente co,n !'It alia ; ° 2 - ''Io che sono ufficialn1ente il rappresenta nte del Negus, vi11citore, non potrei recanni a Roma, ·ove si direbbe cl1e sono andato per 1mplorare la pace. Dice il proverbio etiopico: Chi va prega, cl1e 1·iceve e pregato''. Co11 cl1i trattava Ilg? Sara possibile apprenderlo da11'esame del1e st1e _., .t ...e ? • ca�iAlla contrarieta di Ilg 1a. compiere il viaggio a :Roma .si aggiun sero le preoccupazioni della giovane consorte, che temeva per l'incolumita d el n1arito iI1 tin pae,se ove c'era tanta ostilita contra di lu.i. Con n1olta a.biiita, l:;-ranzoj rit1scl a convincere Ilg e a t ranquillizzare la di lui moglie; :il 18 1naggio era i11 grado di a, vvertire Sineo che Ilg e lui erano pronti a par'.ire. Ebbe cosi luogo il prin10. viaggio di Ilg a Roma assien1e a Franzoj. li secondo via.ggio -fu compiuto 11ei primissimi d.i giugno, su rich.iesta diretta del Sineo, -all'insapt1ta del Franzoj. I del'.tagli dei due viaggi e degli incontri romaoi non ·r . d.alle isulta n o , carte essis.te.1n.ti nel fa.scicolo menzioato; con1e scrive lo stesso Keller, nulla fu messo per iscrirtto., Ln tt1.tte e, due ,le ocoasioni, Ilg ar rivo di no tte a Roma e fu ricevuto all'alba in casa · Rudi_n i. II solo riferimen to , si tr ov a in una ·Iettera di Ilg a Fra11zoj, Zurigo, 4 giugno 1896 , cioe _dopo il secondo collo quio. Essa e del seguen,te tenore: . ''Col marcl1ese d i Rudinl ebbi u n altro collo quio, ne l quale egli mi riaffenno di nuovo la s, ua ferma inte nzione di ristabilire i buoni rapporti fra !'Italia e I'E tiopia. se fosse desiderata altrettanto dalla parte di M enelik''. Nel secondo colloquio Ilg disse a Rudinl c b e Franzoj d esiderava ac . compagnarlo· in . Etiopia e. che egli -eua favo .o. di ortenere re vo 1e , si cu r · :l�approvazione: di ·Menelik. Avendogli · Rudin i risposto ·d i 'Don ritenere . /

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no �'invio d i . Franz oj, C·!1e, i � ve�e,. sarebbe stato u.tilizzato per t o p � r. � ? � _ _ I organ1zzaz1one del r 1mpatr10 de1 ;pr1gio111ent4, Ilg non insistette.

Nella_ ste1Ssa 1ettera Ilg scrisse d.i aver visto a Roma Nerazzin.i, ma senza agg 1uogere altro . F � ·Nerazzini _ informat,o degli accordi presi tra ·Ru<linl e Ilg? L'insie . e. po n n n cludere co i1 no doc ta r · di a de1 , Infatti, nel rappoirto. da Jui � � �,e _ ! 1nva.�o al M1 n1ste·ro degl1 Esteri da Zeila il 3 l t1 glio.1s si Iegge: '' � si�nor �u. i g.niony f �ce ii viaggi o da Marsiglia a _ . �1bu�1 co.LI 1 �gegnere sv1zzero, s1gi1or Jig, ii quale si dice 1 11car 1 cato cli qt1alcl1e missione dal governo italiano. Appena giunto i n Gibuti, il ·signor Ilg riceve uoa Iungl1issima leiiltera del garasmac Joseph� e poi, a mezzo della casa Tian, ebbe 20 mila 11:alleri n1andatigli daJ governo italiano per poruare :ai prigionieri. Subito ricevuto tale son11na, '.il signor Ilg e part.ito direttamente per lo Scioa per la via di Herer. E' opinione del signor Guignio11y cl1e l'ingegnere Ilg esercitera ttitta Ia sua inflt1enza, che e 11101-ta., sull'Imperatore onde perst1aderlo a ·resti t, uire i JJrigion ieri itaI. iani. Si.a ,per quru1to seppi i n Aden, sia per qtianrto ,apertan1ente ha narralo il signor Guignio!!ly, l'ingegoere Ilg non f.a alct1n segreto sulle proprie intenzioni e st1lla azio11e cl1e vuole svolgere allo Scioa''. Perche Ru,dinl aves-se rtaciuto oon Nerazzini ·all'a.Lto di congedarlo per la st1a missio·ne, m·a soprat.tu t, to dopo, quanclo lo stesso Ilg 'I10·n faceva mistero del suo incarico, no�1 si riesce a :co;i�nprendre. 1I1izialn1ente po:eva essere questi011e di massin1a segre:tezza, ma poi? Forse Rudi11l trovo con veniente ne c-onfennare ,11e s1ne11tire le notizie diffuse <la Ilg e cio inon tanto ·agli occhi di Me11elik, cl1e lo sitesso Ilg no11 poteva non avere infor ma1o, quan1 t o agli occl1i <lei governi stranieri. 1

Ilg, :che ai prin1i di ·ott'obre era pa:11ti:to <la Addis Abeba per Gibuti per accogliere la moglie (si era i, nfatti iuco 11trruto rl 3 ottobre co11 Nerazzini che saliva), aveva lfatito 'Subito ruto.r:no alla capitia.le, ave11do .appres o nel flraitti empo che la moglie aveva ri11viato Ia partenza di tm mese. Egli prese par:e a tutte le tra:�tartive, cl1e prwticamen.te ebbero inizio ii 16 ottobre 14 JI (maocaito rnan.ten.in1en.to ·d.ella promessa diede origine a una polernica episto ·la.re ldeil iFranzoj con Rucl!in.i, Visconti Venosta, Sineo e Pellot1x, che sfocio in una ca.u.sa dinanzi al tribuanle d� R,oma. 11 Franzoj, in aggiunta a un rimborso spese d.i Lire 25.000 !ficev11to �al �1Iinjstero deUa q ue1:a, chi� dey a_ altre . Lif'e 100.000 a completan1ento del nmborso spese per v1aggi comp1ut1 m Francia, Svizzera Roma e ,a ,titolo di compenso per semgi resi. La vertenza s.i trascino sino al dicembre .1901 quando F-ranzoj accetto a tacitazione di ogn.i sua pre tesa I-a -sornroa d.i Ljre 16.000 dal governo dell'Eritrea a condizione di conse gnare, come. k:onsegno, gJJ originali della corrispondenza -a sue mani circa la missiooe Ilg. Vecli ASMAI. 3/9-65, 3/11-82, 3/15-126 nonche, per due docu rnenti del .JIO·V. 1896, ASMAI 3 /13-106 e 3/15-113. 15 Cfr. ASMAJ, 3/14-109 (la mi� uta d� pugno Ner�zzin:i e in 3/14-110). _ n rapporto fu stampato 1n ser1e confidenz1 � Ie LXXXlV (n_. ?50). Anche d'alla tSUccessiva corrispondenza durante Io svolgunento della nuss1one e dalla relazione finale alst1.lta chiaro che · Nerazzi.ni non fu rna:i infO!lll1ato dell'incarico dato da Rudin) a Ilg (vedi testo· a stampa della Relazio11e, pp. 7, 23, 29-30 40, 43�44).

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, Ilg inl ud con o n:t su as � o gn pe 'im all te en em rm nfo ). Co 32 1 (Relazio11e, p. so un ro pe bb du za se be eb za en lu a su la e � k eli � en M si adopero presso o, em dr me ve Co 1ve tat tr e l de e on 1 lus nc co � � ice fel e a : rilevante per l a Tapid a l.la su ne o nt, me sc1 o . n . 1co r , p10 m a te en lm . lea de die i ne lo stesso Nerazzi-n re1azione finale. , ll' l de ivo lus esc o rit � me fu n no e tiv � tta tra lle de to ice esi fel l i , via Tutta 16, ma anche de Ne a.zz 1n1 . are ine tol f sot ler � vo come il suo biografo sembra Senz.a minimamente �n1inuire l'importante concorso druto dall Ilg, e certo che prima o poi a un a pace ,non diversa da quella firmata si s�irebbe giunti. Quainto rule voci corse in :l!talia, ed energicamente smentite dal Kel ler 11, che Ilg ricevesse t111a somma a titolo di rimborso spese e compenso per i ,servizi resi, i ·doc11menti italiani nulla contengono per confermare o sn1entire 1tali voci. Del res.to,· se Ilg ,avesse accettato un compenso, sotto qualsia:si forma, tI1011 ci sarebbe ,stato nul1a d.a critic3: e, rie� t: ando cio i� _ una prassi ,norm ale (ed infatti i1 Neraz� ini ebbe una 1nd� nn 1 ta spec�ale d1 Lire 100.000), ma non c'e nesst1na rag1011e per mettere m dubb10 1 affer mazione del Keller. Ten . t1 to conito ·cl1e l'Ilg era un i1 omo d'affari, la rinun zia a un meritato e direi dovuto rcompenso J1on puo che tornare a suo 011ore.

Eti eccoci adesso ad esporre le vicende della missione Nerazzini18. Prendendo, spu11,�.o ·dalla pro1 nessa fatt a· da Menelik a S·als,a di oonsen tire all'invio diretta1nente allo Scioa di uu.1a caro,vana di s.occo,rso per i prigionieri, il n1inistro Caetani telegrafava il 6 maggio al Console di Aden 19 di spedire 11n .c-0rriere al Negus per chiedergli l'autorizzazione 16 Keller, Alfred Jig, ii). 108: "Die Befreiung der italieniscl1en Gefangenen fand naturlicl1 in ltalie11 einfret1diges Echo. Es war die grosze Tat, die ganz wese11tlich. das Verdienst Jigs ist und il1n1 aucl1 hocl1 angerecl1net wurde'·. 17 Cfr. Keller, Alfred Ilg, p. 105, ove si degge il seguente giuclizio, cl1e fa evidente riferimento au Nerazzini tin iforma 11100 troppo benevola: ''Er (Ilg) ii.st beschei den in den Hintergrund getreten, und El1ren l1aben andere eingebein1st." 18 I docu111en ti della ,n1issione Nera�1u � <trovano in AS1fAI, posizioni 3 /14-105 e 106; 3/14-108 e 109. La Telaz1one finale a stan1pa (copia n. 44) in data 14 n1arzo 1897 si .lTova 6n ASMAI, 3/14-108. Le carte privat'.<! Nerazzini d\1rono versate, dopo Ja sua morte al Ministero delle Colonie. Quelle concernenti la 111issione del 1896 furono ' st1ddivise nelle cartelle dell'·archivio iStorico 3 /14-1 l O e 111, tin min!in1a 1Parte nelle cartelle 108 e J�9, :spezzando cosl l'unita e tintegri� dell'archivio Nerazzini. Segnalo, in part�colare, cl1 � nella cartella 3 ( 1_4-111 s1 trova la er rispondenza scan,biata in Addis Abeb,a tra I.Jg e Nerazz1n1 durante la missione. l? ASMA!, posiz. 3/ 11-81, si trova la rrelazione dell'interprete cli Nerazzini, � I·essa16 (Roma, febbra10 1897). Essa 0011 di discosta nella sostanza da quella cli Nerazzini. La qu,asi t, otalita. , della corrispondenza cli Nerazzini e Coltelletti con Cae tani, e 1p?i, a rparti:e dal 20 Iuglio, con Visconti Veoosta fu ,stampata in pocbi esemplar1 per ,uso rntemo, ma non fu raccolta in un volume di carattere confi� denziale. Pairte cli_ essa fu inse11ita nella serie confidenziale (XCIV). 19 Cfr. ASMAI, pos1z. 3/13-106, Caetani a Lang, re.ggente consolato Aden, teleg. n. 727. Stampato in (XCIV) 1490. E' _ �urioso n o�are che conternporaneamente, stt suggerimento di Rudinl, il IIll_n1stro _Caetani telegrafava a Salva �o R �ggi, regg ��te I'Agenzia del Cairo, per ch1edergli run iJ)aJ"ere sullia opportun1ta cli n1etters1 1n contatto col patria.rca copto. Cfr. ASMAI, posiz. 3 / 14-108, teleg. n. 724. 1

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....--.--- -la carovana �llo Scioa e l 'invio a Zeila di una persona di sua saliie f ar. � f1d��1a, che la prendes ?e _m oonsegna. Da parte italiana a Zeila i1 maggiore medico C esare Ne razz 1111 -avrebbe curato i1 definitiv-o asset,to e avviamenro dell? �:ova�a stessa. La scelta del N erazzini era la migliore che potesse fars1; g1a r es1dente ad Har-ar ed iamic·o ·di ·Maconnen, egli godeva la stima di Mooelik.

. e istruzioni per l a n1issione, sia politiche cl1e tamm inis:tra:tive, ven L nero da�e · al n1aggiore Nerazzini il 28 maggio 1896 con due doci1n1enti a fi· rrn·a ?,el president, e clel Consiglio,- Rt1clini. e dei ministri degli Esteri-, Cae tain1, e della G uerra., Ricotti20 • -Oltre che occuparsi <lei soccorsi ai prigi<0!llieri, ,le prede•tte istruzi-oni ai1torizzava, no Nerazzini "ad entrare 1� r.as M a Men erazio1:1e gi? e�1 �I co lik e Ia lib nnen . c pe in . carte % � . � � � � � : , de1 pr1g1on1er1 1tal1an1 . Nell 1pot es1, ·r1tenuta assa1 prob • ab1le, cl1e Menelik avesse volt1ito si1bo.rdinare la liberazione dei prigi-onie,ri alla con, clusione d-ella pace, N-erazzini avrebbe d-ovi1t o otte.nere ,tale lib erazione c-ome i1no dei preliminari da firmarsi s-i1bito salvo un ulterior e e formale traLtato di pace; egli inoltre avrebbe JJOtuto concordare tin rimborso per le spese soste.nute da Menelik per il manteniment,o dei prigionieri. Per l' eventuale :negoziato per i de1:1ti preliminari di pace, Nerazzini avrebbe dovut o ottenere, oltre alla liberazione dei prigionieri, i segu enti punti: 2) ''Confini Mareb-Belesa-Mi1na. 3)

Abrogazione del traltato di Uccialli e stipulazione di 1m ni1ovo trat· tiat·o di anlicizia e oon1m ercio fondato- sulla liberta di transi to e di traffico e ·sul principio d el rtratt-amento della nazione piu favorita senza restrizio111e alct1na. L'abrogazio11e del trattato cli Ucc.ialli deve, nell'atto ste , sso oontenenite i prelin1inari, essere n1otivata con una dicl1jarazjone che, in qualcl1e modo, esprima il fer1no _proposit0 di Menelik di non acce ttare il 1Jrotettora to di qualsivoglia JJote11za o quanto mooo (se una 1sif•fartta formula n o11 potess e a.ssolutan1ente farsi acoettare) esprima il proposito di Me11 elik di serbare piena ed il1imi ta11a Ia sua i!lldipemdenza verso ogni aln·a potenza.

I ' I , I

I '. ! \'

Qualche opport1.1na c1a:usola a itutela della sict1rezZ<1. dei rnostri posse · iuba''. dimeDJti ITTel · Bena.dir e ,n ella Valle <lei G

Glt obiettivi indicati dal Gover11 0 a Nerazzini er-aino grosso modo gli stessi di qu elli ·gia ,assegnati a Salsa, ma i l pun to 3 �ra stato sensibilme� te a:btenuato rispeltt:o a qu ello ca!tegorico, telegrafato 11 '24 ma�zo a Bald1s _ 1 sera2 , che .suonava \cOSi : . ''E' assolwtamente rnecessar10 che m qualunque modo risulti c·he i1 Negi1s non. i11tende n1ettersi sotto il protettorato -di a1tra potenza''. Pa.rtirro da Napoli il 3 giugno, Nerazzini arri�o il 13 successivo a Ma.ssaua, -donde prosegul per Asn1aira onde conferrre col Gove�atore Baldissera. A seguiito dei colloqui avuti e· dell'esame dei document1 Salsa,

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20 Copia delle aistnizion[ \politicbe (Disp. n. 19950 /217) e (Ji quelle amministrative (Di-sp. ITT. 19951 /218) lsi itrovano an ASMAI, posiz. 3/4-108. 21 Cfr ltesto ,in ASMA! lposiz. 3 / 16-132 e 134. II :telegramma fu fi.rmato da Rudin1 Caetani e Ri�tlli. Stooipato in Libro Verde Avvenimenti d'Africa (mauo'-aprile 11-897), -d.oc. 62, ed m DDI, ,serie 3°, vol. I, .doc.. 36. -247 -

Nerazzini si convinse di due cose: ''Prima fra i tutre: che era perfe�1:arnente inutile di st.1pporre che la Iiberazione dei prigionieri potesse essere t�att�� _ i da. sola ed indipende11temente dalla stipulazione della �ac�. _I pn�o�1e:1 erano tenuti dal Negus per avere una pace alle m1gl1or1 concli21oru; nes:Sun altro mezzo poteva valere a liberarli'' (Relazione, p. 4). In secon do luogo, Nerazzini si convinse o· meglio , ebbe i.l dubbio che n�l m.arzo Menelik aveva offerto i l confine Mareb-Belesa-Muna come confme prov visorio fino !a 1cbe 110n fosse ·stato stip11Ia110 il trattato vero e proprio d.i pace, da fjrmarsi allo Scioa da apposito plenipot�nziar� o. (?ltre che dall'e�me filologioo d.ella lettera scriitta da Menelik a Bald1ssera da FarfilS M.ai il 16 marzo 22, Nerazzini vedeva ,avvalora:to il suo dubbio circa il carattere provvisorio delle offerte dalle seguenti consideraz.ioni (Rela ziot1e, p. 5); ''Non sapevo rendermi ragione come I'Irnperalore Menelik, che aveva failito la guerra per lo smembramento· territoriale del Tigre, che 1aveva vi11ito la battaglia di Adua, che aveva in mano o , ltre 1500 prigionieri con la fenna volonta di te11erseli a garanzia di pace vantag giosa, 1potesse di sua i11iziativa proporre un oonfine di grat11 l11nga piu vasto , di quello stabilito nel tratmato cli Uccial, li e nella susseg11ente co,nvenzione adclizionale stiptila.ta a Napoli nel 1889 con S.E. Francesco C·ris1pi, t qua11do alo-etiopica era u1ella massim.a ele I'an1icizia i . vatezza della s11a parabola". E c..l1e Me11elik ri;te11esse cbe il trattato definitivo di pace dovesse i11dicare u11 confine pii1 favorevole all'Etiopia doveva dedursi dal fatto che Salsa riferi di aver lasciato ''con1prendere a Ras Maconnen c.he il Govern,o, qt1alora .fosse sti ato sicuro del ma'l1/tenimento <lei patti, avrebbe po�llto dopo un certo t, en1,po spo ,n;tanea.menite ridare . all' Abissin.i.a i ter,.rit o· ri che ora teneva'' (Relazio11e, p. 5)2 3. 1

, erazzini furono cbiariti solo nel corso delle trattaitive I dubbi di N nell'ottobre successive co11 Me.nelik, cl1e confermo cl1e l e proposte del n1arzo avevano cara:ttere provvisorio. Sino :a q11el mon1ento egli rimase nel dubbio. lv1ala11gi1rwtan1ente, il Govemo aveva creduto che Menelik: a,,esse offerto un confi11e definiitivo: questo equivoco era stato tuna delle C<1t1se del £allin1enlo delle trattative di marzo. Ripartilo ,cla Massaua e tocca :la Aden per rendere omaggio ·alle auto rtt�t ingles! , Nerazzini giungeva a Zeila il 2 � giug11,o, da ....dove spediva _ l 1nd.o111an1 tuna. lett.era a Menel1k per avvertirlo cl1e era s1:ato incaricato dal Gover110 di itrattare la liberazione dei prigionieri e per pregarlo ai i11viargli 11n ! salvacondotto. Sorvo 1l.ando s11 t,u,rta l'a.t:tivi,ti1 di Nera.zzini per l'organizzazio,ne della carovana ?i socc ?rs!, per �icevere . a Gibuti cinq11ainta prigionieri Iibera.ti da Menel1k su r1ch1esta d1 Le011t1ev per celebrare l'incoronazione dello 22 Cfr. ASl\1AI, posiz. 3/16- _132 � 134, Baldissera. a Ricotti," teleg n. 103, Asmara, 1� n, �rzo 1896. Stam1)a,to in L1bro Verde cit. cloc. 48, e in DOI, serie 3a, vol. I,, vol. cit., doc. 26. . osi� 3/16-�30, Baldissera 'a Ricotti, iteleg., Massaua, 13 marzo. 23 Cfr. ASM �, lp S1lampato 11.n tLibro iVerde crt., doc. 32, e lin DOI, tvol. cit., doc. 10. - 248 -

<lelle trattative. II 20 -agosto Zar, �-, m i atten �o . Jal s<;>lo filo c_ondu1Itore _ _, �rven1va a Nerazzm1 la nsposta d1 Menelik, daita col mezzo di una lettera d1 R as M ��n . Il ,Negus lo invi1ta va -a rec arsi allo &ioa per traltare a due cond1z1oru : l.

Che. egli a ��se lettere min.isteriali plen1potenz1ar10;

credenziali sovrame come

�h e fosse autpr �zzato a dichiarare tlecaduto i l trattato di Uccialli e a r1conoscere l'Et1opia con1e "impero libero e assolutamente inclipendent e'' (Relc1zio11e, p. 13). Con alt ra letitera, Mako11nen autorizzava 1 a partenza della carovana di soccorso per H arar.

La .cattura nel Mar Rosso ai primi di a.gosto <lei vapore olandese D �l�y �, che it�asporta�a anni destinrute a MeneUk e di proprieta di due amJCI d1 questi, lo sv1zz ero Ilg ed il francese Chefneux, fece temere a Nerazzini cl1e essa potesse i11tra]ciare le trattative ma fortunatamente no11 fu cosl. Altro motivo ,di preoccupazione per Nerazzini f11 Ja decisione de l Governo di inviare allo Scioa un. plenipote11ziario di grado e lev ato, il Generale Valles. A questa decisione il Governo italiano era giunto a meta agosto, i1npressionato ·dal rila rdo di 1v1enelik a 1isponclere al.I a lettera di Nerazzi.ni del 26 giug110 :e speranzoso cI1e l'invio di un generale valesse a far uscire .il Negus dal suo silenzio. In questa idea il Governo rimase, malgrado ii diverso ,av viso di Nerazzi11i, ancl1e dopo cl1e questi telegrafo il 22 agosto l'inviito di Meneljk a salire allo Scioa per trattar e24• II Gov erno riteneva che Nerazzini ra vrebbe stipulato solo dc�i preli.minari di pace e che l'interve.nt ·o 1del generale fosse necessario per portar a tenni11e i punti event11almel]t e .Iasciati i n sos_peso da. Nerazzini e per fim1are il 'trruttato formale di pace. Nel pre parare le istruzioni · d el generale Valles e curioso 11otare che il Mu1istro d ella Guerra, Pe llo11x, si mostro favorevole ad accog1iere le eventuali ricl1ieste di ·Menelik di riporlare ii confine tra Eliopia ed Eritrea a ,quello del trautalo di Uccialli25• Visco11ti Venosta respinse la proposta e di es�a non s.i fece cenno ne11e ist1rt1zioni. Conclt1sisi felicemente i· ,nego zia:ti 1a ,opera di Nera.zzini, la m.i-ssione Va lles fu sospesa. A seguito del telegraID111 a di Nerazzini ·del 22 , agosto e di uJ.teriorj scambi di idee 'Circa la interpretazione di alcune frasj cootenute nella let tera di Makonnen, ii Gov erno ita]iano rettifico l e primitive istn1ziani del 28 maggio, e ii 23 sera autorizzo Nerazzini a ''trattare con !vfe� elik sulle basi abrogazione trattato di Uccialli e riconoscimento sua 1nd1pen� enza, asst1mendosi farne egli stesso dichiarazione presso potenze europee,_ l1b_erta J\.1enelik fare altr· ettain, t-026''. Gad�v a co-si la pretesa del Governo, 1tal1ano

g. 24 Cfr. ASMAJ, posiz. 3/14-109 e 110, Nesrazzini a Visconti Ven. osta., tele arr. n. 1943, Aden, 22 agosto 1896. Stampato in _ DOI_, vol. cit., doc 17� s.n. ata a nserv not , osta Ven t1 a , con V1s lou.x Pel l-77 l / iz. 3 p-os AI, , ASM . Cfr 25 Roma. 14 .set tern bre J 896. . teleg. . .n1, . azz1 1 a osta Ner Ven onti Visc 26 Cfr ASMA! 3/14-110 (carte Nerazzini), n. i641, tRo�a, 23 agostto 1896. Stami[Jato in DDI, vol. cit., doo. 172.

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di fa·r sor1 toscrivere a Menelik un·a qu.alche fonna di impegoo· a no!Il accet tare il protettorato di terze p otenze. c� a1tro telegramina della stessa sera, il Gove�o av�ertiva Nerazzi�i �he il carioo d'armi d. el Doelwyk ·�are��e �ta�o I�sc1ato I1bero se �e�eli k avesse firmato la pace O Iibe rato 1 p r 1g1on1en pr1ma ch e a1 c ommiss1one delle prede emettesse i1 suo giudizio 27•

Forte di queste nuove i&truzioni,_ da_te le disp?siziooi _per .Ia partenza della carovana, Nerazzini Iasciava Ze1la 11 30 a_gos ..o pe_r g 1 ungere a Har� 10 giorni ·dopo, ben accolto da Makonne�. Ri�evuto 1l salvaco �dott · od1 A d A b b 1 Menelik, ripartiva ii 19 settembre per lo Sc 1 oa, g u�_gendo ad .d 1� e � il 6 ottobre, dopo aver incontrato lungo la strada . I 111g. llg, cb;e lo inform? sulla sit1.1azio11e e gli fu largo di co nsigli, e M ons 1gn_?r _Macari�, che, �vv1lito ed irritato per il mancalio successo della m1ss1one :aff1datagli da1 Vaticano, rito rnava alla c osta.

II Negus accolse calorosamente Nerazzini . n1a_, _in fatro di t�att�tive! assunse u11 atteggiamento dilatorio, in parte g1 ustif1cat1:o dal des1der 10 d1 avere vicino · a se i principali capi dell'impero, che a.veva mandato a chia mare. l11vero la presenza ·di que s,ti capi era necessaria per evitare che ,essi rjpetessero le acc1rse· gia rivolte in passa:to a Mene li.k di essere stato trO.J?PO conclisce11dente verso gli Italia11i ma soprattutto pe r co ncordare la restitu zione dei IJrigionieri. Occo,rre tenere prese,n , te cbe, p er i1 di:r. tto · etiop , ioc,,, il prigioniero di gL1erra diveniva proprie ta privata del vincitore. Pertanto. resti111endoli, i ca.p i d ovevan o essere indennizzati da Menelik. Sostene11do che, <la una guerra vinta, aveva110 ,tratto solo perdite e danni, quei capi inte11de\1ano ora ricavare i l massin10 utile.

Allarma:to dalla tattica di Men elik di 1inviare le udienze, pre occupato dalJe ripercussio11i c11e ii pr ol11ngarsi de lle trattative poteva provoca.re in Italia s1Jecie. se nel frat, 1en1po fosse arrivat,o Monsignor M a. car: io, Nerazzini si decise a chiedere energic.ame, nte a M enelik che le :tr.at, tative venissero condotte sollecitainent:e. Qt1este ebb ero praticame11te inizio i1 16 ottobre e si conclusero il 25. La finna e i sigilli vennero .apposti l'indomani 26.

Le maggiori diffic olta sorsero sulla q11estione dei confini e su quella di una indennita di gi.1e rra. Quant,o alla prin1a, senza entrare in dettagli, ba.st, i dire cl1e IIlO· n ·s i riusci a trovare una base d'accordo (e fu in questa sede che Nerazzi11i c omprese cl1e, 11ella l ettera del 16 marzo a Baldissera, Menelik aveva proposto il Mareb-Belesa-Muna come Iinea pro vvisoria n ell'a1Iesa della stipt1lazi one del trattato). Pertanto, si decise di conclude. re e gualme.ni-e la pace, rinviando la ou - estiane a un u1uo vo inc ontro da t, enersi entro · � e _ mante : _un an� � n_end,o intan-t- o· l o stati1 q£10. Quanta alla ques:tio111e. dell � mdenn1ta f1nanz1,1r1a, N erazzini obie uto cl1e q11esta. i n Eur opa, veniva corr1sposta allo sta1to cl1e occupava il territorio di un altro: il cl1.e n on era il caso prese11t� JJoicl1e l'Eti opia 110n a,,eva occupato l'Eritrea; soggiunse che era at1 tor1zzat o . a co11cordare llil ri111borso, sia pure ampio, per le spese ?oste�11te per 11 1?ru1:tenime nto dei prigionieri: questo e null'altro. Pas �a. t1 a disc11tere la c!f.r a. , Mooelik chiese 12 milioni di lire (ma alcuni cap1 avev.ano fatt,o, la c 1 flfa di 35-40); Neriazzini co,ntroffri 4 o 4 e mezzo 1n.assimo. -Anche qui, dopo molte discussi,oni, si· convenne che Mooelik si 27 �- ASMA!, !posiz. 14/3-18 ie 3/14-110, Viscon,ti Venosta a Nerazz:ini, tcleg.• Roma, 23 agosto 1896. · - 250 -

rimettteva all'equita del Governo italiano. Infatti, fu successivamente con cord,ata la so·mm,a di dieci millioni di, fr,ancbi, pa·gatr a in ,tr,e ,rate nel 1897 , e 1898. . Nerazzini aveva avuto istruzioni di tra1ttare con Menelik anche la ques:tione della sicl1rezza <lei possessi irtali.ani ,nel Benadir. Poiche questa apriv a altre delicate discussioni su territori scarsamente conosciuti, Nerazzini, per non co·mplicare la si t11azione, preferl non a. vanza1Ia. Fu cosl possibile gi11ngere alla fim1a del trattaito di pace e della con venzione per i ;prigioJ1ieri, i cui testi sono moti. Al fielice esito delle 11:raJ11ta tive contribul l'Ing. Ilg, che vi prese costante111ente parte quale consigliere de] Negus. A suo rig11ardo, Nerazzi11i scrisse (Relazio11e, p. 29): ''Ho il dovere di dicl1iarare cl1e, 1a ,mio credere, egli ha dimos,trruto uno spirito altame11te conciliativo, e che, pur salvaguardando gli in,teressi etiopjci, come era suo do vere, ha certamenti e coadi11vato la mia azione nel modo piu franco. ed efficace. Ho ragione di ritenere che abbia fatto lo stesso il Signor Chefne11x nei consigli che era chiamato a. dare al Negt1s, e che j} Negus tiene in gran con.to''. Cosl, il 26 rottobre 1896 si clliudeva UJ1 l1mgo periodo storico nei rapporti italo-etiopici, che, iniziaiti specie all.o Scioa i11 1nodo brjllante, avevano poi av11:to svilt1ppi irnprevisti. Nerazzinj aveva consegt1ito - attraverso la liberazio11e dei prigio nieri (circa 1600) 1- un 111otevole successo, ma a.nche Menelik, con l'abro gazione form.ale del tratJtato di Uccialli e gli altr.i in1_pegi1i as� unti_ d� ll'! ta lia. aveva dato ,aJI'Etiopia 11na posizione in1ternaz1011ale d1 . l)r11n1ss1n10 ordine, quale nessun altro paese africano poteva va11tare alla f111e del XIX secolo.

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EARLY RUSSIAN CONTACTS WITH ETHIOPIA CzeslcrH, Jes111a11 /11trod11ctio11:

The e�rly �elationtS between Ethiopia and Russia i n pre-colonial days ha_? . several. unique f �at11res. B_y a �d large they sprang from an assumed . al and con.fes 1011al prop1111c1u11Ly, and sp1 �1tu_ much less s,o fTom intellectual � CL1r10s1ty _or tl1e t �ad111g ur �e - of eitl1er. U11til tl1e closing clecades of tl1e 19tl1 �en :tury 1nterna t1ooal P?l1t1os hardly ob:ruded; at the mos.t they were l �n11ted �o 11ebulo11s proJects. They have never led to any consiste11t poli t1cal act1011. These early 0011tacls between Russians a.nd Ethiopia.as, sporadic and infre 9-uent, resul1 ted in no artic11late ''African'' or ''Etl1iopian" policy of 1.:he Russian s:taite. Hence Russia's pa.ntiicipa:tion in tl1e "scramble for Africa'' ,vl1ich followed tl1e Berlin Co11gress of 1885 was more of a conditior1ed reflex than a cohere11t effort to secure a footj;ng, ·1erritorial or otl1envise, on the African contine11t. In tl1is co11nectio11 it sl1ould be remen1bered tl1at for Rt1ssia since time i1111nemorial Ethiopia v1as culturally and politically a part of Asia rather tl1an of Africa in Russian eyes. African and Etl1iopian affairs interested Russia as its furthest con1n1itme11t on tl1e , Asia11 contine11t1 and noit on their• own merit. The short-lived ''colonial'' period of Rtissian activities in Et.l:1iopia began in earnest with tl1e so-called "Sagallo I11cide11t". On 17tl1 Se1J-tem ber 1889, tl French gunboat sl1elled a P... ussia11 setller11e11t establishecl 011 the sl1ore of tl1e Bay of Tajura on tl1e Red Sea near Saga1lo, a 'locality used by tl1e Dankali tribes as their transie11t village. The R11ssians arrived 1here under the co1nmW1d of a s01ne,vhat mysterious ''Aitan1an" A"hinov some weeks before. Abo11t ten Russians \Vere killed or \vo1111ded as the result of the bornbardrne11t. Inter11atio.nal co1nplications were avoicled thanks n1ainJy to St. Petersb11rg's detem1i11ation 11ot to allow it to disturb the nascent Framco-Ru.s.sian AlJia11ce. All tl1e same a period of brisk, if inconclusive excha.11ges followed be.hveen Russia, Etliiop.i1a a:nd tl1ose Euro pean powers wl1ic.h jntended to stake their claims in tl1e North Eastern Horn of Africa and in tl1e Christian Higl1la11ds of Ethiopia. As -the result di! the Rus,so-Japainese, war in 1904/5 t'he Russia:n Em prre w.i!thdrew from active African politics. A )Russia,n Legiation ling�red on in Addis Ababa wl100 World Wair I br,oke ,ou;t in 1914. Its perso.nnel consisted of Chemersin, a Charge cl'Affaires, beari11g a ?J edium_ rank_ �f coUege councillor'' - kolejskii sovetrzik - in tl1e Impenal R?ss1an <? 1v1l Service and ,of Bravin an 1nteroreter. There was 1also a Medical Off1c.er, Dr. Sae�ko, attached t� tl1e Leg[ttion. Tl1e only Et.l1iop!an official in RL1ssia .., Arme111an 1nercl1a11t.at tl1 at time w,1 s a. Trade Agent in Odessa, an. '

I Prince A. Lobnnov - Rostovski. Russia and Asia, New York, 1933. p. 9 . : 2 1\ln1anacl1 de Gotha, 1914, pp. 623, 1064.

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Otl1erwise there were in Etbjopia no Russian trading, cultural or ecclesiasitical bodies at tl1at time. The few decades of Russian colo11ial ''effervescence'' rather than ex pansion ha.ve b�n treaited elsewhere. 3 Furiliermore Miss M. V. R.ait, a co11temporary Soviet student of Ethiopia, has published recently an excel lent essay on ''Russian Expeditions in Etbjopia from the midill: e of.i t� e 19th un,til the beginning of the 20th century''. Not the least ment of this w o. rk is a descriptive a111d sytematic catalogue of unpublished archival s·ou.rces ()fl �l1i.s ,perio,d exis, ting in tl1e So,viet Union. 4 The earlier stages of R 11ss i, am interest in Africa in general, and in Etlliopia in particular still constitt1te a11 unexplored field. Its kno�n � d accessible doct11nentat-io,n is sc, a.t�er,e·d and incomplete, and mos.t pnnc1pal a:rchiv:es, both in 1the USSR •an·d o,u i tside its frontiers b ,as !11'0rt: been searcl1ed for as yet. Some pioneering work of oansiderable importance has been do11e, ]1owever, in tl1is field 5 in Rt1ssia, in particular by the late Prof. I. Yu. Kra:tcl1kovslcii. 6 rfbLIS the ai111 of tl1e present essay is i11 tl1e first place to take stock of exta11t yet scattered and ofte11 forgotten information, which is of con siderable ]1istorical and politicc1l interest, eve11 in its present form. •

T/1e ec1rliest 11el-vs. There a.re references ·to Bthiopia already in the oldest Kievan Chroni cle attributed. to 1nonk Nestor. The autl1or even disting11isbed two Ethio pias, 11ot t111like l1is co11temporaries the Western Europan chronograpbers: '·Ethiopia", !1e wrote, ''wl1icl1 1narcl1ed wit]1 tl1e Indies'' and further l1e 111e11iio11ed ''Anotl1er Ethiopia from wl1jcl1 tl1e Ethiopian river Chemma issL1es, v1l1icl1 flo\vs to tl1e East." Tl1ese details had already arrived in Kiev tl1roL1gl1 Bulgaria or directly from Co11stantinople. In the 11th century A.D. Etl1io1)ia11s were called ''mt1rin'' by Nestor, probably a distortion of Latin ter1n "mat1rus" or Gern1an "Mol1r'' applied in Western Europe i11 tl1e Early Middle Ages indiscriminately to all dark skinned Afr1ca11s. Early Kieva11 a11d Mtiscovite Russia11s applied in some instances ilie term ''n1t1rin" as an adjective: tht1s, for exan1ple, tl1ey knew ''n1urin grass'', \vhicl1 is known today in Rt1ssia as ''Etl1iopian sa.ge''.7

Tl1e ''Chrislia11 Top.ograpl1y'' of Cosmas Ii1dicopleustes, one of the o.ldes,t written sources on a.11cient EtJ1jopia, arrived u1 Russia in the 13th century, al tl1ot1g1h, 111e oldest surviving manuscripts of it date 011ly from tl,e l6tl1 century.:: 3 Sergiu:; '\':d�obscn. "Russia and Africa", J'J1e Slavo11ic Revielv, XVJI, XIX (1939-1940) pr: 623-� 37; 158-17�. D. V Zvetaiev, "Relations with Abyssinia in XVI II cen Lur / according to Rt�ss1an archi_ves" (In Russian i11 R 1.1ssiari A rclzives IT, (! 882) pp. 205-2_10 (In Russ1a11). Baron de Nolde, "Franco-Russia Alliance" (1n French ). Paris, 1936, PlJ. 493-494. Prince A Lobanov, Rostovski, op. cit. .., 12. po. 211.. • 4 M. V. Rait, "Russ!an exp�diti?n �, in E tbiopia in .tl1e 19th and at the beginning of _ the 2�th century (1n Russian 1n Studies on African Ethnograplly" ' of Academy of Science. USSR. Mosco,v, 1956 (in Russian). 5 P. Us1:ien �ki�, ''Cliri� tian East. Abyssinia" etc. in "Stuclies of Kiev Tlz eological A.ca� e,11)1 , (in R_u�s1�1�) � 866, Nos. 3,� ,5,6. P. Uspenskii, "Russia's part in the , n . _ _ s destiny of Abyss1n1 Stu clre of Kiev Tlzeo/ogical Acade,11y", 1886 No. 8. � ,! 6 I_ Yu. K�atcl1kovsku, An Jntroduct_ton to Ethiopia11 Philology" Moscow 1955 · ' ' (1n Russian). 7 J..Yu. Kratcl1kovskii, op. cit. p. 80. 8 I. Yu. Kratchkcvskii, op. cit. p. SO. •

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The ''Cosmography'' of Mercator ' who died 1·0 1595, wa s tra ns· · ere w:re several edi1tions of this work, ,a lated in o Russ1an. 1637. Th n, d one . � . on es ate , publ. .1shed durmg the reign of Peter tbe G r. of t11e reat, .was illustra1ed with woodouts. The �agraph on Ethiopia in the first edi,tion of "Cosm � , , hy ��c:

''�he la;nd of Seoond, or Fur-�l1er Et!hiopia of the South 1s vast amd a�ple. Tl1ere are rn. any various rulers tl1ere, few ,ar,e 1tl1� r1gl1t believing Christians as \Vell .as cus.ton1s and beliefs of many faiths''. Subseqt1ent edi1tioITTs \Vere more info,rmative: ''1:'he Ethiopi!a� Ki11gd.om of Second Etl1iopia of the South 1s an e�s1ve and po · pt1Ious l:ru1d. Its people are of True Farth a,nd of Old Testament. The-re is a patri,a•rcl1 'among tl1en1 and bisl1ops; there are n1onks aplenty a11d monaseries. People are very black from tl1e beat of tl1e su11 . Of bread they have bt1t little; they eat ,all kinds of vege,tabl-es. Wi.tl1 gold and precious stones the land is 1rich. The peo,pl-e figl1t \vitl1 many neighbot1ring lan,ds :and wit1J1 -the Turlcs. . News fron1 and about Etl1iopia came for n1any centuries to Russia from Eastern Patria.rebates; fro1n tl1e beginning of the l6tl1 ce11t1try, AlexaITT.dria ra·ther tl1:arn Je.rusalem was ·111e main source of infonnation. 9 The representatives of tl1e See of St. 1V1arl< jour11eyed to Moscow regularly at lea.st after 1533, v.1l1e11 Patriarcl1 J oacl1in1 senl cl ,vritte11 111es sage to Vasily Ivanovitcl1, the !)1en Grc111d Duke of :tvloscow. By that time already Russia11 1Jilgrims to tl,e 1-Ioly La11d l1ad already recorded their i1npressio11s of Etl1iopians \vl1on1 they 111et i11 Jcrusalen1. T11e first ''literary'' pilgrim was Greten11i11s wl10 ,ve11t to pray at the I-Ioly Sepulcl1re during the opening years of tl1e 15th cent11ry. !-Iis descriptio11 of the journey was preserved at tl1e Arcl1eological M11seun1 at Kiev.10 On Ethiopians he was not complimentary: l1e called tl1e111 "accursed heretics". He mentioned tl1at their cl1a1Jel was placed to the right of the Holy Sepulchre. It was erected tl1ere duri11g tl1e reigt1 of Neg11s Yeshak. 11 Gretennius also recorded that an Etluopian was wallecl by the oriest Moslem masters of tl1e Holy City i11side tl1e cl111rcl1 for tl1e duration of one year together witl1 tl1e representatives of other C11ristian denominations residin. g in Jerusalem. An anonymous description, in Greek, of 1he Holy Land in the middle of the 15th century preserved today at tl1 e Georgian national monastery on Mount Athos, was written i n all likelil1ood by a Russian monk. 12 He mentioned the presence of Eibhio:pian.s in Palestine, brut passed no observa tions on them. 9 I. Yu. Kratcbkovskij, op. cit. p. 81. 10 Madame B de Khitrovo, "Russian Itinera.ries in the Levant translated for the Societe L'orient Latin". (in French) Geneva, 1889. 11 "The Treaty of the I-Joly Land and of the Levant" (in Italian), ed. Golubov1tch, · · Milan, 1901, p. 31. . . 12 Pravoslavnii Palestinskii Sbornik (n Russian) - Ortbodox-Palest1n1an Studies XTX, 2, St. Petersburg, 1903.

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a n s e o a th Y w re e h d e n o ti n e 1n e b Tl1e last ecclesiastical a11.tl1or lo one • Lavra of y e b b A ia a k s ev ei g . er -S Small, deacon of t11e Troitzko r e m fo ]e re th sa ru J in ed y a st a � on Y _ spiritual centres of Russiat1 OrtJ1odoxy. Patria report l1e m.en is h n ,I . h rc ek re G n o 111011tl1s j11 I 651 in atte11cl�1nce e g n o in in of rn u b re fi al 1i u e1 er p t ep k s 11 ia tioned tl1at Etl1iopian Cl1rist t d 1a te tl no so al e H . re h lc pu Se y ol H the seven Ia1nps suspe11ded over the h" rc u h at C re ''G 1e t1 e id 1s i1 ar ye a r fo two Ethiopia11 monks were sealecl in s an of tl1e di ar gu as s, st ie pr an ti is l1r C r l1e ot by the Turks togetl1er witl1 Tomb. 13 et io n1 tl1 so E al e m ti e th ,1t t an ev L 1e tl Lay Russi,111 travellers in n io 1 a iss 01 m nt se as w t, an ch er n1 w co os pi,1ns. Visili Posniakov, a M le in ib rr e Te th an Iv ar Ts by ria 1d 1 · xa le A of to 1J1 e Ortl1odo:X Paitria.rch at d pe jp sh or ,v o wh s an i p io tl1 , E w sa l1e 1, en al us er 1558. 011 l1i� way, in ·1 n s co a;s ,-va ov iak sn Po 1". rcl 11t Cl i ea t Gr e th d to he :ac "a il1eretica.l altar, a1i ris Ch ox thod Or n sia us n-R no r J1e t Oi all of s wa }1e as m temp . tt1os of tl1 e. tians 14 : 1 CJ1ristians are es elv n1s the l ''TI1ese l1eretics who cal Lati11s, Abyssi11ia11s, Copts, Arn1e11ia11s, Arians, Nestor ia 11s, J acobites, Tetrodytes, Maronites, a11d other r.lam11ecl followers of l1eresies." I11 rtl1e course of Paschal ceren10:nies, accoJ"ding to Posniakov the Et!1iopian prie.sts toolc part i11 t11e processio11 coming directly behind the G·re'.":lc Pa_t·r1,arcl1 Logetl1er ,v:1th a '"Ve1nC1:ian pries,t Boniface, who :resides on fVIount S1on w11ong tl1e Copts''. 1

T11e P;.1scl1al processio,n failed to impress Posniakov: ''It ,vas an i,ncredible sight to bel1old. The hereA:ics demeaned 'lhe111selves as 1t1ho11gh they were demented in T!1e churcl1 . ·... Tl1e Ethiops waJked around the Holy Sep11lcl1re, v,r1.t �1 fo-t1r_ large dr11rns. Tl1ey struck them as tl1ey Vi1allced, Jumping a.nd dancing like cl.o·wns. Some jt1mping backwards. We were astoun of U1em ad : �anced _ ded that D1vhne Mercy endured all this goings on while a man could hardly sita11d tl1e sigl1t of sucl1 deviltry in sucl1 a place''. Trifo,n .Ko�obei_nikov· ' .a Moscow n1ercI 1ani t , , vi1ent t.o Jerusalem on his . . own a. s a 'pilgn�. But lus 11n.pressions of tJ1e Etl1iopian liturgy were as 11arrowly sectar1a11 as tl1ose of Posniakov.15 "TJ1e E111iopians \Vl1i.Je making a procession around lh,e Holy Sept1cl1re be·a:t tl1eir drt1111s ,and dance like . mo1111teb,t11 ks, walking backw·ird ' s · · · and we sinners . \.\,0� d r�d l1ow kin d Our Lord \Vas that l1e sl1ou]d all ow sue1 t�11ngs to �ke place, since even at markets it would l1ardly be !)OSs1ble to behold sucl1 unsee111l ' disorder." )

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13 ed. by S. 0. Doglov in Pravoslav11ii p at Ie 1· s 111 sk·11.. Sb or11ik (in R ussian) OrthodoxPalestinian Studjes - .XIXV 1895, S · p etersbt1g r . . . ' . · s in Pa l<>stine. Tl1 e stcryof . . 1 4 E. Ceru.11·I, Etl1_·1op1an Ethiopian Con1mun1ty 10 Jerusalem, (111 Iial1an), Rome, 1943_ 15 C M. Loparev, "Tl1e pilgrimg a eof M er h nt Tri . fon Korobeinikov" in fasc 27, � c St "Orthodox Palestinian udies "' in R ussian) Sl Petersburg, Vol. IX.

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- 256 -

The re was little c<;>mp . assion and n o u- nd ersrtanding of foreign ritual Ru ssi an• tra among tJ1e ea•rly . • ve llers m Palesitine. And 'L,.hey ce,I'ta]·nIy • �o�ed 110. spi rJitua1 P�mqu1ty with Ethiopian Christ, ian.s. The Russian piJ�1ms 0nd ;travellers 1n t the H_o:ly Land were very few ju .all)' case , a·nd their r eports � 0�1]d 11ar�ly_ l1ave influence d their �ompatriots at 11ome. For the �verwbel1n11ng ma1or1ty of Russians, Etl1iopia, or two "EtlJiopians" remained fa.bu] o11s. lands, part folklore and JJart garbled travellers tales for some tl1r ee centuries. Political i111clertones.

Towards the end of tl1e l 7tl1 century, howe ver, tl1e rulers of Rtissi,L bee:ame ,tr.ansi-ent.Jy jnterested in Etl1iopia ·on political gro11ncls. In 1683 Rumber�, �n .envoy -�f ,t.l1e �11�� o-f Saxony, b·r.o-t1gh. -t \Vi,th him a oopy of , Ludolph s I-l1sto.ry of Aby�s1111,1 ' to Moscow. Tl1e book was inscribed by the autl1 or to t.l1e co-Tsars loann Alexieie vitch and Peter Alexeievitch, the future En1peror Peter the Great, who, at that time, were joint sovereigns of Russia. The book caused q11it e a !S1l'ir in tl1e 'R11ssian caoital. Moslen1 s i11 igenera. .l, and 1tl1e Ottoman Empire m _pavticular, ,vete slill t11e iarcb-ene mies af R1LSsia. Lt considered �·t.s elf to ·be the ''Third Rome'', the heir of Con.stllillltinop·le �nd of !the Ron1 an Empire of old, a· nd the vessel 0JI1d de 1 fender of ithe only truly ortl1 ocLox lform of CI1 ris:, ia.nity. A.11y design w .ltich could possibly s1trengt!11en ,1.l1ese con!enitions, a,nd l1umb'le t, he "Infidels" warranted at least friendly attention among tl1e rt1Iing circles of the R·u.ssian Sltaite. A.I1d it. so lra.ppe11ed :Ll1ait precise.Jy rut tl1at Lime the old crusading dream of Henry the Navigator of striking at the Moslen1 power at its ''soft underbelly'' and i11 co11junction witl1 ''Prester J01111 ", the n1igl1ty mythical ruler of African Cl1ristians, was very mt1ch ii1 tl1 e air an1ong several Ger1nan Protestant pri11ces. The Turkish · d anger was 110 Jaughing :mat;ter in 'Ce111Lral Europe a t. rtl1 a1t · izier I(ar.a Musta time. Even the des,truotion of !the armies of 1the Gra'.l1d v pha KoprUli.i 11n der tl1e walls of Vienna dicl 11ot quite conjt1re a\vay tl1e thre at of a massive Mosle1n i11vasion. A11y plans, l1owever exotic, to lesse11 . Bilitention i n Mosco\v as \Vell as in 01l1er European i1ts immediacy deserved capi'!als. Thus :itt was quite natural 1hait Ludolpl1's boDk was rtranslatecl into Russian. Its Russian versio11s were 11 0i t p11blis•hed, bu1t ithe a1rtl1or was awa_re that they were rendered into Russian by two international boarcls of Linguisits.16 Meanwhile the Russiain Resi-dent Minis-i-er in Persia fo11nd a. candidate for the Russian embassy at tJ1e Ethiopian court, an Italia11 Friar. Fatl1�r J acomo da Oleggio, member of the Franciscan Order. Fath�r da Olegg10 spent some year: s jn Ethiopia as a mi-ssionar� .aD.d was on lits w,ay home, een -�orth via Mesopotamia an d Pe rsi a, the us ua l �oute 1n those days bet:" Ea1st Afrioa and Wes,t E11•rope, whoo he w.as arres-te d .a:nd put 1n�o J �Il by the Persians. Da Ole .ggio wa s e ventually released rthro·ugh Russ i an l!llte: tl 1e Roman �ur1 a n ee et b e nc d on s • -re ooc � ed o111 ct cessi ·and after a pro,tra � ._ I? .and the -Court -of St. P e ter,sibu·rg, ar:r1v,ed m Russi.a e arly lil _ 1720, ieady . f ! ro p em i ss an Ru e th of v � oy n e m s a . to embark on his mis-sioo. t o Btih1o,pia . 1 e immment th e u ca be y b i ss , po , er v � e w . : ho His emba s- sy did not materialise, of I II hn Jo g m K of 1es or jct v e th to Turkish threat was receding thanks 1

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16 I. Yu. Kratch.kovskii, op. cit. pp. 82-83_. - 257 .•

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r_ of the armed forces de a1;1 m m c? e th y, vo Sa of ne ge Eu ce in Pr . oland an. d of P e Balkans. th n m io at N c n1 a n en G . 1e t1 of re pi m E an om of the I-Ioly R y e ur th al nt on ce iti th 18 trad e 1h of r te ar qu st fir e 1h of In {the cou;se t a �ecisive en rw de �n ar -':'7 of g[u s es dl en r ei th in ky ur T d roles of Russia an s, ile tu wh pe 1ID e e siv tth es gr ag s t i' s:t Io re pi m E an m tto O e th l: rsa ve re g e on e th t al _ ch es ar · m s earn in a sh pe . e ak t Ito n ga , be ve dri e tiv isi qu �c n sia Rus 1hese circumstIDces the Russ1,an Cou·rt saw no t In e. at t s. of tl1e Russian r ro pe su Ya Em of II ter let a 1us Tl s. ce ian all c oti ex te va reaso11 to culti 1 Pe�r rthe G:eat 0£ er ht ug da II, _ th be isa El 1 rto (1739-1755) a[lld of l1is m01ther y iar ed _ the m 1 gh e, ou mt r th d_ tte , mi ns tra s, a . ssi Ru e tl1 f o, all and Empress of Matheos, Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria, remamed unanswered. Tl1e sovereign of Ethio1)ia was still obsessed witl1 the notions of a Mosle111 e11circle1nent a11d of an imperative need for all Christian rulers to unite against it. In St. PetersbuFg such ide as were no longer valid the acce11t tl1ere \Vas on no11-deno111inational pow er politics. Tl1e letter of Yasu II was transmitted, in a Greek tran slation, by Pa� triacl1 Matl1eos 011 l8t]1 Decen1ber 1751. Fo11r years later, in 1755, the l�L1ssiar1 Academy 0£ :Sciences ordered a set of Bthiopian characters to be cast: b�>' the In1perial Typogra1Jl1ical Works. 17 Tl1e project was eventually , c.cL1rate design of them have survived. Lt is run aban<.1011ed but �- fujrly a ccrta i11 vVli}' t11ey \Vere -ordered. Tlze rlrr1tv11. of Etl1iopic111 sfitclies.

'l l1irly :yea .rs la1ter, in 1784, :the Russian Governmont reques,ted th& l-):1triarcl1s o.f Jerusale111 and ,.Antioollia to provide Ethiopian equivalents fo 235 ''lcey'' \.\'Ords, i,ncludi,ng :their dialectical variations. This request J1ad. .110 po.liti,c._�I. signi:fic,�nce:_ a 1miversal dictionary was being compiled tl1e11 t1ncler ?ff1c1al at1sp_ices 111 St. Petersburg, and Etluopian terms were needed for 1_. t. :I1e Pat�1archat, es, h,owever, were nort up - t o ,tl1e ,task, ood w]1en tl1e D1ct1onary finally appeared in print in 1787, it contained no reference to ''Etl1iopian lang11age'', nor did it explai - n exactly w11 at was mea11t by it. After lhis in·at1spicious beginni1ng tl1e Ethiopian stu·die.s in Russia deve oped slowl�_. Tl1e_ ear, ly_ compr�l· 1ensive gra.i11mars of I. s. Orlov ?n<l \-· O�n.atovsk1, p�1bl�sl1ed 111 18 IO 1ncl11ded only so-n1e rat:her inacc11rat, e information 1011 Eth1op1c lan�u.ages. CI1airs of oriental languages, inci dentally, had b�en founded five years earlier on, at tile Universities of S•t . 'Petersburg, Mo�co.w, _Kharkov, and Kazan. They began to function as proper cen,tres of Iearntrng, 0111ly 'lW·o decades later. Acrid it is curious to note that B.A._ Don , n, tl1e "Fatl1e�'' o,f Oriental Studies in Russia wrote his doctorate 0�1 tl1e G_l1eez t_ranslat.Ions of_ �1e Psaln1s, while teaching Gheez a11d A1nl1ar1c, togetl1er w1tl1 other Se1n1t1c languages, at the un1vers1ty of · · . K!ha, rkov. Dor, n Sltayecl •tl1ere �or seven y�a·rs. In 1836 Ile �etumed -to St Peter s . burg ·and , took · a pr,�n11ne·nt part 1n the development of orien · t a1 �tud'1.es . . thT-ougl1-ou , t; tl1e R-uss1an Empire By tllat -time Etl ,op an m nus ts Ru · ssi pr an iva co te lle ction amd i� :the Imperi·a . l�b l nd i i · ib 1 pu l a · 1c rar1es · �pwere m . r [: · · · su - !ICJentIy numerous to warranit a sys·.tem · at • 1·c UJJ..J.' ".ll,nd descr1pt1ve catalogue. ..,

17 I. Yu. Kratchkovskii, op . cit. p . 84. -258 -

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Dorn unlertoo� the t�sk of p �eparit1 � it.18 l!e set a very high standard in _ _ re m 1t an ai n d to s tlus day 1n Rt1ss1a n Ethiopian liis work, stud·1es. The 1ate . . ev T ay an ur d K r s Professor �tch kovs k11, b�fore and after the revolution of 1917, are b u t tw o outstanding followers 1n tl1e footsteps of Academician Dorn.

Tlze Earliest Traveller. lft 1is doub �u.l �o 'Yhat degree, �f at aJl, 1the blossoming of Ru ssian 1 stt p1 11 1d s re 1e ia d n tl1e earl1est Rt1ssian travellers in Etluop Ethiop � ia . Chronologically the ffirs't of tllem was Josepl1 Senkowski. He was Polish by birth, but in the early deC<'ldes of 1the 19,th century he established him self in the Ru ssi an c,a,pitaJ a11d belonged to the brilliart intellectual and social circle ,,,hich gra vitated at ttl1art time arot1nd Pushkin, Jukovskii and a Te\v lesser_ lights of R ussj�n l �tter �. Exotic travels were part and parcel the Ron1a·nt.1c moven1 e11 t wl11ch 111sp1red t11em. Senkowski, very much a man of fasl1ion, \Ve11t to Egypt co11seqt1ently, in defere11ce to the prevailing mood in 'St. Petersburg rather rtl1.an i11 search of learning. But once there he ;pressed on -ou,t 1off s-hee:r ct1ri.os,i:ty. He we11rt overland to Nubia and reached tl1e nortl1r11 escarpments of t11e Ethiopian I-Iig11 lands. I-:Ie publi shed a book on his travels in Fre11 ch, Ger1nan, and Russian, 19 but it caused 11 0 stir in St. Peters burg; 11 ot even on justified strictt1res, suc11 as met Bruce's ''V·oyages !to tl1e So11rces of 'the Nile'' in Britai· n. Russia's interest in Africa in the years following tl1e Napoleonic invasion was aln1ost 11on existent. Ge.neral Count Tatishchev signed a declaration on the abolition of African slavery on behalf of l1is sovereign at Verona 011 28tl1 November 1822. But it was only a forn1ality resultu1g from Russia's participaLion in tl1e "Holy Alliance'', and not an original 1nove i11 i11ternational relatio11s. Thus also Rt1ssia signed a similar treaty in Londo11 on 20t11 Decem ber 1941. Curiously enougl1 Tatishchev's part Ethiopian desce11dants Jive to this day in Ethiopia. 1

T/1e "Etlziopian Gua,·cls·'' at tl1e l111JJerial Cot1rt. Tl1e name if 11ot the exact knowledge of Ethiopia was kept alive, tl1rougl1 a mis{;11derstanding, as it were, at tl1e Rt1ssian Imperial . Cou:t. Si11ce the reign of Empres s Auna Ivanovna (1730-1 �40) the�e bad e�1sted 1n St. .Peters burg a small Bodyguard of the Sov�re1gn wluch co11s1sted of black African Christians. There were usually s1.x of tl1em on duty. Tl1ey were called ''Cot1rt Moors'' - D1,ortso1Jye Arapy - atld they were · 5 182 ig, ipz I:e ) tin L� _ (in o" ati ent m.m Co ico op tbi Ae o 18 B. Dorn - "D e Psa]teri . . nstitute of th e ic iat I · ts O f the As B Dom - "On son1e Etb1op1an Manuscrip • • • c.e l'Acac/emie ue i if,q ent Ministry of Foreign Affairs"· (in German) in Bullet;_Jg� cles scie11ces c/e St. Peter�bu�·g , vol . II,1 �37, �ol . � �, rial /Publi in Lib rar y c · e I t Olp 10 ts rip usc B. Dorn - "On the Eth1op1an Man scie nc es i es c. e 1111 e ne Ac l de St Peters bu.rg (in German) in Bulletiri Scientifique ,le St. Petersbttrg, vo l. l ll, 18_38, ss 1_45-15· ublished travel in Nubia and 19 �- Joseph Senko�ski_ - Some 1mpre�sions O } n 1ales des 111 A s el ,v oi N in ch �n �� (� 10 19 8 � m Northern Eth1op1a unde_rta�en m 145, Paris, 1823. Voyages, vol. XVJ, p 289, Par is,1822, �Ib?( VI IdpNo rth ern Ethiopia in Peter b. Jos ep S�nko vs�i - Journey through u i a a . vol. IV, pp. 3,49,129: 3 10 ;7 4 ,'iburger Ze1t1111g (ta German) vol. 11, pp. 2 , ' , VI I, p. 163, St. Petersburg, 1822 eoG in ia p io th E . n er th or N d an c. J�seph ��n kovski - J?urn ey _through Nu bta sburg,1822. . er et P t S 8 1 gra/,tchesk11 Efe,nerrcl ' o PN XI, . (1n Russi an) - 259-

I I

:1ssumed to be Etl1iopia11s. In actual fact they were neither. In o]d Russia sucl1 lte,rms 1as ''Arab'', ''Etlu,op¼in'', and ''Negro'' - Arap, �fyop, Neor - wer� flt1id and intercl1angeable. ''Arapy'' were West Africans, n1o�tly tl1e Wolof of Senegal. WJ1ile slavery exist�d th�y were purc�a sed by R1tssia11 ·eo11suls in Tripoli, baptised ,on ithe spat 1:11t? the Russian. Ortl1odox 1CJ1ucl1 \and ;sen it 't o St. Petersburg wb.ere :as Chnsittan'. neophytes they were granted perso11al f_reedo111 ,tnd enlisted f_or life �11 t11e Imperial service. This usually menat 25 to 30 years duty. Unt1l tl1e n11ddle of th� last centt1ry 'ta1ey were dressed in mag11ifice111t u11 iforms and en_ormous silkein turbans. Arn1ed with curved Tt1rkisl1 scimit,1rs they looked l1ke personages \vho l1ad stepped out of the pages of the ''Thousand a�d One Nights''20. They were all very tall, at least 6' 2'', and selected for their spo�essly bl� ck skin. OrigiJ1ally tl1ey were e11trustecl wit11 tl1 e safety of the Sovereign. D· ur1ng receptions at tl1e Wi11ter Palace in St. Petersburg they mounted guard outside ,the en1trance to 1the MaJa.cl1iite Hall, and barred .access there rt:o !all but pri11ces of the royal blood. There was ,l craze in tl1e 18th century Euro pe for "Rococo'' oddities of all kinds, a11d the ''Court Moors'' at St. Petersburg were par�t and pa:rcel o.f 1tl1 is fashioill. But they survived the vag,:tries fasl1io11 . Wl1en Africa11 sl�1very was abolished, tl1e ''Court Moors'' or ",Cl.1ris-tian Etl1iopia1ns" a:t -the Imperial Cou-vt of Russia coiiltinued. to be engaged b_y 1tl1e :Rt1ssia11 Con-suls a1t Tl!"ipoli in Libya. By then rtbey were unarn1ed perso11al servants to£ 1R11ssia11 1£.mperors. Tl1ey were 1 dressed tra di.-ijonally .ii1 rtl1e 18th ce:ri'tury cosrt1.1n1es ·of red frock-coats, green breeches and \Vl1ite stoclci11gs. Faberge, tl1e Cot1rt jeweller, prodt1ced a statuette of a "Court Moor" j11 semi-preciot1s sto11 e, wl1icb l1as s1rrvived the Russian Re,,olt1tion. '1'l1e dt1ties of rtl1e !AraJJY were not :onerous. They suffered rr0111 110 di.scrin1 ina.tion. T11ere U1as been a:io colo11r · b ar in t1 l1e Russian Empire, and ''Court Moo.rs'' m.arried Russian ,girls. Tl.1eir cJ1jldren en joyed the 1San1e iadva11Jtages a.s cluld,ren of other raznocl1i1ztsy - filOn-a11ru gerou.s p 1 erso-n11e1. A ison of ia.n Arap !rose Ito rtl1e rank of major-general ,of tl1e J1nperial R11ssian Navy, at tl1e tur11 of tl1e present ce11tury. The ''Court Moors'', in field khaki, were still in evidence - l1uge, exotic ru1d in co11gruous .- at _tl1 � Stavl<a - The Im1Jerial Field Headquarters at Mol1ilev . ecen1 ber 19 I 6.21 on the D111eper 111 D Tlze R11_s·sic111s E11ter i11to E1l1iopia11 Politics.

fn 1843 Mol1amn1 ed ,Ali, ,tl1e Pasl1 a o( Egy1J.t, req11ested tl1e Russia11 Govern111 ent22 to send l1i1n 111 ining engineers -to investigate tl1e pr-aspects of gold rni11ing i11 tl1 e rece11tly co11quered St1dan. 1 utl1 Mol1an1med 1A 1i at ithis stage was politically 1y;tl1i11g co1u1 eo A1 '\\ ted _ trick� for a11y_ ?L1ropea11 power, l1ad a11d it was 11ot u11til 1847 t11a.t a Russian e � ped1t1 ?1 � was allowed to proceed to Egypt. Its leader was E. P. Kovalevsk1, � m111111g e11gi11eer �itl1 s0111e diJJlomatic experie11ce: in 1837 l1e �1ad been 111 cl1a�·ge of a Russ1,1n gold-prospecting party in 11ontenegro wl11cl1 was at tl1at t11ne 011e of tl1e more inflan1rnable areas of the et1den1ic

20 Count A. A. Mossolov _- At tl1e Court_ of the Last Tsar, l)P. 188, 196, 267, Lon don, 1935. N. S, Pusl1k.1n (Footnote) 111 ''Transition" - Kan1pala, vol. 4. No. 14, 1964, A. !(enneth Snowman - Tl1e Att of Karl Faberge, plate 286' J_ondon.· 1962. 21 Ioforn1at1on of Mrs. W. Jes1nan (1963) of Rio-de-Janeiro 22 M, V. Rait - op. cit p 229 - 260 -

Russo-TurkisJ1 enn1-ity. Kovalevskii acquitted himself satisfactorily in his task as a diplomat. 111 January 1848 l1is party arrived i n Cairo, and shortly afterwards tl1ey proceeded u p tl1e Nile. By 20th Febrt1ary they reached Kl1artou1n and �L fortnig_ �1t later they ,1rrived in tl1e Kassa11a Range, tl1e goal of the ex_ped1t1011. Gold vei11s were found tl1 ere, and were later worked aim of Kovalevskii's expedition was by tl1e �gyptia11s. Tl1�s tl1e offi cial _ also fulfilled. I-le was, J1owever, 111terested in tl1e mystery of the sources of tl1e Nile, wl1ich \Vas still uncertain at tl1at tin1e, a11d undertook several trips up !the tiver \1\.una:t, !One tof ,the 'Confluents ,of (the Blue Nile. Kovalevskii was ,a n1an Jm ex·te11sive curiosity aI1d devoted 'llis a:t1e11tion not only ito the rnini.I1g problen1s, -0L1·t tto rtl1e la�1ds a.11d 1tl1e people ·I1e was visiting and wllicl1 were virttially unknow11 i11 Europe at that time. His observations \Vere publisl1ed in 1849 in St. Petersburg.23 The second part of l{ovalevs kii's book is of particular importa11ce for Ethiopian - studies since he dealt in it in isome detail wi ,tl1 1tl1e Gall.as, itl1eir customs, beliefs and insti tt1tions. He \V,1s tl1e first Et1ropean traveller to give the details of Galla inroads into tl1e Beni-Sbang11l territories.23 Kovalevskii's expedition ca11sed n1a11y misgivings in St. .Petersburg but no complications, in ternational or otl1er\vise followed. ,As was often the case with African problems i11 1IJ1e 19-th ce1rt1.1ry, i!t looked ·(hr�-i;tening and ominous from the di�itance iof ;.several ;tl1ousand lmiles and across rthe screen of inte.rnational involvements i1earer 'home, ·b1lit in actual flact it ,vas ,a pedestrian affair whicl1 1involved no J}roblems of national prestjge or :i:o'.ten1ational sche mi11g: Kovaleskii \Vas ge11uinely engaged in. investigating the IJossibilities of gold n1ini11g along the tipper reacl1es of tl1e Nile, did so, a11d returned l1ome. U11til tl1e Suez Canal was pierced Nortl1 East Africa, i11 a11y c,1se, was of little jnteres,t lo 1Europe and to Rt1ssia. Tl1e very fe\V 11otices on this area 25 stressccl its arid, wh:cl1 day'S ose . tl1 jn ress P · 1 1 Rt1ssia, 'the appeared 11 j , : dai1gerous a. nd ina.ccessible c11aracter: tl1ere could be little profit in est.:'1.b lis11i11g any sort of lasti11g co11nections witl1 it. The i11terest i11 R 11ssia i11 tl1ese parts of the African co11tine11t only began slowly to gro\.v after the S11ez Canal was opened. Tl1 e works oif German African explorers of the period we·re know-D in Rl1ssi.an translrutions: of baron K.arl von den Deeken wl10 visited tl1e Juba and tl1e \Vebi Sl1ebeli i11 1865, of Ricl1ard Brerner, 011e_ of tl1e first _stl1dents c,f Southern Gallas (l 866-1870) wl10 cro,ssed tI1e Son1al1as several ;times and died i11 Africa i11 1874. Tl1eodore Kincelbach, who died in Mogadish11 in J 868, Revouaille, tl1e leader of an expeditio11 iI1to the Warsangli and _Dol _ bol1anta areas; Mengs, wl10 crossed the deserts from Berbera to Eth1�p1a Stekker /aI1d -Roltlfs, .t11e !first 1su,rveyors ,of ltl1e_ Lake TaI1a, and _of the kmg don1s 0. ,f Gera , Kafa, Lin1m11 a. nd Sho·a, Paul1tschke, ,the autbor1 ,ty en H.arar ?6 • .• Russia and tl1e Hararge were all kn ow n 1n £ P. Kovalevskii - ;\ Journey into Central ,\frica (in Russian) St. Petersburg, 1849. 24 M. V. Rait. - op. cit. p 233. . .. . . Ukazafed. esf�u V. 11tsli 1n Eko11011 25 a. "Abyssiiiian Trade" (in Russian) · by F. No. 4, pp. 80-81, St. Petersburg, 1857. b. "_On the Re� Sea Trade (1n �uss1an) in Listok .Russkovo Obshel1estva; Torgovl,, no. 82,8.,,85, St. Petersbu1g, 1860. 26 "Encyclopaedic Dictionary" (in Russian), vol. 11 A/ 4/ p. 510, St. Petersburg. 1890-1891. 23

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The works of Bianchi and Mateucci, the two Italian travellers in Ethiopia wl10 liberated Ceccl1i from his prison in Kafa, wer� also translated into Russian. The stories of Stanley, of Baker an� de C��1llu were known in Rt1ssia as soon as they appeared i11 their original ed1t1ons.

Rttssitz a11cl Teodoros II. The epic of Teodoros II caught the imagination of the Russian . _ public, thougl1 it was largely n1.isunderstood an? 1n1s1nt� rprete� by them. A nu1nber of p11blications were devoted to him, � nd m part1cul�r in connection with the Magdala expedition. 27 The closing years of his reign, too, stirred some ripples in official circles in St.. Peters1;>urg. In Dece111ber 1866 Sir Andrew Bucl1anan reported to the Foreign Off1ce from the Russian capita12s tl1 at he ha.d been approacl1 ed by an Ar1nenian w� o assured l1 im that tl1 e Magadala captives wo11Id be allowed to leave Ethio pia jf tl1e Arme11ia11 Patriarch of Constantinople were empowe.red to a1Jproach tl1e Negus 011 behalf of a11 E11ropean sovereign on tllis subject. All tl1e Arn1enians i11 the Levant were more less under Russian protection at that ti111 e and, tl1e Patriarch could, under the circumstances, interecede on bel1 alf of tl1e Emperor of Russia with Teodoros. ''

Sl1artly \afterwards, m February 1867, Boghos, the Patriarch in ques tion, clid in fact se11 d n letter to this effect to Teodoros II but received no answer. 'A 1sinular, and j11st as frui1tless, message was flOrWarded to Etbiopia ·a!l itl1e same �irne by Isaias, :ul1e Armenian Patiriarch of Je�alem29 • R11sso-Etl1io1Jia11 relations meanwl1ile proceeded on a sporadic and u11predictable course. A surprisi.I1g amount of inforn1 ation about Russja ,vas con1 1no11 lc11 owledge in tl1e Horn of Africa in the n1id-l 9th century. Ricl1ard Burton, for example, wl1 ile on his way to Harar in 1854 l1ad l1eard a fairly detailed version of the Crimean War from the warriors of the Gadabursi tribe 30 i11 Somalia. Over a d.ecade later one of tl1e bigges1 g11ns a.top .tl1e c1111ba -of Magda1a was called ''Sebastopol''. When Magdala was stormed and sacked I-Ienry Stt1nley said tl1at 11e saw tl1ere ''Germans and R11ssians'', dressed in black, an1ong the crowds looting the bu1-nir1 g citadel. Tl1e eminent traveller was almost certai11ly \Vro11g, since no corroborating evidence can be fot111d abot1t tl1 e preseo.ce of a11y R11ssians in Ma.gdala, or, for that n1atter, in tl1e whole of Etl1iopia during tl1 e closing years of Teodoros' reign. Still it is sig11ificant tl1 at Stanley tl1011gl1t I1e saw 27 a) Comm �nts in Vse,nirnyi Pf,t�shestve11111k . {JJ.?. I 5-96, I 09-112, St. Petersburg, � _ _ 1867. b) Survey of Abyss1n1a , (1n Russ1a11) 111 Russkii J11valid, No. 303, St. St. Petersburg, 1867. c) "The King of Abyssinia and llis army" (in Russian) in {/lustr ?va1111aia <;,�1ziet a, vol. 21_, �o: 5, p. 74, 1868, St Pelersburg. _ Abyss1111a 111 the years 1867-1868" (in Russian) in d) English Exped1tJ011 10 Voe11nyi Sbori11ik, vol. 74, PlJ. 35-38, 253�281; vol. 75 pp. 59-88 e) "Abyssi nian Expedition" (in Russian) _in Jizn Otechestva No. 25. pp 349-354, St. Pe tersburg, 1879 g) Con1n1ent 1n Sovrernen 11a) c1 Letopis' No. 1 '7'9'10 '14' 19 · h) V. Fedorov - "Abyssinia" (in Russian) - No. date. 28 Lord Stanley to J_ord Lyo11s, F.O. Papers, 29, 12, 1866 29 �.S. Dimothe?s. - Two years in Abyssinia. On the spiritual, political and religious life of Abyssm1ans, translated by the order of His Beatitt1de Isaias the Arme nian P�t.Iiarch of Jerusalen1 (in French) published by the Arn1enian Typo graphical Est�blish.ment of the Monastery of St. Jan1es, 1875, Jerusalem; by Darect, 1888, Paris. 30 Sir R. F. Burton - "First Steps in East Africa", vol. i, p. 131. 1

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Russians !among rthe wrecka.ge of the last stronghold of Te•xJ.oros: he k11ew Palestine, and rumours about tl1e world - wide an1bitions of the "W�it� Ts� '' ��re 11ot uncomn1on among the disgruntled an.d frI1ct.iot1s Chr1st1�n m1nor1t1es of the Otto1nan Empire; Russian aget1ts or n1ecl1�11ics or clerics or gun founders i 11 Magdala. right have fitted into tl1e co11 text of such stories. •

Pseudo - Teodoros ,aott1al faat only 011e person of ,t:ib.is sort '\v·as disco\·ered irt Etl1iopia some ten years after Napier's expedition withdre\val. Around 1876 a strai1ge Et1ropea11 lived as au aucl1 orite in Sl1oa. 31 He :preacl1ed lto t11 e Gallas ill their 0\-Vll language, ,valked around aln1ost con1pletely 1 1aked, and· generaJly caused considerable conu11 otit1n ir1 Ercr. Ras Goba.na 11 :id l1im arrested and sent him to his sovereig11, !vie11elik. tl1e11 the King of Sl1 oa, for further examinatio 11. It was conducted rnni 11l)' l)y tl1e Fatl1 er Taurin, a Capuchi11 mo11k active i11 tl1is part of co1111lry and Ato Dergl1e, an tmcle of the Kil1 g. Th.e recoffds of !tl1e J1 earing l1nvc .s11r vived, and in parts were publisl1ed in ELhiopia32• The ma11 \'.Vas certainly a11 odd character. He insistecl that he was "Teodoros" of tl1 e pro1Jl 1�cies. ll1e d-eli verer of Etl1 iopia � he also claimed t:ba·t l1e \Vas a 1nonk :111Li \Vl)re a m.iniaJture ikon ·of 'the Holy Virgin on a chaiI1 around his neck. 1-11e picture was of a conventional R11ssian Ortl1odox oattem. Notes in R11ssiar1 \Vere found on hin1 and a number of religious tracts i.11 the san1e language. to gether with a Ger1nan 1nap of Etl1 iopia and detailed noles 011 l 1i.s itincra ry tJ1rougb Erer, Gojam, Konta and Sakale. Fa-ther Tat1rin was oonviI1ced ;that the 1nan was an in1postor a11(l a SIJY, probably on i t, he payroll o.f Mtmtzinger Pa.sl1a, tl1 e n111ltiple co11sul r1l Mas sawa and an agent of tJ1 e Egyptians. Me11elik, I1owever, sec1 11ecl t<.1 l:-ik� a. more lenient attitude towards the pset1do-Teodoros. I-Ie Ice pt l 1i 111 al his camp. ordered l1im to be released fron1 irons a11d i11 struc(e(l lhc [�thi() pian clergy to take care of his 1naterial needs. Fatl1er Tat1ri11 co11tioued to talk to hi111 fron1 ti111e to time a11 d to pass l1is observalio11s to ll1c king. Slowly the b-roa.d 011,tlines of tl1e picture began to e111 erge. "'.fcocJoros'' was certainly a sly one: he never revealed wl1at bis real na111e ,vas 11or v,,J,at the real purpose of bis stay in Etriopia. But it co11ld be iofcrrecl 1l1al he had some co11nection with the R11ss.ian Miss.ion in Jer11sale111, t11al l1 e was a man oif 8l1l above average in,telligence an-d an; accomplisJ1ed lingt1is,t : i he sometin1es boasted tl1a1t he h1 ad worked fo.r Khedive Ismail; on 01l1 er occasi,oos he m.aintai,ned ,tha.t .a la'fge coni course of Russia.11 priests, n10n, ks an,d bishops \Vere \Vaiting for a word fr-on1 1him in Jerusa,le111 ; once st1m moned they would come over .and bring about the union wj1tl1 tl1 c Elhio pian Church. Still Father Taurin could not make up his mind 011 ''Teodoros''. The missionary thought that be was 11ndoubtedly an "impostor, but tl1at tJ1ere were several grains of truth in ''Teodoros's'' wild.stories: l1 e must have been of at least pa.r,tly Russian ex-traction, he must have been. somel� ow involved in 1he Paris Commu:ne of 1871, and had some connections w1-t h the gran111

' '

!. • ! J

•

31 Paul Soleillet - Voyage en Ethiopie, R�uen, I 886 . 32 Journal of 1'1ons Taurin, Vicar Apostolic to the Gallas (Excerpts) 10 French>, i.a ''Le Semeur de l'Etbiopie". October. 1908. - 263 -

diose p}a.ns of ilsmail of fou11ding .an empire in NoDth East Af:ica. �lmost certainly tlie ''Teodoros'' of Erer I1ad bad no �vert co11nection wit� any of the official or semi-official Russiian ven1.ui:es m rtl1ese parts of Africa a t tl1 at ,time. Qui.te likely _ thougl1 documentary p� o-ofs f?r _ su.ch· 1an as-ser tio,n is ·a t p Miss� oin mtist have - resent Lacking - th-e _R_ u�sj� P a. l� st1ne : known .about 11.is existence :and actr v1rt1es m Africa. He Dll�t _have been · a sort of freelance ga:therer ,of loose informatio� aboUJt Btihiop1a. aind •the neigl1bo11ring lands for t11e benefit of . tl1e R� ss1an Ortl1odox � 1era� chy, determined to expa11d tl1eir influence into this part of the contmen_t._ He might J1 ave wo,rked for .the Egyptia,ns. B� t cl1r.o nolo·gy would m1l1t� te against this st1ppos·i1 tion: ''Teod.oros'' w.a.s active .at Erer long af�er Egyp�1an expeditions were bea,ten ait Gure -and G;undet, ·and the _Egyptian garrison was preparing ;t,o leave Harar. When, l1e was preaching to the G.allas Ismail' ctre. a.ms of c-onqt1ering were already shattered. Little is know11 abot1t tl1e t1ltimate fate of ''Teodoros'': he was at Guicl1e wJ1en Yol1annes IV e1i:tered Sh,o a jn _1878. Therea:firer he vainis:hed ir1 unexplai11ed circun1stances. A n1a11 answering to bis description was seen art Marseilles in 1880. Ge11erc1l i11 Cc,iro. No ,mys.tery of any ki11d \Shrouded rtl1e person of another Russian who a:pproxi:Ina:telJ' . art: .1J11e san1e time, ait ]east by defaulit, played a par,t in Ethiopia.11 idestin.ies. Rostjs]av ,Andreevitch Fadeev was a brilliant career officer. Born i11 1824, a11d con11ected with tl1e powerf-ul family of Princess ,Dolgor11lci l1e was destined for a brilliant career in tl1e Army. 33 Un . in1.self he was cursed with ''ins11f,ferable gossipmonger fortunately for h ing'' a11d a fractious cl1ar,1cter, He l1ad to resign bis commission in 1869. Thot1gh lie coi1ti11ued i11 good grace of En1peror Alexander II. In 1875 l1e accepted, an offer to enter tl1e Egyptia11 service. Ismail Pasha was detern1i11ed to extend bis possessions in Africa and a build-up of his army ,vas an indispensible prerequisite for any expansion. The Egyptian Army was being reorgai1ised a.t thrut itime 1bY a motley collection of foreign offi cers, iI1clt1ding 50 American, botl1 ex-Unionist and ex-Confederate,34 but Fadeye.v seemed to Isn1ail itO be the best candidate fo·r the iDOS.t of Com1nander-in-Chief. lndeed he .had served 1wi-ili considerable distinction in the Caucausus and in ·Central Asia, wl1ere l1e drew up the plans of General �on Kauf 1:11an's a �tack on the oasis of Merv. TJ1us I1e was indeed an expert 1n ''colonial wa-rfare'', a. . type o.f operations Kl1ediv Ismail l1ad in n1ind. Faddev was coJ1sequeI1Jtly e11gaged 011 most fla!ttering conditions : he was even _ �llowed to wear, so1n �wl1at _irregularly, l1is Rt1ssian general's uniform. His �ighly-co11nected _rela �1ons 111 �t. Petersburg informed him indirectly t-hat 1<f l1e st1�eeded I!Il lus Egyptian appointn1eDJt his past indiscretions would be forgiven and forgotten by tl1e TI1rone and iliat l1e could be re admitted i �to ilie Ru�sian_ service with all due honours. His standing in the extremist Ilavopl11le circles v.1as very l1igl1 indeed.35 · On Fadeev's �rrival in Cairo an Egyptian attack on Eiliiopia was a foregone con.olus1011. But when the Khedive pressed ,the Russian ,to take .1l

RltSSi{til

33 In S. Trubacl1ov "Russian Biogra_phical Dictionary" (in Ru St. P�tersburg, 1901 pp. 6-10. It contains also the list of publishessian) Vol. IR.A d works of . _ ade ev. Th e full collection of then1 appeared in St. Petersburg in 188 f 9 · 1n 3 volumes. 34 Pierre Crabites - America11s in the Egyptian Army, London, 1938. l,l

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command. of it, Fadeev said that in 110 circumstances would be drean1 of ,assuming command ,o;f a Moslem force invading a Christian land; and he resigned �is commission o n tl1e spot. In any event the Egyptian armies wer � Jed .1 �1to Ethiopia by all ill-assorted gro11p of Egyptian notables and foreign officers and suffered a crushi11g defeat. 35 Fadeev played afterwards a stormy part i n Russian Balkan politics a11d was associated with liberal advisers of AJexa11der II. He was forcibly retired after tl1e assassination of the Tsar a11 died i11 Odessa in 1883.36 Ec·clesiastic{tl politics These faraway and promisi11g realities l1ad 110 bearing on the designs wJ1icl1 so111e n1ernbers of tl1e Russian Orll1odox J1ierarchy l1 ad on Etllio pia in the middle of tl1e l 9tl1 cent11ry. They eve11 chose to ignore tl1e vexi11g problem of ownership of Ethiop ian erolesias1tic.:'ll property i.I1 J erus,alem. In this clash of conflicting interests tl1e resident Russian Cons11l was forced to take ai1 a11ti-Ethiopia11 stand. In 1856 the Egyptian ,Government allowed lhe presun1ptive A b it,z to proceed to Ethiopi,t i11 accorda11ce witl1 tl1e ancient ct1stom. Upon arriving tl1ere he was seized by Teodoros 11, who 1l1ad aJready been crown ed Emperor after he battle of Dereskie by Abt1na Salama Ill, a11d thrown iro:o jail. Teodoros den1ru1ded ransom for the Egyptian prelate. In order to rai�e ,tl1e ne�essary ftl·nds tl1e latter sold by prDxy .t_he Eth iopian Church and convent in the Holy City for 60 tl1ousa11d Marja Theresa tl1alers to the Armenian Con1munity of J· erusalem. 37 . e transac The Ethiopian Abbot in Jerusalem refll5ed to recognise tih tion. The Arn1eniians in t11e Holy C:iity were either Russian subjects or protected persons and 1tl1e Rl1ssian Co11s111 decided t o plead their c.ase with the 1.7urkish au1thorit, ies. He based this decisio11 on the summary compiled by Arcl1iJna11drite Neopl1itos of Cyprus arot1nd 1844.38 111e disp11te be came one of tl1e pereoni�1l sources of constant. tra11ble. in the [{oly City under tl1e Turks, a11d certainly caused a lot of bad blood tl1ere between Etl1iopjau and Russian Ortl1odox autl1orities, lay and ecclesiastical. But ithe dispute l1ardly affected the determi:oa:tion of numerous Russian Ortl1odox prelates, JJarticularly in tl1e diocese of Kiev, to forge la.sting connections v.1ith t·he Etl1iopian Church. Cont; emoorary SDviet au.tl1ori-t1es claim that ",the Ethiopian clergy had ·Lried fc,;. a long time .to e$tablish connection wi•t!h the Russian Ortho dox Church''.39 But it seems that in actual fact tl1e situation was tl1e reverse: that it was the Russ1ians w . l10 were par-ticu'larly keen to establish links with the Orthodox Church of Etl1iopia.

35 s. Trubacliov, op. cit. p. 10; also David 11ackenzie, "Th-e Serbs and Russian . . . . . . Pan - Slavism". Ithaca, 1967. 36 William Mac E. Dye - "Modern Egypt an� Christian Abyss1n1�; ord military service under the Khedive and beyond their borders as experience by the . . . American staff, New York, 1880. . , London, 1875. 1n1a yss 37 Charles T. Beke. - T.be British Captives 1n Ab 38 Ed. by A. Papadopoulos - Kerameus, _3 vols. S�. Pet�rsb�rg, 1894 - l 8?8, . 39 M.V. Rait op. cit. p. 220, Some enugre Russian histonans share this view: Protoierei Aleksander Trubnikov - "The Near East, Cradle of Orthodoxy'' (in Russian) Madrid, 1964, p. 297. - 265 -

ntial In tl1e middle of tl1e 19th century Bishop Uspenskii, a11 influe n. He s pla thi of te ca vo ad ief ch e tl1 s wa y, cl1 rar hie an ssi the Ru of r be _ n1em ox od th an Or ssi Ru e t th wi '' pia l1io � Et of ts op ''C hoped that bj' uniting tl1e _ x do tho the Or of n tio na IDJ do e ur sec uld wo e pir Church the Russian Em m a r <lu , c m, a me .t sen he 61 18 : ch r a M ?" In . ks ee Gr rl1e of East at th-e expense to Count Tolstoy, the Obe,· P,�ocura;tor of the Holy _Synod, th e h1g�est n t e s1a . s Ru er d : ull rch hu � x do tho Or <? an ssi Ru the of ncy ad1ninistrative age ex11e ich wh 1n te, ha arc tr1 a P· its d she oli ab eat Gr tl1e ter Empire after Pe pounded his plan. The gis,t of it was dynastic:

''A son of a R11ssian Tsar sho11ld marry the daughter of an Abyssinian k.i11g and then tl1e Russians with the Etl1iops togetl1er will conquer the world."40 •

Uspensikii's suggestion fell on deaf ears. T?e Ru� sian Empire :Vas in 110 mood at tl1at ti1ne for entanglements 1n African affairs. Yet at tl1e sa1ne ti111e i11 tl1e l 860's and l870's Russian students in Church liistory showed a lively io'.eresit in the Btlliopian Church and in its relations with Greek Ortl1odoxy, f11ndamentally opposed to the Christological doc tri11e 1)reacl1ed in Ethiopia. A large number of publications on these subjects appreared in Russia at tl1at time. 41 Prelates of tl1e Rt1ssian Ch11rch found encouragement in wl1at they concei,1 ed to liave been EU1iopiai1 overtures towards the union of the Churches. They acted 110 d.oubt in good faitl1 when rhey n1ade several atte1npi.s in the second half oD tl1e 19th Ce11t, ury to convince the Ethiopian. rulers tl1ar they should sub111it their clergy to the Russian hierarchy. 42 But tl1e sincerity of Russian prelates was 110 substitute for n1ore tangible JJractical tre11ds towards u11ificatio11, a11d thus, i11 the end, their efforts �a filed . Tlze Etl1iopia11 Respo11se Tl1ere are very few i11diciations in Western s01u-ces generally available to scholars on wl1at tl1e Etl1iopians really tl1ought abot1t tl1e efforts of tl1e Russian Ortl1odox Cl1urcl1, before ilie incident of Sangallo, to establish d11rable linlcs witl1 tl1e Etl1io1Jia11 Ortl1odox Cl1urcl1. Teodoros II certainly dreamed about s01ne nebulous allia11ce with R11ssia to h 11mble the Moslen1s and to liberate tl1e Holy City.43 But Teodoros \Vas extremely suspicious 40 Theopl1a�is_ George Stavou - Russian Interests in Palestine. 1882-1914 Tl1essalon1k1, 1963, pp 119-120. 41 a) "The Messenger of Ab;ssinia" (in Russian) in J//1.,stratsia, Vol. VII No. 157 St. Pet�r fburg. 1_861. b) A r�/!i,nandrii Porfirii Uspenskii - "The Chri�tian East - Russia s _role 111 ti �� desll111es of Ab;ssinia" (in Russian) in Tri,cli Kievskoi Dukhovno! Akacle11�11. Vol II, No. 8, 1866. c) L. Petrov - "Eastern Cbristia.n . _ 1�s et�. (1n omm un1t Rt_1s �1an )_ St. l'etersbt1rg, 1869. d) I van Voz11eseoskii � . Monophys1tes 111 Abyss1n1a (1n Russian) in Duklz ov,zaia Beseda Vol. XIX ' · · pp. 417, 497-516; 1863. No. All. th� above works st ressed tl1e ap1Jarent sinlilarities existing between the _ Eth1op1an. �nd t�e . Russian Churcl1 stressed the apparent similarities existing bet�� 11 t .�1e. Etl1101?1a11_ and. the Russian Cl1urch and the deep mtitual affection wh1ch· -b�th deno1nmations wer� wont to nourish for each other. 42 ' Th�pharus G�?rge Stavrou - .op. _cit. pp. 119-120 43 Guillaume UJean - Theodore II, Le nouvel Empire d'Abyssinie, Pari� 1865. - 266 -

�:1 f"�:�'1 � c__-g)·. }le use d to say: "Firs.t a missionary, next a Consul and {!n:_"¼1::0 ll.h�-:- �'- dicrs:· It is hardly cred.ible that ·he would have coun:e n;1�d -.! ,\_c. ::cI?g sub.n1tssic.n of the National Cl1-urcl1 to ,a fcreign eccles·:, asti'("'I f

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1� vl:�J:-:�� 1,,. ,v� a considerable theolo,gian in his own right and a · Ze3..i0�.S �u(��Rn: �t �1 r1gorot1s mterpretat1on of tl1e Ort 1 l odox Etl1iopia11 dt ctr1n�. H:5- 1)p1n1 ns o .n foreign clergy could not I1ave differed from tl1e opin?"tlS '-"t ::....is pr "'decessor. 1

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L, 1 "J� Yohn.nnes tried, wisuccessft11ly, to form an alliance, or to cl:1irr1 Rus.s-i:10 pr1...teccjon, ,,,:J1e11 l1e was tl1reatened witl1 an imn1 ine11 t E£0-p:..i� iii.1,-asion. ,.:.\t that 1non1ent Etl1iopia had no Wester11 -.type diplo m:itic n. ,:::�1unef).·. n.nd 1tl1e negotiwtio11s were carried throueh the traditional <..'han.ne1s 0! the E:hiopian monks resicling i11 Jerusalem, who conveyed the su&-nesrion [O the Russian En1 bassy or Co11sula:e iill Constantinople. But it is d0up:ful \\· her. her this offer in1 plied a possible submission of the RlL-:.sian Chtu--c.h. No doctunents supportjng this suggestion have come to l.i!2l - 1 r and Oill\' . one French author l1as 1ne11 Lioned it. 44 �

Stil� r·ohannes was undot1btedly anxiotis :to establish direct political relations ,,ith Russia. In 1876 he se11t to Emperor Alexar1der II an ornate golden cro..'.S and a personal le.tter. 'The giiJt a.nd tl1e n1 essage, once again con\·e:·ed ,·ia Jerusalem, remained u11 ackno,vledged jt1st as was the first letter. Undeterred by these reb11ffs, Yol1 aones, once again, tl1reater1ed by tl1e 1vfos1em danger in tl1 e nortl1, tried to co11tact St. Pelersbt1rg in 1886. Tl1is tin1e. probab1 1, under Frencl1 influence, J,e proposed to se11 d l1is co11fidant Abba Yol1annes as an e11voy to the Russian Impe1ial Court, bt1t for son1e reason this n1ission 11ever n1aterialised· 15• It is certain tl1at tl1 e Russian plans of Yol1a1111es IV e11ormot1sl1 11elped i\shinO\i, the versatile Cossack [reeJa11ce tra veller-cun1-aclventt1rer and "hero" of Sagallo. He arrived in Etl1iopia for tl1e first li111e abot1l 1884 and could be considered ll IJ to a poiI1 t, t]1e first clirect n1 essager belwee11 tl1e Russian and Etl1iopian Courts. 46 1

But Ashinov's career i11 Rl1ssia and in Ethiopi,1 belo11g to a different period, to the era of a deliberate Russian drive i11 Ethiopi�1. An� both his character and his achievements sl1011ld properly be treated 1n the context of those d.ays. Yet when he first arrive� in Ethiopia !he ''old times'' of mutual incon1plete knowledge and of1 1-nfrequen1t and 11:conclu sive gropings for contacts were still tl1e r� 1le. Thus tl1e flam�oya� t 1f some , wl1 at ambiguous Ata111c111. acted as a 1111k between tl1 e Old a11d tl1e ''Netv'' in Russo-Etl1iopia11 relations.

44 Castonnet des Fesses - L'Abyssi� ie �t l� s Italien�, J?P· 341: 344._ , 45 Adrien Zervos - L'Empire. �e I ?truop1e. Le M1ro1r d� I �th1_op1e n1oderne. 46 Contemporary Soviet author1t1es differ on the dale _ of Ashinov s f1.r�t appearan7 e in Ethiopia. Miss M.V. Rait (op. cit. I?: 23� cl� ims that he arnved tl1ere 1n 1886, which the Jate Prof. Kvatchkovsk11 ma1nta1ns that he was there already in 1883. The later late seems 1nore accurate. - 267-

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MOTIVES, METIIODS AN.D SOME RESUL fS OF THE UNIFICATION OF ETI-IIOPIA DURING TIIE REIGN OF 1VEENILEK II 1:Icrrolcl G. Marctts _ Between 1865 ,111cl 1907, durin� tJ�e reig11 of Menelik II as Kjng of Shoa an d la_�er a.s Emp�ror of Eth1op1a., Ethiopia expaJ1ded n1ore t11 a11 1 , two fol? ,t? its. prese111,t; s_ize. One cause of t1his territorial growth ca11 , be 1n Men1l_ ek s ?el1ef ,tl1rut '11e was tl1e only legitimate Solon1on found _ ic 1 cla1n1ant to •tl1e -In1per1al thro11e U1eld -by 1the E1nperor Yohannes from 1872 to 1889, and . ·t hat' it wa.s, therefore, ITTot orely 'h is right but l1is duty ito obtain 1the la:te nineteen.1.11 cenll.1ry struggle that• ·thro�e. 2 Becaus� o� tl1� u1 �1ture of _ _ for ·1 mper1a1 p o er w1t 11 1.n ,Et]11op1a, 011l , � , y tl1e conte11d e. r wit l1 a large army, _ well-e.qtupped with -n1oder11 1and itraditional \1/ea:pons, could hope .for suc cess. To ,s11pply ancl st1pp0Dt st1dl1 a11 anny, a mon.arch required .large _ 1 annual tr1bu1te from oonquered peoples a·nd from co1111tries frigl1te11ed into submission. Beflare bein g able .to .cl1allenge the .jncu1nbent Emperor, 1 (11ere fore, Menilek 110.d cto ,expand SJ1oan power into new :areas.3 By 1882 i:t was obvious to i011e observer 1t.}1Wt "·tl1ese ... [conqt1ests] could greaitly change the poli'ti, cal condiitio11 s in Sl1oa ·aiJ1d :the relation of this country \vith {rtl1e other parts of] Abyssinia."4 Menilek's expansio11ary ,policy �Lso ,seems :to have fol1ov1ed a large · or ther11, Christian, Semitic-s1Jeakii1g Ethio scale population movement of n 1 pians into ,fue n1ore soutl1 erly P.agan ;and ;Moslen1 areas, wl1ich was the result of a typhus iand a 1dyse11tery epidemjc t11a.t attacked both animals and ,m en ,and ,was follo\ved by · a great famine between 1889 a11d 1892. 5 Mertilek's cbronic}er. , Gebre Sella.sie, !reports specifically that, many Christ ians from :Shoa, Wo11o, 'GojjaJ11, Gondar, and other .parts of the norther11 highlands took reftige in the iJimma 1 are-a (110w in Kaffa _province) ,because of ·the famine.6 We ca.n be reasona.bly certain 1tl1iat ,,similar mi.gralion \vent jnrto drher n on-Christia11 'areas. •As late as January 1963 several very old so-called ''Tig, re htlll:ters'' i11 ithe south-cerrtraiJ and �astern EthioI?ran pro vince ofl Sidamo-Borana reported tl1at •they ·had migrated as children or 1

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Haroid G. Marcus, "A Brief History of Expansion in �thiopia During the Reign of ,the Emperor 11enilek _ II," unpubli _ _shed ,pa·per ,delivered lat ih� .annual · . n1eeting of the American I-Iistor1cal Asso�1ation (D:ce�be�, !964), p�ss11n Fra Guglielmo avfassaja, J �1iei .7.re11tac111qi1e .1!11111 :dz M1ss1011e1 11ell Alta Et10pia (Tivoli, Stabilimento T11Jograf1co Mentero, 1929), IX,1 28, , 05: ,, . 1 [P. , 0 nelli et/111 te Anto Bo/l Don l e Conte IP. .A.DJtonelli, 'Scioa e Scioani, Lettera d. 89. tfelltl Societa Geografica ltaliana (hereaft�r BSGI),, XI�,. 1. (�?-°· l 882�, 86, Luigi Cicognomj, "Sulle ;conclizi·one Od1erne dell Ab1ss1rua, Bollett1no de/la Societii Africa c/'ltalt'a (hereafter BSIG), �, I-II (Jan -Feb1. 1887), 32. "La Spedizione iin Africa,'' 'BSGI,. �IX, 7 _(July 1882), .52 . . Ricl1 . ard 964, . 889�, (Dec � 12 V, XXI I BSG zz1. Raga "Lettere del Dott. Vincenzo Pankhurst, "The Great Ethiopian Famine of 188;.-92,'.' . U111vers11y . Co!!ege [of Addis Ababa] Review, I (Spring 1961 ), 90-103; Not121e della Sc1oa, BSGl, XXTX, 3-4 �Marcl1-A.pril 1892), 227-228. . . <I , Ethr.o 1e , ,. . ,/es Rois !�or el1k II, p Me11 Guebre Sellassie Chr<Jnique c/11 Regne cle - 269 -

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adolescents witl1 tl1eir families or with. large groups of diseparate but c11lturally relaited peoples who had left tl1eir homelands because fo� was unavailable a11d there was mot enough land <to go around; several mfor7 n1ants also claimed tl1at: some la11d l1ad become unsuitable for cu1t.iva'tion. These explanatio11s i11dicate not only fan11ne con?itions bu! over-popula tion and over-farmi11g. It is also possible that this population movement , rinya\Vas relate,d t,. o the co,n11nuing de·ssicatio,n of the north-e,i:stem T·ig speaking par·t of the l1ighlands. Ano:]1er factor co11tribu-ting to Menilek's expansionary policy clearly seen1s lo l1ave bee11 -tl1e n1ulti-fiaceted Ethiopia11 reaction to :the jmperialistic tendencies of the adjacent Etrropean colonial powers. One clear-cut example of ,this type of expailsion w,as 'rhe conquest and annexa•tion of Har· ar, the ca.pita} o · f ricl1 eastern .Hararr province, which MeniJek had , always coveted8 1beca.use iJts control wot1ld provide Sboa wi-th the best route to •tl1e , coast and its lt1c11ative trade and revenues.9 When the �gyp.t ians had fol111d it, necessa.ry to evacua,te their garrison ait Harar after their Suda11ese debacle of 1885, they J1ad left as sovereign the Emir Abdullahi Ali Mo, J1an1ed Abdel of jlhe cfty's a .ncien,t ru·ling fa.mily. 10 Tl1e new En1ir wa.s a fana:tic Moslem, who barred all foreigners and Cl1ris,tian E1U1iopia11s, a11cl wl10. flollowed a con1merc1al a!Ild mon.etary policy a1Jparently desig11ed ·to i111poverisl1 , all the foreig:i1 traders and force them. • OLit of l-Ia.rar. 11 Ft1rtl1er1nore, l1is introduc·t ,ion of a new coin.age dis aclva11iaged all tl1ose wl10 held ·the fan1jliar and stable Maria Theresa dollar a11d c�1L1sec1 tl1e acljacemrt Galla population .to desert ,the markets of I-farar. 12 l�i11a.lly, 'tl1e E111ir's military forces were not strong enough to k.eep · tl1e 1tracle rou,tes sect1re, :a11d tl1e number , o f ca.ravans coming jn.fo I-Iarar clropJ)ed preci pitot1sly. 13 Since Menilelc's major supply of weapons can1e fron1 European ,traders headqt1artered i11 Har,ar, : the serious deterio.ration of tl1e city's economy \VOLtld l1ave bee11 -111ore tl1an e11011gh to cause l1in1 concern. llis anxiety increased, however, after April 18, 1886, \vhe11 the Emk l1ad all itl1e me1nbers of an l{alia11 expedition 111assacred.14 The Britisl1 at the coast l1ad sl10\vn great displeas11re e,arlier, wl1en, sl1or· ,tly a(ter tl1e Egyptians l1ad left, tr :I1e En1ir had kil.lecl several Indian Bri:ish subjects. Menilek now learned that they ,were 111assi.11g ;troops at Zeiila to avenge 'the slain Euro Ha·rar' t· hey would peans, and it was clea.r tl1at 011ce tl1e Britisl1 occupied · probably sitay there.

7 8 9' 10 11 12 13

(P ':1"i�, 1.-,i bra�ie 10 rien,tale , et America.ine, 1930), I, 280. This 1nJ-orn1ation was obtained b; interviev,,. I-le � r/ Audo!� "Voya?e au Choa," L Tour d ' Mo,zc/e, I�\'.111 (1889). 144 _ e_ ! Alfred Ill�, :Uber die Verkel1rsent\v1c klung m .1\1:liiopien," Ja/1 resbericlz t der eograP_ht:·ch-Et( �nograp�zf schen Gesellsclzaft lrz Ziirlc/1 (1899-1900), 47. F. �aul1ls�hke, : . I-Jarrar:, B�(!I, VIlI, V-VI (11ay-June 1889), 146 Pro� Dott: Paultschke, N?� 121 � clell'!-Iarar," BSGI, XX.II, 12 (Dec. 1885), 937 Id. . Relaz_ 1one Sulle Cond1z1oru dell Harar nel Gennajo 1886" BSGI XXII1 . ' ' ' 5 (May 1886), 398-399. Id. "Notizie dell'I-larar," BSGI' XXI 9 (Sept 1885) 673 -674. For 1nformati. on · . ' · , ab out tie 'l extent of trad e during the ten years of the Egyptian occupation see _ _ Prof. �aul1tscl1k�, "Cron1storia dell'l11sedian1ento del Governo dell'H arar e delle sue D1pendenze 1n Nome del Cl1edive di Eo-itto" BSA/ XI Ill 11-Apri·1 (M -IV arc , • ' .::, 1892), 53-54 "R,aipporto del R. Consolata d'ltalia tin Aden al Ministero deg li iA.ffari Esteri'" BSGI, XXITI, 5 (May 1886), 406-407.

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In . order to forestall this possibility, Menjlek p roclain1ed his intentjon to take venge �n�e upon �be E1nir, ostensibly out of fr ie nd ship for Italy. A carava· n .a �r1�1ng at Ze1Ja ·on �t?be r 29 reponted that tl1e King's forces 1 a lr ea ad dy 1 1f. . 1Itrat, ed to W ?·rro Bili -, -three days marrcl1 h w es t H of a ra r ciity.1s Shortly ther�after, when this army, 11nder the command of Dejjazmach G ab Walde riel, w.as :unex��ctedly defeaited by ·llhe E command of a Tu�kI.Sh ot"f1cer, Men;iJek l1urriecl to mir's ,am1y under ;the Harar. He can1ped at _ Ch.ala:nko, :abo111t f i. ft.y k1lo111 e.ters fro111 the city, a. nd .sent tl1e Emir a letter stating: I .l1ave co.me to bring yo1tr country under subj ection. bu t no t to ·ruin i1t. If yo11 submit, if you become my vassal, I shall not r• eft1se yo11 1the gover1une11t of tl1e country. Refl ec t upon tl1is so tl1at you \Viii 11ot be so-rry ab• out, it la-ter.16 Th.e En1ir ref11sed tl1is offer ancl, l1opi11g to catcl1 the Shoans off g11ard, a:itacked .tl1eir ca11 1p on Etl1iopian Cl1ri� l111a:S, January 6, 1887. 17 The sig]1t of tl1e Harari army :'cha11ged tl1e festive atmospl1ere of tl1 e [Sl1oan] ca111p like the ,touch of ia magic wand," tl1e Etl1iopia11s q11ickJy organized them selves, tl1e battle was joi11ed, and wil, l1i,n fifteen minutes the Harari broke and fled, abandonin.g t11eir rifles an.ct artillery to Menilek and his army. 18 This victory ga.ve Menilek the ·city i ·of Harar and :tl1 e ultimate coo,trol of 1J1e entire ric.}1 province, the first u11der his governn1e.nt which \Vas adjacent to Eu ropean-controlled iareas. After Yo.ha.nnis's -dea·th in 1889, Menelik be-c.an1e E111peror and vvas faced wi;; 1b tl1e more se rious problen1 of co1111tering tl1e e11croachment, s of the tl1ree interes'led E11ropea111 strutes upon Ethiopia. To reinfo rce l1is sovereignty o,ver 1terri1t-01ries al, rea-dy l1eld, and to pro,,jde a bas�s for furtl1er expansion.a-Tj' action, Menilek se11t 1ll1e E�ropean p�wers _ a c1rc11lar leLter in April 1891 claitning tl1at tl1e boundaries of Bth19p1a fo1111ed a rougl1 cirr-cle defined b y the Gulf of A:rafale (j11st belo,v M�ssa,va), Fa_shoda � (Kodok), Lake Rudolph, a11d -Assab. 19 He aoted 11�011 tl11s letter by ener getically exp,rnding l1is power j11 to s011Jt]1ern An1s1 a11d Wallega, ai1cl by 1

16 17 18

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Dott. Fili p po P aulitsc11 ke, "JJ o 1Sta to Attuale del1'1-\raar," .r1/rica (formerly BSA!), V, XI-XII (Nov.-De c. 1886), 260. Guebre Sellassie _Chro,_ziqu�, 2� 2-�13. 1887) 195. ''Le ttere dell o Scion. e dell Ha1ar, 13SGI, XXIV, ,,-> (Marcl1 ,, ' V , 1 (J a11. "fl Viaggio clel Dott. V. Ragazzi d a An toto ad I-Ia rar, BSG/, XX 8 7 . � R ec ord s ,Qffilce, F.O. 403/155, Circular letter fof 1891, April ' 1891. is ��)h _r1t 1 . c version see F. O. 1 /32, Menilek to Rodd, May 13, 1 th _ to h ave ...come •' ;t )f{ ' :::es�� 111,0·te tha t tI,e jdea IBor /thisf>Jetter _see:111s fr?n1 the � talians, w_110 cJ ai n e I : orot"ctcrat"' oV f Eth10 r1a basec1 u on a � �1 Tre�ty ,of' Wuch�e 10f May 2, 1889. Count n11sttran slati<:?n of �ticle 1� of Augus to Salimbe�, the I_ta�a_n R� es ident-Aoent �n Addis Ababa, .received i ostru c · - M;nilek ,that the European power s were tio n-s firon1 Francisco .Casp i _,to �n .f�� . d rtha t tlhe Emperor should, with a a fr anes ound esta_bhlshin? their _b l ! te �:A t inl l·his borders in order to eu ar1 antee Jtali?n as �1stance ,. c 1rcuJ� te a Je.m ns.pi 15d; �st!d )that, 5.n tlie le tter, Menilek 0l! ght the 1ntegr:tty lof h.1s E_n1 p:ue. ��t •Kingdom wltich had ;been recogruzed c to tPOint lout thait !E tllllopla :"� an an , t i orf [Euro e· Crispi ithought that such a p as 1n _,. by the • Cbnstl an IS tai es · depen deJoL · 1)1a · h :'l d c Ia1n1s · . t.115 title in ar�a s ,vhere Ethio letter would � elp M�ni lek •sustain. ignty Menelik thought this id.ea a but over which _1t did �ot e�ercis: s�;er eih ; _ ked Sallmbe�,1 good [one lan d tas. P e e it e tp oposed le1ter. Salimbell!'s dra ft n 'lek's Letter to the Po\vers, \Vh1ch ,vas, c ircu.lar then became lh_e basi s"' or_ iit� . . e of [taly. See Car lo Zaghi (ed.), 1, t 'L}1e , a ss1st�c h0wev e r, dispatched iW1thot .m ben1. (T. or1n . o, Ilte, . 1nec. Sal1 . sto uqu ,4 e nt Cor f e 1 cl o 1 1. � . Crispi e Menelic/1 nel D . 1ar10 1956), pp. 151-152.

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20 . ns p ea ro Eu e th by ed m �i n cl ad _ slowly infiltra ti·ng tl1ose parts of ·t11e Og � 1:h� Italians at er ov ry to vic n hi as sm s l1i r fte a rly � la cLt rti a p· y, His polic his expanded a 1n 1ed to pr ot ect ly nt re ,pa _ ap s a w, 96 l, 18 l1 rc a , M Adwa on i la�ds. To do gh · h1 e rth nd ou ar ne zo ier 1J bl 1d la1 cl1 ar 1n g a _ i11 L ' ea cr re by Empi � ed pp m y eq ll· we d an , ed nc ne pe ex , ge lar s hi of s t i• un nt se k ile so, iMen n 96 d in,to itlbe border regions of· -today's BtJ1iopian Empire. Betwee 18 an a rts of Borana p d an . , en ad Og the of a re a ge lar o a int 1 1907 l1e infiltrated a na, a nd str en .g'lnened r Bo of Pts a p d an r, bo ba llu , ffa a K o, conquered Sida1n : ' ng alo as d are rne ve go y sel loo rto ,the tl1e hi er o\i ol 111tr co e tiv a 1 h.i.s admiJ1 ist.r i St1danese borcler:. 21 The En1peror's co11cern about the secur1ty of the beartl-and of his En1pire was e\rident dtui.ng tJ1e A11glo.Bthiopian negotiations of 1897 , regardi1 1g ·tl1e eXit e-n. t of -tl1e Brjtis·h Son1alil an·d Pr-o,tector.ate. Sir Rennell Rodd, tl1e British -ple11ipo,ter1iti a1-y, pointed oti't tha:t Menilek claimed more Ll1 an half of the Britisl1 Prot• ectora:te as defined by the Anglo·Italiiam , at the Lo.ndo·n g·overn.meDJt fe1t Protocol of May 5, 1894,22 a11d explained ·th that the froll!tier shoLtld be near Jijiga. Me11ilek exclaimed, ''but you are adva11cing 1·igl1:t tip -to ll1e gates of Ha,rrar." Rodd felt, howe\1er, ,th at ''it was Abyssi11 ia wl1icl1 , l1ad acl\ranced tip to us." It wa s quite clear :to the Britisl1 diplo111 at tha it tl1e Emperor's 1najor rpreoccupation wa s the Britisl1 1 proxiI1 1il i d, t1l(, jn1ately, becat1se E , thiopi an OC,9P,:pation of a · y to I-Iarar, 23 a· n large part o[ ll1e British-claimecl Ogaden was so effectiv�Rodd was forced to sig11 tl1e treaty of Iyla¥__ JJ, I 897, by whicl1 Ethiopia was ceded 13.5CO sciuare miles o.f Somali :territory an.cl by ,�l1icl1 a large, sparsely· seLtled arid b;_iffer zo11 e approxi1nate]y 110 mi.les in wid t· h, was created betv1ee11 a.n i111 portant stra.tegic a ,rea of Et[uopia ai1d ,the Aden·oriented Britisl1 Protectorate.2=Menilel('s 111 os· t co1111no1, 1 m-�:'.'hod of expansi,on was tbrcugl1 s.evere '·, f�rce, even tl1ot1gl1 1the ruler of tl1e aire.a itn qtres:ti-on \Vas usually first -,., g1ve11 tl1 e opportL1.nity of subn1itti11g peaceft1lly to Meoilek's overlord sl1i_ �.26 ]iJ1 n1 a11y cas,es, 110,wever, sucl1 ,an offer \Vas rejected, and a full-.scale 1n1l 1 tary effort on tl1e par.t of ,the Sl1oans was required to inteora -te a coun . ..'.-:· y into, tl1·� En1 pire. Tl1e Sl10-ans l1ad, irn all tl1e�e-cases.. a dis.ti;ct advantao-0e 1� ,.vea1)ons, as tl1eir �ing l1 ad been equipt)ing l1is forces \Vitl1 1nodem arms s111 ce the early 1880s.-7 (?ne E11ropea11 observer wrote that tl1e Galla were

20 Capt ll-I.G.C. )S.\,vayne, '' A fl�rip !to Ha.rrar n.nd Ime," T/1e Geograplz ical Jo11rnal, (h�re:L1�t�r 11, 3, (Sep_t. 18� 3), 251; Donaldson Sn1ith, "Dr. Donaldso11 Sn1ith's Ex e 1t_Lo _t? Somabland. , G J., �- (Feb. _189�), 124-126; J.G, Vanderheyn1,. �� _E� \p£c � Une l1t101 1 avec Neg le o11s "fv f ene/ 1/, (Paris, I�tb rairie IIacl1ette et Cie ' 1896).' . paSS/IH.

21 l\1arcus,. "A Brie[ l-listory," passi,11.; I-I.G. :rvtarcus "Etl1io-Britisl1 NeO'oti·1t;ons e, Concern1n� the Western Border \Vitl1 Sudan . z 0l A. �I_'. ' ' t 896-190 - ?-," J 01.111/CI, 1/CQII · . 11·15·t01.>,. ) I\1 , I (196'"'-'). , J.Jass,,11; 1-I.G ' .· l\tfarcus, "1\ l{istory of the Negotiations Concerning. th _Bor;ler betv.,een E.tbiopia ancl Britisl1 East Africa, 189 7-1914," � >1 I aJJers· 011 ,'1fr Boston U11,ve1s1t l · IT , Af11c . . 1ca · Vo .· a11. . H'1story (19)66) pass1n1. . . . · . ""'.,r,...,� · no 1,ua liano, l\1 ?2 Gover .• 1n1stero degli Affa.n .Esteri Tratlar· (R 1906) I 43" 2 S ay 13, l 897� se e als� )\{��l�k to R�d�I and I\1 �'. C: � --�- �d�� /�� iJ��1 �Y :l:s�� ·2 ' or d1sc�ssi c o ( in(iltra it o11as a technique of expan sion, see. belo,v, l' 276-277. : - )p . o . 4 0 _, / .7 21 · 2 ? -t, M en10 b !/ J · C· r \r da gl n· ' 1, ,rector f o M1l1tar Intell1<:? . ;ence, y .,· ---- Feb. 28 ·1898·, F 4 0., /i55 . , Meni,o. b,1 :J. C. Ardagh, July 30, 1897; Sir Renn el · . · ' cia . . l ancl D1p/01nat1c Rodd. So Me,nories 1884-1901 Iz.d· (L011don, Ed wa1d . Arno Id an d Co. I 923), Secoiicl Series pp 182_23_ . > . "f,., �G �ee l'· 271 fo r )\1lenelik's offer to the Emir of Ha ar .,.:;J--·I (11JR1:.harcl Pankhu . . rst, "Fire Arins in Ethio Pia O Hi ;story . (1800-1935)," Ethiopia Observer, VI, 2 (1962), 149 ff .

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"conql1ered, and ... 11 eld in s11bjection by the help of fjrearm·s whicl1 · · · [the Sl1oans] ta ke ca-re they do not obtain."28

While tr�veling in a GaJla area nor-tl1 of Lake Steph.anie, a British . , J officer was begged· - : to sto.p ...and s.J1ow ,tl1em [the Galla] J1ow tto · inake guns, thait �1ey m.igl1t resist cth e Abyssinian raids."29 To an inJ ia.bit ant of �affa, which was con�11ered ju 1897, it appeared th at the Shoans tw 1 w e en th it ty ousa11d rifles against tl1e tl1ree h 11i1d.red can ? of tl e 0 of Kaffa.-' As a n1atter of fact, becat1se some Et1ropeans \-V i King ere selling _ _ modern. weapons to Me111le k, th� King of Kaffa regarcled all foreigners v , as Men1lek s a�ent- s and �losed •?IS col111try to ll1e1n31 :tl1 ereby making a.ny : real s-trengthen1ng of Kal·fa's . n1 1litary pos- i. Liot11 in1possible. Of 1th . c aotttal n1 echm1is1n o[ ,Sl1oa11 co11 quest we are fortu·nate to have an excelle11t descr.iption32 b)1 J.G. Va.11derheyn1 , a Frencl1 commercial agen,t, who ac,companied tl1e Emperor ,Menilek on a large-scale military expeilition against th. e Wollan1 0 Ga.Ila in Decen1ber 1894. Tl1e Wollamo Galla had been raiding into the Empire, and these raids threatened to become more serious. Several sn1all expediitions against these Galla had flailed, ru1d tl1e En1peror wished to reverse -U1 ese defeats \vl1ile keeping ]us troops in trim; J1e went along llimself_, claiming that he wanted to see if the country \Vas as bea11tift1l and fertile as J1 e 11acl heard. On a Saturday in early Augu.5t 1894, the royal drt1111s an11ot1nced the organization of the expedition into \Volla1110, an.d a royal ecliot vvas read ordering eacl1 soldier to prepare his provisions a.nd equip1nent to be rea.dy to go to war tinder tl1e leadersl1ip of Reis Wolde Giorgis �Lnd Ras Mtkail. For three 111ontl1s there.after, Addi-s Abab.a l1 ad .an air of "unacct1stomed activi-t.v," and, on Noven1ber 1, Ras Mik.ail \V.i-th te11 thot1sand .t-roo,ps joinecl tl1e waiting armies of ,tbe En1 1Jer,o,r and Reis Wolcle Giorgis in tl1e capital. The next day, long files o.f women ,took •tl1e road for .tl1e first can1p, eacl1 one carr�' ing son1ertl1ing or drivi11g cattle and sl1eep. The soldiers s�art �d the1r march the next day, a11d Menilek left on Noven1ber 15. By tl11s l11ne, tl1e roads had b�.n repaired, and Menilelc quiclcJy /caught up 'vvith his i armies. On December 1 tl1 ey arri\recl in vVollamo wl1ere ''the army o.li the ,advai1ce guard of Ras ·Mikail 11,ad already btirnt tl1e ·11ot1ses abandoned by ll1e Wollan10s, f l eei11g before tl1e invasion." 1

Fron1 tl1 e e\1e11ing . o.f. December 1, when -tl1� Shoans fought son1e preliminary skirrnis-l1es wi,t!h the Wollan10s, the soldiers cl1anted v.: ar songs and songs .of self-prais-e, ''ever)' day a11d every l1our. 1:hese c_r1es neverceased to reso1111d and becan1e a veritable 1obsession." As 1the ob1ect of ,tilie campaigi1 was to reduce the country u11to submission, -there was, from the 28 Dr, Reginald K-oettlitz, "Appendix to I-Ierbert Weld Blundell's 'A Journey tbroug-h Abyssinia to the Nile," G.J. IV, 3 (Ivfarch 1900), 270. n J_.ake 1- 29·. c;pt M.8. We llby, "King Menelek's D�!nioions and the Country bet \vee Gallop (Rudolph) ancl the Nile Valley, G.J .. XVI, 3. (S:p t. 190:2;. 298._. e1�e 1eg�s 30 p ·e d · ch J ·\B· be "Geschichte 1des Kaf-f.a1sch-Ath.iop1c 1 1en . dier e rK, aff·1tsch.o oder . Gonga," 'Iv! itteilungen {/es Sen1111ars fur Ubn erI � 1eferung 2.6 922) Orientalische Spracheti, ZV:e1te Abtei _lung (l , , BSGJ, XX\', Io and · 11 (Oct.-Nov. a, 1mm 31 I.eopoldo Traversi, "Escurs1one ne] G l 888�, 918. . f.ormat1.?n see e p L Degonzague, "Mgr. Massaja et l'en1pereur 32 For further 1n. L · · 72· Charles Michel, Vers Joannes,'' L' E_ .xplo�·at1o_ 11:, X, 176 (June 17 1880) 120_122.' D�tt. Leopolclo Traversi, Fac/ioda (Par!s, I:1bra1!1e Pion, n.d.), ,; 2. Dott. 'Leopoldo rfrave.rsi, "Viaggi �P l Pl�n�. F<ich ocla (P�r1s, L1bra_r1e PP· _ 1 2887)., 276-277. Z ' X (A Pr·l O Negl1 Aruss1, Guragh 1 . ecc. , ESGJ, XX�I , � - 273 -

)

1animals, ng ri te of gh au sl s, op �r d� es us l1o very beginniJ1g, ''looting of rs ro e ue m nq he ca t ay ry , ve � � g� in � m bu ] nd [a y, tr s.acking of tl1e co-11rn 0 r1 pe su 1 r weapons th e r ei tl1 h t rW y. ot bo d an s ve sla . back to can1p with le butchery, 1b lfr ,te a · as w t ''L . os m la ol W f s o , r be m 1J1u e rg -la Sl1oaru s.Jaugl1-tered " d. om fr k oo bl un r drs ie ld so th by . .. sh fle d a . � de r o . g . a d-eba11cl1ery of livin r , they wo ul d be shot rs ea sp r e1th w o r th to 1 r ve co t lef rs r1o r \\1a 1la a . G As ,tl1e rr Gras ·rifles. By o on gt in m Re th wi dea.d by ,tl1e Sho,an it·ro·ops, 1armed d e on n, th an ke ro b en be d ha s · o , m la ol W e , th ,c}!f ce an t December 11 ,tl1e re.sisrecently _ killed m fro sly ou inu 1J1t co de a'Si ed rn tu s 1le n1-t ur ''o y, at d; ,tl1 _ rch ma , t ed mu lat bly rri ho d, de un wo 1e Tl � . try u11 co the d ere corpses which enct1n1b sly e iou th ser y da e sam t tha On n." me y alr cav were trampled by tl1e \vo11nded King To11a of tl1e Wollamos was captured. He was brought to Menilek tl1e next day a11d severely reproached for not yielding until forced to do so in the face Menilek's superior strength. Tona told Meri.ilek: It is tl1e w.icked11ess of n1y heart which made me resist such an en,e111y. Tl1e dea.tl1 of my compatriots falls upon 111.e ...gi.1jlty of l1aving heard only my pride. I should have sub111i.tted n1yself to you before allowing the d·evas.tation of n1y cou11try 1and tl1e massacre of my s11bjects. - 11ip tl1e ·rich booty, keeping O·n December 18 .and 19 Menilek ,divide- d eigl1!teen tl101isa11d hea .d of cattle a11d eigl1teen hundred slaves for himself. He ,tJ1en rett1rned triumpl1antly to Addis Ababa, taking along King Tona, vvl10 s. pen.1' tl1e res·t of :l1i1s life in con1for. :· ,able captivity i n the Btluopi<1n capital.34 An interesting fleatw·e of the process of conquest, but apparently f01wd only in Paga11 areas, and in terri·tories directly administered by the 11ort.l1erners, was tl1e aJ1nost immediate attempt by Ethiopian Christian �lerg.)' t- o pros,ely·tize. f\ Ron1a:n ,Catholic cleric .tr.aveling thro11gb Etl1iopia 111 1896 reported tl1at Me11ilek was always eager to Cliristianize the Paoans b_ut �!1at he di ,d ' _'ino'.t always �mploy ,to th.a,t end tl1e n1etl1od of pe;sua� s1011. Son1e Ethl?p1ans l1ad informed tl1e Monsignor tl1at, on Menilek's orders, grot1ps of five ]11111dred Galla were assembled a 11d ordered to go to some 11earby watercourse. 1l1en tl1e Aml1ara Priest necessa.ry for .tl1e occasion divi des tl1e grou.p into tw�, �ives to tl1ose wl10 are on the right \j tl1e nrune of Wolde Miklail and to tl1ose wl10 are on the left , the nar�e of Wolde Gi-orgis; tl1en ... he distributes meat slain ?ands 1 0 _then1. Tl1e Ga'lla and the Abyssinians b; Clmst1-an _ \\11? �1a�e w1t:11esse- d 1tl11s cere111011ey are profoui1dly convinced _ tl1at 1 l IS a perfeot bap�s111 aJ1d tl1at it impriruts on the un . happy rGallal tl1e md el1ble n1ark of the Christian.3s

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raversi note d ·�11at expeditions \vere expected to live off th I d a d th t \ hey mu.st obtaln booty to be considered successful TraverSI, � ·�-iagg1Fn an _ egll Airussj," 270 Of · tl1e destructive power of these pun. �: i·· ti· ve expediuons ther a . _ de Gonzaqu� po1ntecI o�t tl1at the soldiery could be expected to' turn a rich and fertile country 1t1to a desert in ac ver,, sh 0 r t ti.me. D e G onzaque, . "1\1 r M . · " 72 An " 1an E.. t hlOp . leader tol d Micl1el that, if an invasion . g . 1 aososan.Jap,lete Y rui n a country, the ;inh _ abitants would sooner or later did n ot ! " rebel, and 1t \\'Ould ... [be] necessary to send a reat •zen1e ti. a, [exped"1t:J·.oo] g ,and s tar t a ll. over again. · ,, Mi. chel. Vers Fac/1 oda' 121 · 34 Va11d<;,rheyn1, Urie E.i:peclitio11, 138-139. 35 Mons1g11eur Kyril1os Macaire "Mon Voyage en Ab · · " Bulleti11 de Ia Societe Khedivale de GeograJJ,ie, IV, 11 (March 1897),ss��· 33

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Furthermore, the Christian admi·?istrrutors and military _ officials who gove� d th � _new ar �� brought the1r clergy and religion with them 7 A Br1t1sh - ary iffic1al ;rote in 190I tlhat, i:ri Gore, ''in addition to � � 111� large �ounc1 1 c _ am er, wo r '"shops, a·rsenal, store-rooms, etc., the Abyssin- J ians , ave bu1 1t a sma 1 1 church here."36 Gebre Sellasie reported -thait: When the Chiefs lert for ithei·r provinces [in newly conquered Galla Land..s], they wer� lfollowe<l by clerics ,transpor,t ing the , Tabot [a·rk], sacred. obJects -and bells. In .all spots where th e pagans h-onored -their cults a ch,urcl1 wa-s built. 37

In the stron �ly Moslen1 C ?u ?tries which 11ad traditions of s-tatehood and ,were not adJac �nt to Chr.1st1an areas, however, Menilek allowed no rutte �pts at con,1ers1on and p11t _no obs t- acles in the way of local religious practices.. Fur:thermore, he reta1,ned personal conrtrol .over tlie building of �11 cl1urches I!Il. .tl1e _Moslem ar :as of south-wes,:e:n Ethiopia, so that, . up to 1911 , .except for chapels 1n -the camps of chi efs, only one Cl1urch had been built in Limn111."38 Menil ek probably f1elt that the addition of religious persecution -t o political subjugation would result in strife and rebellion. \Vllile the Pagans who were fo rcibly converted to Christianity had only a superficial commitn1ent to the ne\v faitl1, for s0111e of tl1en1 tl1e act of conversion seems to have marked ,tl1e beginning of a process of accultu ration and acc.omodation which, in the long run, has been an important feature of political assimilation wirthin Hhe E1hiopia11 State. B eca.use the northerners practiced a variable kind of indirect rule, men1bers of the ruling classes of the various st1bject p· eoples came more and more into contaot witl1 the relatively sopl1isticated and cultivated Cbris·tians, parti cularly in the strategic �own.s and ac1n1inistrative cent ers. 39 An Italian traveling in Ethlopia in 1880 observed that rr1embers o. f -the ruling classes of the S-oddo G.alla wer e beginning to affect S11oa11 dress and. manne-risms, even though the Amharic language was n.ot generally in use.40 The leader of a French expedition wrote in 1903 tl1at recently conquered Gofa, in south- western Ethiopia, was nominally governed by a pri11cess \vl10 had ''entirely adopted the manners of the Abyssiniai7s. .''41 A n1e1nber of a British expedi1 tion visiting Kaffa in 1900 n,oticed that tl1e peopl e of Ka_ ffa no lo�ger� ore their very di.s-ti.nctive 11atio11al � ostun1es but dresse� li ke ._,/ Shoan�A French traveler discovered that tlus ou-tward oonfonnrty to the conquerors extended even to tl1e cord around th • e neck, o� e of the identifying marks of t11e Christian Etl1iopian. In Wollamo, sometime after 1896, he w as acco-sted by a y.oung Wallamo 1Joy who demanded - a cord_ .to put aro·un ,d his neck. When asked if he meant to be converted to Christ ianity, the boy · responded : 'J.

36 Major H: H. Austin, "Survey of the Sobat Region," G.J. XVII, 5 (May 190l), 507-508. 37 Guebre Sellassie, Chro11ique, 281. . ,, L'Afr,c · a Ita 1·tana nti 38 · Enrico Cerulli, "L'IsJ.am nei Regni G·alla lndepende , 1BSA!>, XXV, V-VI (May-June 1916), 116-117. 39 See below. 40 Gustavo Bianchi "Fra i Soddo-GalJa." Africa, I, 1 (�ttly 1882), 1 O, 11 P e, 41 Vicomt e du Bourg de Bozas, "d'Addis Ababa au Nil par le Lac Ru·do1 h ,, (r \., La Geographie, Vll, 2 (Feb. 15, 1903), 9 6. ough Southern Ethiopi·a to tho 42 \oscar Neumann "Brom the Son1ali Coast thr ·-JSudan," Journal 'of the Ty11esicle Geograp/1ical Society, V, 1 (Jan. 1903), 22. - 275 -

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, r ' 's co ia ist hr C a ve ? ha t us m I ? t bu t, l1a t t ·1 · don: it · care abou . r et tb t !'ll pO ey Th W. O D· e m at er je s r ie· ld b·ec.ause al l t}1e so 1 ! J ' · rd co t a ou th o wi m · la ol W , he t �t � oo ''L y: sa , fingers at n1 e . and . He is n - ot better ,tl1an a dog.t�. 3 Ove·r .an exten-ded pe:riod, ,such s11perficial -effects o,f n, orthern [Ule on tribal life were bound to deepen into funda.mental change... In 1904 a British adventurer-exiplorer, who visited tl1e Galla area of NeJJO n.ear the confluence of tl1e Nile an,d tl1e Did�a. repo :rted ,thait great, ch,anges bad occurred i n the way ·of life of tJ1e people .there because of their couta.ct -witl1 tl1e Sl1oans. T11e ruler of tl1e tribe l1ad forn1erly bee11 named Kumsa. ·w11en ,the Abyssinians came, l1e ha• : d been gr.anted _ ,the ,title of Dejjaz1n� 1c/1. · and . h-ad been baptized Gebre Egzabhier; most of his follow.ers and sol d , 1ers : had take111 si1nilar names. Wl1ile tl1e people n1aintained ,the .ou, twar: d forms of , their tradi;tio11al government and the ceremonies con,nected with it, ''!the 1 'power of tl1 e L1.1ba [governing age set] ... l1as been merged with that of 1, .,._ officials appointed b�,1 tl1e King [Menilek]."44 Wl1enever possible, Menilek preferred not to use force in abs_orbing areas .i:ni.o tl1e Ell1iopian Empire. His actions toward the country of the .A bajifar (Sultan) o, f Ji1nn1a is 1an excellent example ,of 1the peaceful method ·of expa11sion. Before invading tl1e state, Menilek offered its ruler terms wl1icl1 ''secured complete local conrtrol a- nd immuni,ty from Abyssinian interference jn ret11rn for an a1mual tribute and assis.tance in the war against Kafifa." As Kaffa \Vas Jim1na's enemy, and the Sultan knew that he cot1lcl not v,in jl war against Menilek's a_rmy, he readily accepted these terms. 011 tl1e other l1au1d, sin1ilar, terms offered to the King of Kaffa were refused, a,nd ''as a consequence, Kaffa, once the ricl1est state in Abyssi ,nia, is 110w largely depopulated, wl1ile Jimn1a prospers exceedingly under its owi1 rL1lers." Tl1e Galla cou11try of Wollega also yielded to tl1e Em · no\ving tl1at M.enelik's reactic,n -to serio,us opposition peror's greater fo ,rce, k was a policy of severe attrition of the e11emy's country.45 Because his he realized that his land would be ravaged and that· . people could not withstand the military press11re of .t11e Shoan armies :Roba, a chiefitai n , of the Arussi Galla, decided to accept Menilek's offe; to subl!lit; he ''pr ?mi�ed ,!o. �ay taxes and obtained ror his _country an exemptr,on . from p1llag1ng. Five years later, 110\vever, Rob' · a still dreamt of tl1e day wl1e11 his people wo11ld regain their i11dependence: ''The J1our has not c-ome, but it will con1e; perl1aps our cllildren will see ,tl1e departure of tl1e oppressor."46 An �ther manner of !er�itori �l expansion, one used prima ,rily in Euro pean-cla1?1ed .areas, wa.s 11nf1Ltrat1on a-nd effeoti, e- ·occupation. This 01ethod wa-s par�1�11larl� useful wl1ere the Et1ropean governn1ents I1ad not created a.i1 adm1n1strat1on, but h�d bas�d their claims only upon treaties signed an1ong themselves, treaties which were not recognized as valid bv the • 1

.yssinia," 43 ) Hug '1e. hes Rot i ;,"Ne w Tra in ils Ab The Century Magazi11e' LXLII, I ',._____, 6 (April 1902), 889. . Blun H. \Vel dell, d "Ex 44 ploration in ·the Abai Basin Abyssinia" , ( G ·J · · XXVII ' 6 '• ' ' I , j ·· (Jurie 1906),'549. or C.W ··"G:wynri, ·"A Journey fn Southern· Abyssinia," G.J. XX.XVIII, 2 •,· ;· \ ,:45· Maj · . .· (August 1911), 118, 133. · .46 "� .R: ?e saint-A ;fo� aii. (ed );· �u Bourg de Boi.as;· De /e Mer Roi,ge a /'At/a,n . t1que a 1, ravers I Afr1q11e Trop1ca/e (Paris, F.R. de'Rtidenal, 1906), pp. 122, 125. - 276-· ,

governn1ent.47 This type of expansion can, be �een in the Ethiopi·an i 1:1filtration of areas which .the British considered to be part .. of tl1eir .Somal1land Protectoral, e. In 1896, shortly after the Battle of Adwa, Ras �akonn �1� quicke11 ed tl1e pace of infiltration into the Ogaden, and es,tabl1shed m 1 l1,tary posts there, causing the British Consul at Berbera to complain in a despatcl1 tl1at "Ras Makonnet1· ignores tl1e delinlitation ofi 1894 between J:taly a 11d Britaj11, a11d lays claim ... to a considerable porti,on of the Bri,tish Proteotorate."48 \.Vhen tl1e British Consul protested to Makonnen, th ,e Ra.s ;replied -tha,t h e was ,obeying Men.ilek's orders, and Lha,t the · Emperor hacl informed the E11ropea 1 1 powers in 1891 about 49 C011s11l Ferris k1 1ew that 1!11 e Etl1iopians wo11ld s•top Ethiopia's frontiers. 011ly if faced witJ1 an effective British adn1inistratio11 or with a garriso11 of troops in the area.so But Lo11don refusecl to autl.1orize any concrete action, a-nd -tl1e Etl1iopi .ans c-01ntin11ed tl1 ei1r 11nl1indered o,ccupation of the area. When l'h ,e Britisl1 ultimately signed a Treaty witl1 Etl1iopia, they cllerefore had to s11rrender n1uch of tl1e Ethiopia:11-occupied territory. Menilek u.sed infilt1 ,r at'ion ·and occup·aition equally effectively in ·the areas of Son1aliland clain1ed by France and Ita.Iy, .and in Bri1tisJ1-clai111 ed cUreas Oif southern and western Etl1iopia. Infiltration was generally useful i 11 spar sely-settled areas where tl1e peoples were militarily weak, itl1us permitting tl1e Shoans to overcome tl1e1n witl1out waging a major war. E . thiopian

Once tl1e Et·hiopiru1 governn1e11 t J1ad effectively occupied an area or oonque·red a co11n:try, it governed and policed the s11bject peoples by establishing Kete11za:,, , o r fortifiecl garrison -towns, in strategic high places.s 1 ''Many of the villages ... are really pern1anerrt corps of armed me11. These are always perohed high upon the s11mmit of the loftiest hills, and 2 A French 1nan described tl1e Kete,na of De11di, here."S feature are quite a near the Awash : It is buil.t up.o n · a l1ill 'and s11rrounded by a ta.JI he.clge and by a ditcl1; enuance is controlled by tw-o gates above whi'oh is found a li.ttle sqL1are house in tl1e form oD a p-igeon l1otISe wirtili,aJL1 ;0peni11g -on eacl1 sicle; it .is there ,tl1at stands the night-watchman. Tl1ese An1ha.r'a tow,11s are often ... tl1e sub ject of attacks on tl1e pa rt of tl1e Galla.53

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47 As a matter of fact European govern111ents had_ not bothered to _inforl!1 Menilek abou:t· the treaties they had concluded with e�cb other affecting 111s empire. Accordingly, w.hen he was -�ked ..to recogruze the Anglo-Germ� Agreement of 1890, he refused, compla1n1ng, 11yself, I have never �eard of 1t until you told me. Neither of the two Govero.meats have sent 1t to me." See F.O. 403/255, Menilek to Rodd, May 14, 1897. 48 F.O. 403 /239, Ferris to Rodd, Sept. 1, 1896. 49 F.O 403 /239, Makonnen to F�rris, Aug 27, 1896. , 50 F.O. 403/239, Ferris to Cunningham, Oct. 28,_ 1896. , . . ... ,Ab ssIDJ ale vmce de d1on o ,r 11er1 1 e I dan � 51 Henri Dehera.in, "Les Katarnas � s, �� _ pendant le Regne de I'Empereur �enebk, Bulletin. cle lei Sect,on_ 1e Geo<?ra phie (Mioistere d. e J'inst�uct!o.n Pubhque et des Beaux Arts, Com1te des Travaux Historiques et Sc1entif1ques), XXXIX (191:4), _ 225, 239.. 52 Dr. Reginald Koettlitz, "A Journey through Somali Land _and. Southern Aybs sinia to the Betta ·or SbaagalJa· Country and the Blue Nile, and through the Sudan to ·Egpyt," Journal of the Tyneside Geographical Society. IV, 5 (Jan. 1901), 337. . . . et ays dans Cboa de II B ,, 11 G p 1 es as, au a etzn u 53 Alphonse Aubry, "Une M1ss1on la Societe de Geographie, VIII, 4 (1887), 472-473. -277-

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54 were meant to a�hieve strategic s'' st po n ia in ss Such ''skillfully planted Aby 1n Bor.ana was o re A e, pl am ex or F e. � d si ry t ; un oo • ot co ja ad control ,over tl1e -0. From -this m da of S1 h ut so st po n a i1 i.n ss by A ly orn e , th ge ''a stock!a·ded villa e d a d n th 1te e, b1 al t oa r. io Te . i, irr D of le o · wh e th l ro nt co ns ia centrr · e tl1e Abyssin e rn th E ve to go ed us m se he t , e lik s er nt ce re we. ly n o, t o , N 5 "5 n. ba Li of rt p ,a . er oa ' Th Sh wa-s a � un ar : e ns fe de � of e lin a � .. m o r . ''f lso a y he t r t , bu pire 1 , e 'bl 1-t de SS1 a fo r tl}O m ich wh sts po , e tl1 n ee tw be n tio sys.tern -0,f communica , us t. Th 'these iin po y an wt -ted ra nt ce n 1 00 ly pid ra o be t , les f rir of ds Siain , u tho ting to en ll res s a . we rep s ; a , , les op pe t jec b , su d lle 'fo nt co ly ive ect eff 11as te1 Ke the ,adjiacent European powers ithe visible evidence of ''effective ocoupati·on.''56 The :results ;OD '!Menilek's expansion seem to have been beneficial to llis new Empire over ,the long run, even if, al first, the methods of growth tended :to .be ,deSitructive as long as the subj eo�ed peoples tried to resist · ritisl1 army officer ,traveling through Arussi in 1899 his rule. A B remarked that: All it-hese Gallas h.ave qui-te -recently come under the sway of I{ing Meni1lek. The result of this had b, een , that with their independenc e they l1ave also lost all inter-triba.1 strife, for ,peaoe reigns t11ro11ghout tl1e land. Of comse, the ,tribes vary considerably in tl1eir condition, aooording as they accept th.cir ruler with go·od or ill grace. I{e l1ad r. to dot11bt tl1at M - et11·ilek, ''1ai111s at, .and fo, r the m·ost pant succeeds in gove.r.ning wi-th j11stic e."57 Ano,ther traveler found that:

l:-5 rulers over conquered n - ; atio,ns, ·so far as my observa t1·on went, t.h.e Abyssinian.s seemed just and not oppressive, ai1d as Jon� as the King's :tithe was paid, and p , eace and order prevailed, there was very little interference with the native cus·ton1s and hi abiits.5 8 One Briti ?h army offi�er felt :tl1ait ''altho.11gh their n1ethods leave much to be. de�1.red, th. ey und-ou · ?t- edly 111!anage to rule 1tl1eir territories with an o rgan1zat1,on and a rougl1 Justice wl1icl1, ,all rthings considered' are surpri_ 59 s1n·g. ''

Alth�ugh there \Vere a:buse.s i>11 Me 11ilek's empire, these usually occurred 1� new-ly-oon�1u e.red areas . where t· l1e enmiity between conquered and co,ngu.ero, tr was st1l• l :stro,ng�60 1-n tl1e tradi:t-i,ona.l slave-raiding Negro areas a.long 1tl1e we.stern bord er�61 or on tl1e Empire's marches which

54 \Vellby, '�l_(ing Mene �k's Dominions," 297. 55 Capt. Philip Maud, 'Exploration in the Southern ·Borderland of AbySSJoia, · · " G J., XX.III, 5 (l\1ay 1964) 565. 56 Del1erain. "Les Katan1as," '239, 241. 57 Wellby, "King Menelik's Dominions," 295. 58_ A. E._ Peace, Travel arid Sport iri Africa (London , Arthur L. Humphreys, · 1902), m, 6. :59 Capt C. H. Stigand, To Abyssinia through an Unkn own Land (London, .x;ci_ . l'!V .,. �-' · · -· and. Co., Ltd., 1910), p. viii. 60 Aub�y, .."Ul]e Mission au Choa," 475. · 61 · George Montandon, "A Journey in South-W · est.em Abyssinia,'' G.J., XL, 4 (Oct. 1912), 378-379, 383. •

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wer � inha �ited b y �adly organized tribal peoples such as ,the tAm.uak.62 Fu11 �her evidence indicates th�t law ,�d order usually prevailed among the sub3eot peoples. A French Journalist who knew Ethiopia well wrote: V0 ·en · on e sets foot in A!byssimi· ia, one is in abs·olute safety w11th regard -to one's life and O!lle's belongililgs. Irt iiS a �.afety more secure t� lll_ n_ that offered by well trained police in no matter wha!t c1vil1zed state of Europe or Am, erica. I w.as .0 ble ,to go t,o the other side of Wollega, to oross _ Abyss1nia nrom one end to the other ' without once being robbed.63 An American traveler observed rthat :

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For ·a th , ousiand miles of this journey, from Gildessa on the east to Wombera on the west, it.he name of Menelik meant safety, and tl1e rulers of provinces rose to show respect wihen they saw the seal of the King.64

A well traveled Englislunan wrote: There is· one greia,t thilllg in -Abyssinia - goods .travel in a.bsolu:te safety when DOit aocomp-anied by a military escort. Cau-avans ca:n travel from one end of the country to the other, provided the necessary passes are carried,, without fear of being robbe<l ... One co11ld [lOt heJ.p being in1pressed by the security ... which, indeed, is not so common i11 more civilized lands. 65 Aiil even more -si1gnificant v,iew oif rthe security of E-rl1iopia d11ri:ng ,the :reign of Menilek came fr,om a Roman Catho•lic priest wl10, in 1890, had ex perienced g.rea, rt d·if{iculties travelli,ng from Awalle to Lafto, -tl1ro11gl1 an area of almost impe.netrable virgin forest inhabited by tl1e hostile Meta and Oborro GaJ]a. 1n 1906, 1he ragain visited ,the san1e area, vvhicl1 ·Jiad fallen ,to Menjlek shortly afier 1890, .and l1e <took the occasion to 'vvrite t.h21t ''since tthe Abyssinjan occupation, 1lhe ·ru1cient forests, which bordered on the gardens of 1-Iarrar and o.fiten s ·erved as &anctuaries for Galla brigands have ·been periodically put to tl1e itorch, ;and, on ltl1e ,place fertilized by their 1ash : es, has appeared � ·rich vegetation of dourah, barley [and] rice at which present itravelers !marvel. The pacification of 1the country ... has jalso done -away ·'wjjth Jthe dangers which [previcou-sly] accompanied lraveling."66 1

Perb,aps the mos.t important_ sing�e result ? i� Ethiopian .expansi� :11as the creation of .a large ec<J[lOIDJC wa..1t. A B·r11t·1!Sh �portsman who v1S11ted Ethiopia fui 1900 desorib, ed this side of Menilek'-s Empire:

62 Neumann "From the Somali Coast," 392; see also Oscair T. Crosby, "Abyssinia -the Co�ntr, and the People," The National Geographic Magazine, XII. 3 (March 1901), 99. 63 T�e Roux, "New Trails," 894. �scar T. Crosby, "Personal Impressions of Mcnellie," The Century Magazine, r-ir:::--\ LXIIl, 6 (April 1902), 883-884. . . . t Africa (New York, Charles Scnbners ' 65 ,I A. J-Ienrv Savage I�anrlor, A cross W,cles _,.. . Sons, 1907), I, pp. 125, 138. 66 R.P. Anastase, "La Station de Lafto en Pays Galla," Le Semeur d'Ethiopie, 2 (Sept 1906), 80. -279-

To the ,n1arke· t ,place at Adiis A.baba oome grains and spices, peppeirs and cond-imen, ts from every oorne:r o · f the King do1n, coffee from Harr .ar and Lake Tana., coitton fr.om , rthe banks of th, e Blue Nile, gold from Beni Shocr1gul, and civet fr-0111 -111,e Galla countrry, while ·salt from 1he far north of Tigre i.s ,tl1e current change forr a do,]Lar. Fi!Ile cotton sl1am111as [to,ga-like garmen ,ts], ]1:eavy bur.mo,uses -of black, blanket.:like cloth, jewelry and arms, saddlery and .Ploughs, ,all are l1ere. In faot here yo·u .can �eel ithe comme.rcial pulse of Abyssinia, gain some iillsigl1t into tl1e present st.ate of her civiJizartion, and ga:tl1e·r wl1at she wants from the foreigner a11d whrut s[lie l1as to offe1" in exchange. 67 . ob R · ert Skinner, ;t}1e l1ea,d of tl1e first 1Am•erican d.iplomatirc miss·ion to Menil�k. came ito ½.ddis Aba.ba. in 1902 'to iSign ·a commercial 1reaty which wou'ld. ensure An1erica11 commercia1 i11terests in Et·hiooia - . His tonclusion.s abot1t Jvie11jJek and his E111pire iprovide :a n :apt ending for /this article. ''Menilelc," l1e wrote, ''l1as created the United States ,of Abyssinia - a \Vork for ,vl1ich. ·he was endowed, by Nature wiith 1he constructive intelli ge, nce or a Bis111arck, and the faculty fc,r l1andling m-en ... [with ithe] sheer a1niabilit)' of a Mcl(i:n]ey."68

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67 P. H. G. Powell-Cotton A Spo1·1·ing Trzp · tI1 rouglz ,:lby · · ( ss1,11a London, Rowland . Ward, Ltd., 1902). J). 108. · · 68 R·obert P· Ski · nner, Aby ssin ,a_ 0f Today (London, Edward· Arn old, 1906), p. 141. - 280 -

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COLLATION OF SOME SOURCES ON THE l\!IENJLEK PERIOD Bairtl Taflc1 Le�s tha'°: a year ago tl1e Institute of Ethiopian Studies launched. an1ong 1t- s various programmes, a pro,ject to study a very imporlian,t but unexplorred . aspect of modern 1 ist,o·�y. One of :the fargely Btl1io pan l _ _ don �mant character1s �1cs of students of Etl1 iopian l1i,story bas so far been to give mucl1 emphasis t � ge11eral political aspects, especially to Emperors �md \vars, but 00111 parat1vely less to tl1e contributions of the great men and wome11 w.J1 � made the achieveme11 ts of the Emperor a success; still less assess �ein-t 1s _made of the roles played by -tl1e people who, speaking :from the -hierarchical poi11t of vie\V, were below the1n. This attitude to l1�st ?ry, wl1icl1 has bee11 predomi11ant an1011g cl1roniclers, l1 as made it difficult for us -to study tl1e1 econontic, tl1e social, the cultural, the religious and tb.e military :J1istory 01 tl1e cot1ntry i11 detail. . It is, l1owever, a n un.deniable fact that historical events that ,vould affect the Jife of a wl1ole 11atio1n or a larger portion of the soc.iety could l1a.rdly be q11 ade or cl1aI1ged by 'Sovereigns alone. It is -true that the e1J tire selectioi1 of kee11 cot11J.sellors, excellent n1ilitary leaders, astute politicians and capable goven1 ors fro1n ,vitl1i11 the society and the 11andli11g of al1 tl1ese people (\vho, like fire, are ,useful ,vhen hanclled \vell and destructive when poorly handled) depends wholly on the Sovereign. Yet, the c-011tributions of· those people to the political, social, economic and cult11ral developments of state, to tl1e escalation of its ,PO\Ver and to tl1e speedi;ng up ,of its progress, cannot si1nply be dis111issed as auxiliary to tl1e achieve1nents ·oE the leader. In fact, a great tl1 ing like the preservation of inde pendence or ,peaceful adn1inistratio11 ·of a co1u1 try crun1 l1arclly be assigned to a si11 gle person. A state is like a Jiving ·!Orga11ism whose -limbs, each individ11al in his place, 1Should .actively function for its survival aJDd progress. It is in this analogy tl1 at eacl1 individual who played a role at one tin1e or anotl1er, whether on the positive or negative side, should receive d11e recognition in the history of. his .country. _It is. therefore, with ·-th.is view that _ the_ researdh project on .tl1 e biograpb.ical study o-f the prominent personalities in '· ,[he Memil1 ek (!)er1o<l. has been initi,ated. Before proceeding to discuss the -source material, which. is the actua1· theme of tllis pa·per, jt may be worthwhile to consider tl1e scope and defini,. tion of the scbe1ne. Tl1 e ruiswer to the qttestion, who the dignitiaries. of the Menilek p· eriod were wb.ose life history this project i11tends to study, and what criterioo is used to include this or that personality, n1ay present us with a clear· picture of tl1e bounds of the project. The peri, od of Emper,or Men,i1'ek II, whi,ch in , a Whder sense ex,tend: s , from 1865, t11e year J1e escaped from lviaqdala.a11d bega�.to rally important --281 :-·

figures, to 1913, the period in which his name 1 and dignitaries played a decisive irole, witnessed the flourishing of a:n amazing number of person.al ities in all walks of 'life. There were conquerors like Ras Gobana2• Ras Da-rge3 and Rais Walda Giy,orgi1s4 who accomplished .rettrieva1 expan. sion of ·the Empire to the south, west a: nd east; military leaders like Fitawrari Gabayahus, Fitawrari Habta Giyorgis6 and Dajazmac Ba1ca7 who showed astonishing military talents in the campaign of Adwa; coun sellors and diplomats like Ras Mangasa Atikim8, Ras Makonen9 and Kantiba Gabru1 0 who played a role in internal and external politics. Our tentative list1 1 coo-sists of the names of more than 110 people with various civic, ecclesiastical and n1ilitary titles. 12 To try to rate the importance of tl1e dignitaries, taking their titles as a criterion is, however, scarcely a good way of classification. The title of Negus or Ras, and any title fur that matter, with the exception of the ecclesiastical title of Abun, does not necessary reflect the prerogative, power or influence exercised by the bearer, :nor did it in.clicate the office held by tl1e person, except in the case of tl1e �ahafe Tezaz 13 and the Bajira Wan·d. 14 Tl1i·s -is exemplified in ;the case of Finawrari Habta Giyorgis, :ll1e famo,11s co11n,sello·r, governor , and miruster of war who, according to Dr. Merab a11d all the interviewees wl10 could recall much from tl1at era., ,was superior to the other dignitaries. Anotl1er sl1ortcon1ing of this criterion -is also visible in the fact that n1an)' of tl1e dignitaries who commanded large a.rmies appointed their officers, t1pon whom they bestowed tl1e same titles as those the Emperor gave. These officers of the dignitaries were, nevertheless, not on equal footing with any of their ''titlesakes'' when they appeared at the court of 1 Menilek was physically and mentally incapacitated in 1909 and therefore unable ito carry 'on the affairs of the state. From that year until bis death in 1913, the rein � of the government \Vere in the hands of his consort, Taytu and some of ·his notables. See 'tvI. de Coppet, Clzro11iqi1e d1, Reo11e cle Menelik 11, Roi cles Rois cl' Ethiopie (Paris, 1930) IT, p. 620ff. _ who entered the service of lVIenilek in 1865 and served him 2 A Galla cl11ef as a faitl1ful general until l1is sudden deatl1 in 1889. 3 An elder son of Negus Sah�a Sellase released from the prison of Maqdala in 1� 68, whet? l1e became a faithful general and counsellor of 11enilek until his his deatl1 1n 1897. 4 Cousin <;>f Menilek wl10 had in 1897 conquered Kafa and some territories beyond I-t. lie w� made �e�s 1of Gondair in 1917 and died in 1929. 5 C�� mander-1n-ch1ef of Ethiopian army at campaign of Adwa. 6 M1�1ster of war, cot1nsellor ancl fai11ous governor of tt1e <;abo and A.rusi regions fron1 1897; l1e died in 1829. 7 Origin_ally ,a treasur, eu- .ait :tl1e Imperial court, who qttalified himself m operation o � ar!1,llery \Veapons at battle of Adwa and became governor after 1896·' he d1ed Ill 1936. 8 A_ famous . counsellor at the court of Menilek and governor of Damot until his dea1Jh In 1910. 9 Cousin of Menilek, �overnor of Hararge from 1886, a reliable coun . sellor at the c?'°rt ,a nd a leading i,general; 'died in· 1906. 10 Born 10 1854_ at Janda, Bagemder, educated in Switzerland and served as coun sellor an� chief of protocol; died in 1949. 11 See the 11st of names attached. 12 R�s! Dajazmac, Fitawrari, etc., though not exclusively applied are of milit."l ry ' ong1n. 13 Secretary of the King's order; now equivalent to Minister of Pen ·· 14 Treasu'fer of the palace finances. 0

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the Emperor. In fact, �latt� Geta Sahla �adalu, Balarnbaras Garde .., an mam,y of the mterv1ewees who have been the source of proljfic �ase � inform �tJ.on about the notable �J:u:m that such a bestowal was hardly r �gn1sed by the E �peror, and, if 1t happened that any of those officers shlfted to the Imperial court or cam·p, he would or would not receive tl1e same title and position depending on l1 is qualification. The ex.istooce of such iel- practice presents a hazard to the researcher as there is no indication of whether a person who bore a certain title was a real or pseudo-dignitary. It can be sifted out but only after exacting research work. Employing tl1e office as a criterion also presents equal, if not greater, Son1e of tl1ese dignitaries J1eld double or even multiple office, in problems. _ w1D:ch case the name of an individual has to appear under various cate gories. One such person was Ras Makonen, who was Governor of J:Iararg � and a �ted as a minister of foreign affairs with authority to nego tJ.ate with fore1�- powers on behalf of the Sovereign. A slightly different problen1, connected witl1 tl1is, was also to be fo11nd in the example of Ka11tiba Gabr11, wl10 was a nominal n1ayor of Gondar but all tl1e time stayed at the capital re11deri11g service as a co11nsellor, acting as a sort of chief of protocol and, at the same time, participating in diplomatic missions abroad representing the Emperor. The best method tl1at has so far caught our attention ha-s bee11 the criterion by origin of appointment, and the extent of the role played by the individual: all tl1ose who received a direct appointme11t from tl1e En1peror Me11 ilek, tl1 ose wl10 o, wed ,their appointm,ent to, Emperor Yol1 annes JV but still played an active role d11ring the reign of the s11bseqt1ent Sove reign, those original cl1iefs bro11ght in by conquest or agreement b11t still retaining tl1eir positio11 , and tl1ose wl10 assumed po\ver on tl1eir Ov\'U (if any) and who by condonement or formal agreement continued to go,,ern fall within the 6cope of this project. Whether tl1e extent of tl1e role one man played can i11 a11y way be meas11red so as to enable a11 historian to determine his entitlement to a place in hlstory is open to discussion; it is the source materjal at the writer's disposal that may affect the inclusion 6r exclusion of a personality. Daniel F. McCall opens his bo·Ok· witl1 a quo,ta:ti 01J1 f.rom Otto von Ranke's striking statement on the subject: ''I found that the historical evidence was more beautiful and more iinteresting than all ron1 antic fiction."15 I.ndeed, the most interesting point in the writing of history is the fiact that, whatever account is presented, it must be based on or supported by valid historical evidence to �how its reality and it� a�tual _ taking place sometime somewhere. .Alnyth1ng . that IS reco� ded w1th rma gination as its basis is scarcely history, but liter�ture des1¥11 ed � d pro duced for a different purpose. !he source from which the ev1?en�e IS �o be _ drawn is largely affected by distance of time and by the soc1et� s attitude to history. If the old generations have not bequeathed to postenty records of the events that took place and the roles played by imdividuals during their age either i n written, pictorial and inscriptional forms or in oral traditions, little or nothing is expected to be known. 1

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15 D. F. McCall, Africa in Time-Perspective (Worcester, 1964), p. 1. -283 -

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The -Menilek period ,has fo·ntun, ate1y preserv,ed more reco�ds, from whicl1 we ,:ain, draw information a11d evidence for the biographical study of conten1porary personalities, than any otl1er periods prior to it. Apar� from the ma11y works of scl1olars which appeared in the past 50 yea.rs 1n the fcrn1s of books and. articles, a description of which seems to me un11 ecessary to give l1ere, vario11s foreign and local literature and documents are ava.ilable. The first grot1p of sources is travel literature, which mainly deals with . the purposes of tl1e writers' journeys and tl1eir personal experiences, but whicl1 incidentally contains valuable accounts of the dignitaries with whom tl1ey had relatio11 s of some sort or anotl1er. From the ·beginrung of his oa;re,�r, En1pe·ro.r .Me·n,ilek c11l1tivated friendly reJ.a t, i<Jns with foreign coun tries and welco1ned to hi.s co11rt Italian, French, English, German, Russiaill and American guests who can1e on commercial and other nussions, and vvho we11t abot1t the cot1ntry for several 111 onths and even years. Many of: tl1 ese people recorded their experiences in wl1ich they included accounts of certai11 eve11 ts tl1ey wit11essed or l1eard of, and descriptions of the ap1)eara11ce, dress, table 1nan11ers, a11d, to a certain extent, habits of a nun1ber of tJ1 e notables. A111ong st1cl1. t,ravellers o:ne v,1011ld 111eniti on itl1e I-talian .Antonjo Ceccl1i, wl10 visited tl1e country in 1877. It is to l1im that we owe the accounts <Jf tl1e earlier Menilek IJeriod, wl1icl1 was largely cl1aracter.ized by acts of co11qt1est a11d consolidation. He gives us a clear picture of the forty-year olcl, tall �111 d thi11 figt1re, Az�tz Walda -?adeq, 16 wl10 i1npressed him as a co1n111ander t111iq11e amo11 g tl1e leaders l1e l1ad seen surrounding tl1e Negus. 17 He also \Vit11essed tl1e .aotivities of :the gr,ea1t general, Gobana, ,vhen en.gagecl jn can1paigi1s of pacification in the region around Entoto. 18 Tl1e Frencl1 traveller, Jules Borelli, who visitecl tl1e country from 1885 to 1888, also provides us with a list of son1e of tl1e conten1porar)' dignita ries anci the territories they govemed. 19 He also gives us an inclication of tl1e relationsl1ip bet\.\1een tl1e powerf11l governors and tl1e Sovereign, \\iho won 1l1e111 over only by l1is wisdom, subtle diplomacy. and char1n of per�onality, quoting an incident between tl1e ne\vly appointed governor of I(afa (?), ·Dajazmac Biisal1 Abboye20 , a11d Ras Gobana, governor of the region beyond tl1e ·Gibe, who was arrogant in insisting on seeino ° a permit lo pass throt1gl1 J1is territory21 Tl1e closing decade of the 19tl1 century and -tl1e early years of the present ?ne likewise saw tl1 e arrival of a 1111n1ber of travellers, among tl1 en1 being Wylde, Gleicl1e11, Re11 11ell Rodd, Vivian, Ski 1 1ner and Rosen, all of wl1om contributecl substantial works. Wl1ile concluding tl1is citation of a few of tl1 e sources contrib11ted by foreign autl1ors. it would be unfair to pass \vitl1011t mentioning tl1 e work of Dr. Merab, \Vho stayed in the co �ntry_f �om 1908-19 _14 as a pl1)1 sician to tl1e royal couple and tl1eir digni taries. I-I1s long stay 1n tl1e co11ntry, his close contact ,vith the upper strata 1

l 6 Gover!1or of Ank.obar and chief of tl1e state prison until his death in 1907. 17 fe��l � �a Zeila a/le frontiere cfell_ Caffa (Roma, E. Loescher & C.), J 886 l 8 Jbicl, p. 495 f. J 9 J ulcs Borelli, Ethiopie lvJ ericlio11ale (Paris, 1890), p. 150 ff. 20 Conqueror of Gu.ma, Gera and otl1e.r territcxries it1 tl1e soutl1. 21 Borelli, ojJ.: ci/., p. · 155.

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t.he s o ciety, and his keen observati on enabled J1im to clevote a oood proportion ?f his book2.2 _ t- o. the description of llis contemporaries a;d of th ose wl1 ? lived b�fore 1 1 1s time put who had left an jneffaceable memory in the n11nds of tl1 ose who .knew them. Althougl1 tl1ese \Vorks provide tis \Vith useful historical evidence, jt is not \Vithout certain re�ervations tl1 at one should use them. Certain short co1nings can p ossibly be traced, e3pecially in tl1e writinos of tl1 ose ,vh o clid not spend n1t1ch ti111e in tl1e country. During tl1 eir brief stay in the country, tl1ey com1nunicated throt1gl1 interpreters whose linguistic ability n1ight be 11nreliable, in wl1 ich case tl1 e travellers migl1t possibly mist1nder s-tand certain facts or tl1ey n1ight even be n1isinf orn1 ed about certain events. Furthern1 ore, son1e of tl1 e travellers came to tl1e cou11 try witl1 established preconceptions abot1t individt1als, ct1stoms, beliefs ancl practices, and tl1 ey n1ay l1ave sought to st1bstantiate tl1eir icleas rather than -to take v.1l1 at tl1 ey sa\\' and he. a rd at face valt1e. Many of -t11 en1 being o rclinary travellers or people of an edt1cational and professional backgrot111d very diffe rent from that of an historian, tl1e views tl1e)' express 1nay 11 ot necessarily deserve special attention as points of ]1 istorical interest. It is d ot1btful \vl1 ether an o rdinary traveller would inten�ionalJy t1se a \,VOrd or pl1rase to con\ ey to his reaclers a. profot1n<l cJncept bel1ind wl1 at he described. It is also 11 0L t1ncon1 mon to encou11 ter vvriters ,vl1ose perso11al prejt1dices prevail over -their better jt1dg1nent vv.hen describing an indi,1idt1aJ. If a notable received then1 well, Ll1ey ,vould express tl1 eir gratitt1de by attributi11 g fine qt1alities -t o l1 in1 . Finally, tl1 ere js the prob]e111 of the time interval bet\.veen tl1e variot1s wri�ers. Despite tl1 e fact that 111 any o[ them triecl to give i·etrospective accounts. evidence for tl1 e events tl1 at t ook place d11ring tl1 e ti1ne tl1at elapsed betwee11 one writer and tl1e next have to be sot1gh t elsc\v]1 er�. Tl1ey 1nay also 11ot be a11 acct1rate s o urce for tl1ings tl1at <Jcct1rrec� 111 a remote region fro1n wl1 ich reports migl1t l1 ave reached tl1 em a Jong time after the occurrence and perl1aps \,Vith s011 1e distortion. of

It ,vot1ld be a pity if we were left 011ly �ith the_ group of � ot1rces , moJtion-ed abo,v,e. B11t f,or,tt1na, -tely t11e Men1·lek per1cd pi_ oduced dTI abt1ndance of l1 istorical 111aterial for \,Vl1 icl1 any V.1riter \VOLilc.l b� grateful. The first one an1ong -tl1 e local sources tl1at a res�ar�her 1n�y find useftil is tlJe work23 of Ato A�ine, 011 e of tl1 e fe,v Etl1 101)1an wr1ters wl1 0 11ad a critical approacl1 to hist ory. :! ·1, ca1ne in c nt�ct ba a1n Ar at_ t d e . ICa l ed d i � ; Ato As1ne, \Vl10 was b-orn an 25 at an early period and_was able to a utr e es ari 1 io1 iss M � lic with the Ca.tho s a,ter . as ide �w d n an � ge a gu n Ja � t1 i tLa , : cl n · a · bic a Ar of ge j le, . now k , � , n on a. k as r de u s air aff gn rei fo t t1c nd � co to or er � _ a· P · ointed by the Einp oue3 le �OlIX, descr1· 1 bes h11n as a rna.n 1n I;r_I a.rar The F... re11ch tra ' veller, H-u0 em te es . f h · h ig o r ite d wr an n ria sto hi an , ist tin La of cli.stin�tion wl1 0 was a :!G. f fac in , in Abyssinia, a colleague

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22 P. Merab, /111pressio11s (!'Ellii�pi ,e (�art�i nric he beginning of the present h t at 111 23 History of the Galla was \VJJt�en t i t was no t pubhshe?.. centur ,. bu · · ·11 · ?4 A · ··ct of 1-\nkob·1r . op see G. Nlassaja, / niiei 1re11taci11quc _ V.J age 1n _the cr! su11 25 For hi s relation vv1th t1. 1 e ·CEa1t11.0I' 'B: ?8) p. 66. .',�{t (��voi'i ' 19anni <Ii 111issio11e ne 11. a 1la • 111 :Jf,_ 26 [_e Roux, Mene/ik et Nous (Paris, 1901),J). 131. - 285 -

is a , 00 15 ce sin ns sio va in us rio va e th th wi s al h de His book whic 1travel to many e siv en t , ex s i H d. rio , pe lek lll.i M e r l1e t , fo · valuable doct1�ent sto hi o on rti po se ! en i an er th ga to m \hi led ab en � _ parts of the country r. �a ic at m ste sy ry ve a lil d ile mp co 1 he icl wh n1e i t: s rical knowledge of hi d1gn1e th of y an m of e lif er rli ea e th r f'O e ur as His work is a priceless tre taries. Another in1portant source is the chronicle of _ Emp�� o� Me� ek, . _ r,ecor,ded by A!laqa Gabra Sell,ase. S·cn c,f a certain Wald,t Ara� ay, a storekeeper at the court of Negt1s Sahla Sellase, Gabra Sellase received his church education in one of the monasteries27 of sawa, and started his career as a clerk of the court of Wayzaro Bafana28 at Lice. His selectio11 by Me11ilek took place in 1877 when the Sovereign's old chroni cler fell ill at the time of l1is lord's preparation to leave for Wallo. From tl1en, Gabra Sellase produced a detailed account of almost all the events he witnessed until 191029• Tl1is cl1ronicler, who, like all l1is oredecessors, was under strict supervision by l1 is lord wl1en producing l1is work and was therefore liable to be subjective i11 certai11 aspects, nevertheless made a fair assessment ofi tl1e achieven1ents of the dig11itaries. The various appointment made by tl1e EmJJeror a11 d some of the relationships of the notables with the Sovereigi1 ca11 easily be deduced from his descriptions. Menilek's ·let-:.ers t:o roreign go,vernments, to his officials and to the various tra\iellers, a n, d a number of the decrees l1e iss11ed contain reference to the subject in question. A large number of these documents are not ava.ilable to cl researcher, as a collection of tl1em l1as not yet been made by anyo11e� bt1t a few of then1 can be !found in travel books either in the origi11al or tra·oslatio11s30 . The Emperor's decree of 1909, to whose preser vation we O\Ve gratitude to Dr. Merab 31, for instance, reveals impressions of IYlenilek on his dig11itaries. Finally, cl1urcl1 records have preserved factual references to person.a lities. It has been traditional in Etl1jopia for the En1perors and tl1eir officials to build cl1 urches aind endo\V then1 witl1 lands, vestments and precious goods. The manuscripts of the cl1urcl1, tl1erefore, contain brief accotints of tl1e fou11ders, the time needed for the co11struction and the nurnber of people engaged in the work and lists of the properties endowed upon it. Sometimes certain , , acl1ievements or qualities of the founder a.re de,pic-:,ed in rtl1e fo,rm -of a .pic,ture on the ,valls of tl1 e cl1urch, an example of wl1 ich can be found in Rosen's book. 32 A11 0Ll1er very importa11t but often 11eglected type of historical source is the u11\vritten n1aterial from tl1e men1ory of people who were for the most part eye-wltnesses. Tl1e Africa,1 Study B1tlletin acknowledaes the validity of sucl1 a .source: ''One olf tl1e major and obviously �apped sources of l1istorical a11d social scie11 ces research in Africa is the first-l1and 27 According to l1is son, Qafiazn1ac San1rt1, l1e received l1is education at the Monastery of Na9 Gadal. 28 One <;>f the consorts of Menilek, she was from Merl1a Bete in Sawa. Cl1urch of Addis Alam. 29 In tl11s year l1e \Vas appointed Nabra'ed of St. Marv's ° a post which he held until his deaitl1 in November i 912. 30 Borelli, op. cit., p. 199. 31 Merab, op. cit. 32 F. Rosen, Eine Dei,tsclie Gesa11dtschaft i11 A bessi11ien (Leipzig, 1907), p. 160. - 286 -

know �edge of Africans . �ho are closely associated with the formation of the l11story of ear !y pol1t1cal movements33_'' Experiments have now show,n that �he generaitu �n of t �·e �en,ilek pe·ri,od can provide an astounding quantity and q ��ity ?f histoncal facts, particularly on the life history of the personal1t1es with whom they had close contact. A nui_riber of people_ who_ observed tl1e activities of tl1e notables, some of whom 1.n fact �1ved �n �l1e1 � courts as soldiers or pages, are still alive. Most of these are 1n their eighties, but the an1ount of material they produce and the degree of fluency and sequence with which they present it are evidence that their men1ories have not been affected or impaired by the number of years. They are perhaps the only source for the names rund locations ofi the birthplaces and the fan1ily backgrounds of a nun1ber of the dignitaries. It is a fact that the written records have for some reason or other ignored tl1e nan1es of many a dignitary's family and childhood backgrou·nd. J1is n1arital and blood relationships with other dignitaries. Intervie\.VS with tJ1ese old people who have a first-hand knowledge of certain dignitaries reveal tl1e upbringing, type and extent of education of .the notcl!bles, and l1ow they came to tl1e coupt of Empero,r Menilek and how they came to be what they were. The habits, customs, attitudes, inner qualities, judicial abilities, interest, and wis11es of the countries and governors ca11not be derived more satisfactorily from anyw11ere else than from the reports of the interviewees. Their estimations of the size of the notables' armies, their wealth, and above all their accounts ofi tl1e relations between . them and other court officials are of 110 meccn· quality. It has been possible to ascertain tl1at a few of tl1ese living sources of history possess ·diaries which they tl1emselves kept or which they inherited from their relatives, lorcls and friencls, as well as old letters of great historical value. Many of tl1e dignitaries coL1Id read and write, and most o.f the1n had secretaries whose duty was 11ot only to talce dictatio11s. but also to record a sort of journal of the justice ad.1ninistered and to preserve correspondence. It is a pity tl1at n1any of the letters were lost after tl1e deatl1 of a dignitary a11d duri11g the Italian invasion; b11t so111e are still existent.34 Tl1eir owners are however reluctant to release them, as they regard tl1em as a precious l1eritage to be preserved only by tl1em. Some_ or them hope to get the doct1ments published when tin1e and means permit them to do so·, others feel tl1at the documents contain touchy statements. , able to �ubl1OJf acute political criticisms and, therefore, consider iJt inadvis cize them. Close contact with the possessors and caref11lly designed interviews may in the long run reward a resea·rcher with valuable docu ments. The historical material gathered from the interviews can possi _ �ly be used as indepen,dent historical docun1ents . rec� rd.�d and c�mp1led ID a!Il integrated form, like Kolmodin's \vork35 wh1cl1, 1nc1dent_ally, 1s a very good historical source for part of ,Northern Etlliopia, or as isolated documents under the name of each interviewee. Lo, whatever form they may be made -

33 African Studies Bulleti11, VIII, No. 2, Sept 1965, p. 1. . 34 Some of the dignitaries' letters add:essed to travellers are preserved 10 travel _ literature Dajazmac Taye's Jetter 1s, for example, produced 1n A. Hodson, Where Lion Reign (London, 1928), p. 152. . . 35 Kolmoclin, Traditions cle Tsazzega et Hazzega, textes T1gr1gna (Roma, 1912). - 287 -

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ed at ly ci tre nt ifi su in he of e m so t en em pl � up to � to appear, tl1ey serv� 'a iso � t en ?d pe d de an rn d, de o, re dy ea alr y or s 1 h1 � aspects of the Ethiopia1 � d he uc or to t un ou t lef 1�e w r he ot or ly us cio ns sources for rJ1e aspects co by writers. Compared to tl1 e written l1istoricaJ sot1r� es, the i�1terviews bear much , n1ore weight tl1 a:n· expected. The travellers 1nformat1on, as alrea�y me11 tioiied, is inadeqtiate. by itself. One would say th� se are isolated _ docun,eilts j11 tJ1 e sense tlrat t hey were recorded at con�1derable intervals of time, and tl1 erefore u11 treatecl periodical breaks e�1s� b� tween t11em. Another factor is tJ1 at tl1 e vt1riters are affected by tl1 e l1D11tat1ons of space and t, ·im,e requir,ed o.f ·lhei,r works· wl1 icl1 con1pelled them 11 0 select on.ly \\'l1 at tl1ey tl1 ought w as esse11 tial. Jt sl1 ould also not . be forgott� n that _ prejudice, a criticism tl1 at often is bro� g�t up aga1�st the val1d1t� of _ tin written sot1rces, al�-o exists a1nong writers. Many ignored h1stor1cal facts, distorted infor11 1ation, eve11 ts a11d related data that escaped the memory or ,tttention of tl1 e writers ca11, I believe, be extra� ted f:om a� d _ r corrected, by tl1e i·nfo mation of the a.ged people. Since the 1nterv1ew with ll1 e old people is an ope11 discussion between then1 and the interviewer, it is harclly diffictilt (ior tl1 e latter to detect any bias in their reports. But it all depencls 011 tl1e type of person wl10 undertakes the job and the n.1etl1ods and tecl1niques l1e employs in carr)1ing out the task. Tl1e metl1 od en1ployed to gather historical information n1ay not have to be t1ni[onr1 for all societies and con1n1unities in wl1ich the task is to be carried out; a11cl certainly one is required. to use in the Ethiopian society as 1na11y tecl1 niqt1es as tl1 ere are i11dividt1als, or n1inor groups of them, who are tirot1gl1t under question. But certain common characteristics or pre vale11t problems can briefl)' be outlined l1ere. It is tip to the interviewer to kno\v tl1e comn1 unity well and get hold. of people wl10 will 11ot only help l1 im locate tl1e subject, but also comment on tl1e age, experience, reliability a11d personal cl1 aracteristics of the perso11 to be interviewed. T he person who may act as liaison needs to be sufficiently orie11tated on the purpose a·nd use of tl1e project lest l1e may spoil tl1e work for lack of u11 dersta11d.ing. This is not an easy thing because suspicion of otl1 er n1 otives of•ten exists in tl1e n1ind of tl1 e introducer as well as in tl1e mincl of tl1e person to be interviewed. T11ere is susoicio11 as to whether the i11terviewer is really i11terested in 111ere historical -informa tio11 witl1 a good pt1rpose, or if l1e wants to use it as means of extracting other informatio11 witl1 evil intentions tl1at n1ay l1arm tl1em and their fa.milies. Other i,nterviewees ex,ploit their knowledge by writing books then1selves. Such· people ofte11 try to give as little information as possible by de· viating from tl1 e topic to talk about tl1eir knowledge and future plans. Close ancl constant relatio11 ship with these perso11 s may in time create in tl1em confide11 ce in i11stitutions for tl1 e benefit of botl1 sides. Modesty, timidity and fear are also comn1on barriers that have to be overcome. Most oft the aged people at first meeting try to sl1un the inter �ie': by repeatedly telling tl1e gqest as l1ow uneducated they a.re, how limited. a n u , mber of the dignitaries they knew, and how little they can remember of tl1 e past. But once you read tl1 e list of the ,names about . whom you want to know, and yot1 put them at ease by full explanation ot whatr you are looking for, the material they produce is· tremendous. To reduce tension and to collect more information, the interview has to -288 ..:._

be made v�ry i 1riformal. A strictly question-and�answer method makes them con _ sc1o� s of exac�y what they say, and they ofte11 try to avoid answering delicate questions. Another thjng tl1at hampers the flow of infonnation is the instru . ments t1s�d for taking the notes . Most of tl1e old people are accustom·ect to an· , u�1nterrupted "".ay ?f1 11arration and any noi se of equipment, even tl1e tapping of a p �nc1l, disturbs then1 , partly becftuse of the noise itself, artly becat1se 1� m�es them cons�ious of tl1 e fact that what they say �nd � 1s be�ng r�cor_ �ed. ·Inc1dentally, e �per1ence has shown tl1at a recording . machine �1n11n1shes 1nucl1 of tl1e 111terest a,nd emotion witl1 wl1icI1 they _ relate their accot111ts . They beg111 to evaluate their rernarks and avoid anything tha.t see�1s to tl1en1 secret. There is also the fear of people . . related to· the d1gn1tar1es , and tl1ey doubt if they are really the right people, especially if they are to be qt1oted. The best tl1ing is, therefore, to develop memory for tl1e reprodt1ction of the reports and take dow11 only r1ames and dates on the spot. Unclarified points and contradictions can be cl1eckecl later 011. It is also necessary to keep in 1nincl that tl1e interviewees usually comb.inc in their reports t11eir actual experience witl1 wl1at they heard from others , a11d the i11tervie,ver l1as to n1ake a distinctio11 between tl1e two, for the latter is really traditio11 . At tl1e sa111e time a careful note sl1ould be made of any attitude of the reporter whicl1 n1ay affe.rt tl1e reliability of the material recorded.. There are, .for i11 sta11ce, peop\<"' 'ivl10 believe i·n the importance of those dignitaries of high birth, a11 d such people ofte11 talk ,vith some degree of contempt about tl1ose who rose ro a higl1 positio11 by merit alone. A careful. stud.y of the older ge11erat1011's attitude to birth, education, n1erit and the re]igio11 of others may perhaps reveal the beli.efs and values o,f ,the s·o.ciety of the Menilek Perio,d. To sun1 up this brief review of tl1 e sources or ,the Menilek Peri·o·d, the life .. history of tl1e significant perso11alities wl10 co11tributed to the growth and developn1en.t of 1nodern Etl1iopia is an irnporta11t aspect_ of the l1istory of tl1 e period and, tl1erefore, it deserves st_ udy. Botl1 for� 1gr1 and looal sources aire available .t10 a researcher, but, 1t 1s ,the 11:nwr1tten · ·source that ot1ght to receive n1ucl1 e1nphasis , so that. ren �niscences of the older generation may be recorded before tl1ey are buried 1,n the remoteness of time and turn into variant traditions.

...

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I I

A LIST OF THE ETHIOPIAN PERSONALITIES OF THE MENILEK PERIOD Na,ne

Title

Horse-Nanie

• • • • ••• • • • • • Sultan • Abba Jefar Abba Yetraf Ras Abatti LiqaMakwas Ababa Atnaf Sagad Abba Zenab Dajazmac Abraha ••••••• • • ••• Dajazmac Admasu Berru • ••• • • • • • • • • Sahafe Tezaz Afawarq • • • • • •• • ••••• Naggadras Ageda Abba Nagga Ras Alula Abba Zaman Dajazmac Asfa Darge • • • •• • • ••••• Ato Asn1e ........... ,. ,, .. Dajazn1ac Ayalew Berru Abba Nafso Dajazmac Balca • •• ••••••• '• • Dajazmac Balaw Takla-H.aymanc,t Abba Daffar Dajaz1nac Basah i\bov6 • Abba Sabseb Dajazmac Bayyan�i • • • • •• • • • • • • Qafiazmac Bayyar1J. fI:a.yla-Mikael •• ••• •• ••• •• Bayytina Ye1n�ir Qafiazn1ac • • • • • •• ••••• Bazabeh Tal(lii Haymanot Ras •••••••••••• B:;, rrt1 I-Iayli.i-Maryam Dajazmac •••••• • •• • •• Besrat6 Qafiazmac Da1ntaw • • •• • •• •• • •• Fitawrari Darge Abba Gersa Ras Damesaw • • • • • • • •••• • Ras Degafe Fitawrari •••••••••••• Duri Fitawrari •• • • ••• • • • •• Estifanos (?) Afa Negus •••• •••• •••• Gaba .y�ihu Fitawrari Abba Gora Ga.bra Maryam Fitawrari • • ••••••••• Gabra Sella:se DajaZinac • • •••••• •••• : Ga.bra Sell1ase Sahafe Tezaz •••••••••••• • Gabru Kantiba •••••••••••• Ga.name Dajazmac Abba Tageb ..., Garmamme DajaZI11ac Abba Mala G�issasa Diijazn1ac ••• • •••••••• Getacaw Ras • • •••••••••• Gezaw A.!zJaz • • • • • • • • • • •• Gobana Ras Abba ':feggu Guangt1l Wag Sum •••••••••••• Gt1 !?S,a A11aya. Ras ••• ••••••••• Gugsa Wale Ras •• • •• • ••• • • • Habta-Giyorgis Fitawrari Abba Ma.cal Habta-Maryam Dajazmac •••••••••••• H8!b ta-Maryam Ato Abba Negat Hab 1 ta �M.a.ryam Fitawrari •••••••••••• Hagos Ras •••• • •• • • • • • Hayla Maryam Sarabeyon Ato • • • • • • • •• • • • I-Iay1 a-G.iyorgis Bitwadad Abba Mulat • • • • • • •• • I • •

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�290-

Home Jimma sawa sawa Tegre Semen (?) sawa (?) sawa Tegre sawa sa wa Semen{?) sawa Gojjam sawa sawa (?) sawa (?) Bag�mder Gojjam -Sawa .. sawa sawa sawa sawa sawa sawa (?) sawa (?) sawa (?) sawa Tegre sawa Bagemedr sawa

sawa

Yajju

sawa

sawa (?) Wallaga (?) Wag(?) Tegr ·- e Yajju sawa sawa sawa Sawa Tegre sawa sawa

•

Name Hay,la-Mary,am flaylu Takla-Haymanot Hayla Sellase Hayla Sellase Jote Kabada Kabada M a n g a s a Kasa Kumsa Morada Lamroa Leul S a g g a d "tv-1akoooen Makonnen Ta.wand Balay Makonen W alda-G�ibr'iel Mtingasa W e b e Mangasa W u b e Mangasa Yohanes Masasa Walde Masasa Warqe Matafarya Matewos Mikael Mulu-Geta Nadaw Nadaw Nagasi Nasibu Nasibu Zamanuel Petros Sarawitu Sebhat Seyum Sawa Ragad Tafasa Takla Haymanot Tak.la Maryam Tamere Tasamma Darge Tasamma Gazxnu Tasamma Nadaw Taye Gulelate Taye Telahun Wadaje Walda Gabr'iel Watda Giyorgis Walda Maryam Walda Masqal (?) Walda Mikael Walda Mikael Walda �adeq •

•

Title

Horse-Name

Dajazrnac Ras Dajazmac Dajazmac Dajazi11ac Wa.g Sum Ras Ras Dajazmac Dajazmac Ras Ras Dajazmac Qafiazmac Ras Dajazmac Ras Dajazmac Dajazmac Azaz Abuna

Abba Yibas Abba �a.hay

H0111e

Sawa Gojjam • • • • •• •• • • • • sawa Abba Jabal sawa (?) Qellam •••••••••••• Wag • • • ••• •• ••• • Gojjam •• ••• •• ••• •• Abba Qosqus sawa Wallaga •• ••• • • ••• • • Sawa • •• • •• • • • • • • sawa Abba Balay Abba Qanaw sawa Sawa (?) •• • • •• •• • •• • Abba Gataw Sawa Damot • • •• • • • • • • • • Sa"'a • ••• ••• • • • • • Tegre Abba Getam • Sawa (?) •••• • • • • • •• • sawa (?) • • • •• • • •• • • • Sa\\'a • • • • • •• • • • • • Egypt ••• • • • • • • • • Abba sanqo Wallo Negus (?) Sawa • • •• •• ••• • • • ac m az afi. Q Sawa Abba Baher Dajazmac Abba Mabraq sawa Ras Bagemder ••••••• • • • • • Dajazmac Af1a 1-..Jegus Abba Dama sawaa w sa . . . . . . . . . . . ' a b Kanti Egypt • ••• •••• • • • • a n Abu Sa\va • • • • • • ••• • • • Ligaba Tegre • • • • • •• • • • • • Ras Tegre a g er Y a b b A Ras a w Sa ••• • • • • • • • • • Dajazmac wa a S g ta n e T a b b A Qafiazmac Gojjam • • • • • • • • •• • • Negus wa a S • • •• • • • • •• • • Fitawrari a w a S • • • • • • • • • • • • Turk B a s a a w a S Mattan Abba Dajaztna� wa a S • • • • •• • • • • • • Dajazmac Sawa Qamaw Abba Ras a w a S • • • • •• • • •• • • Dajazmac r Bagemde • • • • • • •• • • • • Alaqa (?) Wallo •• • • • • • • Afa Negus • ••• a w a S • • • • • • • • • • •• Ligaba Sawa Saytan Abba Dajazn1ac Saggud Sawa Abba Negus ) (? a w a S •• •• • • • • • • •• Ato a w a S • • • • • • • Sahafe Tezaz • • • • • Gurraca Sawa Abha bajazmac n Hamase Qetaw Abba Ras Manzer Sawa Abba Azaz - 291 -

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Na111e

Title

Horse-Na111e

Ho111e

Waldii Sellase Walde Wale Wand Yerad Wasan Saggad· Wasane Zamanuel Webe Ya:manzi Yebsa Yegazu Yoscf Zawde Zawga

Ras Ras Ras Dajazmac Dajazmac Kantiba Dajazn1ac I:;-itawrari Fitawrari Dajazmac Dajazmac Ras Naggadras

Abba Mak:ka Abba Seyum

Bagemder .sawa Yajju sawa Wallo Sawa sawa Sawa (?) sawa sawa Sawa (?) Bagemder Sawa

.. . .

•••••••••• •• •

••

•

••• •

•••••

••••••••

••

• • • • • • • • • •• •

Abba Tadiig

••••••• ••

• •

••

•• •••••••••• •••• •••

••••

•• ••

••••••

•••

Abba Deldel •

•••••••••••

•

• •

-- 292 -

•

THE PATRIOTIC WORKS OF DEJAZMATCH ABERRA KASSA AND RAS ABEBE ARAGAYE Sa/0111.e

Gebre-Egzic1be/1er

The s tt1dy of tl1e l1 istory of1 the patriot forces of Ethiopia reveals the : _ fact, th�t 1n tl1e firs t y�ar of tl1e occupation almost the wl1ole of Begem der, G�Jan1 a11d the entire provinces of North and So11th Western Etl1iopia _ were virtually 1nclependent. 1 Tl1e reaso11 s for st1cl1 a11 acl1ievement were rn,111y; I will try to enumer ate son1e of them. The Et11iopia11s, wl10 were 11ot as well armed as tl1e Ita lians, \.vl10 l1ad n1oder11 weapo11s and ple11ty of an1munitio11, used vario11s n1 eans to attack tl1em. Tl1e Ethiopians resorted to tl1e use of tactics of deceiving. Whatever amot111 t of a1nmunition they had was used effectively with n1 uch ca·utio11 . Besides this tl1 ey cleceived the Italians by firing fron1 (1 place ,tnd tl1e11 immediately lea. v i11g it. Wl1en tl1e enemy went to tl1js place the patriots attacked tl1em fro111 tl1e rear. They also attacked tl1e enemy, wl1en the latter, tl1inki11g tl1at the patriots vvere 11ot near by, ·\,vent to plt1nder a village. 111 tl1is way tl1e patriots were able to attack large contingents of the enen1y. Tl1ey also successfully l1arassed e11en1y li11es of com111 u1tication and besieged isolated ene111y garrisons. "T11ese caused tl1e Italians a considerable a1nou11t of alann and anxiety and lo\vered theii n1orale. By tl1is means ·tl1ey contained large 11u1nbers of tl1e ene1ny a\.vay from their 111 ai11 sot1rce of operation''. 2 T.l1e Etl1iopian soldier, dedicated and a born warrior, takes all kinds of risks in following up a11 e11e111y witl1drawa]. Anotl1er reason wl1ich contrib11ted a great cleal to tl1e success of tl1e patriots i11 their strt1ggle is tl1e pbysical a11 d tl1e cli1natological state of tl1e country. Tl1e n1011ntains, forests, gorges, ravines ancl rivers helped the patriots by ofD�ri11 g then1 l1iding, food and shelter. 3 TJ1e heavy rai11s <tad the rivers flooded ,is a co11sequence of tl1e heavy rai11 limited tl1e n1 ove1nen·t of the enemy who clepended on cars and aerop'lanes, a.nd faci litated the mobility of the patriots \.vho were always 011 foot. The rains also made it di.ffict1lt for the enen1y aeroplanes to fly to the aid of the besieged· soldier.4 The I· talia11s who were unable to operate on the high1ands hired many Africans ''and in this case (at a fight in Sidamo) there ,vere 1arge numbers of conscripted Ethiopians. These men �f co� rse, fought �ithout l1eart against their· compatriots, and at the first . s1�n of . an Ital1an retreat a bataJlion of conscripts went over to the Et�1?p1an s1�e. In � onseque,�ce Ll1 e patriotjc forces gained arms, and ammunition. Their prestige ran h1gl1 1

1 2 3 4

New Times and Etltiopia Ne,vs, July 17, 1937, p. l. · Geri.ma Tafere, .,.,.,,,.P...&,: n:11;n,- • Addis Ababa, 1956 ( 1949), pp.9- 10. Supplemental to the London Gazett�, July 10, , 1946._ New Tirnes an(l Ethiopicr Ne111s April 23, 1938,, p. l. ·

- 293 _.

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among the tribes. ''5 If the country had not been highland, but l?wland with the altitude suitable for the life of a European,. all of that which was achieved by the Ethiopians might not have been achieved. To this should also be added the letter� com�ng _from His Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I, who was then_ 1n ex�e 1n London. These letters encouraged those who were �lrea�y m the_ f! eld and m_ade forme_r traitors and deserters leave the Italian Imes �nd JOin the patriots. Had 1t not been for these letters, which had a magic effect on the people, the patriots might not have been able to stand the attack ?f the enemy and the independence of Ethiopia might not have_ been achieve�. The letters of His Majesty were hope, nourishme?t and drink to the patnots who were suffering from despair, hunger and thirst. The Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah . . Haile Selassie ·r, the Elect of God, Emperor of Eth1op1a.

To Dejazrnatch Mengesha Wossen, to Balambaras Abebe Aregay, to Fitawrari Zev1du Aba.koran, to all the noblemen and the people around you. I-Iovv a.re :you? We are well, tha ,nks to rthe grace of the Almighty. \Ve hf!ve received your letter in which you had asked Us to prevent the cruel treatr.aents that you have suffured by the hands of our vicious enemy. We a.re happy to learn of your well-being even though you a.re in a �.;ery difficult position. \Ve will bring to the notice of the League of I'1"atior�s atl the difficulty and tragedy that has befallen Our beloved country Ethiopia and Our kind people, and get all the justice that is honourable for n1ankii1d� Since Our fortune has forced Us to be here in Europe \Ve will help you by prayers. We are negotiating with some few friendly countries to preserve Our independence and to relieve Our brave people, who are courageously fighting against Our enemy. Your letter, and those tl1at were sent by tl1e people (Patriost) from north and west have helped us to tell to the people of the world and their govem men•ts that th� Ethiopians �ave decided to fight the.ir enemy to the end. The w_ork wlti�h you are doing for your beloved country and your loyalty to Us 1s not going to be valueless in the face of God and men. It will never lose its immense value. Our wish for the well-being of Ethiopia and Our people We hope will be fulfilled by God. '111'} : '110'1 : tl'h9°'1'1f... : �o-P, : 4>Pi 01/ 'I! : ;}f, fl : Ft\fl» : P' f..oo : 'h°1 H..'111 th.C : "}"t-lP : 'l"lP':,. : Hh.T\>-kf :: f, f: '4 it : hf...jf1101/ l· : OD"}'1 ?f : ro (l � • hk;t-llJc&,.� : tlm·>;..: '1'lh t--'1 1 h'lt\9°'1&.il: '100 : h/.i,:Jf, I ht10t\�: htt.:'f-r-k.r : 00 1). 11�f,lc 1 'lt\'l�Y..lct; : "11111 : hTA 4?9° = h:,--1if..9°: 'h1f...9°1: (l"}1J;J--l-:\A :: h�: fl'h"ltL'11l,h,.C: :fc'I:,-.: f...""r'i' : '11 Oh_:,.. r-k.r : ilf, : 11°1&.�llJc : mt\;t l-1 � 9°h1,.,-,.. = illl : f..t.(lm· : ttf..,:1t; : nt'h11 'll-1 = t\.e, : 0

5 Ibid.• April 13, 1940, p. 19. - 294-

illl°trPt..ro·: °1�: rof. =·'¼i\.9°·= aa;oiF:r+: "7..-,flc: 'h"}f:c;'il;J·ro·:,,: f?.4,if-v•A;: f.1lP,fL: f.C{lc;'A:: 9°19° ..:fu,; : 0611-,:,, = ro-ilT: DDlfc;":fo-"}: 1lc;"ro..:,,: ff'�,.,;J . lD/o : flOD{ltJ1/ :J .. 1.. 1: h�°l : f.{l: J\(l'}:: flrf•tDf.f.1"(Dc: h"lt..T,: flh..+r-A"-..r : flf.1-.9° : tlt1l'l1"1: l\f, : f,U'} : fOD(l(l : 611-,:,,,.. : DDht-,. : illl : f.l(l : flh°ll·Lh11th»C : ..:,• : &..T : 7'�o;r'f.'}'}: /tc;'*CT: flh.Tf-A"f faa"}OJP';J : . ° "1°1 : h1Pr.e1 A'l+ : f(lm· : A� : f"?.hflcil:,.. : P'C O•} : h"}.&; .mfl�, : fl"?.,,C'ilfl" : f'¼fl9° : DD1°1P';J ..,l.. : fl"7{l;rro:,, � 'lV·� : 1.. tL : itm·e;r : 1,1!:11-;� : iJf:I\ 1"1: itll·1f..f.1:: 1'f9° : OJP,A:J!1·, : hlf�. : OD'}OJP' ;J 1 cc,· = nm = 1,; Pr.em,,.. = I\ ;J .. ,1.. = h.:,-- r-A·.r. l\:J--1"1 : fll0l1',:, --c;' : floo,f•'lflC : fO-Z..111\hlllD·"} : ,"f11J '" . q:f;; : ti DDht-,. : ct,; flC: fl"'I lD"llJ:,. : 1,ilh: ODal.lil : fl\"7*t.T = h1f.ti°1l\1 rit,.:fu.. :1·?11 ·= :J'Ac; J!.°l'l° fltTDf\OJ· : fl9°1Jt....fl'1: fl(lfPL"} : tJ/\.. : hml\.:i• : 11°?...hl\ = hh.:,.. r-A"-1 = oul).;,..f·1·C." 'll\'l·f--7f r.-1·1\h·A1 = f.•flP,(19'':f: fi'1.,)•?"A"f: ,"f11-J•fl: mi\,f.:'}: hilh: OD{.Q.� ifm· : l\DDfJ'm'I°: cf,C{fl: l\.,i., ..,.: f°'l..:J ..1/A: ovlf�··}: ll'¼/l9°: ,"f1111lc;': OD'}'?F;J--,"f•: {\ff'/{llf'a;l.: fl•OIJ�: l�1:: llrf·mf.f.ro- = h1t--':f, = l\t1c:i--r-A·f ; na:11? �n1t1·u,. ; nh :J.. 'f v- = r?° :,..e. fl:r "1 �.,,) .. il l\ .. 111 ifW • :.n.. � .r:� 9° . °ltlh1lclhC9° : (l(l(D•9° : &.,:,.. : rovu. �.m,,.i,. � }�TI"¾° � r:rf"•h

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The Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah Haile Selassie I, Elect of God, Emperor of Ethiopia. To Fitawrari Ayele Hailu, how are you? Thanks be to the cl1arity of God We are well. Your letter has reached Us. We are happy to bear of your well-bejng. In addition, the people, seeing the work you are doing in cooperation, courtsey and bravery for Our country, for your king and for Our people, have elected you as their leader_ f ?r such a heavy task at such a difficult time. We pray that we shall f1n1sh our work here and reach the soil of Ethiopia and not only send you. message�. Until then, deal justly with all those . around you and give i� partial justic� and administration to all those people under you without the feeJ1ng of nepotism. We also entreat you not to see your people maltreated_. Stay in unity with all your brothers and people that are around you until Our return you will obtain eveytbing else through Ras Abebe. Give our greetings to all the nobl�men, patriots and to all the people,. old and young. June 28, · 1939·. - 295

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,After tl1e u11fortunate defe,1t of Maicl1ow almost no 011e wanted to f·ight. The Genet Military Acaden1y situdents who ,vere sent to Debre Berl1an were not allowed to figl1t tl1e e11en1y comi11g from Dessie, because the people of that area demanded 110,v tl1ese 2,400 troops could possibly defeat the I1 talians wl10 l1ad defeated t11e great Imperial army.6 Therefore tl1e Italians occupied Adclis Ababa, faci11g 011ly tl1e sligl1test an1ount of resistance, on MaJ, 3rd 1936.

Ilt was !eater 011 wl1e11 tl1e IJeople saw the atroatres of the Italians that

•'

they went out: of Addis Ababa and joined those who l1ad refused to surrender and were living i,11 tl1e forests. These leaders when they had gatl1ered a few me11 and an1n1t1ni1ion decided to fight the Italians in Addis Ababa. Be.f.iore the attack there was a n1eeting for five days. The meeting was called to decide from wbicl1 sides to attack a11d where the patriot leaders were to be stationed. It. was necessar)' to make s11cl1 a decisio.n 6 General Essyas Gebre Selassie wl10 was a student at Genet Holetta. and who was appointed as 1nilitary adviser to Dejazn1atch Aberra by the Dejazm.atch ,himself. He was then a Sl1alleqa. - 296 -

· .

becat1se all the chiefs· were i11 terested in defending their villages wl1ere they _l1 ad lands.. Before the attack on Addis Ababa was decided upon certa1:1 leaders were sent to various parts i11 order to distract tl1e Italian attention fro m the tow11 . Dejazmatcl1 Balcba was sent to Guraghe, BJ_atta Te�ele Wolcle I-Iawariat to Limo Wollega, Ras Abebe Aregay to . G1da, DeJazm�tch Zewde Asfaw to 1-Iullo. Ras In1 en1 in Wollega and _ Ras· De sta 1n S1damo \-Vere also distracting th.e Italiru1 mind and attention. 7 . · All of the above leaders ancl Dejazmatch Aberra Kassas decided to �1tt�c.k A�dis Ababa on July 29th 1936 (I-lan1le 21st 1928) and recapture 1t 1f possible. Tl1ey were to attack from four different sicles, but a t the �an1e tin1 e: _Ras A_bebe \'vas to attack fro111 ,Aboside, ,Dejazmatch Aberra trom . Selall1e, DeJaz111 atcl1 Zewde Asfiaw was to attack from Holetta·, DeJazmatcl1 Balcl1a was to con1e from Ledeta side, and Dejazmatch Fikre ·· Mariam from Ourael. .

They l1ad all agreed to surrotrnd Addis Ababa on tl1e night of the 28th. But this pla.n did 11ot 1natt1re because of the heavy rains. Since i· t was the rainy season and all tl1 e big rivers aro11nd Addis Ababa were flooded, son1 e of the cl1iefs did not reacl1 Add.is Ababa on tl1 e appointed date and. l1our. Some of then1, like Dejazmatcl1 Aberra, reacl1ed Addis Abftba on tl1 e appoi11ted d;:1y, but otl1ers, like Dedjaz1natcl1 Balcha and Ras Mesfin, arrived later on. Dedjazmatcl1 Aberra can1e up to f. \ba De11a police College at Gulele, but \vhen he did mot hear the signal sou.nd (wl1ich was a single sl1ot) fron1 tl1e otl1ers, l1e \Vanted ·to retreat, because he felt tl1at I1e was desertecl. but bis men, for example Dejaz1 11 atch Zewdu Abakora11 , wanted J1in1 to start the fighting. When the Italia11 s came ot1t tl1ey sa1,v tl1e forest of Gulele full of people a.i1 d were so terrorized ll1at rtl1ey reentered their fortress and locked tl1emse1ves i11 . It vvas n-ot 011ly the n1e11 of Dejazn1atcl1 f\berra that fought b11t also almost 1lhe entire population of the town. This s'howed the ltalia11 s tl1at tl1ey were l1ated by all. Wl1 e11 tl1e Etl1io1Jia11 s saw tl1at the Italians were .not con1j11g out t.o fight tl1 em, they started to settle down. Tl1 e Italians vvho were keeping quiet left ,their fortresses dressed like tl1 e patriols, wJ1en tl1 e patriots were disarn1 ed. The)' sucldenly attacked the patriots a11d made the111 qt1it Addis Ababa on Jt1ly 30. The Ethiopia11s were attacked fron1 tl1e air all tl1e way to SelalJje. Dejazmatch Aberra setfled at Selallie and resisted tl1 e Italians lIP rto .December 1936. Dejazn1atch Aberra was forced to surrender du� to various reasons. In the first place he lear11ed abot1t the capture of Ras Imeru and tl1e desperate position of Ras Desta, so he felt he wi:-s left alone. �cond�y the Italians wrote h _im many pleasant and c9aindi�d let:t�rs'. ask1n_g him to st1rrender, for wl11ch }1e wot1ld be rewarded. TJ1 1rdly, his followers began . 7 Ras Abebe was m·ade a Ras , at 1:l1e meeting. General Ess-ayas 8 According to General Essayas Dejazmaitch Aberra was the center of power for the other chiefs. He bad money and large numbers of men. He even had a red umbrella, the symbol of royalty. All tl1e leaders had agreed . to make Dejazmatch Aberra their leader before and ,after the attack of Addis Ababa. 9 According to a .letter (see over-leaf) Dejazmat�h Aberra �as. already in cor respondence wjth the Italians before the coming of Graz:ian1. But I do not th.ink this was because he wanted to surrender, but to appease the Italians. -297 -

to suspect him, when they1° heard that he was corresponding with the Italians. The peoples' suspense attained its cill?a� and �hey began _ when Dedjazmatch Aberra sent back to Graz1an1 f1v� or � 1x captured Italians. But all through this time .Aberra was tell1n.g his men that they could fight. the Italians· some other ti�e and that they had 1o prepare themselves for that occasion by buying mules, food, horses an.d guns. Meanwhile he was corresponding with Ras Abebe asking him to surrender. It was not only the common people that left Dejazrnatch Aberra, but also important men like Dejazmatch Haile Mariam, �as Ab� be Ar�gay and Dedjazmatch Zewde Asfaw: Ras Abebe left for Jrro, Haile Mar1a.m for ,Muger and 'Zewde Asfaw for Gojam. 12 Letters exchanged between Dajazmatch Aberra Kassa and Ras Abebe Areggay were as follows: To Ba.lambaras Abebe:

How are yo11? T11ank God, we are well. The Emperor supported by the expected aid and the League's decision is not arriving as soon as we expected l-Iim to arrive. We have been writing fruitlessly. Therefore since help is going to take time, it is better if we do not start fighting against Italy. If we start to fight, Italy will strongly revenge herself. 'fl1erefore in order to avoid such revenge and to deceive the Italians, I and those 11oblemen aro11nd me have sent some gifts to them. And it would be to our advantage, if you and the other noblemen around you do as \·,e h:1 ve done. 13 Dejazma!tch Aberra Kassa.

To Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa I greet you in the name of the Saviour of the world. With ithe help of the Holy Trinity· and with your prayers I have succeeded in defeating at Jenjero Meda14 the Italians who were going to come to Deneba through Fetche. I am happy, because I have captured many weapons and cannons. Now after I have defeated the enemy so many times. How can I send him gifts,. saying.that I am at his ·mercy? The gift tl1at you ask me to send wjll cover my expenses. Besides, if we send gifts and say we have sur rendered, the Italians will_ ask us to go a:°d n1eet them. If we do not go to meet then1 then they will go on attacking us. Therefore I do not want to .WflSte our money. .. , Beca �se of yo �r letter there h�s been a rift created among my men. , Why l1as Aberra accepted the Italians follows: as ons quest1 n1e ask They _ tells us to figl1t saying tl1at we are united and one?'' government wl1en be S � even if you send tribute to the Italians to deceive them, the soldiers think that the two of us have differerl't aims. In order to show that we ---·

lQ · General Essayas.· .' 13' ·MS.: on Ras Abebe. 12 . · General Ess-ayas. 14 ·-R�s Abebe fough� 3:nd tl�feateci �e Italians �t Deneba, on June 2, 1936, · · .on Oc�ober 15, at. Chacha; October. 16, at Salayesh and on November 13 1936 ' . · at · · . JenJero Med,a. · : · - 298 -

have the same aim let me come with my men and give you tribute. When we come there I want you to give them some comforting convincing advice.15 Ras Abebe Aregay. To Balamba.ras · Abebe Aregay. How are you? I am well, thanks 1o God. I have received your letter. I am pleased to hear about your st1ccess at Jenjero Meda. It is not possible for me to come to see you, i t is better if you come here. But I want yot1 not to come with your men to give me tribute. As I have told I have sent gifts to the Italians; now if you come with your men to give me your war tribute, the Italians will think that I was ·the one w'ho attacked them from the rear. As a result they will give up the talks for peace. But I hope you will come alone and we will discus everything. ''1 6 Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa Ras Abebe did not go Dejazmatch Aberra, because some of his men did not want him to go. But when he heard about the coming of General Traccl1ia to Fetche, he wrote a letter to Dedjazmatch Aberra asking him to come and help him. The following was the letter: To His Excellency Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa. I greet you in the name of the Saviour of tl1e ;:-,vorld. In my previous letter I have asked you to come here or to allow me to con1e to you \vitl1 my men. But you did ·not agree to either of the proposals; tl1is l1as disturbed my men greatly. . I l1ave l1eard tl1at General Ruggiero Traccl1ia is goi11g to cor11e from Debre Berhan on November 28th to attack us. I l1ave eno11gh soldiers to fight General Trachie but in order to sho\v the soldiers that you are witl1 us, it will be of great valt1e if you will se11d me a htindred of your men and one cannon. You will be the next one to be attacked if we give tip tl1e p�ss (Bere). 17 Ras Abebe Aregay. To Balambaras Abebe

How are you? I am well, thanks to God. I have received your let!er. For the moment I cannot send you the men you have asked for. I tbrnk you cannot fight the Italians. It is better if y �u ?O not start to fi¥ht, an? by your misdeed have the country burnt. So 1t 1s better and advisable 1f you leave the pass open. 18 Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa. 15 Ras Abebe, MS. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid.

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After J1e had received ·tl1e reply Ras Abebe sent Agafare De1 azmatch Yaregal to Dejazma1cl1 Aberra, to know what the thoug�ts of DeJazma�ch Aberra re,1lly were. Dejaz1natcl1 Yaregal returned with the following n1essage after bavi11g discussed the situation with Dejazmatch Aberra. It is 11ot yet tin1e for us (Aberra & Abebe) to fight; at present we can not completely defeat the Italians. For every a1tempted battle they will retaliate by burning our l1ouses, crops and cattle. I will go to Ensaro Kollo so tl1at t11e Italia11s will come to 1De11eba without resistance, so that tl1ey will thi11k they are welcon1ed. The peace 11egotiations then will be carried 011t by Ras Hailu. TJ1is will give n1e time 1to decide what to do, rigl1t 110w I will not join tl1e Italians. In any circumstances we will work togetl1er but for tl1e n101nent war is 11ot 11ecessary. 19 Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa

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Ge11eral Traccl1ia occupied Deneba, wl1ich was 11ot guarded, 011 Decen1ber l 6tl1. Ras Hail11 started 11egotiatio11. When the Genet Lijoch20 l1eard that Deja2111.atch Aberra had started negotiations with the Italians and that he was going to l1a·nd tl1em over to fue enemy they d.ecided to flee. Tl1ey we11t away and gave ·their loyalty to Lij Haile Mariam Mammo. "' 1 11e otl1cr Jeaders like Ras Abebe, Dejazmatcl1 Zewde Asfaw and Lij Haile 'tv'lariam Marnmo we11t to Jiro, Gojjam and Mengar respectively. This exo<lt1s of educated men and in1porta11t leaders completely weakened Selallie. 21 Mear1while Dejazmatcl1 Aberr-a was receiving advice from two sides. One ·was from tl1e enen1y ai"1cl tl1e otl1er fro1n a friend. From the enemy side R . as I-Iailt1 was trying to convince Dejazmatch Aberra tl1at he must sur re11der. T11e friend was Major Mesfin, who had ren1ajned behind when the ot' hers had gone, to advise Ras. Kassa's sons Dejazn1atch Aberra and Deja.z1natcl1 Asfa Wosse11 not to surrender. :Dejazmatcl1 Aberra, wl10 was ten11Jted by tl1e candied words of Ras Hailu, defied fue advice given to him by l1is 011ly f,riend Major Mesfin, and surrendered tq the Italians on December 21st 1936. 011 the same da)' they returned to Fetche, from where tl1ey had fled to Merabete when tl1e Italians occupied it on December 16th. I1n1nediately on tl1eir arriv,11 tl1ey were shot and bel1eaded at Fetche sc1u,1re.22 Dejaz1natcl1 Asfa Wossen ·Kassa l1esitated to surrender, because he knew wl1at their fate wo11ld be. But when Dejazmatch Aberra decided to sacrifice l1imself for tl1e sake of Salallie, Asfa Wossen also decided to st1rrender. Tl1e following were letters betwee11 Ge11eral Traccl1ia a .nd Dejazmatch Aberra before l1e surrended. One letter was se11t throug11 Tadesse Cltinkilo. It said: To tl1e Comma11ding Officer of the Italian Armies coming from Debre Berl1c111. 19 I bid. 20 Genet Lijocl1 were tl1e students wl10 were. in the Ifoletta Genet 'tvlilita.ry Acaden1y. About 70 of tl1em joined Dejazn1atch Aberra \Vh.ile the 11est left for Wollega to join Ras In1eru. 2 l General Essayas. 22 lviajor Me&fin left tl1e brotl1ers when he learned the fact If.hat they were ready to surrender. - 300 -

. · I l1 ave alread. y con1mt1n icated with Gr. az ' i·an1· an , d agreed w1tb lu n1 to . h a 11 t he formal compI y wit

ities of surre11cteri1 1g· As the arm1·es which · are ; d ow comi· ng t ar s us wi· t I1 yo u are burning the h011ses and p 1under1n g tl1e pr op d er a ty ·tl n o f peaceful oeasants w11001 ·J. .1ook a f.ter, and as cat e , · m y _ . . . country.men 111ay tfj' to defe11d tl1e1r property and 1·tves a11d so de·feat ny 1 . . I 1n te nt 1o peaceful · · ns, respectft1 lly rec1u - est you rto order tl1e k· 1 11·1no of· peop· le · g o ·f 11ouses of peasants withotrt cause ito be stopp;d and b ur111n ."23 ile Maria � Gezmu ,vas given tl1e following letter to ,take to . Lij , Ha De1azn1,1tcl1 Aberra from Ge11eral TraccJ1ia.

To Dejazmatcl1 Aberra Kassa

I was glad to see fron! a n1essag about sent by you your having � _

concluded an agree1;11ent w1tl1 Graz1an1. If you are really a peacefrul ma11 asse�ble yot1r sold1e:s at :r=etcl1e a11d receive me at a peaceful parade; a11cl. 1f yot1 con1 �Iy w1tl1 tl11s, I assure you 011 bel1alf of my Gov ernment. _ tl1at your life \V1ll be sparecl.2·1 Ge neral Traccl1ia. To General Traccl1ia As you have assured n1e in your letter to n1e tl1at our lives will be spared, we sl1all assemble ot1r armies and recei ,;e you by peaceful parade in a. place called Bidigon. Addis f\.baba, 11 Decen1ber 1936. Dejazn1atch Aberra I(assa. To H is Excellency Marsl1al Grazia11i. Peace, J1ealtl1 and l1011our and tl1anks be to you: f beg you to look over what I write below. Yot1r I1o no11r, whe11 Marsl1al :Badogl io entered Addi s Ababa. I l1ad writte11 J1in1 a letter tl1rough . Monsiet1r Bas ili11s Dian1adre, stati11g that I ,:vas peaceful and was not against anytl1i11g that the will of tl1e Almigl1ty God l1ad do1 1e. Bt1t before I got an answer Marsl1al Badoglio left for l1is country. And ,vJ1e11 yot1 enterecl Addis Ababa I l1ad written the same kind of a latter tl1rot1gl1 Ras Hailu and Monsi et1r Basi li11s. Before I got any reply the powerful Italian goveron1ent l1ad 011r 1 country bombed fro1n ·fhe air, without good or proved ca11ses. The people who were sentenced to death. w itho11t �tny fair tTial prefrred to die figl1ting for their country i1Jstead of dying i n tl1eir houses. Up to the time whe11 tl1e will of God is executed, it is a. custon1 for everybody in the world 1to defend their country. Tl1erefore the powerft1l Italian Government, led by l1er fair atti.tude of justice will not, I l1ope, get angry an.d bear a grudge agai,nst us and no·w since I have received your letter of July 29th (Hamle 21) on July 30th I have stopped all fight ing. o· epending on your letter I apologize for the past and I hereby desi re n1 23 24 25

Addis Ababa, ·p. 10. s, i,ne Cr r Wa lian Ita 011 1ts ne1 c111 J)o e, tic Jus of Ministry Ibid. p. 2. Ibid., p 2. - 301 -

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peace witl1 the powerful Italian Government. I beg you to forgive me and us all the people who . are around · • Signed: Dejazmatch Asfawassen Kassa, Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa.II August 1st 1936 (Hamle 24, 1928)

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Messelegoe Ayele, Lt. Addis Ababa, 1955, (1947), pp. 37-38.

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To Dejazmatch Aberra Kassa: A ft er ¥1"eetings. I have seen your letters to Ras Hailu and Dejazm· atch Amede wh1ch refer to me. I know you knew me b ef ore, but from now on 1 n o ·11 m w k e w et u te b r th ro�gh m y serva nts whom I Y? w as commanding i n E p v th en e eople o f this country are talkin Libya. g about my uncha ngeable word. Now I ·tell you to surrender and I assure you nothing will happen to you. You have fought for your country, and for this no on e will condemn de G you. od cided on all tl1is _for the good of Ethiopia. Why do you want to die uselessly? . I have sent a message to your brother Wonde [sic] Wossen to come here. As you already know l1e has surrendered at Lalibella. After a few d ays he will be here. I will write you when he arrives. Then you should come to Addis Ababa without any delay. Up to then stay there and plan how the people of Shoa should be kept in peace. General, Viceroy of the Emperor i11 Ethiopia Rudolfo Graziani. 26

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After the death of Dejazn1atcl1 Aberra27 patriotjsm o n governmen�al level disi11tegrated. Everybody left for LJ? eir r��pect�ve vill�ges to resist tl1e Italians there only. .Palrio,t leaders like L1J Haile 1:far1am M� rn. rno a11d Ras Abebe fot1gl1 t in s1 nall grotips against t.l1e Italian s. Patnot1sm nearly died ot1t 1111til Febrt1ary 20tl1. On tl1is day, fortt1nately enou.gh for Etl1iopia, yet t1nfortu11 ate]y for tl1e people of .Etl1iopia, a n important eve.nt look JJlace. Grazia11i was givi11g a pt1blic at1dience fro1:11 tl1e Genet. _ palace to tl1e people or Etl1io1Jia 011 Febrt1a.ry 20tl1 1937. On this day two Er1treans by the 11an1 e of Magos Asgedom and· Abrahan1 Debotch28 threw bombs at. Grazia11i, \vl10 was wot1nded. Graziani as a revenge ordered the mass 111assacre of tl1e peop'le of Addis Ababa and the killing of prison ers and suspects in ll1e wl10Je of Etl]jo1Jia. 011 tl1is day 1nany people were killed, and those vvho e�caped death were pt1t into small exposed prisons. Into tl1cse prisons in11oce11t cl1ilclren, won 1en, old men, young men and all s11specls were tl1rust. Tl1e fe11ced compo11nds were so narrow and the people so 111 any ll1at -tl1ey had 110 pla.ce to sleep. Day and night they l1ad. eitl1er to sit or st,111d. Son1e important persons were in1priso11 ed. in pri sons tl1at were i11 town and otl1 ers were se11 t to the island of Nacora and Ivlogadisl10 1Jriso11s. Son1e of tl1ose wl10 escaped fron1 fire, sl1ot and prison \vent to join tl1e patriots who were livin,g i11 tl1e forests arou nd Addis Ababa ..29 T11 e co111 ing of, tl1ese people i11creased the 11 umber a n d strengtlJ of tl1e patriots. Tl1 e drastic act of tl1e Italia11s tl1at was taken o n the fatal d,1y of February 20 arot1sed tl1e people agai11st tl1e1n. Eve11 tl1ose who re1nained a11d servecl tl1e Italia11 s, i n Addis Ababa, apJJarently a.s faitl1ful serva11ts, �1 ere secretly worki11g agai11 st tl1 e111 i11 collaboration with tl1 e fJi:ltriots. TJ1e 1nassacre of Febrt1ary 20 re,1e,1led to people of Etl1io pia, ancl especially to Ll1ose Etl1iopians who were living in Addis Ababa, that 1}1 e Italian ai111 was to wipe ot1t tl1e 11atives a11d take over Etl1iopia for ltalians. 30 For tl1e first 1in1e after the deatl1 of Dejaz1natch Aberra the patrio.rs of Sl1oa called a ge11 era.l meeti11g after February 20 1936. •Tl1 e 111eeti11g was called to ce11tralize patriotic power a11d to elect a common war leader. The following n1e11, accordi11g to Ge11er,:1l Essayas, !were no1n.inated for e]ectio11 : Ras Abebe, Blata Takle, Dejaz111 atcl1 Zewde Asfa.w, Ras Mesfin , Lij I-laile M . aria1n Ma11111:10, Dejaz111atcl1 A\vrarise, a11ct· Dejazn1atch Haile After the d�al.l1 of Dejaz1n�tcl1 Aberra, Salali� .was gua.,rded by a Galla C'hief, Semi Bate. He fought against the Italia11 governor of Salalie, called Kenaz ma tch Takle Mar:;os. Neu, T �rnes a11cl Ethiopia Nettis, June 3, 1938. p. 1. 28 Abr1,h.an1 Debotch w.a.s an Er1trca11 employed by the Italians as an. interpreter. Steer., G·. I-., Sea/eel A 11d Delivered, London, 1942, p. 39. 29 �1inistry of Justice, Docu1ne111s 011 Italia,1 War Crin1es, Addis Ababa, 1950, vol., IT, p. 6-16. 30 General Essayas. 27

- 304 -

Kifetew. Lots wer� cast twice, �nd twice Ras Abebe won. But he di d th of e fic ac e, ce ·b· pt u tra t n· sferred it to Dejazmatcli Awrarise. The not reason fo r the �ransfe� was tl!at Ras Abebe said that he bad already a _ _ m a!I of en lo to un t ad m1n1ster and he cou'ld not load himself wi large th ot'hers.. Afte.r Dej�zn1atch �wrarise acceplecl tl1e ofiice of Commandant General, the ch1��s fou11d 1t 11ecessary to disperse once again, for two main rea.soos. The first was tl1at a � farmers left tl1eir lands and joined the army, the mumber of the arn1y 1 �creased. As the an11 y increased they ra11 short of food. It was- not possible to get st1pplies from the .farmers bec�use s � 1nany of then1 had become soldiers, and tbere was 11obody to cult1vat � the land. Seco11clly they lear11ed fron1 experience ·that the larger tl1e 1Jatr1ot forces were, tl1 e 1nore advantageot1s was it for tl1e Italian aero planes to att;:1ck tl1en1. Tl1erefore ll1ey agreed it was to tl1 e advantage of the patriots to be divided into smaller groups. TJ1e patriots di.vided into two n1ain groups. TJ1e first group under Ras Abebe, Dejazmatcl1 Awrarise and Lij I-Iaile Mariam Mamn1 0 stayed at Shoa. Tl1e other group, tinder Dejaz111atch Zewde, Blatta TakJe and Major Mesfti11 , left for tl1e west31 i11 order to be nearer to t'he border. According to Richard Greenfielcl, Blatta Takle wanted to go to Gore due to the fact that the J1 eavy rains of t]1e west wou1d hi11 der Ll1e movement of the Italians. This would give time for the patriots to reorganise them selves on a larger scale. Seco11 dly, tl1ey cot11d get n1ilitary a11d n1 edical l1el_p and food from St1dan and Kenya. Lastly, wl1en world war started it wot1ld be possible and n1 ucl1 easier to reconqt1er Etl1io 1Jia fro111 that area. 32 Also if the Italians got stronger it could be easier for the patriots of the west to go to Kenya a.nd Sttdan as reftigees. 33 1

Besides :the two large groups there \Vere also minor groups, under smaller cl1iefs- who- decided to stay and. cootinLre tl1eir resistance in their own villages. The patriots of tl1e differe11t provinces were in conm1� nication witl1 each- other. Letters sent fro1n 011e to tl1e ot.l1er .reacl1ed tl1en1 otten after six montl1s because of the lack of co1n1nt111ication. Tl1 ey were 11ot of 1nuch l1elp to eacl1 other. Patriots from one provi11ce coulcl not come to tl1e aid of tl1 e other one i11 anot]1er 1Jrovi11 ce wl1en attacl<"ed by tl1e e11e1ny. .B11t tl1eir being scattered l1elped tl1e1n against tl1e co11 centrated assault of tl1e enemy, because the e11emy l1ad to be divided in order to attack the scattered patriot_s. 34 In Shoa patriots erupted into actio.n i11 � .l the _d�stricts arot111d Addis Ababa. Dejazmatcl1 Zewde Asfaw oper,1ted 1n Addi� Ale1:11. He attacked, stormed and c·aptured the Italian. pos_t of Mullo w1tl1 his sn:ong forces. Deja.zmatcl1 Zewde Asfaw fought w�tl1 the 5,000-str�ng reinforcement _ ·troops that was sent from Holetta. which again met defeat.35 �

32 33. 34 35

�

' stay in · · patriots of the d ine o J· st we 1 e ti · rs yea a r afte ts rio This group of pat . d an r S-� f . eft y the Jam Go om Fr ra. be . 1 on W d a.n a lay �ey � Gojam who were at Be ew en w r de gem Be to d ne tu r< em :th of m the to get help. Some of � � that outside help was not to reach .E�hiopia. . . rnal, Number 9. Jou e rer aka · .:tv[ le, 11gg S1r th e g ri11 1�e ld, 1e11 fie R een en R., Gr 1964, pp.. 9-20. • Gene11al Essa:yas. Ibid. New Ti111es anti Ethiopia Ne1vs October 1, Dec. 24, 1938. - 305 -

e by th la al e of G m na a ht ug fo so al w sfa A e wd Ze ch at zm eja D . ba or ab of ct Ch lle co xe ta Th ns ia al It e th by e ad m s wa o wh Hordofa dofa appeal ed or so H e du s hi m hi ve gi to d se fu re ba ab Ch at en Galla m d ed ed an at ck fe ta de at by re we ey Th s. op tro n lia Ita r fo ba ba to Addis A Dejazmatch Zewde Asfaw. 36 At Addis Alem it was not only Dejazmatch Zewde Asfaw that fought the Italians, but there were others too. For ex�ple on D�ember 2, 1940 Ethiopian patriots, who were staying at the �ouse of W01zero Shoareged Gedle attacked the Italian garrison at Addis Alem. The leader o� the Ethiopia11s was Admiqe Besha who had with him Jagema Kello (at present General), Colonel Zewde Tilahun (at prese� t Dejazmatch). Major Tenqsa Kello, Major Tadesse Gashaw, Captain Gede Kello, Ato Mengistu Wolde Ammanuel, Ato Seyum Wolde. Ammanuel, Ato Tefera Mengistu, Kenazmatch Tessema Bowyalew, MaJor Abegaz Lema, Ato Haile Maria.m Welde Tsadik and Major Haile Giorghis Tilahun. 37 Tl1ese men were to attack after Kenazmatch Aberra with his twelve Eritreans hacl ambushed the Italians: Lij Belay Bowyalew, Workneh Messl1esl1a, Major Yesl1anew \Vorkneh, Admihe Besqa , Shambel Seyum Far!tJ, l\1ekonnen Sl1iume, Tegene Bowyalew, and Kenazmatch Kebede Yi111cr.

'i.Yris battle tl1e Italians lost the engagement with seventy-eight men .killed, 2.,007 rif1es, can11011s and hand grenades captured. 38 Peoi)Je l.ike Blatta Tekle Wolde Hawariat, Fitawrari Deressa, Fitaw rari Den).il1e11.1, Kenazinatch Gebbe,39 pejazmatch Bez.abhie and others operated at Ambo at one time or anotl1er. Blatta Tekele had several anti aircraft guns and used to attack tl1e Italians unceasingly. He had also dt1g extensive e11:trenchments to protect his men from air-raids. These chiefs constantly attacked captured high-ranking officials like Colonel Rocco..co Ethiopians attacked at Bishoftu, Bereket Da.kkim, Haddama and Majo throughout the five years of occupation. I n these areas the patriots l1ad various leaders, including Ras Abebe, Dejaz·match Fikre Mariam, Dejazmatch Wojidullat, Fitawrari Tassew, Kenazmatch Bone Bida4I and e able to attack the enemy by damaging the we ot ?ers. The Ethiopians � _ rails and assaulting the trains. They also attacked the repairers and their guards. 42 At Debre Berhan and Ankober Dejazmatch Zewde Abakoran operated in collaboration with Ras Abebe and wiJh minor chiefs. Minjar was virtually independent by January 1938. The leaders in this area were _ �lem Tshai_ Eyassu, Ras Abebe and Dejazmatch Fikre _ Manam. In MinJar the patriots an1bushed lorries and killed their drivers.43 J\.t

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Ibid., May 27th, 1938, p. 3 Tadesse Zewolde, l'>.'11'\i'"i� • Jfou·'i , Addis Ababa, 1963, p.73. T,adesse Zewolde, Ibid. p. 74. !(�nazmatcl1 qeb�e l1ad surrendered to the Italians. He then revolted and Joined the Ethiopians 350 men, 400 rifles and 5 machine guns New Tin1es and Ethiopia Nelvs January 24th, May 14th, July 30.th October 3rd. ' and 31st. December, 1938 pp. 5, 1, 8, 1, 3, and 1. Tadesse Zewolde, op., p. 72. Nelv Ti,nes and Etlziopia News December 18th, 1937, December 3rd, 1937, May 6th, 1938, July 6th 1938, August, 11th, 1938, pp. 1 1 1 2 1 New Tim�s an,l Etlziopia News October 2nd, 1937: Oct�b;r 9 th, January 29th, 1938. April 23rd. 1938, pp. 1.

- 306 -

!J1e late Ra� Abebe Aregay, who wasan invincible and a doughty warrior was a 9-u1et, thoughtful and a well-loved man. This unconquerable hero of the _ five years was the son of Afenegus Aregay and Woizero Ascale Mariam Gobena, daughter of Ras Gobena.44 He was born in 1904 in .a small village c �lled AbdulIa _ _ ('1 1}>/,'i) : Ras Abebe Aregay as a child lea�t Amharic a11d adm1rustrative law at his father's house un�e� a private teacher. Later on when he was above the age of twenty 45 the� alle (er111bole ( 'PC'fOfl IL : Body-guard m the ) Only children ed o � � he J of n9blemen we.re allowed to J01n this organizations. While he was in the Body-guard· he was made jt1st a Lieutenant and tl1en a Captain. In the Body-guard Ras Abebe was popular, well-liked by his superiors as well as those who �ere belo\v l1im. �eanwhile, Ras Abebe was attending classes at Tefer1 Mekonnen School 1n the afternoons. In this way he was able to broaden l1is knowledge. Later on Ras Abebe was transferred from the Body-guard and was made Coipn1ande·r of ''Yearada Zebegna''.46 He was given the title of Balambaras. On Noven1ber 26 1935 w.l1en ·H is Majesty I-Iaile Selassie !l left fo; Dessie, Ras Abebe was ordered to ren1ain behind and keep Addis Ababa in order to suppress any turmoil that might arise; tl1is was because l1e was chiefi of Police. - Majesty. He kept the town calm and quiet u11til the return of I lis Again on May 3 1936, wl1en the Emperor left for Palastine, Ras Abebe remained behind in order to keep the town calm, since it vvas in turmoil as tl1e Italia11s were about to march in. After a lapse of two days 11e realized that this was i111possible and decided to leave for }1is native village. Ras Abebe left Addis Ababa on May 5, 1936 througl1 "Entoto Ber'' for Gembecl10. Before l1e left Ras Abebe destroyed son1e of the war weapons ,vl1ich could have been of some use . to t_he Italians. Ras Abebe at the ·time when he left Addis Ababa had with h11n not more- than ten 1nen. For a wea1Jon he had only one hand grenade (P >i.CZ. : f1VD11) = At Gembecho, Jiro a11d Waya l1e recruited ma11y people. I-le was able to do this firstly because 11e was a bc1labate in these areas, and _seco�dlf , due do l1is ability in manoetrvering propaganda based . on tl1e exile of _I-l1s Majesty, the mal-treatment o:l! Etlriopian s by the_ �tal�ans, and the d1f�<; rence in religion between the Ital1ans an � Etb1op1ans. Ra� Abe� s correspondence with His Majesty was a very m1porta11t means of recruting and organising his army:

. ik el en M r ro pe m E of ls ra ne t . ge a gre 44 Ras Gobena was one of th_e g the re1in rin du I sie las Se ile Ha r ero mp E e .th . nce. 45 It was started by His Ma1esty p wn � of Empress Zewclitu, while be was the cr� lice. Po ty ci t en es pr e th e lik re 6 we a" da gn ra be ea Ze 4 "Y •.

-307 -

, ah d Ju of be ri T e th of n io L g in er . . qu on :The C . a pi io th E of r ro pe m E , od G of ct Haile Selassie I, Ele '

To. Ras Abel;>e . Aregay.

y. ht e ig ve W e lm ha A th of y rit ha C e th by l el w e . How· are you? We ar y to pp arn e le ha ar e W d an s, U nt se ve a l�_ u yo received the letter which n io at er d , op an sy co te ur co ith w ng ki or w e ar ou Y about yo1rr well-being. y tr ur un d yo co an or ve lo e th r fo , ng ki ur yo of u r 1o . ·ho1 e tl1 courage for le op of d pe he an ts i tr pa e th , � en em bl no e � th s ie lit 1a q1 e es tl1 _ r people. Fo e e. e ar W lt tim cu ffi di a ch su at , er ad le r ei th Shoa l1ave elected. you as re ss ll k l1e pa wi or w ur O at th pe ho e W i1. tio ec el 11r pleased to l�ear of yo e il of th so on ck ba e m co to Us r fo e bl ssi IJo it e ak over and God will m t d good en an em dg ju ir fa e giv to 11 yo nt wa e W en tl1 til Un . pia Ethio ce en y fer an dif ut tho wi u yo r de un le op pe tl1e all to lly 11a administration eq u to yo e ask W . hip ds en fri d an ily fam of sis ba tl1e 011 between tl1em, t rea We ent y. ult fic dif and e tur tor of d kin y an m fro ple peo r protect J'ou h er wit eth tog rk wo and s, nd frie and r tl1e bro r 1. yo1 h \vit ty u11i in be yoL1 to one heart a11d mind until We come. Sene 20, 1931; Ju11e 28th, 1939.

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The Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah Haile Selassie I, Elect of God, Emperor of Ethiopia. To Ras Abebe Aregay, to Dejaz111atch Awrarise, to, Dejazmatch Me11gesl1a Wossen, to Dejazmatc11 Zewdu Abakoran, to Dejazmatcb Haile \Volde Medhin, to Bajerond Lityebelu Gebre, to Kenazmatch Abebe Awrarise, to Ke11teba Kebere Haile Selassie and to all those noblemen, patriots and the people_ old and young who are around and with- you. Ho\v are you? We are well, t11anks to the Cl1arity of tl1e Almighty. We have received the letter and tl1e na111e of tl1e patriots that you have sent Us. We are pleased to hear abot1t your well-being. The work We are doing for ot1r cot111try and Our ki11d people is always gaining hope. We believe that God will not forget Et11iopia. Your work will never· be forgotten by •God or 111a11 a11d it will never lose its value. Let unity, good will, cooperation and love be an1ong you all. Written on Sene 20, 1931; J11oe 28tl1. 1939. 'I°'¼ : i't1nti : ll'l,9'1'11f.. : J!,U·,� : <I-'P,ll'J 'f! : �J!, fl : P' t\ (I, : F' V. nu : 1, "l ll.i',•O,lbC : 'i '1• lP , 'l1r,)· 11i',.. 1·r·*·f

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Ras Abebe left for Jero and Waya in order to met Ras Kebede Men gesba and Dejazmatcl1 Wodajo �ube. Ras A?ebe's �i?1 �as to j?in thes� two leaders. But neitl1er liked him a11d tl1ey did not JOtn him. DeJaZlnatch Wodajo left for Wegede Kello wl1ere he hid himself. Ras Kebede47 .

47 It is not known why he deserted. He was made Ras by the Ethiopian govern• ment Ras .Kebede had fought at Maicl1ow. On_ joining the Italians he was paid as salary 172,000 lire. ;..... 309 _,

became a traitor and joined the ltalian1s, Even though �?:� �hebe failed to form an alliance with Dejazmatch. Wodajo and R� Abt_:,[):(;, ne- Y-la.6 abJe ·to form one with Dejazmatch Yaregal P.. etta, f.B(?Vt:roar f,f Ar� h?, After this, as mentioned before, Ra.s Abebe Jeft f0r FetcJ-1e w 'r:JJJ;if;t DeJazmatcb Aberra Kassa. It was after hearing of the unfortunate deatb of DeJaZIJ1, �tdh Aberra . and -Asfa Wossen Kassa that Ra.s ,A bebe decided to fight for ltfe or death, because he found out ·that surrender and non-surrender �,ere equal to death and it is better to die as a 'hero rather than as a trajtor. Maybe it was from this view-point that many people thjnk that � A�be's .aim was not to liberate Ethiopia but to sustain hjros.elf and a.void being captur ed. This kind of thought was held even by the p-a!rio"LE thernselves. 48 Ras Abebe left for Jero, tl1en for Morete KoIIa. Here he was threateaed by the traitor Dejazmatch Meshesha Tewend Belay.�9 At Morete Ras Abebe met Fitawrari Tedla Kifetew, Major Mesfi.n Seleshi� Balambaras Debebe Messaye, Lij Mengesha Ali, Lij Yemane Hassen. With few exceptions they had agreed to work together. Ras Abe be received moral as well as physical increase of his power when he agreed to work together with some of these chiefs. Ras Abebe was the leader of all the patriots that v;1ere in Manze, Bulga and Merabete. Even though there were sub-leaders, Ras Abebe was recognize(l by all as their head. Under him fought many famous. Ie.aders such as Deja.zn1atch Awrarise, Dejazmatch Zev.rde Asfav.1, Lij Haile Mariam Man11no and many others. Ras Abebe)s men were many and very strong. Even tl1ough the exact number of 'his men is not known ti1cre are a few estimates made. According to his wife, Embetbouh Konjeit, the ntu11ber of the men of Ras Abebe rose up to 30,000 and sometimes it came down to twe11ty n1en. Steer in his book Sealed ·at1d Delil,ered says ''fjfteen tl1ot1sa11d patriots of Ras Abebe Aregay's forces came down E11toto with their quiet leader in the middle of the orderly mop-haired column to li11e tl1e streets of the capital along the processional \'vay' 'SO Christine Sa.11dford says, "Ras Abebe claimed to l1ave an arm\r . ., of 19:000 1nen near Ankober, ready to head resistance to Italjan niisrule. ".51 One report s,1id: ''Ras Abebe has more than 10,000 capable troops. he c,1n call UJJ big reserves of men.."52 According to.Mrs. Sandford it v;,as on1,, the meI1 of one ctrea. tl1at an1'0Ul1ted to 10,QQQ men; .if a CellSUS \Vere take-TI of tl1e different areas wl1ere Ras Abebe l1ad. worked the number of men Caould have been 30,000 or 111ore. flt1ctuation i11 tl1e an11y was due to d·esertion \Vhich was 'ca11 .sed The . by famme and poverty. TJ1e supply systen1 of the Etl1iopians \\ras not "'ell I

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11ost of the patriots had J;Ucl1 a feeling. Bt1t some say tl1eir aim \·vns to liberate Ethiopia. 49 Dejazn1atch Mesl1esl1a Te�end Bela.y had accepted . the governn1ent of Fascist Italy As a reward for tl11s he was made governor of Jira He ,vas killed on , . January 21, 1937 by tl1e patriots. 50 Steer, G.L:, Sealed and Delivered; London, lS...fQ, p. 204. 51 Sandford, Christine, T/1e Lio11 of Jue/ah Hat/1 prevailed, London, p. 85. 52 New Times ancl Ethiopia .Neivs, London, January 6th 1940 p. 1. 48

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organised.53 In most cases the soldiers were fed· by plunder. After the plunder for two years, iliere was nothing more to be plundered. Moreover the peasants had joined the army, and there was nobody to farm the land. Besides, traitors ljke Kenazmatch Qombe and Dejaz match Abowqaw54 plundered tl1e peasants and gave whatever they-obtained to the Italians, who were their masters. The patriot soldiers, in some cases, comparing the poverty and misery -of the Ethiopians with the rich and comfort of the Italians, went over to tl1e Italian side. Italy, talci.ng this opportunity, went 011 bribing many of Ras Abebe's men. Counter-bribing by Ras Abebe was effected by His Majesty's letters. Secondly he agreed to open negotiations for peace with the Italians in order to get supplies to relieve his men from their \vants.55 At such times of negotiations th� Ita.lians sent him a gift of 50,000 · dollars and two. lorries full of khaki uniforms.56 Thirdly he l1ad a son of a king witl1 him, Melake Tsehai Eyassu. This drew the people towards him.57 Even though Ras Abebe could resist the Italians with regard to man power, it was undoubtedly true that be could not do so regarding arms. Italy was well equipped wl1ile Ras Abebe was meagrely equipped. He did not have aeroplanes, tanks or cars. Whatever modern arms and artillery he had was captured from the enemy and even for fuese captured weapons be did not 'have enough ammunition until a battle \'v'as \Von. At times ammunition were not available even after a battle was won. At first the patriots had a few old weapons and later on by plunder and capture they improved their holdings both in quantity and quality. The Ethiopian means of obtaining arms was -not only after successful battle but by ambushing soldiers and lorries carrying ammunition and food. Ras Abebe also raised Italian flags in the fields wl1en he heard the coming of aeropla.nes. The pilots, seeing their flags on the field and thinking that their men were around there, dropped wl1atever reinforcen1ent they had brought. 58 This method was also applied to bringing down aero planes.59 The amount of1 weapons \Vhicl1 Ras Abebe and his men had is not known. In all the battles he fougl1t it is said that he captured many rifles and much amn1unition, 3 light machine-guns, 17 cannons, 011e heavy machine-gun and band grenades. But each of his men may have captured - at least one gun eacl1 if not more. Therefore tl1e amount of weapons Ras Abebe bad would be 10,000-30,000 rifles, with other miscella·neous equipment.

53 Ato Emaelaf Hirouy, a veteran, now a painter, said: "The patriots were not afraid of war but of famine." 54 Kenazmatch Qornbe was killed by the patriots. Dejazmatch Abowqaw escaped and his house was plundered and bumit. 55 .Emabet Konjeit, wife of Ras Abebe. 56 New Ti,n.es a11cl Etliiopia News, December 9th 1939, p. 1. 57 Melake Tsehai Eyassu was the son of L fj Eyassu who �as at Abeye Gedame with Memere Yerdaw. He was made king by the patriots on October 28th. 1937. He was crowned at -t he ''Three Ambas." The new king confirmed the title of Ras which ,vas given to Ras Abebe by tl1e people in June 1936. His title of Ras was also acknowledged by His Majesty while He was in exile. 58 Emabet Konjeit. ., 59 New Tin1es ancl Ethiopia News, November 19th, 1939, p. 2. - 311 -

... Even though the 9dds against him we� e gre.at R� s Abebe fought continuously from June 1936 to July 1939 against the Italians. He fought at different places, in Manze, Bulga and the rest of Shoa. 60 In nearir all the ·b attles Ras Abebe· won and in those in which he met defe at his losses were not as great as tl1ose suffered by the Italians. R a s Abebe fought against fan1ed Italian generals like Trachie and ·Malta. When the Italians realized that the use of force was not taking them a step forward they p assed a proclamation i,? � uly 1939 asking � l the chiefs to surrender of their own will up to a l1m1ted day; .if th.ey did not they would be forced to do so. But nobody gave � ny he� to this procla matio11, nor did their bribery or threat work. Agam Itali ans f aced defeat and stt1bborn Etl1iopians. Now .tlie rema ining means for them was to start . peaceful ·negotiation with Ras· Abebe and other chiefs. Ras Abebe agreed to start negoti ation in order 10 give a break to his men to renew their strength, to strengthen their means of supply. The patriots were 11on-professional and were unpaid. The p atriots were a grot1p ·of men wl10 defended- tl1eir country depending on their land fur s11pply. Now for the last tl1ree years tl1ere. h ad been no one to farm the la11d a11d l1e11ce tl1ere was a sl1ortage of food suppLles. I t w as in order to overcome st1cl1 difficulties and to ligl1ten the spirit of the people who were losing heart that Ras Abebe agreed to negotiate for peace. Tl1e negotiation for pe ace, as can be seen later on, was not genuine 011 either side. Ras Abebe, who k11ew very well that if he surrendered, Italy wo1tld 11ot let him live but kill l1im, started negoti a tion in order to regain strength, food and amm11.nition. In order to lure him, the Italians s1:;11t Ras Abebe 4,000 kilos of teff and wheat flour. Ras Abebe, who had alreacly been asked by Graziani to make peace asked Grazi ani in a letter to send hin1 (Ras Abebe) ammunition in order to suppress the p atriots who ,r�ere living in the .areas where R as Abebe was supposed to rule. Graziani �omplied with the den1and of Ras Abebe.62 Ras Abebe's men who were sent to discuss the peace-terms witl1 Graziani were also active in spying. All the time the negotiation was taking place in tbe open when both the Italians and Ethiopians l1ad only 500 n1en. But tl1e patriots who were always suspicious of the Italians h ad behind them around 20,000 men, who were to c apture General Nasi when he can1e to take the oatb.63 Before tl1e negoti ation l1ad started, a cease fire was declared on both were as follows ''Ras Abebe Aregay has accepted te rms sides. T?,e peace , _ _ the Ital!an_ viceroy s peace offer and 1s to rule over Goddem, Ifrata,. (Anaolcia) Ifat, Berachate, B11lga a11d Ankober , up to Aussa, including a la-rge part o- f the country. .

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60 �as Abebe's main tactics of w�r were lus ability to move. He concentrated m North and Nortl1 - west of Shoa but lie also fougl1t in the East and South as well. 61 Peace negotiations l1ad started in tl1e time of Graziani himself as can be seen in _ t11e book o� Lieutenant Messelegoe ;Aneleye Addis Ababa, 1955 (1947). He _ :. :: . claims· that Ras A?�!?e was to. ·�le-_independently and peacefully the area beyon� Shoa, that 1s Debre Berhan, Bulga, Manze, Minjar, Shenkora, Yifate, Tegula1te and Bulga. op.cit. 62 Lieutenant Messelegne op. cit. p 43. 63 Ras Abebe's M:S. and General Dcbebe. - 312 -

"It is stated that l1e will rule there as an independent chief and fly the Ethiopian flag, that be is asked not to molest the Italians, and that they have promi�ed, _:!O do :n.othing agai1:15t him."64 . . ;- .., ' •

The Ethiopian sources, that is the oral ones, agree on the above terms, except that tl1ey do not mention the names of the ·places where Ras Abebe was to rule. They just say that he was -to rule in all of Sboa except Addis Ababa. '

Tl1e peace agreed on was to be sealed by taking an oath and Holy Communion. rhe Ethiopians did not want to do this and delayed the ceremony of oatl1 -taking 1111til tl1ey had a good reason to give up tl1e whole idea of peace. All this time letters were coming and going from Ras Abebe to tl1e Italia11 generals and from them to him. Their reason was that a thorough investigation bad ·to be. ·mad .e intd the death of Kenazmatch Adn1as.se and Balan1 baras Timtime. The Ethiopians claimed that .th�y were killed at Jero by the Italia11s after tl1e cease fire was declared. The Ita.Iians on tl1e other hand denied tl1is claim but . agreed. to pay blood n1oney. Tl1 e Ethiopian did not want the blood-money but, in accordance with Ethiopian law, the hanging of tl1ose who were responsible for the death of Kenazmatch Admasse and Balambaras Timtime. The Italian a11thorities refused this demand of tl1e Ethiopians. The patriots said they could not therefore take the oatl1. This made the Italians give up nego tiation and return. Besides General Nasi was informed by one traitor tl1at he was going to be captured if he went to take oath, because Ras Abebe l1ad around 20,000 rne11 in tl1e forests. This again led to renewal of war. The Patriots wl10 by now revived, and were well fed and clothed, did not hesitate to fight.6 5 Ras Abebe and l1 is men, wl10 were better off at tl1e end of tl1eir career ratl1er tl1a11 at the beginning, renewed the war with greater zest. The coming of tl1e war to an end and the rett1rn of I-Iis I\1ajesty gave them much more strengtl1. Due to tl1 is a.lso the number of Ras Abebe's men increased daily. Wl1en the Emperor retur11ed to Addis Ababa, Ras Abebe aJso returned on May 5, 1941, just five years after the beginning of the struggle. Imn1ediately he was given the title of Major-General and was made the governor of Addis Ababa. In 1942 Ras Abebe was made Governor-General of Sidan10. 111 the san1e year l1e was n1ade Minister of War. He was made Governor of Tigre in 1943. In 1949 he was Minister of Interior. Ras Abebe was given the title ·of Lieutenant-General and made Minister of Defence in 1955. While l1e was the Minister of Defence, he was made chairman of the Council of Ministers. He was working in tl1is capacity when he met his tragic and untimely death in December 1961.

64 New Ti,nes and Ethiopia News, December 9th, 1939, p. 1. 65 Ras Abebe's M.S. - 313 '

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 Gerima Tafere, "Jo'}.(!&, 1 n:i'i'ia,. 1 Addis Ababa, 1956 (1949). 2 Greenfield, Rjchard. Re111e111beri11g t/1e Stri1ggle. Makarere Journal, Number 9, 1964. 3 Messelegne Ayele (Lt) fJ/\4.:,. 1 h�n:,. 1 foon.t- a ",an;J•:,. • ,$."li(I.Y.":j• 1 n:,."1.f"A-f 1 Addis Ababa, 1955 (1947). . .. . . 4 Ministry of Justice, Docun1e11tatio11 Ol'l Italian 1'Vc1r Cri,nes, Addis Ababa, 1950. 5 Ne}v Ti,nes ancl Ethiopia Ne}vs, London, 1936-1941. 6 Sandford, Christine (Mrs.) Tlie Liorr. of J11clal1 .Hath Prevailecl, London, 1955. 7 Steer, George Lowther, Sea/eel a11d Delivered, London, 1942. 8 Tadesse Zewde, fnfJ'\i'i 4i 1 1101,7: Addis Ababa, 1963 (1955). 9 Supplement to the London Gazette, London, 1946. Oral and Uripublished Works

10 General Essayas.

11 En1abet Konjeit Abenete. 12 1'1anuscript on Ras Abebe.

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THE INCORRUPTIBLE ETHIOPIAN Clarissa Bi,rgogne

My attention was first drawn to the romantic personality of Bitwoded Mekooe?- Demisse while I was travelling in the Tigrai province in 1961 and trying to trace the movements of an Englishman, Major Gerald Burgoyne, wl1 0 during the Ethiopian-Italian war of 1935-36 bad volun teered as a.n unpaid mule-transport officer . He chose to serve in the infant Ethiopian Red Cross, as being the bra,nch wl1icl1 was then in most need of help. He had marched firom Addis Ababa over open country to the northern front with -his convoy of 200 m11les and a load of medicines and bandages that was assigned to the arn1y of Ras Mulugeta, the Ethiopian Minister of War, who was tl1en in position- with his army on the great natural fortress of Amba Aradom. This is a flat-topped rnount, ain 15 kilometers south of tl1e town of Mekelle, wl1ich was already in tl1e hands of Marsl1al Badoglio. The Red Cross Officer completed his assignment after many adven tures. These were daily recorded in l1is letters wl1 ich, by co11rtesy of the Britis_h Red Cross units, safely reacl1ed his fan1ily in England, right up to the time when he left the tow(]} of Woldia on January 25th. 1936. To quote an article in "Tl1e Times" of London: "He n1arched to a. fresh camp witl1 Red Cross Flag flying, after whicl1 nothing was l1eard of him''. But a month later Ras Mulugeta was killed in the retreat from Amba , ad at last been forced to abandon, Aradom, which natural fortress he h having •no air cover against the Italian Airforce sent out from Mekele to bomb the mountain and t11e retreat route. It happened at the j11nction of the river Ahayo a few kilometres soutl1 of ·Maichew and its was reported that an Englisl1 ex-cavalry officer was killed by bombing at tl1e san1 e time and place, while marching in company with the Ras. When I came to Addis Ababa in 1960, it was His Majesty who suggested to me that with his help - the loan of a Landrover, a driver, an interpreter and armed guards - I might discover what happened to my husba·nd during that month in which nothing was known of his movements. It was indeed marvellous what was discoverable after 25 yea-rs! I found also that when he got to Quorom neair Lake .Ashangi he had met and become friends with one of the most interesting and sympathetic personalities of the ti.me, Bitwoded Mekonen Demisse, Governor General of the province of Wollega. They rode together to the battle-front, and Gerald Burgoyne was able to render some last sad services to the Ethiopian hero when Mekonen died - 315 -

of his wounds on tl1 e plain of Anitalo. Most of my [esear�b.es w�re done by questioning the country p eople but the most valuable d1scover1es �ere _ three fragmentary manuscripts collecte d at different times, all wr! tte� by men wl10 had never seen each other though all had b een at the T1gra1 battle front in which Me kone n was also involved. By 1his time I was quite fascinated by the character of M,ekonen. In Addis Ababa many Ethiopians had heard of him as an heroic type but owing to the confusion caused by the 5 years' Italian occupation and , the condition of tl1e country after the conqueror s withdrew there w ere l1ardly any printed eferences ;to this leader. . .r Bitwoded Mekone11 Demisse came of a Shoan family and was born in Manzai in 1884. Both his father Ras Demisse and his grandfather had been distinguished public servants and notabl e military m en under the Emp eror Menilik and had held the title ''Afenegus'' - Grandfather, Father, a11d S011 l1ad eacl1 in bis time bee n known as ''The Incor ruptible - ·, · Ethiopian''. · . Mekonen followed bis father Ras Demisse as governor of Wollega and tl1en was ·appointed· to the Suprem e Court when.he was cr edited with initiating a ne\V legal policy of a highly pro,gressive natu re. He was 111arriecl to a 11iece pf His Majesty, tl1e l1andsome Princess Yashash Work Yilma. He sl1 ared witl1 the Emperor a great inte rest in things mechanic·al; and o[ten �Nl1e11 I Iis - Majesty took delivery of a new weapon it was Mekonen ,vho was called, and together they would study it, take it to pieces and reassemble it blindfolded. Wl1en Ethiopia was invaded Mekonen recruited his army of Wollega n1en and 1narcl1ed them up to '.Addis Ababa. There, mounted on th e splendid cl1 arger presented to hin1 by His Majesty, l1e paraded his troops be[ore tl1e Em1Jeror and Empress. Tl1ey pe rforn1ed the traditional ''Boasting Ceremony'' to encourage the men, but tl1e modem-n1inded Mekonen was l1eard to n1urmur ''It would be better to see what we can accomplish before proclaiming our deeds'' . The arn1y from Wollega camped at Gulele 011· the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Marching fi rst on a pilgrin1age to Debra Libanos to pray, they we11t by way of Wa.rra-Yilu to Dessie, where tl1ey expected, but did not receive a -consigr1ment of Belgian ·Rifl es. Then thr ough ''Sl1ifta'' or Bandit 'Country where Raya Galla land owners waited for the111 with gifts of cattle, and food, of which Mekonen · · would not allow l1is troops to partake. They travelled by nigl1t because 'of the bombing, arriving at Quoram wl1ere Mekone11 a11d bis staff occupied the cave which -later sh eltered the Emperor. Here Gerald Burgoy11e arrived on Sunday February 3rd, with his 200 me11 from Addis Ababa dog-tired and unshaven, having b ee n attacked by ''Shiftas'', then rescued by the Fitawrari (Governor) of the village of Wadja. Bitwoded Mekonen took the Red C ross officer and his convoy under his protection. After reaching the famous pass of Ber Alagi (translated as the Gate of A.lagi) which some years before had been tl1e scene of battle before the battle of Adowa, and five years later was to be d efended by the Italians - 316 :-

under the Duke of Aosta against the Ethiopians and the British, they descended ,on the north side to the town of Enda Medhane Alem where stormy conferences took place. On Mo11day 10th Febrt1ary Mekonen sent an urgent message by runner to Ra s Mult1 geta who was bei11g mercilessly bombed on tl1e submit of Am ba Aradom. It was qt1estionable as to how long Mulugeta could hold Ollt. Mekone � submitted a plan to tl1e Ras urging him to co-operate in an. orderly withdrawal, for if Mulugeta withdrew at once from Aradam , 11s1ng the ho11rs of darkness, 11e migl1t succeed in getting 'his battered army back to tl1e Amba Alagi defences where, by special order of the Emperor, Mekone11 l1ad left a large part of tl1 e Wollega army. But Ras Mt1lugeta refused tl1e plan. Well aware that Amba Aradam was tl1e key position to tl1e northern front, l1e l1eld that it must re1nain inviolate until the last mi11t1te. For as long as a large force occupied this mom1tain, completely dominating the route to Addis Ababa, the Italian advance must remain l1alted. On the other hand should the Ar1nies on bis left (tl1ose of Ras Kassa and Ras Seyot1m) be forced to yield grot1 nd, tl1ere \Vould be no immediate change in tl1e situation. In fact if necessary, this left flank could be pulled !back, ·a11d the front sl1ortened without any great disadvantage. Meko11en now faced the fact tl1at l1is own i11dividual efforts would be a gamble witl1out mucl1 l1ope of a practical rest1lt. By \Vednesday '12th Febn1ary part of the Italian 1st. Corps l1ad reached round tl1e east flank and were establisl1ing 111acl1ine gun IJositions on the l1ills near Mai 1 Caiel1 - 1nore or less in line with f\mba Aradam, thus .,tltreatening the Ras's rear.

So that ,night tl1e moon rose at 2 minutes past 10 p.1n. IVIelconen took a picked force and n1arcl1ing them the 14 miles across tl1e Antalo plain hurled himself• at the ridge of Adi Akeite l1eld by 2 Batallions of Italian Infantry - and temporarily turned tl1e Italian flank. They tl1e11 attacked in the direction of -Adi Sembet a,nd �t1cceeded in taking possession of an essential point by violent hand to-l1and figl1ting but were driven back by a powerful concentration of Artillery. But it proved impossible to consolidate their gains. They rallied a:nd attacked over a.nd over again during T1111rsday 13tl1, until, sl1ot througl1 the }lips and with n1os t of l1is force destroy�d, he was carried back to the cave a t 1Gurra where he 'died tl1e next morning. The soldiers' songs says, the poems about Mekonen which :I was lucky enough t o come 'across before they were lost for ever, •testify to his popu lanity a.nd the respect wlrich he inspired. Th e last remaining of the four great Rases who held the northern line against the Italian invasion is His Highness, Ras Imru, now living in Ad.dis Abeba. He remembers Mekonen; and in his perfect Anlharic thougl1tfully spoke of him thu s : ''I can only describe this able and unusual man �s one who seemed to love !humanity, so much so that he exu.ded a kind of affection for everyone with whom he came in contact." - 317 -

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ETIOLOGIE ET FINALITE DES GENEALOGIES ETI-IIOPIENNES S. Pierre Petrides Apres avoir ete l ongtemps tin cimetiere ou venaie11t se pencher vani _ . , parvenus o,u cur1eux, l a Ge11ealogie s'est t:ran:S.fo·nnee de nos iours e.t11 teux, , e branc !1e de l'er �ditio � historique, au meme titre que la chro.nologie, � � . I �p�gr �ph1e, _ la ?�m1smat1que ou la sigillograpltie. Elle est devenue cett e d1sc ��l1n� sc1e�t1f11 _q�e ou la r �cherc11e des origines et des aboutissen1ents f ?-m.1l1aux de ! !nd1\11d� se con1ugue avec l'ontologie, la phenomenologie et , 1 etude du _ m �l1eu social, pour eclairer un peu ;plus I'hisLoire, c'est-a-dire la reconst1tut1on du passe. Depuis que les <lieux de la science, pour construire I'avenir ont eu besoin d'utiliser tous le s m r8Jteria11x tires dtl Passe, la Getzecc/ooie a cesse d'etre divertissement familial ou jeu de c11rie11-x, 0011r devenir a;tre cl1ose: une vision, aussi · c· omplete que possible, de l'homn1e, de ses tenants et aboutissants, de ses alliances et mesalliances, de sa place au sein de sa societe et de son epoque. Simple renseignement lineaire a ses debuts, Ia Ge11ealogie est aujourd'hui un ver:i!able grapl1iq11e pl11£,nomenologique de ; l'homme, dont il doit reveler 1�origine, les tendances et les attaches sociales, dans le vaste tableau du te1nps et du n1ilieu dans lequel il vect1t. Fondamentalement, l'llistoire s'attache a11x eve11e1ne11ts. Or, les evenemen.ts sont le fait de l'l1on1n1e. Ai·nsi, si l'Etl1i·opie est 11n acte de I:a nature, il n'en de1ne11re pas 1noins que so11 histoire est le fait de ses l1on1n1es, de s es l1abita11ts. Par 1nalheur, cette histoire ne no11s est - encore que partielleme.nt conn11e: alors q11'elle abonde e11 legendes, n1ythes et autres recits traditionnels et l1agiograpl1iques, elle est singuliere1nent pauvre en ten1oignages fig11res; et elle n'a pas e11 l'l1eur, d'aL1tre part, de con· 1pter en s-oo se·iD, tin Herodo,te o,u t�n Commynes. C'est po,urq11oi no,tre effort de la reco11stit11er doit s'accon1oder de tout et me111e d'u11e fle11r: forc e nous est- de batir 11otre edifice, avec, con1rne dit 1nagnifiquement Febvre, ''Tout ce q11i, ieta11t a l'l1on1n1e, sert a l'homme, exprime l'homme, signifie la presence, l'a, ctiviJte, Jes gou1ts et l ,es fa�ons d'e.tre d,e l'·homme". 1 Dans (;ette tacl1e, suivre la voie qui va de l'homme a l'evenement est plus qu'une necessite: c'est une fatalite. Avec une duree historique reLa·tivement longue - 25 a 30 ·S'iecles - .l'Ethi-opie presente le paradoxe 1

"L'histoire se fait avec des documents ecrits, sans doute. Quand il y en a. M�is elle pe11t se faire, elle_ doi_t s� ,faire,, s�ns �ocuments �crits, s'�l n'e � :� ste point. Avec tout ce que l'1ngemos1te de I bistor1en peut lu1 pern1ettre d utihser, pour fabriquer son miel, a defa� t de fleurs usuelles. Done, avec des mots. J?es signes. Des paysages, et des tu1les. D�s fo �mes de champs et . de mat1�a1ses herbes. Des eclipses de lune et des co,�1ers d attelage. Des expert:J.�es_ de p1e1;es par des geologues, t?t des analyses d epees en metal }Jar des ch1nustes. D un mot...." LFEBVRE, "Combats pour l'histoire", Paris, 1922.

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d'un pays ou le Verbe est roi, - et roi omnipresent et om.niscient. Des·· mots, beaucoup de mots: et peu, tres peu de monuments. Bref, une foret de mytl1es et de legendes qu'o11 ne peut explorer par un survol a haute altitude: une foret qui dema11de a etre parcourue a pied, dans tous les sens et etudiee arbre par arbre. C'est ici, a ce moment precis, que l'histo rien sent plus que jamais le besoi11 de s'accrocher- a ce fil d'Ariane qui trio1np11e toujours de la foret et de ses embucl1es. Fort heureuseroent, il Y e11 a plt1sieurs. A 1110n avis, l'un des plus 1Jrecieux pa1mi ces fils serait , e: autrement dit, l1a Genea celui q11e nous o[.fre la cli:scip1i!ne· genealogiqu logie, avec ses branches auxiliaires et complementaires: 1a genetique, la biolo-gie, la demogr-a.phi1e, l 1histoire s-oci1ale, l'eoonon1ique. - ois ici ·un aveu. Et cet aveu ,a u.n ceDtain poids, du fait qu'il J e vo11s d est 11e d_'une experience persoooelle. En m·atiere d'bisto:re d'E'.bi.opie, je ne suis pas ven11 a 1'11.istoire par la genealogie: je suis venu a la genealogie p�tr l'histoire. Penda.11t fort longtemps, maints chapitres de l'histoire ethio pie1111e n1e sen1blaient obscurs, voire incomprehensibles: les causes d.es evene1nents, leurs encl1ainen1ents, leur sens general m'apparaissaient i,nexplicables, e11jgi111a-!iq11es, jr. ra.tioooels. C'est ,aiors que j'ai du me pencl1er 11n pe11 plus, 111'approcher de plus pres des hommes qui avaient cree ces evene1ne11ts: et c'est dans la n1esure OU je decouvrais qui etaient ces ho1111nes, de auelle famille ils sortaie11t, auels etaient leurs liens de parente avec les at1tres protagonistes du drame, a quels interets de famille, de clan ot1 de trib11 ils o, beissai ent, q11e j'arriva, i a co-mprendre, a voir plus clair, it expliqL1er l'·eve11en1ent, a le sit11er dans la trame hlstorique ethio pie11ne. Ce fut la Ge11ec1logie qui -a rillumine ma l ,anteme magique. C'est elle - et eJle se11le - qui n1'a pern1is d'entrevoir !'explication raisonnee de certains faits en apparence irraisonnables d.e l'histoire de ce pays: com.me, par exen1ple, I'impla11tation de la dynastie Zagoue, la reapparition de la dyi1astie legitime, la periode <lite des ''rois fainea11.ts'', celle des maires de pal a is de Gondar, l'i11terregne de Tbeodoros, le regne de Yohannes IV; et, plus pres de nous, la tr,1nsplantation du regime choan dans le contexte de l'empire, la politiq11e 1natri1noniale de Taitou, la faillite de Lidj Yassou, le gra11d cl1a11gement de 1916, !'opposition acl1arnee de certains milieux au pouvo:·r d11 Rege,nit Rias. Taffiari. 1

Bref, la discipline ge11ealogique etltiopienne est une clef qui ouvre n1ainte porle cle l'l1istoire de ce pays. Mais que l'on ne croie pas qu'elle esl d'u11 111a11ie111e11t facile. Ses for1nes s011t ''sui generis'' et different scnsiblc111e11t de celles qt1e les genealogistes utilisent generalement en 13-uropc: elles s011t regies par certains cat1ons speci.fiquement locaux et le11r 111ode d'en1ploi de1nande 11ne preparatio11 speciale. Apres dix ans de recl1erches et cle reflexions, j'ai ete amene gu.e-r et f1 forn111ler ces can,0111s, en trois formt1les:

a distin-

a) Le sa11,g pas.re, ot1 postttla.t de l'l1eredite du sang; b) Le sartg JJarle, ot1 pootula,t ·de la prima.ute du sang; c) Le .ta11.g conti11i1e, ou pos1tt1lat de la perennite du sang. a) Le scuig passe.

Observateurs aigus de la nature, les Ethiopiens ont pu constater, de tres bonne heure, cbez Jes humains comme dans les especes animales, que parents et a11cetres leguaient a leurs descendants certaines ressemblances, certains caracteres tant physiques (taille, conformation generale du corps. - 320 -

forme de ·· 1a tete, -du· visage, du- nez, des levres, etc·.·...), qu.e, psychiques (i�t�.l�igence, courage, · volonte, jugement etc . : .). Ils ont done ad.mis im p1ici-te_ment le dogme- de l'heredite :- de l'atavisme -, comme une loi de la nature {?t comme tine puissance mysterieuse mais certaine, distribuant de . . plus · o u mains stables et qui perseverent dans les .. , s· ,,, caracteristiques generations success1ves. Avec le dogme de l'heredite, les Etbiopiens, dans Ieur profonde sagesse pratique, ont egalement admis celt1i du milieu. Ils n'eurent pas besoin d'un Lycurgt1e, .elevant la moitie d'une couvee de chiots chez Iui et l'autre moitie a la campagne, pour prouver, aux legislateurs de Sparte, l'infiluence dt1 mjlieu: c'est d'instinct qu'ils decouvrireot qt1e, apres avoir ]egue a l'enfant leurs tendances naturelles, les parents, du fait qu'ils gui daient ses pre1nieres pensees dans les traditions familiales, pouvaient ajouter, chez lui, a l'l1eritage biologique, u11 l1eritage tout psychologiqt1e. La n1ontagne qu'est l'Ethiopie don11a tres vite naissance a la notion de la dt1re loi de l'A11a11ke. Des l'at1be des temps, l'Ethiopie se presente comme tme illustration vivante cle la ren1arque d'Auguste Com,te st1iv.ant laqt1elle ''la societe se compose de fam.il1es et ITTO•n d'individus". Leur conviction profonde et generale quant a la verite du dogrne ''Le sa,zg passe'', les Ethiopiens l'ont, pour ainsi dire, codifiee en maints dictons et proverbes qui co11stitt1aie11t autant d'articles de loi. En voici quelques uns: ''Le (ils du cl1ef sera cl1ef, aussi sur q11e l'enfant du sycon1ore sera une planche"2• ' ''Yous dites qu'il l'aime: eh bien ! il le conseillera; et p11isqu'il est son pere, il lui resse1nblera''3• ''Le gar9on tient tantot de sa 1nere, ta11t6t cle son !)crc''4. "Le fils dt1 me11tet1r sara deux fois menteur, le fi.ls dt1 cl1argeur . deviendra deux fuis meillet1r charget1r" 5 ''Si tu es oblige d'avoir un fauve dans la maison, fais au n1oins qu'il n'ait pas de rejeton"6• ''Meme la feve a ses batards''7• ''Le batard est le dernier des fils, comn1e la feve est le plt1s grassier des grains: 1nais le bata�d peut t� sout,��1ir, comm� Ia feve pet.it te faire esperer des Jours 1ne1lle11rs ·. ''Si le tronc du sorgho s'avere mangeable, son grain le sera · aussi''9. 10 e'' fill le r use po d'e t a11 av re me la rve ''Obse C'est .avec }a noition de fa1nille que, tres pr,ob·ablement, naq_11! r,. e:n Etlli ·opie, 1,a disc ipl,ine. genealo-gique. Non p·oin:t dans un bu:t t1t1l1ta1re, comme, par exemple, chez les Grecs, Ies Egyp tiens ou �es Hebreux: . ?� sait que ces peup]es s'y adon.naient surtout, ar1n de perpetue_r la prop� 1ete des terres ou encore pour revendiquer les droits de succession aux titres

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s Le . e u iq _ at s et es is ch n a fr e tr s u a t e es iv at g ro re p , es it n ig <l x au e et ir s ia nobil 01,n_ts essen�els: � x eu d n e s l� p eu � · es tr � Ethiopiens se differ enciere nt d�s a s l ru ), II k li e e en M e d e gn re u a u sq 1u s, 1n o m u (d e rr te Ia i , n x chez eu en t r pa e ap rr ait te a , L . age it er h ar p es bl 5i is m ns rta t , tinres n.obili1aires n'etaieinit cier unique fi ?e be en r ou p , it la u vo ii ui q a au Souverain, qui la donnait v u erain; u so a 1t na ve re e rr te Ia t, or m e ir ia ic ef n men t durant sa vie. Le be n.t au titi re . ua Q es bl eu m s eo i b s le , e qu t en ai it: er les enfants du mo-rt n'en 11: es en fa n ts d e celui l e; ir la tu ti e l ec av it ra ou 11 1 (militaire, civil ou palatin), il s pour ve eu .s pr ur e le ir , fa ur to ur le a t, ioo va de s il ci n'y ava. ient ,a·ucun droi, ,t; s'e.u1 voirr attribuer le meme ou un a. utre. ue iq ait og et al ne e ge lin ip sc di la e, pi io th E n 'e qu On p eut done dire e but que celui de tr au d' r oi av t, fe ef en t, ai uv po ne toute speculative. Elle it t fa ai s i av se qu re et nc l'a de ng sa du e nc le el xc e !' t e prouver l'anciennete on te, la sin ilj ib ss po la e, nc ue eq ns co e d ie vo r pa r, ne ig preuves, pour soul rieur pe e su em m ou al eg r tre on m e s de , nt 1da 1 e sc de n so t1r probabilite, po r e de l:a filiatioD des oi ert e reo d e ec eso e un , c , n do t i a. et i le El . tre a,udi-t anc& ell e , elle a une place t e qu n rie ais M s. ion rat ne ge s de on 1 ssi cce s1 etres, de la e histoire l'homun ut rto su e st i qu , ne ien iop eth ire isto l'l1 ns da e air necess mes. .

Le sc11ig parle.

grand'' dogn1e'' de la gen6tique eth i,opienne se rapporte a la nd o �_ec. Le. . pr1r11at1te de la 11al11re - du sang -, sur les lois imaginees par I'hornrne et l�s prejt1ges inver1�es par 1:11e societe interessee. En Europe, les lois favo r1sa1ent la suc;cess10 11 en l1g11e male et la societe cracbait sur I es batards. il en allait,_ il e11 ;7a autrement: ici, c'est _ l e sang qui prevaut, En;_E.i�io�)!e, , q� 11 '"'ot1 1 c cl,a�s. les ve1nes d un garcon ou d'une fille, dans Jes veines cl L1;.1 enfan.t leg1t1me ou dans c elles d'11n ef.ant nature1.11 lei', le sang prime. Q11 1111porte le verre, pourvu que le sang soit le meme. Garcon ou fille ou enf:ant legitime, ils portent en eux le sano enfant naturel � de l�tlf p e'r e et de' · ' .. c_I 1acun d' e11x, et a part e11tiere, est le continuat eur nature!, Ieur n1�re authent1que, 1ncon1t•estable, de ses generateur,s. , II� s,'agit_ la_ d'L1� dogine qui a :llfa. ver-se victorieusemeot Ies siecles et regente 1 Etl11op1e· ,, d, un bout a l' a11tre de ses front1·e'res, et d'une cIasse a · ne sat1rais mieux illustrer son caractere universe! l'autre, de _sa socie�e: Je et categor1qt1e, q11,,en parapl1rasa�� la celebre regle des joueurs du casino · ( 1te-Ca La Mo carte parle ) qui vetit que l'on tie nne un1q e e t 1 rlo de co·mp.te de la carte qt1e le jot1et1r tient et non de ce q tt"'...., d ans s,on en101, � � �1l en dit. · ,, Ai11si, e11 Etl1io1Jie ce f tll' et c' est tOllJOt�r� le sarzg l_{l ./_i parle''. 1_1�me , le Code Civil Etl1io ie� cle l 960 � � !JtI_ qtle �tii,,r e cette \11e1lle et trad1t1onsa \!8l I dtte: I 1 5', � t b_orne' "·-1�1 .p_l1..-1ne-nt a re st: e �ne1Ie n·ot, i-on ei1·. recoP, rin"'"ttre •u · � . dre les fac;ons (illi111itees datls le Passe) d et,�1 blir la f1l1at1on enfants legit1 n1es eit enfa n . ts nalurels. 0

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"In Ethiopia .... tl1e concept of "11 at�,,.al'' fil1at1o .· . . n, as distinct £ron1 "/egiti. 111ate" filiation, is 11011-cxistcnt. tl e 11 ts or fec cl ef s di _ the on in cti 1 tin Sll <;1 ._ � �� even in tl1 e �1odes of cs tablisl11 1en _ 1 1:1 �on · · · tl1e Eth1op1a n church, the co�cept o( stn 11:1s led to a clistinction .1?ct,v .. cen legitin1ate and natural childre n, wl11 cl1 l1as affected the la\V 0 li: success1011 · Su cI1 not ct· bas tstu · 1ction 110,vever . preva1-1ed, or l1as dis.appenr ; . ed in · practice the cust a a as g, k1n n1a I s a,,, ry om . . ' . l e w .e, 110 ct·1 ffere nee bet e 11 t ie stn tu � �� leg. tin1 ate 1.llI d natural cltlld .... " Professor George Krzccztiiio\vicz · �� ; 1,e alv of f1l1at1_orz in E1hiopia" 1966.

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Parmi les consequences immediates de ce dogme, j'en citerai deux: la methode lineaire europee11ne de presenter Ia genealogie d'une famille uniquement en ligne masculine et legitime, ne saurait etre t1tilement empl-o-yee en Etl1·0p , ie; d'autre part, les principes et1,r,o,pee.ns de - la Loi salique et de la Loi prag1natiq11e n'at1raient aucun sens en Etl1iopie. c)

Le sang co11ti11i1e.

Avec les notions du "sa,1g qiti pa$e'' et dt1 "sang qt,; parle'' profonde ment ancrees da11s leur esprit et dans leurs traditio11s, c'est tout naturelle ment que les Etl1iopiens s011t arrives a la notio11 dt1 "sa11g qt,i co1iti11i1e", autren1ent dit d11 sang qui se perpet11e a l'infini chez Jes descendants d'un homme superieur, .ayant fait ses preuves d-Ml's ,tel do111aine specifique. Rien ne se perd, le sang n1oi11s que tout autre. A·insi, vue de l1aut et dans l'ens.emble de son co11texte h;ISJtorique n1il-le naire, l'Etl1iopie apparait conm1e u11 acte de la nature, n1ais aussi et surtout, com1ne le fait d'une idee de pere1111ite de sa11g dans Jes tres lon gues lignees de ses dirigea11ts, c1u'ils fussent imperia11x, provincia11x, ou n1eme villageois. La societc etl1iopienne fut de.s le debut et est toujours, une societe forte1nent l1ierarchisee: un ordre vigo11reux assigna a chacu11 la place a Iaquelle il avait droit, du fait de !'excellence du sang q11i coulait dans ses veines: a lui, et par ses seuls merites personnels, d'y rester accro che, de ton1ber ou de monter. L'exemple vient de haut et <lure encore. En effet, dans ce bloc q11'est l'Etl1iopie - bloc montagneux, eleve et compact, isole du reste de l'Afriq11e basse et plate - l'i1nperatif geogra pl1ique imposa, des l'aube des ten1ps, la 11ecessite de participer en co11m111t1 a un men1e mode de vie et a u11 n1en1e avenir, so11s le commancleme11t d'1111 berger qualifie et, si possible, clans 11ne succession de bergers q11alifies. Ainsi naquit, vers le VIe1ne siecle de 11otre ere, le concept de la pere1111ite salomonienne au sein de la dynastie regnante. La legende de I'origine salomonienne repondait parfaitement at1x notions d11 "sa,zg qui passe" et du ''sc111g qi,i pc1rle" et illustrait superieuren1ent celle dt1 "sa11g qi,i con11i,e'': elle confirn1ait d'ava11ce l'exce.llence d'un commandeme11t contint1 .indi�cutable et i11disct1te, destine a con!erver l'acquis et a garantir l'ave11ir. Legende? Mais, <lit Er11est Renan, ''ai,ci,n grc111d eve11e111e11t de l' l1.istoire ne s' est passe sans clo1111er liei1 ct i,n cycle de fables . .. Let Fra11ce 11e serc1it pas ce qi,'elle est si l'011 n' avail pas cri1 111ille a11s a lcz sairzte ct111poule de Reims .. . "12 L'-o.bstina · ,tion my ,stique millenaire d'.aittri!buer le s,ang de Jeurs souverains a - u11e origi11e doublement sacree, noble et epro·uvee, maintint !'unite de l'etat etl1iopien, le sa11va, dans une certaine mesure, des agitations et bouleversements politiques 1nortels et lui epargna !'humilia tion de l'esclavage c111i fut le lot des at1tres peuples africains. Le fait est que Jes souverains ethiopiens se n1ontrerent a Ia hauteur de la croyance populaire en l'excellence de leur sang 13

Renan, "Vie de Jesus." 13 "La grande gloire de la Dynastic Salomonienne d'Ethiopie est le non1bre de ses souverains morts a la guerre, l'epee a la n1ain, en veritables soldats du Christ qu'ils avaient toujours ele: uo sur cinq ..." S. Pierre Petrides: "Le livre cl'or de la Dynastie Salo111onie1111e c/'Ethiopie" Pion, Paris p. 162, 1964.

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FINAL/TE Certes, l'histoire est l'efifort de comprendre et d'expliquer inte! ligem ment le passe: Th11cydide, Tacite. Mais c'est aussi le labe11r pat_1ent de l'erudit qui rasse1nble, critique, et met au point Ia documentation� �e� n1ateriaux avec lesq11els on construira la synthese cherc� e� =, - 1� val1d1�e de celle-ci reposant, en defi11itive, sur la qualite et la sol1d1te desd1ts m� te riaux. L'histoire, c'est done aussi Hon1ere, Hecatee de Milet, Hellan1cos de Mitylene.

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Sa11s les repertoires ge11ealogiques d'Homere, qui sit�ent la peri?de heroique grecque, sans les tables genealogiques et chronolog!q ues par� lleles _ _ d'Hel1anicos, les po11tifes 1-Ierodote et Thucydtde eussent ete en pe1ne de nous donner !'explication logique de tel 011 tel fait historique et son encha1ne1ne11t nature!. La ge11ealogie ici, est soeur ainee de l'histoire. C'est ai.nsi que Jes premiers eva11gelistes e'tablissant la genea1ogie de la tribu de Ju�a, ont permis a11 dernier d'entre eux, a L11c, de situer dans le temps reel l'evenement de la 11aissance du Christ: ''La quinzieme an_nee du regne de l'empereur Tibere, Po11ce Pilate etant gouverneur de Judee, ...sous le grand pontificat d'Annas et Ca:ipl1e ..." No.us n . e connai,s·s01J.1s pas Ie, s genealog, istes 6thio-piens: il f1.1rent n·on1breux et anonymes. Jvlais no11s avo11s let1r oe11vre, qui est la genealogie de la dynastie reg11ante. No11s avo11s a11ssi cent ou mille autres genealogies, co,ncernan,t les princi1p·ales fa11 1illes du lJays. Nous ·sommes la., de\1 ant une foret i1111ne11se, ou la lumiere est problematique et les c'bemins malaises. Mais l'enricl1issen1ent et l'elargissen1ent de l'ltistoire ethiopienne seront certains et appreciables, q11and nous reussirons finalement a explorer cette foret, a departager et a cataloguer ses arbres. L'histoire d'Ethiopie ·est L111 livre d'actions de families forten1ent liees entre elles, cl1acune s'ajou tant aux .autres oo-n11ne les petits canres d'tme peinture eLh-iopienne. Ces fan1illes sont constamn1ent n1elees a la tra1ne l1istoriq11e: i l est indispen sable d'etablir leurs origines, de den1eler le11rs liens de parente, d'alliances ou d'inimities, de mettre a jour le11rs ambitions sociales et politiques, a travers leurs ramifications et leurs tractations n1atri111oniales. Or, nos l1istoriens ont trop souvent cede a la tentation de presenter l'histoire d'Etltiopie comme 11ne serie de biograpl1ies prena11tes et separees: extraire le l1eros de son ,temps, l'is.oler, negliger ses liens exterieurs, oonside.rer l'!1omme comune 1me s01rt ,e de 1theore111e q11i de\1 eloppe son contenu Io ,gique dans un espace vide, sa11s egard a ce q11i l'entoure: tel fut leur souci et leur metl1ode h.istorique. Or, en Ethiopie, 11n l1on1me 11e ftt1t ja111ais isole: il a toujours fait parti_e d'11ne famille (:voire, �'11n gro11pe . de fan1illes), i11spiree par des n1ob1les plus 011 1no1ns cla;1rs et no11rr1ssant des an1b.iti,ons s,ociales et politiques definies. Malheureusen1ent, faute de te111oignages s11ffisants, il est souvent difficile de suivr � la succession d'u11e �amile ethiopienne: le fil qui court , _ la tran1e d1spara1t frequen1ment pour reapparaitre trop loi11.Le retrouver, reperer les coupures et les lignes brisees, est u11e tache particulierement ardue. Quand nous arriverons a denombrer et a etablir Ies tenants et Ies ab?utissan �s des ?ents ou deux ce �ts �amilles qui ont compte en Etl1iopie et qui ont fa1t prat1quen1ent son histo1re, n.ous serons surement a meme

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d'elaborer mille petits tableaux, chacun consacre a un homme ayant vecu et agi �a ns une periode donnee et dans un espace con.nu. Certajnement, le retour de l'un a l'autre de ces tableaux, de person nages qui fjgurent deja da ns les branches seco ndaires de certaines genea logies, not1,s fo u , rnira les "ch,aanoru mainquailits'' - '',tl1e missing links'' grace at1xq11els n ous tra11sforrnerons la galerie. des portraits isoles en une toile etl1iopie11n e, racon tant e11 cent petits carres st1ccessifs, un e histoire parfaiten1ent coordo, nnee. No11s en tirerons aussi un autre avantage important: celui de situer nos personnages da11s le temps. Nous conn aissons pl11tot mal les dates historiques elhiopienn es. Parfois, 11ous en avons plusieurs pour un meme evenement. C'est at1x genealogies aJors de no11s aider a en trouver Ia date correcte. On sait, par exemple, que ce f11rent les tables d'Hellanicos qui pern1irent a Tl111cydide de sit11er avec precision l'affaire de Platees q11i 1narq11a, pour lui, le debut d11 grand conflit entre Sparte et Athenes. Nous avo n s rencontre 110 cas an alogue en Etl1iopie: c'est 11n chronique11r de second orclre q11i, d'une annotation, not1s permit d'etablir une cl1ronologie precise de Ia table genealogiq11e salornon ienne. L'azaje Delbo, a11teur cle la chrot1ique du regne de l'empere11r Synessios, a eu, en effet, I'heureuse inspiratio n d'ecrire: ''... la 2en1e annee du regne cle Synessios flit Ia 1600eme du comp11t ethiopie11 et Ia 338eme depuis l'avenetnent de Yek11no Amiak au trone i1nperial." lei, la chronologie vient a l'aide de la genealo gie et, a son tour, celle-ci vient a l'aide de l'histoire. Mais que I'o n ne croie pas que la besogne du genealogiste en Ethiopie est je11 d.e societe, comme en Europe: c'est une longt1e et n1eme t1ne tres longt1e patience. Elle n ecessite la foi, la volon te, la perseverance. Elle demande surtout une men1oire aigue, si l'on ve11t etre a meme d'operer, 3. cl1aqt1e i.n sta n t, d'11tiles regroupements. Nos genealogistes doivent savoir i n spirer confiance, deployer du flair et du tact, trot1ver des contacts directs, tenir leur esprit san s cesse en eveil, do11ter d'e11x-memes et cle let1rs sources. Presqt1e cl1aque individu, cl1aq11e famille a son secret, 11n secret ignore quelquefois d'eux-n1emes: at1 ge11ealogiste de decot1vrir ce secret, si neces saire pour ''charpenter'' la table genealogique. SOURCES

Les sot1rces auxq11elles habituellen1ent a recours, en Europe, un genealogiste, · so n t pratiq11ernent inexista11tes en Ethiopie. Ce pays n'a jamais conn11 l'etat civil et ses acces.soires: actes de naissance et de deces, contrats de mariage, testaments, archives de notaire, cirnetieres. Une a11tre oon1plicatio;n serie11se \1ieDJt d11 fa.it qt1'il n'y e111t _iamais non plus d'obliga tion pour Jes familles d'avoir un non1 patronymique distinctif. Mean moins, dans I'ocean des faits ethiopie n s, le genealogiste trouvera quelcrues pl1ares pour le guider. Pour ma part, j'en ai compte six. Les voici: I) Chroniques royales. II) Manuscrits prives. III) Historiens ethiopiens. IV) Voyageurs et historiens europeens. V) Archives imperiales. VI) Tradition orale. • L'analyse detaillee de ces sources demanderait un volume ent1er. Je me bornerai aujourd'htti a vous en donner une breve esquisse. -- - 325-· -

C/1ro11iques, royales.

On sait que dans les gra11ds monasteres du pa.y�, il etait d'usage de noter les regnes successifs, lel1r chronologie et leur fa1ts marquants. 0� Y oonserve encore quelque uru de ces m a. nl1scr-its, les a� ·��. -: -- les plus 1m portants - ayant trouve Ieur voie vers les grandes b1bl1ot�eques de 1:, on dres, de Rome, de Paris, de Berlin etc. On y trouv� auss1: a) de� l1stes royales separees, donnant la succession des souvera1ns, sa�s men� 10�, de Ieur filiati-0n; b) des listes genealogiques de quelq�es fam1l�es pr1nc1er:s locale (Tigre, Cll'o;a, 11enz, Do·ba, Me.rbaibiite, Dam,teou, YedJo,u, Ender;� t�, Kenfu, Koumalite, \Vollo, etc.); c) des copies des annales royales (gene ralement ecrites par l'l1istoriographe of-ficiel de la � our) concernant les regnes des empereurs Amda-Sion, Zara-Yacob, Baeda-�aryam, �a� d, Lebna-Deno-uel Claudius Minas, Sersa-Denguel, Syness10s, Fass1l1des, Yohannes I� B�kaffa, Iyas;ou I et II; les regnes des rois ''messarente'' etc.; on peut en tirer des renseignements genealogiques partiels mais utiles a · des regrot1pements revelate11rs. Enfin, la Bibliotheq11e Nationale d'Addis Abeba co11serve le n1a11t1scrit de Gabre-Selassie sur le regne de Menelik II, et qui est u11e mine de re11seignements genealogiques, utilement completes par Jes precieuses annotations cle M. de Coppet. II) Mal1.llSCrits prives.

Non1bre cle fa111illes ethiopie1111es de vieille et noble souche, ont con serve l'habitude de marqt1er, sur les derniers fe11illets Iaisses expressement blancs de let1r ''.Dawit'' - les Psa.u1nes de David - la Jjste successive de leurs descendants. C'est dans 11n ''Dawit'' semblable que j'ai decouvert, e11 1962, la table genealogique de la woYzero ·Yashimabet, mere de l'Em pereur Haile Selassie Ier, descendante de l'Empereur Yohannes Ier. Mon ex1Jerjence perso[lnelle me pe1met d'a:ffinner que le nombre de ces ''Da\vit'' familiaux est in1porta11t et beauco11p plus grand qu'on ne le pense. Malhe11reusement, ii est extremement difiicile de persuader ces familles de vous laisser et11dier Ieur precie11se possession, et encore plus de la photocopier. III) flistoriens etl1iopiens. Une autre so11rce de renseignements genealogiques est offerte par Ies ecri1ts de qt1elques hi�to,riens ethi,opiens tJlus r6cent\S, telis que le blaten g11eta I-Ierot1y Wolde-Selassie, le bala111baras Mahteme Sellassie Wolde Maslcal, Tekle Tsadiq Mekot1ria, Ayne Alam Gabre-Marya.m, Tadessa Za.-Wolde, Mersie I-Iazen Wolde-Kirkos etc. Leur documentation est ?01�v�nt confuse et eparse, n1ai presente, 11eanmoins, des possibilites 1nilin1es de regrot1perne11t, de recoupement et de systematisation. IV) Voyageurs et h.istorierzs e1,1ropeens. so11venirs �e �oyage, les voyageurs europeens qui com J?ans Ieurs _ mencer �nt , a a�-fluer en Etl11op1e, a partir de 1500, glisserent parfois des notes genealog1q11es sur les personnages qu'ils y rencontraient. D'autres, sans bou�er d :�urope, c?mpilerent, comn1e Ludolf les renseignements parvenus Jltsqu a , eux et s amuserent a dresser des arbres genealogiques, a la mode de l'.epoqt1e. Nous a,1ons ainsi, et fort heureusement a notre disposition, un nombre appreciable de livres conten.ant d'utile� rensei gnements genealogiques dont la dispersion n'enleve rien a la valeur. Une - 326 -

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centaine d'entre ces livres attend d'etre mise en fiches appropriees. Parmi leur,s auteurs je releve les suivants : Alle,nands: Ludolf, Dillmann, Flad, Littmann. Anglais: Bruce, Salt, Valentia, Pearce, Harris, Jol1nson, Plowden, Beke, Well-Blundell, Stern, Isenberg-Kraft, Markl1am, Budge, Rey, Perham. Fran9ais: Drouin, Basset, Morie, Chaine, Kammerer, les deux d'Abbadie, Lefebvre, Poncet, Combes et Tan1isier, Lejean, Mondon-Vidhaillet, Merab, Coulbeaux, de Coppet, Tubiana. ltaliens: Guidi, Conti-Rossini, Sapeto, Cecchi, Mas saia, Annaratone, de Castro, Cerulli. Portitgais: Alvarez, Paez, Almeida, Mendez, Godigno. V)

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Archives imperiales.

Menelik Haile-Melekot, Roi du Choa. devenu Menelik II, Roi des Rois d'Etl1iopie, transplanta d'Ankober a Addis - Abeba, Ia strt1cture administrative du roya11me choan et l'installa dans le contexte de !'empire ethiopien; et il se mit a gouver11er celui-ci avec l'aide des ses grands commis, appartenant a11x families nobles choannes (les Modja, les Bedja, Jes AdisgaI etc.) a11xquels s'ajouterent quelques hommes de valeur, sortis des rangs (comme le ras Gobena, le ras Mangasha Attikim etc.). C'est ainsi que Jes archives royales d'Ankober constituerent le noyau des arcltlves imperiales d'Addis-Abeba, gardees au Ministere de Ia Plume. Or, un peu avant l'entree des Italie11s a Addis..,Abeba en mai 1936, ces arcl1ives furent secreten1ent transportees et cachees au monastere de Debra-Libanos. Main Jes Italiens Jes y decouvrirent l'annee suivante et s'empresserent de les transporter a Rome. Neanmoi11s, !'article 37 du Traite de Paix de 1947 14 les obligerent a les restituer et u11e commission ethiopienne presidee par le tsehafi-taezaz Wolde-Maskal (pere du balambaras Mahteme-Selassie) fut chargee de Jes recevoir et de les classer, tache qui demandera encore plt1sieurs anne'es de travail. Neanmoins, j'ai pu en tirer suffisan1me11t de renseignements pour completer mes listes genealogiq11es de 1962, concernant la bra11cbe choanne de Ia dynastie regnante ainsi que Ies familles choannes alliees.

Vo{) Tradition orale. En Occident, le domaine de methodologie genealogique est tou. t entier d'ordre ecrit. En Orient, par contre, ce domaine releve essentielle ment de Ia tradition orale: ce q11i ne veut point dire qu'il est mains veridique, moins digne de foi que le pren1ier. En Orient, les hommes, Ies families, les clans, les tribus se connaissent mutuellement et parfaitement, - et connaissent de memoire leurs ancetres jusqu'a la septieme generation, souvent meme a.u-dela. L'Orient, certes, embellit: il n'invente pas. Par exemple, il n'existe aucun document ecrit prouvant, a la fac;on occi dentale, que le roi Hussein de Jordanie descend du Prophete: neamoins 200 millions de musulmans y croient fermement et certains d'entre eux sont capables de vous citer de m.emoire de longues tranches de la genealo gie hachemite. Par contre, quand le roi Farouk d'Egypte sortit, en mars 1952, un firman authentifie par 45 venerables ule_ mas de I'Azhar attestant

14 "... L'Italie restituera toutes oet1vres d'art, tous objets religieux, archives et objets de valeur historique, apparteaant a l'Etbjopie ou a ses ressortissaats, et transportes d'Ethiopie en Italie depuis le 3 octobre 1935.". - 327 -·

qt1'il etait Iui _at1ssi · descendant du· Prophete, pas: un seul musulm _an n'y a og1que d.es cru, un instant. De n1en1e, en Ethiopie, la m.emoire genea1 ' e a cru I'usuronn n 11.omn;ies e?t etonna11te et, plus souvent, correcte : per� patetir· : .TI1eodoros, . q11and celui-ci essaya d'etabl1r, vers 1856, son ascendance salon1onienne. La . traditio11 orale ethiopienne est, COI!lme t�1i t;s Jes trad.itions orales orientales, 11ne force et · une source, dont il fu_ut prqfiter da11s _les pl11s brefs delais: elle va s'amenuisant, helas; avec l a 11x et valables representants. vie s plu ses de · e, sur is ma te, le11 i ion pq,r t dis . . . . .

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A1ETT-IODOLOGIE.

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Pour le benefice des f 11turs genealogistes et'hiopiens, j'aimerais signa de travail, fruit de longues (et parfois, penibles) des tl1o s n1e pre pro ler 111es , . exper 1e11ces. I) J'ai abandonne de bon11e heure la representation li11eaire: je · n'y ai reco11rs: q11'accidentellement, et uniq11ement pour verifications acces.. s01res. . . J'11tilise la 1netl1ode Sosa-Stradonitz15, selon les tres utiles ipdica t ions. de Tupig11y 16, po11.r ce qui est de la numerotation ascendante (numero pair po 11r Ies horo.n1es, _11 11n1ero impair pour Jes femmes); pour ce qui est de la 11111neration desce11da11te, je s11is parfois Aboville. III-) Mes fjcJ1es sont c.onsti-tu6es selon le modele S.C.G.D., sur cartes perfio�·ees, avec les sigles genealogic111es preconises par le IV Congres Int�rnatio11al de Ge11ealogie (Br11xelles, 1958) et avec des abbreviations speciales, exigees par des necessites locales: titres de woizero, abeto, ato, dedj,azn1a,tcl1, meml1er, ere e.thi,opienne etc. . .. IV) · J'ai s011vent recours a la ·metl1ode circ11laire ren1ise en honneur en 1958, par· le beige L11cien Royer. 17 Elle per1net d'aller du connu vers l'inco,nn11. Part-a.nt de Sa M.ajeste l'En1pere1rr I{a.ile Sellas.si·e, j',ai pu eta blir tot1s se?. .ancetres jusq'a Iia q11atrien1,e gene11a 1 ti-on18 . Ayant eu l'heureu,se idee d'ii1nover, en faisa11t le contraire, je suis parti du Negus Sahle Sellassie po11r arriver a etablir to11s ses descendants jusqu'a nos jours19 •

CONCLUSION

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s.·ye1tx:, tout · au inoins · -- la discipline resen s� · t� _:_a 1n Tell � � � _ _ _ , _ etl1rop1e1111e, s011 et1ologie, sa finalite, sa methodologie. J e ne ge�ealog1q11e _ cro1s p �s. n1� tro1�1p;r bea11coup e11 affirmant q11'elle peut servir valable ment 1 h1sto1re generale cle ce pays. Les premiers resultats obtenus 1n'�utoti�ent a y croire e11 to 11te sincerite. Ces resultats se rapportent·- a to? ! �e1_gneur, tout ho1111e11r - a la pere11nite de Ia dynastie regnante ·et -a la f1l1at1p� de q�1elq11es. fan1illes alliees, de pres ou de· loin, a cette dynastie. . . Ils ·se presentent co1111ne·suit: · ,.

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1·5· Jerome De Sosa: ''Noticia c/e · la Gran Casa de las Marqi1eses cle Villafra11ca". . 1676� . · ,. . . . ')�tep � :Kekule .V '?n 'strad_oni�:. "Ahn�ntafe/11 Atlas" 1898-1904. . J. _ han 16 �eurgey de Tup1gny: ·"Gt1icle des recl1erch.es geoealogiques ...", 1:95'3. Voir auss1: Forst De Battaglia: ''1'raite cle genealogie" 'Lausan11e' 1949. J. De f\1ar S�)': "J1et/1odes critiques e,i ge11ealogie", Paris 1946. J. Jacqt1art: "La genealo g1e 1nocler11e", Bruxelles, 1940. .. -17 . L� 1cien Royer: "Tra'ite pratiqzte de recl1erches genea[ogiques" 1958. • 18 : .V1de: "Le Heros cl'Adoua" Plon Paris. 19 Vide: "Le Livre d'Or'�. Plon, Paris. -·�328--

•.

I) Nous ne connaissons pas encore de fa9on exacle, la filiation entre le roi Caleb (500-530) et le roi Delnaod, monte sur le trone ver 918 et detrone vers 928. Rieu, cependant, 11e nous autorise a cro{re que Del11aod ne desce11dait pas effecliven1e11t de Caleb: la legende salomonienne, nee probablement peu apres Caleb, etait st1ffisamment forte au temps de Delnaod, pour que celui-ci passat aux yeux de so11 peuple et de son epoque, pouT t1n solomonide at1thenlic1ue. II) Mara Takla-Haimanot, qt1i detrona Delnc1 'Xi, etait etranger au sang salo1nonien. Mais ayant epouse la soeur de De111aod, il s'ensuit que son ftils Tataoudem et les successeurs de celui-ci, avaient du sang salomonien dans leurs ·vei11es. Ai11si, a la seule exception de son fo11dateur, on peut dire que Jes souverains ulterieurs de la dyoastie Zagot1e n'etaient pas tout a fai-t et-nangers .au sang salo,monien. III) Si l'Ethiopie entiere le crut a l'epoque, qt1elles raisons meilleures avons-nous pour cro-ire que Yekl1no-A.11.11tak ne fut pas le descend· a, i1-t et heritier de Delnaod? IV) De Yekuno-Arnlak (1268-1283) a Yol1anncs III ( + 1856), Ia filiatio11 de la soucbe imperiale est parfailement connt1e et etablie. Je ne vois pas a quel moment et sur qt1el point elle pet1t etre conLestce.20

V) Seuls Theodoros II (1856-1868) et Takle-Guiorguis II (1869-1871) furent des souverai11s etrangers au sang salon1onien, encore que le second ne regna d.e facto et n'a sa _place da11s l'histoire ethiopien11e que parce qu'il fut oint. Yohannes IV (1872-1889) par contre, avait des ancetres solomonides.

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VI) L'or, igine de l a br·ai1che ca·det1!e salo11ien.ne etablie au C11 oa remonte a abeto Yacob, quatrie1ne fils de l'e1npereur Lebna-De11gl1el (1508-1540). Cette branche a, par la stiite, fortifie ses lie11s salon1oniens, par des mariages concl11s a11 sei11 de la famille in1periale, alors etablie a Gondar. Sahle-Sellassie, s011 fils Haile-Melekot, son petit fils !vlenelik II, sont done d'authentiques solo1no11ides. V:Jl) La perennite dt1 sang salo111011ie11 est plus forte c1ue ja111ais, de 110s jours, en Ia person11e de l'emperet1r Haile Selassie Ier. En e·frfet, cel11i-ci a une triple ascendance s.a.J.01nonie.one. P·ar s-a gr, a. nd'mere pa,:ernelle, la princesse Tanagne-Worq et so11 arriere grand-pere paternel, le roi Sahle Selassie, il desce11d de l'en1pereur Leb11a-Denguel. Par sa mere, woYzero Yashimabet, il descend de l'en1pereur Yol1annes Ier (1667-1682). En.fin, par son grand-pere, le dedjaz Wolde-Milcael Gt1dessa, Seigneur de Doba et Me.oz, epoux de la pri11cesse Tanagne-Worq, il descend de l'empereur Gala,vdeos (1540-1559). La decouverte de cette derniere filiation est toute recente: elle feta, je l'espere, l'ob , je,t d'11ne oommu-nication tres proch:ai. ne. Tels sont, entre autres, les premiers resultats de mes recherches genea logiques sur la Dynastie Salomonie11ne d'Ethiopie. En les rendant public.c-. j'espere avoir fait oeuvre utile et peut etre incite quciques curieux de l'histoire a opter pour une voie semee d'obstacles, mais abondant en decouvertes exaltantes. 20 Le critique - anonyme, helas ! - du "Literary Ti,nes'' de Loadres (No. du 16/4/1964) qui m'a fait grief de ma "fait/-1 in, the unbrokeri line of the Solo· manic dynasty", a peche par ignorance. Rien ne l'autorisait a inve11ter uoe grace, pour me l 'attribuer. - 329 -

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