REVITALIZATION OF LOCAL NEIGHBOURHOOD BY INTRODUCTION OF URBAN AGRICULTURE PROPOSAL FOR PRODUCTIVE LANDSCAPE AND MARKET TYPOLOGY AT BRIDGETON CROSS, GLASGOW
JANAKI CONTRACTOR
MASTERS OF ARCHITECTURAL STUDIES (URBAN DESIGN PATHWAY)
GLASGOW SCHOOL OF ART
ABSTRACT
STRUCTURE: This Research is organised in Four Distinct parts.
Glasgow, one of the largest city of Scotland, like most industrial cities, grew from a small rural settlement on the bank of river Clyde. Due to the continuous growth of the city and increase in population, this settlement expanded taking the surrounding area into its city limits. Many historic local centres and rural villages were absorbed by the growing city. Due to a large influx of people into the city centre, it became overcrowded and hence a theory of decentralising the core was applied by various Improvement Acts, to spread growth in all directions. In 1960 the Urban Renewal Act led to large scale relocation of people from the city centre to local urban centres situated on the periphery. This led to loss of peripheral cultivable land, due to setting up of industries and housing, forcing agriculture to move further beyond the new city limits.
Chapter 1: This Chapeter introduces the three key themes - Glasgow a Shrinking city, Feeding the City and Degree of Autonomy of Local centres. It explains each of these themes in theory and its relation to Glasgow to undertsand the wider context.
With depopulation of the city centre, the once thriving neighbourhoods became deserted with allocation of mainly sub urban housing. The East End of Glasgow was an earlier existing industrial hub, which thrived with industries and tenements. The decline of industries led to large parcels of vacant and underutilised land within the local centres, inhibiting their development, leading to a bad reputation for health and social deprivation.
Chapter 4: This chapter explains the proposal in greater detail. It ellaboartes on the process of establishment of Urban Agricuture at Bridgeton and devises an overall strategry the revitalisation of the Cross.
Chapter 2: This explains in detail the precendents of this study. Various casestudies for Urban Agriculture and mixed use market typology are explained in greater detail influencing the evolution of the proposal. Chapter 3: This chapter deals with understanding the chosen site and its constraints. It further introduces the proposal and justifies it relation to the site.
Hence this project addressed the issue of feeding the city. It tested the potential of reusing the vacant land by introducing agriculture back to the city. It further demonstrates the regeneration of a local neighbourhood by introduction of mix use market typology. Considering Bridgeton Cross (located on the East End of Glasgow) as a site, it considers using the surrounding vacant and derelict industrial land for food production, thus supplying the mixed use market at the Cross. Introduction of market typology along with productive landscape will help regenerate the historic neighbourhood thus reducing the existing problems of health and social deprivation hence uplifting the neighbourhood.
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION THEME 1: GLASGOW A SHRINKING CITY DEMOGRAPHICS: The population of Glasgow was constant until
1900, after which it grew to 1,088,000 with an average density of 6,242 people/ Sq. Km. It was during this time that the city boundries were extended reflecting the industrial boom leading to the cities expansion. Slums from within the city were cleared and existing settlements were brought within city limits for development of suburban housing. New Industrial sites were established in existing local centres leading to densification of local centres. However, after 1960’s and decline of Industries, the population of Glasgow dropped steeply to 8,97,000 in 1961. Today it is constant at 5,98,830, however the cities continues to be spread across an area of 175.5 Km2. This led to large amount of vacant and underutilized land with in the city due to contant expansion and shrinking population. Looking at the aerial map, the city appears to be spread with isolated pockets of development all centered around one major centre. The local urban centers are away from each other, making it reachable only by public transport or private cars.
FIG 1: Demographics of Glasgow SOURCE: www.demographia.com
VACANT AND UNDERUTILIZED LAND IN GLASGOW: Due to
widespread urban sprawl, there exist many areas in the city, where development is ignored and land is vacant and derelict. According to the City Council, Glasgow has about 1300 hectares (7.5%) of area, which is vacant or derelict. These areas create barriers to movement and impede the economic and social development of communities in which they are situated. Today, however, several proposals have been laid around the city, to regenerate these lands. The city council has allowed temporary use of all these vacant sites for community engagement and farming activity. The map below shows the high volume of vacant and derelict land on the East end of Glasgow and along the river Clyde. These vacant lands if developed for urban agriculture can bring positive improvements in the area situated in its vicinity. It would not only help create a healthy and sustainable living environment but would also create work opportunities leading to social upliftment of communities.
FIG 2: Map Showing Vacant and Derelict land in Glasgow SOURCE: VeloCity - Art for a Changing City: Glasgows Operation Plan, < www. glasgow.gov.uk> Accessed on 17 April 2014
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THEME 2: FEEDING THE CITY
DECLINE OF MARKETS IN UK
Widespread growth and availability of ample land have forced cities to no longer remain compact. Cities have grown well beyond their hinterland, affecting not only the structure and links within the city, but also the natural environment. Many cities have outgrown their natural wilderness due to peripheral housing and industrial developments, affecting the environmental balance and ecology. This constantly changing relation between the city and countryside, due to increasing urban sprawl has been a concern for many cities around the world. Steel (2008) addresses the problem of growing cities and the amount of energy spent in feeding the population. She states that today cities have outgrown their earlier existing farm belts becoming dependent on food imported from other countries. She further states that advancement in farming techniques, constantly growing demand and availability of easy transportation, cities demands are no longer bond by the constraints of geography. The urban dwellers see the hinterland, merely, as a suburban retreat, without considering the consequences of urban sprawl.
According to Steel (2008: 133), the rapid expansion of cities slowly led to coming up of local food shops and the formation of the high street, bringing a decline in the functioning of the public market. By the 19th century, in many industrial towns people moved from the town centre to suburban neighbourhoods, eventually depending on coming up of local shops for daily food needs. However, the new local shops had a short-lived success, as they were antithesis to the very idea that food was supposed to be sold transparently. To overcome these problems, retail cooperatives and chain stores were formed. Moreover, due to the changes in the food distribution and sale, the power was shifted from the market stallholders to the wholesale distributors. According to (Schmiechen and Carls, 1999: 187) Chain stores and cooperative society shops were more closely related to the large-scale distributors than stall holders leading to the success of the retail chains.
This change in relationship with the hinterland has also affected the production and distribution pattern of food. Though earlier food was fresh, harvested naturally from the ground, today most of the food that the city consumes is mass-produced, filled with preservatives, transported from a far-off nation. Earlier there existed market halls, where the stall owners would sell fresh fruits, vegetables and meat produced in the hinterland. The market hall was the most important economic and social centre of urban life, where constant buying and selling of goods took place. According to (Schmiechen and Carls, 1999: 48) Market halls flourished in the late 18th and early 19th century, and stood as a symbol of everyday activity and civic virtue. It gained the similar importance, which churches and town hall had in terms of an idealized institution. However, wide spread growth and industrialization led to a decline of market halls in UK.
The functioning of the market was also greatly disrupted by the world wars. Schmiechen and Carls (1999: 203) state that the post war planning schemes concentrated on rebuilding â&#x20AC;&#x153;modernâ&#x20AC;? tower blocks, departmental stores and shops, wide streets, parking lots, etc. most of which were multilevel surfaces restricted to vehicular traffic. The mid 20th century redevelopment concentrated on replacing the town centre with private retail shopping in the centre which provided higher rents due to private investment. It was during this time that most markets buildings, which were in a state of decline, were brought down or altered giving way to the development of the retail shops and supermarkets.
ESTABLISHMENT OF SUPERMARKETS By the early 1950â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s many of the cooperative chains moved out from the market hall into modern premises, due to the markets decline and availability of better infrastructure, leading to the formation of supermarkets. (Schmiechen and Carls, 1999: 207) The establishment of super markets has further ruined the availability of fresh farm food in cities, forever changing the diet of the people. Food is so easily available 5
to people at cheap prices, that urban dwellers no longer care whether the food is fresh and where it is produced. It also led to increase in the amount of pre-packed foods, as shoppers were no longer required to weight the item like in traditional market halls. In Britain, supermarkets enjoyed the same monopoly over food, which markets once did. The key difference is that unlike markets, they played no civic role leading to the death of public space. They changed the social and physical texture of cities with development centred around it making them the new drivers of urban growth.d in its vicinity. Things developed differently in Europe where certain laws were put by individual government to protect traditional town centers as soon as the threat of supermarkets became clear. The Italian and French government restricted the size of shops to avoid development of hypermarkets. Though a few hypermarkets were built, they sold non-food items, leaving the shopping streets intact.
CONTINUOUS PRODUCTIVE URBAN LANDSCAPES (CPUL’S) In order to overcome the problem of providing fresh food to the rapidly growing city, the concept of CPUL’s was introduced. CPUL’s is an urban design concept of integrating food growth into cities by linking open green site and derelict site into a linear productive landscape, thus connecting the countryside. According to Bohn; Howe and Viljoen (2005: 11) “CPUL’s will be city traversing open spaces running continuously through the built urban environment, thereby connecting all kinds of existing inner-city open spaces and relating, finally, to the surrounding rural area.” Key features of CPUL includes urban agriculture, outdoor space for leisure and commercial activities, ecological corridors and circulation routes for non-vehicular traffic. Its network connects existing open urban spaces, maintaining and, in some cases, modifying their current uses to create urban landscapes, bringing fresh affordable food into the city, improving the climate and helping to create work opportunities. Thus, development of CPULs offers a new solution to the problem of using wasteland and reintroducing agriculture back into the city. By creation of a proper network of existing spaces and designating new spaces, entire cities can be fed from locally produced food creating a sustainable future.
FIG 3: London LeisurEscape. A CPUL proposal connecting public art gallery, the Tate Modern, in central London to the town of East Croydon at the edge of London. It works by interconnecting parcels of existing open land – parks, playing fields, brownfield sites, underused green spaces, gardens, car parks, etc. through a slim continuous productive landscape. SOURCE: Bohn; Howe and Viljoen. 2005: 247)
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FOOD PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION IN GLASGOW
FOOD PRODUCTION IN ALLOTMENTS
FARMERS MARKET: â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Scottish Farmers Market is a market in Another place where food is grown in Glasgow are the allotments. which farmers from around Scotland sell their produce directly to the public. All foods/products sold should have been grown, reared, caught, brewed, pickled, baked, smoked, or made/prepared by the producerâ&#x20AC;? (Scottish farmers Markets Website). This association along with the City Markets Glasgow, holds weekly farmers market around the city of Glasgow, selling fresh fruits and vegetables in local neighbourhoods. Today these markets remain one of the few sources of fresh food within the city. The success of these markets suggests a strong need for more permanent markets of these kinds in local neighbourhoods.
Though historically considered a place to grow food for families of working class, today allotments have many roles to play including diet, pleasure, relaxation, culture and social. There exist a total of 26 allotments in Glasgow in which half are managed by the City Council, while the remaining are managed by private owner or individual allotment associations (City Council Website). Land could be leased from these allotments to grow ones own crops. However, the food produced in the allotments is for ones own consumption, as selling is prohibited by law. (Bohn; Howe and Viljoen. 2005: 214)
FIG 4: Map Showing Farmers Market and Retail Market in Glasgow SOURCE: City Council Glasgow (Base Map)
FIG 5: Map Showing location of Allotments in Glasgow SOURCE: City Council Glasgow (Base Map)
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COMMUNITY STRATEGIES FOR FOOD PRODUCTION Today with increased awareness of fresh food production, the city council has taken many steps to promote food production amongst the locals. Many communities have initiated the use of community gardens, where in they get together to grow fresh food. In Glasgow, Urban Roots, Bute produce, Hidden Gardens etc. are some of those community led organizations, which work with local people helping them to improve the environment and health of their area by tackling problems of food, transport, community engagement etc. (Urban Roots Website). Moreover, some of these organizations also involve elderly and children as a regular part of social interaction and raising awareness of fresh food production. Sow and Grow Everywhere (SAGE) is also one such partnership established to promote community growing, influence policy around community and food, and support local food activities. It began as a joint venture by NVA and ERZ landscape architects, who did a preliminary study along with Glasgow and Clyde Valley (GCV) Green Network Partnership to transform derelict and vacant land into vibrant, stimulating, visually attractive spaces for people to grow their own food. SAGE’s solution was a durable “modular system” representing growing boxes, made of recycled materials (Sow and Grow Everywhere - Final Report, Feb 2010). The existence of such initiatives proves the need for local food growing and community engagement in local neighbourhoods
FIG 6: Modular Sytem developed by SAGE for food production.SOURCE: (Sow and Grow Everywhere - Final Report, Feb 2010)
GLASGOWS DEPENDENCY ON SUPERMARKETS: Today, supermarkets have replaced the earlier existing markets, as a prime source of food in the city of Glasgow. The dominance of TESCO, SAINSBURY, ADLIS and other supermarket chains have made food available at people’s doorsteps with their branches situated in every neighbourhood. Their influence over urban growth is such that today all development is centred around these supermarkets. The concept of “living above the shops” which once existed in the city, due to easy accessibility of local markets or shops is now replaced by suburban housing with proximity to the super market. Thus like most cities in UK, even in Glasgow, supermarkets have become the new drivers of urban growth.
FIG 7: Spread of Supermarkets in Glasgow SOURCE: Google Earth
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THEME 3: AUTONOMY OF LOCAL CENTRE COMPACT CITY THEORY: Many theories have been established
over the years, which address the issue of growth of a city and its effect on local urban centres. One of the most prominent theories - “The Compact city;” was presented by the Urban Task Force in their 1999 report “Towards an Urban Renaissance.” According to this theory modern cities should be compact, well-connected, adaptable to change, supporting a range of diverse uses; allowing people to work, play and live within nearby areas. It suggests that if mixed use areas are distributed in all urban cores with increased density and well developed transport links and public amenities, the dependence of people on the main city centre will decrease and hence growth will be distributed all around the city. Fig7. illustrates a model of compact urban area, where there is a clear hierarchy and distinction between city centre and other district and neighbourhood centres. It also shows the change in buildings densities moving from the city centre to district centres to the individual neighbourhoods. This theory clearly illustrated that for a compact and sustainable city there should be a strong hierarchy in its structure with clearly defined city centre, district centre and local neighbourhoods; all integrated with efficient public transport and mixed uses at the centre. CITY IS NOT A TREE: A critique of this theory, was Christopher Alexander’s “A City is Not a Tree,” where he argues that the structure of a city is not hierarchical like a tree, but is a semi-lattice. It is the overlap between its various system, that causes interaction and creates a structure within the city. Extreme compartmentalisation and dissociation of functions is the first step towards destruction of the city. He suggests that modern city plans do not respond to social realities with their physical structure suggesting a strong hierarchy of closed social groups. This hierarchy in its structure, along with separation of functions (separation of work from residential, separation of university,etc), misses out on a variety of systems required for the cities sustainance.
FIG 8: Heirarchy of Neighbouhoods SOURCE: Urban Task Force, 1999, Pg.26
FIG 9: Network Types SOURCE: Barran, P; 1960
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Alexander uses Ruth Glassâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s redevelopment plan for Middlesbrough, England, a city of 200,000 people, which she recommends being broken down into 29 separate neighbourhoods. The neighbourhood of Waterloo is shown here, with various amenities represented by the circular shapes, while the dashed line shows the catchment area of these amenities. As observed, the units of the neighbourhood do not coincide, but also are not completely disjointed. It is in the artificial (tree) conception of the city, that these natural and mandatory overlaps are destroyed and hence units are completely disjointed. Hence the right kind of overlap is the generator of structure within the city, which makes each local urban centre have a degree of autonomy, however not making them completely disjoint from other urban centres.
AUTONOMY OF LOCAL URBAN CENTRES According to Barton, Grant and Gruise (2010), Local urban centres can be defined in various ways- administratively, by their ward or parish boundaries; aesthetically, by the character and age of development; socially, by the perception of local residents; functionally, by the catchment area of services and environmentally, by the prevalent environmental conditions. In order to increase the autonomy of local centres, one should support accessible employment, choice of local facilities, opportunity for healthy lifestyle and development of local community networks. There should be reduced pollution and reduced need for import of energy, water and other materials. It should include all amenities which are need for the sustenance of life; residences, toddler play space, water management, primary school, parks, shops, pubs, library and leisure activities. Large food stores and markets are always seen as key generators of local activity in the UK. However, at the level of local urban centres, supermarkets need to be looked as an opportunity for a more sustainable development in relation to organic and locally produced food.
FIG 10: Neighbourhood of Waterloo SOURCE: Christopher, A; 1966, Pg. 11
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LOCAL CENTRES IN GLASGOW The city of Glasgow, also has a hierarchy in its physical structure. The city centre forms the main commercial and retail core, whereas the surrounding areas are mainly residential in nature, thus compartmentalising the entire city. The city centre is bounded by the River Clyde into the south, The High Street to the East and the M8 Motorway to the North and West. It mainly consist of the theatre and retail district along with the historic Merchant City. Once considered to be the heart of the city, filled with integrated residences and workspace, today it mainly consist of commercial and retail outlets with very few tenements. The areas surrounding the city centre, have formed major residential centres away from the commercial core. Earlier, these areas were either hubs of different communities or are historic town centre’s, which were once absorbed by the cities expansion. These centres are today recognised by the City Council as “Major town centre’s” and “Smaller town centre’s”. They all depend on the city centre for certain basic necessities. The structure clearly represent a tree with very evident 11: Neighbourhoods in Glasgow hierarchy of the city centre surrounded by major and smaller local town FIG SOURCE: City Council (Base Map) centres.
Bridgeton is one such Historic town centre located in the East End of Glasgow. It is a unique local urban centre due to the existing mix of industry and residential area. Being near to the city and well connected by public transport, it has a good potential to develop as a autonomous local urban centre.
FIG 12: Figure Ground At Bridgeton
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CHAPTER 2. PRECEDENTS FOR URBAN AGRICUTURE AND RELATED FOOD INFRASTRUCTURE CASE STUDY FOR URBAN AGRICULTURE CUBA, HAVANA:
A successful precedent for urban agriculture is Cuba. After the fall of Soviet Union, an acute shortage of oil followed. Cuba was highly dependent on working of supermarkets and imported food for its daily needs. However, after the oil shortage it had to redevelop some of its agriculture policies. Today 80% of food produced in Cuba is organic gained from locally produced fruits and vegetables. The city of Havana produces half of its fruits and vegetables within the city, from a series of community gardens, balconies and rooftops. (Hopkins 2006) CROP YIELD IN CUBA Total Area of Urban Agriculture in Cuba: 15,092 ha (Including Intensive Gardens, Organoponicos, Suburban Farms, Factory and Household Gradens)
FIG 13: Urban Agriculture in CUBA SOURCE: Bohn; Howe and Viljoen. 2005: 138)
TYPE OF PRODUCTION AND AVERAGE YIELDS PRODUCTION MODE STATE FARMS 3,086 INTENSIVE CULTIVATION GARDENS URBAN COMMUNITY GARDENS HIGH YIELD URBAN GARDENS FIELD WORKERS TOTAL
AREA COVERED (HECTARES) 3,086 1,030 87.26
YIELD KG/M2 6.1 81.7 119.1
66.98 19.1 4,489 8,778,48
220.2 250 27 -
FIG 3 : Average Yield and Production type in Cuba SOURCE: The Edible Urban Landscape. Assessment method for Retrofitting Urban Agriculture into an Inner London Test Site
FIG 14: Organoponicos in CUBA SOURCE:http://www.djc.com/blogs/SeattleScape/2009/02/13/lessons-onsustainability-from-cuba/
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URBAN AGRICULTURE AT CITY/TOWN LEVEL MIDDLES BROUGH: Middlesbrough, a former industrial town in the UK, was transformed through the Middlesbrough Urban Farming Project. This design initiative was part of Designs of the Time (DOTT 07), series of community projects in the North East of England that “explored how design can improve our lives in meaningful ways.” (http://dott07.com). The project focused on sustainable alternatives for living, exploring several themes: energy; schools and schooling; health; and finally food, which was called the “ultimate design challenge.” Middlesbrough today stands as a successful precedent for bringing agriculture back to the city with the city wide establishedment Urban agriculture.
URBAN AGRICULTURE AT BUILDING/ BLOCK LEVEL
FIG 16 : CPULS Strategy at Middlesbrough SOURCE: http://www.ryerson.ca/carrotcity/board_pages/city/middlesbrough.html
FIG 15 : Urban Agriculture on RoofTops SOURCE: Lee-Smith, D. (2009). Carrot City: Designing for urban agriculture. Urban Agriculture Magazine, 22.
FIG 17 : Plantation on Facades and Green house SOURCE: Lee-Smith, D. (2009). Carrot City: Designing for urban agriculture. Urban Agriculture Magazine, 22.
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MARKET NETWORK IN BARCELONA In spite of the retail revolution, one city that has maintained a fresh food distribution is Barcelona. The City has managed to protect all its market places and hence proved cities don’t have to be old-fashioned to sustain their traditional neighbourhood life. Tough government control has always prevented supermarkets from gaining a grip in Spain. Though some supermarkets exist, the law bans them to sell fresh food, which, is available only in the markets (Steel, 2008: 152). Even after the world war, when most of the public markets systems were failing, Barcelona decided to develop a system of markets, which was easily accessible from each neighbourhood. Today the city has 43 flourishing fresh food markets, situated in different neighborhoods creating a network. This is one of the main reasons for the markets success in Barcelona. The figure on the right shows the market network in Barcelona. The colours indicate the Area of influence of each market in Barcelona hence showing its spread throughout the city.
MIXED USE MARKET TYPOLOGY IN BARCELONA According to Project for Public Spaces (2013), “Re-imagined as more complete places, Barcelona’s markets make it easier for residents to connect with their neighbours, especially when they are located near other public services such as health care centers, libraries, and schools.” Hence it is the mix of uses along with local identity and public involvement, which might have led to the success of markets in Barcelona. Moreover, with time most of Barcelona’s Markets were remodelled to adapt to changing commercial, infrastructure (underground parking, waste management, more shops, etc.) and social needs leading to its success. This was with regard to the general strategy of the city to bring services closer to the people and where they live and work, making markets a commercial as well as social entity. Further ahead are case studies of two markets (La Boqueria and Santa Caterina) in Barcelona, to understand its mix of uses and placement tracing further reasons for success.
FIG 18: Area of Influence of Market Network in Barcelona SOURCE: http://www.resilience.org/stories/2013-06-03/food-for-thought-why-barcelona-s-markets-are-super-places
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LA BOQUEIRA MARKET (PROPOSAL FOR REMODELLING OF MARKET AND MIX USE DEVELOPMENT OF PLAZA LA GARDUNYA)
La Boqueria was an old market situated on La Rambla in Barcelona. The La Gardunya plaza behind the market was mainly used for servicing and hence had no social or civic importance. In 2010 proposals were laid to redevelop the La Gardunya Square, and hence a masterplan was developed for the revitalization of the square by the architectural studio run by Carme Pinos. The masterplan proposed to replace the car park by providing three levels of underground car parking, where the first basement would used for servicing the market while the other two basements would be used for public parking. Simultaneously, the proposal enclosed the plaza Gardunya with public housing on one side and added facilities for the Escola Massana School of Art and Design on the other. The proposal also redeveloped the central plaza giving it better fronting facades as well as more facilities. Moreover the markets back faรงade (facing plaza La Gardunya) would also be redeveloped, along with the markets roof, giving an overall uplifting to the market, solving problems of roof overlays, ventilation and water seepages. The masterplan along with its mix of functions and massing fits perfectly into the dense fabric of Barcelona, containing new functions for uplifting the plaza as well as the market square.
FIG 19: Market Hidden from the main street, accessible through the formal Gap Entrance. Pedestrian movement all around the market
FIG 21: Market Entry from main Street
FIG 22: Low market hall surrounded by Higher Development
SIZE OF MARKET HALL: 13631 Sq. m. MIX USE FUNCTIONS: PUBLIC HOUSING (6200 Sq. m) SCHOOL (10700 Sq. m) OPEN PLAZA (4500 Sq. m) EXHIBITION SPACE VARITETY OF ARCHITECTURAL DIVERSITY: 1 ARCHITECT FIG 20: Views of Proposal for Plaza Gardunya by Carmo Pinos. SOURCE:http://www.arquitecturabeta.com/2011/06/25/plaza-gardunya-carme-pinos/
SERVICING: UNDERGROUND SERVICING OF MARKET UNDERGROUND CARPARK 15
SANTA CATERINA MARKET The Santa Caterina market existed in a residential neighbourhood and was developed on a former site convent site. In 1997, the architectural studio of Enric Miralles and Benedetta Tagliabue won the competition of refurbishing the market, as part of their master plan, for the revival of the surrounding area. Along with the revitalization of the market; elderly housing, museum and underground car park were also proposed in the master plan by EMBT. The design by EMBT preserves the earlier existing faรงade of the market on three sides and creates a new faรงade on the rear end, which opens into a public plaza surrounded by elderly housing blocks. The masterplan strengthens the earlier existing road network in the neighbourhood opening into the plaza at the rear of the market. The interior of the market was also changed, reducing the number of stalls along with the addition of a supermarket as well as a restaurant. The mix of materials along with mix of uses gives this market a vibrant look making it an important part of urban regeneration of the neighbourhood.
FIG 23: Market Hall fronting the Main Street. Market accessible from all sides
Two more housing blocks were designed by EMBT in the same neighbourhood on the Av. De Francesc Cambo. Both these blocks are residential apartments, helping to frame the narrow street, leading to formation of lanes, which is typical in the fabric of Barcelona. The stepped massing of the blocks helps to break the large volume of the apartments, sitting prominently in the neighbourhood. SIZE OF MARKET HALL: 2700 Sq. m MIX USE FUNCTIONS: ELDERLY HOUSING (3907 Sq. m) SUPERMARKET (435 Sq. m) MUSEUM (290 Sq. m) OPEN PLAZA (1850 Sq. m) RESTAURANT (710 Sq. m) SUPERMARKET (435 Sq. m) VARITETY OF ARCHITECTURAL DIVERSITY: 1 ARCHITECT
FIG 24: Market Entry from main Street
FIG 25: Low market hall surrounded by Higher Development
SERVICING: UNDERGROUND SERVICING OF MARKET & CARPARK WASTE MANAGEMENT 16
DECLINE OF MARKET HALL IN GLASGOW Glasgow started as a small fishing town in 543 AD, before turning into a market town and eventually into a trading town. Earlier it got permission from King William; The King of Scots, to hold a market every Thursday at the Mercat cross for its citizens. The increase in the towns population, led to a higher demand of fresh food, which was satisfied by coming up specialized markets selling meat, fish, fruits and vegetables. By 1830, the population outgrew its former limits of the Old town, bringing people further away from the markets. THE BAZAAR The bazaar in Glasgow was once thriving retail space filled with stall owners, selling fresh food produced from the hinterland. Later, with industrialization and increase in population, people were forced to buy from local shops situated in the proximity of suburban neighbourhoods, leading to a decline of the market. However, change in retail patterns forced the Bazaar to convert itself in to wholesale market. In order to support growth, in 1888, the bazaar was expanded to the east, on the town councils property. In 1914, the bazaar at Candleriggs became the main wholesale fruit and vegetable market for the whole of Scotland. The activity in the market was closely related to railways stations, road transport and waterways. By 1866 the road were unable to handle the heavy incoming and outgoing of traffic caused by the markets activity leading to congestion of the area. This led to the moving of the Bazaar in 1969 and the fish market in 1977 to a site in Bloclairn, which had better transport infrastructure due to its proximity to the M8 motorway Later in 1967-69, the city hall was modified, and ground floor was built upon to create a concert hall, separate from the market. Hence one of the two market halls in the Bazaar became a retail market. Today, this market hall is transformed into â&#x20AC;&#x153;Merchant Square,â&#x20AC;? a large indoor covered space surrounded by restaurants and bar on all sides, replacing the fresh food bazaar. It has become a prime entertainment venue in the city.
FIG 26: Location of The Baazar (Merchant Square)
SIZE OF MARKET HALL: 7700 Sq. m (Main Market Hall ) MIX USE FUNCTIONS: CITY HALLS VARITETY OF ARCHITECTURAL DIVERSITY: 1 ARCHITECT SERVICING: NO CARPARK FACILITIES FIG 27 :Earlier Plan of The Bazaar in Glasgow
FIG 28: Market transformed into a covered space FIG 29: Existing Merchant Square with Restaurants showing reflection of earlier plot ownership
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LEARNINGS FROM BARCELONA After looking at the success models of Barcelona, it could be concluded that Barcelona’s model of a market in each locality, is a success because of its ownership and constant support by the government. In time of crisis, the IMMB (Institut Municipal de Mercats de Barcelona) identified the markets as important generators of social and commercial activity, and encouraged its revitalization. It used this opportunity to revive entire neighbourhoods, providing social functions, which were lacking, eventually uplifting the neighbourhood. Glasgow’s model of permanent market has always concentrated on wholesale along with retail, situated outside residential neighbourhoods. Moreover along with the growing city, the market never grew or branched out, due to lack of support of the government in identifying them as important vehicle for urban regeneration. Today, successful temporary markets exist in residential areas of Glasgow, suggesting its need for revival amongst the people. The nature of market and its working is also affected by stall ownership patterns. In Barcelona, since stall ownership is limited to few families and is passed on through generations, there is a sense of ownership and belonging among the vendors for the market. There is also loyalty towards the regular customers creating social relations. Short lease given to vendors in Glasgow doesn’t offer much of social interactions as they work for their own economic gain leading to unhealthy competition within the market. In Barcelona, the mix of uses, introduced in revival of each market, has helped to revive entire neighbourhoods. Addition of housing, school and other public functions facing the newly created open plaza, helps generate activity in the neighbourhood, even on occasions when the market is shut. However, it is most lively when the market is functional, acting as a major catchment space for social and cultural interaction, giving it civic importance. This newly developed mixed-use typology, together serves as a model regenerating neighbourhoods along with markets. This typology had been abandoned in Glasgow, long back, due to lack of space for the growing market and change in its function.
A major reason for success of markets in Barcelona is realising their scale of influence. Barcelona has recognised a catchment area for each market and hence has created a network of markets serving the entire city. Hence unlike Glasgow, where the entire city depended on one market, Barcelona has a market situated within ten minutes of walking distance of every neighbourhood. This encouraged people to buy fresh food from the market rather than local shops, leading to the survival of this typology even today. The ability of markets in Barcelona, to respond to contemporary expectations and adapt to changing food habits, commercial and social needs, has also enabled them to survive in the competitive world of supermarkets. Be it creating space for additional parking, waste management, servicing or home delivery, the markets in Barcelona have adapted to each of these changing needs. Even though it being a place of constant buying and selling activity, Barcelona’s markets have managed to remain clean, vibrant, modern and bright – much like the supermarkets in Britain in the late 19th century, leading to its success. This however was not the case in the bazaar at Glasgow. When the bazaar converted itself into a wholesale market, eventually leading to congestion of the area around, it was forced to move outside the city centre. Markets in Glasgow face tough competition from supermarkets, as they have occupied a monopoly over food distribution influencing urban growth. However few bodies still exist, competing against the supermarket. The cooperative group in Britain is once such group of people who, have come together to address the public needs and aspirations working for the betterment of the society, rather than economic gain of its shareholders. This group has established farms in the British Countryside, where they produce fresh food to sell into their local retail shops located in most neighbourhoods. This movement has enabled the easy availability of fresh food at peoples doorsteps Hence, this study indicates the need for revival of market typology in Glasgow integrated with urban agriculture 18
PROPOSAL FOR MARKET NETWORK IN GLASGOW Learning from the effect of a powerful Market Network in Barcelona, a similar network is proposed for Glasgow. The following diagram illustrates the proposed network with a mixed use market typology located in each designated local centre. This typology along with productive landscape around it would not only avail the availiblity of fresh food in neighbourhood but also serve as a mode of regeneration for each of these neighbourhoods. Such a typology should be located within each neighbourhood thus helping to solve Glasgowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s dependency on supermarkets
FIG 30: Proposed Market Network in Glasgow (Market located in each Local Centre)
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HYPOTHESIS Cities spread across a vast area and supporting a low population, have large amount vacant and underutilized industrial lands, which if used for food production can help regenerate the local neighborhoods reducing existing problems of health and social deprivation. A mix use market hall typology supported by high density residences and productive landscape has a crucial role to play in improving local health at Bridgeton thus creating an Identity for the future.
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FIG 31: View from Bridgeton Cross looking towards the Olympia
22
CHAPTER 3: SITE INTRODUCTION In Glasgow, the East End is formed by the engulfment of small villages of Calton, Bridgeton, Dalmarnock, etc. within the city limits. Earlier, the East end was an industrial hub. However with decline of industries, this area has developed a bad reputation for its health, alcohol and drug problem. The Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation has recognized these centres as deprived. This project takes Bridgeton Cross and Mile End quarter as a site, to test the hypothesis to bring regeneration through introduction of productive landscape and mix-use market typology. Bridgeton being mix of industries as well as residences has large amount of underutilized industrial land which creates a barrier in development. Moreover, being an historic center and location of train station makes it an ideal site for regenration.
GLASGOW CITY CENTRE
BRIDGETON
FIG 32: Birds Eye View locating Bridgeton with respect to the Glasgow City Centre
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HISTORY AND MORPHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT BRIDGETON CROSS
1650
1807
FIG 33: History of Bridgeton: 1650 SOURCE: National Library of Scotland
FIG 34: History of Bridgeton: 1807 SOURCE: National Library of Scotland
According to the City Council report for the Conservation Appraisal of Bridgeton Cross, Bridgeton was a small village formed on a vacant site of a Barrow field estate translated to mean Burrow-field, possibly referring to the cultivation technique for land by the river. The tributary of River Clyde- Camlachtie Burn, defines the approximate position go Bridgeton Cross. In 1650, Bridgeton was mainly rural with no urban developments.
It was in 1765 that the development of the village spurred with the restrictions laid across the old Glasgow Bridge. Transport routes were forced to shift east with regular traffic over Ruthergein bridge and Barrowfield site, with the first few building coming up at the Barrowfield crossing point.
1828 FIG 35: History of Bridgeton: 1828 SOURCE: National Library of Scotland
The laying of roads continued in Bridgeton leading to further development of the settlement. Linen weaving became the key industry employing 40% of the local workforce. The Mill and Works building was further constructed along Camlachie Burn. Later the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Mill Streetâ&#x20AC;? was developed, forming the north east point of the Cross. With the development of industry and population boom throughout the settlement, housing became denser including the west side of the village.
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HISTORY AND MORPHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT BRIDGETON CROSS
1882
1952-54
FIG 36: History of Bridgeton: 1882 SOURCE: National Library of Scotland
FIG 37: History of Bridgeton: 1952-54 SOURCE: National Library of Scotland
In 1896, The City Improvement Trust cleared overcrowded properties including those at the centre of Bridgeton Cross. The train station was added, replacing the cottage industry buildings. Several industries flourished in this area including pottery, food processing, carpet weaving, chemical works and engineering. The historic umbrella, was formed during this time, which later became an important landmark for bridgeton. During the 1900â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s major buildings were developed near the cross, including the Olympia Theatre in 1911 and the Public library in 1903.
From 1976, the Glasgow Eastern Area Renewal (GEAR) act began to demolish the unused industrial structures near Bridgeton Cross. During this act the corned block of James Street and Miller street was also demolished to make way for single storey shop frontage, office and car park. The current new development in this area is mainly low rise, with meandering streets, reducing the earlier prevalent housing densities. In spite of earlier flourishing industries, today this area remains mainly residential in nature, dependent on the city centre for basic necessities.
FIG 38: Bridgeton Today
2014
The following diagram shows the present built fabric of Bridgeton. Today, open ground suburban housing and apartments replace the earlier existing enclosed streets. The London road forms the main road, connecting Bridgeton to the city centre on the West, passing through Bridgeton Cross and leads further to M74 on the East. James Street originating from Bridgeton Cross leads directly to Glasgow Green whereas, the Main Street leading south from Bridgeton cross forms the historical route of Bridgeton.
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LANDUSE AND AMENITIES AT BRIDGETON : The following diagrams shows the landuse pattern of Bridgeton. There are large Industrial
areas on the northeast of the cross, which contrast the low-density residential fabric of Bridgeton in the south and west. The area of Bridgeton Cross has small scale commercial and Retail outlets, situated on lower floor, forming the heart of the neighborhood. There are few public buildings, distributed all around Bridgeton, which provide it with basic amenities. It has various educational amenities like three primary schools, one nursery and one college. It also has a railway station and one library making it an important local centre. The first ever Mediatheque in Scotland, has opened in Bridgeton library at the recently developed site of Olympia. The BFI (British Film Institute) located here has a specially commissioned collection of Scottish film and television entitled â&#x20AC;&#x153;Scottish Reelsâ&#x20AC;?, drawn from the BFI National archives. Moreover, there is also a weekly farmer and retail market at Bridgeton Cross which sells fresh farm produce.
FIG 39: Land Use Map of Bridgeton
FIG 40: Public Amenities around Bridgeton
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EAST END LOCAL REGENERATION STRATEGY (EELDS): In order to regenerate the East End of Glasgow, the council had passed a series of proposals, identifying major centers of development in this area. According to the City Council, “Work on the EELDS began in 2004 with an intention of taking a new approach to place making, based on the new local development policy frameworks achieved from Health Impact Assessment (HIA)”. In these strategy major hubs, road and gap sites were identified which were proposed to be developed. In the proposal, Bridgeton sits at the head of the East End Regeneration Route (EERR) – a new route planned connecting the proposed development hubs. The EELDS relies on the opportunities presented to the area through the establishment of the Clyde Gateway Urban Regeneration Company, the proposal for the EERR and the Commonwealth Games 2014. This major international event is used as an opportunity to demonstrate practical approaches to various issues prevailing in this area aiming at bringing economic and social upliftment, healthy living conditions, waste management, water stewardship, etc. thus attempting to revitalize this area. The area around Bridgeton Cross has recently been evaluated by the City Council for Conservation Area Appraisal. This area includes the early existing heritage structures of Olympia and the Victorian Umbrella at the Cross. The council proposes a conservation status to preserve the existing character at the Cross
EAST END LOCAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY The area around Bridgeton Cross has recently been evaluated by the City Council for Conservation Area Appraisal. This area includes the early existing heritage structures of Olympia and the Victorian Umbrella at the Cross. The council proposes a conservation status to preserve the existing character at the Cross
FIG 41: East End Local Development Stratergy: Development Hubs of Bridgeton, Dalmarnock and Parkhead. SOURCE: Changing Places: Changing Lives, City Council, January 2008 (BASE DRAWING)
FIG 42: East End Local Development Stratergy: Development Hubs of Bridgeton, Dalmarnock and Parkhead. SOURCE: Changing Places: Changing Lives, City Council, January 2008 (BASE DRAWING)
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VACANT AND UNDERUTILIZED LAND AT BRIDGETON Inspite of efforts to revitalise the East End, Bridgeton has high amount of underutilised land situated in the Mile End Industrial Quarter. Few sites are also situated around Bridgeton, which have been lying vacant without any activity (Figure Bottom Left). According to the City Council,these sites could be temporarily used for community growing and urban agriculture. Mapping of open spaces around Bridgeton Cross gives an idea of the vacant land situated in the area (Figure Bottom Right). Most of the spaces are either private gardens owned by residences or used as car park by industries and shops. With proper awareness these areas could be used for urban agriculture and growing fresh food.
FIG 43: Vacant and Derelict land around Bridgeton SOURCE: City Council Website (Base Drawing)
FIG 44: Open space mapping and categorization around Bridgeton
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DESIGN PROPOSAL Introduction of a Mix use Market Hall typology supported by High Density residences and Productive Landscape will play a crucial role in improving health at Bridgeton Cross thus creating an identity for the future.
29
EXISTING BRIDGETON CROSS AND MILE END QUARTER
PROPOSAL 1: URBAN AGRICULTURE
Drawing shows Extent of Built Fabric and Open Space at the Industrial Quarter in Bridgeton. Filling of these Sites would be key in regenerating the neighbouhood
FIG 45: Existing Figure Ground at Bridgeton Cross & Mile End Quarter
30
IDENTIFYING UNDERUTILIZED LAND IN THE MILE END QUARTER
PROPOSAL 1: URBAN AGRICULTURE
Drawing highlights the underutilized and vacant land in the Mile End Quarter which could be developed for urban Agriculture
FIG 46: Identifying Vacant Land at Bridgeton Cross & Mile End Quarter
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DEVELOPMENT OF CPUL’S
PROPOSAL 1: URBAN AGRICULTURE
Drawing shows use of Underutilized land for development of CPUL’S. It shows addition of food related infrastructure in form of storage place and green house along the fields.
FIG 47: Linking and Using the Vacant Land for Development of CPUL’S
32
PLACEMENT OF THE MARKET
PROPOSAL 1: URBAN AGRICULTURE
Drawing shows linking the CPUL’S by a service road, eventually terminating in the market. The Market is located behind the cross, having a direct entry from the cross, eventually opening out to the CPUL’S
FIG 48: Development of a new route connecting the Fields and Placement of the Market Hall
33
FEASIBLITY OF CPULS AT GLASGOW CROP CYCLE IN GLASGOW
FIG 49: Crops Cycle in Scotland
SOURCE: www.Allotment.glasgow.org
34
CROP YIELD OF ALLOTMENTS IN UNITED KINGDOM Average Size of Allotment: 30 X 100 FEET = 0.0278 ha
PRODUCE IN SCOTLAND Land in Scotland which is under Horticulture Production: 1550 ha Horticulture production in Scotland consist of a year round supply of Rootcrops such as Potatoes, Carrots and Swedes.
SOURCE: The Edible Urban Landscape, Assesment Method for Retrofitting Urban Agriculture into an Inner Lonson Test Site
WORKING OF THE MARKET HALL AT BRIDGETON Total Vacant Land used for Development oF CPUL’S: 60,000 Sq. m (6 Hectares) Assumed Annual Yield From Proposed CPUL’S at Bridgeton: 188 Tonnes (6 x 31.28 Tonnes/ Hectare) Annual Yield if Organoponics are established in Bridgeton = 1500 Tonnes ( 6 x 250 Tonnes / Hectare) FIG 50: Crops Produced in Scotland
FIG 51: Working of the Market Hall at Bridgeton Cross
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IDENTIFYING EXISTING LOW DENSITY RESIDENCES
PROPOSAL 2: INCREASING DENSITY
Based on the theories in chapter 1, local neighbourhood centres should have certain density within its core along with mix of uses to have a degree of Autonomy. The drawing below identifies the low density residences situated in walking distance of the Cross.
FIG 52: Axo View and Plan showing the Low Density Residential areas situated in walking distance of Bridgeton Cross
36
PROVIDING HIGHER DENSITY RESIDENCES
The Drawings below replaces the identified Low Density residences with Higher Density
PROPOSAL 2: INCREASING DENSITY DENSITY STUDIES FOR HOUSING IN BRIDGETON
FIG 53: Axo View and Plan showing the Proposed High Density Residential areas situated in walking distance of Bridgeton Cross
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RECREATING ENCLOSURE AT BRIDGETON CROSS
PROPOSAL 3: RECREATING BRIDGETON CROSS
The third part of the proposal tries to establish the autonomy of Bridgeton Cross. It tries to recreate enclosure at the Cross by filling up of Gap Sites, hence enclosing the streets and the Cross.
FIG 54: PRESENT BRIDGETON CROSS Lack of Enclosure at Bridgeton Cross due to presence of Vacant Land and Open Spaces at the Cross
FIG 55: PROPOSED BRIDGETON CROSS Enclosed the Cross with defined boundries
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PROCESS OF EVOLUTION FOR MASTERPLAN DESIRE LINE: For the evolution of the Mile End Block, the EastWest route through the proposed CPULS becomes a major desire line which should be continued. Also a North -South route though the Block would provide better porosity to the block, separting the market from surrounding development
PROPOSAL 3: RECREATING BRIDGETON CROSS SANTA CATERINA OPTION The Proposed Mixed Use Market Hall directly faces London Road making the Market an important Civic Identity. Residential and Commercial development suround the Market Hall. STRENGTHS • Direct Entry from the Cross. • Plaza near front and Back Entrance of the Market. • Important Civic Identity.
FIG 56: Desire Lines
DESIGN POSSIBILITIES FOR MARKET HALL PLACE MENT LA BOQUERIA OPTION The Proposed Mixed Use Market Hall sits behind London Road completely seperated from surrounding development
FIG 58: Testing Options on Site
LA BOQUERIA OPTION The Proposed Mixed Use Market Hall sits behind the Main Road having a Direct Entry from London Road and Bridgeton Cross through a gateway.
STRENGTHS • Direct Entry from the Cross through the Gap. • Higher Massing development surrounding the low Market Hall. • Important Civic Identity. WEAKNESS • Fragmentation of Public space around the Market. • Deeper Blocks in development around the Market Hall without private open spaces.
WEAKNESS • Low Market Hall fronts Bridgeton Cross and faces London Road.
FIG 57: Testing Options on Site
STRENGTHS • Direct Entry from the Cross through Gateway. • Higher Massing development surrounding the low Market Hall. • Perimeter blocks surrounding the market respond to the Market square and open space. • Private Market square Behind the Market and Cross
FIG 59: Testing Options on Site (Selected)
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PROPOSED PLAN FOR BRIDGETON CROSS
FIG 62: ABOVE GROUND LANDUSE
LANDUSE: The Proposed
FIG 60: PROPOSED PLOT SUBDIVISION FOR BRIDGETON CROSS
The imergent division prohibits the formation of large blocks in the quarter, creating a variety in the new development.
Landuse promotes the theory of living above the shop. Most blocks (except for office buildings along London Road) have a commerical ground floor and residences above. The new Market Typology contains a mix of uses such as Restaurants, Cafes, Market Space, Farming School and Cutlary Classroom.
FIG 61: GROUND FLOOR LANDUSE
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OVERALL MASTER PLAN SHOWING ALL THREE PROPOSALS
MASTERPLAN
The Overall Masterplan combines the proposal for Urban Agriculture, Increased Housing Densities and the Ambition to recreate Bridgeton Cross.
FIG 63: MASTERPLAN
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DESIGN DETAIL OF BLOCKS FACING THE MARKET CROSS The drawing shows in detail the working of functions surrounding the Market Hall. It sets design guidelines for development of each of these blocks. The design guidelines include number of residences on each floor of each building, type of openings and exterior material of the blocks ( Market Hall in Red Brick, while the surrounding residences in Yellow brick showing contrast in colour and uniformity in material) The drawings also shows the working of the Market Hall and the Mix use functions included within the Market
FIG 64: Design Detail of Functions Surrounding the Market Square
42
MASSING: The massing of the proposal is governed by the surround buildings. Like existing buildings, most new building have a floor height on G+4 Floors towards Bridgeton Cross and Market Square. Residences facing Broad street and Orr Street are G+5 allowing exposure to south sun. Office Buildings on London Road are G+7 floors high due to its placement at an important junction at the turning of London Road. Hence Higher buildings surround the low Market Hall.
FIG 65: Birds Eye View from the fields showing Massing around the Market Hall
43
FIG 66: Birds Eye view from Bridgeton Cross showing Massing near the Cross and Entry to the Market Hall
44
FIG 67: Site Sections though the Proposal
45
FIG 68: View from Bridgeton Cross showing Massing near the Cross and Entry to the Market Hall
46
FIG 69: Vew showing activity on the Market Square and Entry to the Market Hall
47
FIG 70: View showing activity on the Market lane leading to CPULâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S
48
FIG 71: View from the Productive landscape looking towards the Market hall
49
FIG 72: View of the Green House and Storage Shelters from the fields
50
BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS:
ONLINE SOURCES:
1) Christopher,A. (1965), “ City is Not a Tree”,viewed on 24th December 2013, http://www.best. polimi.it/fileadmin/docenti/TEPAC/2012/FONTANA/A_City_is_not_a_ Tree.pdf. 2) Grant, M; Barton, H and Guise,R.(2010), “Shaping Neighbourhoods, for local health and global sustainability.” Routledge,Oxon. 3) Roger, R; Urban Task Force; (1999), “Towards an Urban Renaissance.” Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions, London. 4) Caroline, Steel. “Hungry Cities. How food Shapes our lives,” Vintage Books, London 5) Gomme, A; Walker, D. (1930), “ Architecture of Glasgow, Lund Humphries in association with J. Smith 1987, London. 6) Lee-Smith, D. (2009). Carrot City: Designing for urban agriculture. Urban Agriculture Magazine, 22. 7) Schmiechen, J and Carls, K. 1999. The British Market Hall: A Social and Architectural History. New Haven and London: Yale Univeristy Press. 8) ) Williamson, E; Riches, A and Higgs, M. 1990. Glasgow: The Buildings of Scotland. London: Penguin Group. 9) Corporation of Glasgow, 1985. Municipal Glasgow: Its evolution and enterprises. New York ; London: Garland. 10) Fisher, J, 1994. The Glasgow encyclopaedia. Edinburgh: Mainstream. 11) Bohn, K; Howe, J and Viljoen, A. 2005. Continuous Productive Urban Landscapes: Designing Urban Agriculture for Sustainable Cities. London: Architectural Press. 12) Mair, C, 1988, Mercat Cross and Tollbooth: Understanding Scotland’s Old Burghs. Edinburgh: John Donald.
1) Glasgow City Council Website, viewed on 21st December 2013, < http://www.glasgow.gov.uk> 2) Glasgow City Council,(2011), “Bridgeton Cross - Conservation and appraisal, viwed on 29th December 2013, < http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/CHttpHandler. ashx?id=6526&p=0> 3) National Library of Scotland, viewed on 2nd January 2014, < http:// www.nls.uk> 4) Renovations to Santa Caterina Market, Barcelona, Spain 1997 2005 5) Markets- Glasgow City Council Website, [ONLINE] Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/index.aspx?articleid=3039. (Accessed 14 March 2014) 6) Mercats: Ajuntament de Barcelona, [ONLINE] Available at: http:// w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/Mercats/. (Accessed at 10 April 2014) 7) E-Architect, [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.e-architect.co.uk/ barcelona/la-gardunya (Accessed on 9 April 2014) 8) Beta, [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.arquitecturabeta. com/2011/06/25/plaza-gardunya-carme-pinos/ (Accessed on 10 April 2014) 9) Boqueria, [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.boqueria.info/index.php (Accessed on 9 April 2014) 10) Mercat Santa Caterina, [ONLINE] Available at: http://www. mercatsantacaterina.com (Accessed on 3 April 2014) 11) Changing Places: Changing Lives, City Council Report [ONLINE] , Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/CHttpHandler. ashx?id=8084&p=0 (Accessed on 17 April 2014) 12) Sow and Grow Everywhere, [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.nva. org.uk/past-projects/sage+sow+and+grow+everywhere+and+glasgow +harvest/ (Accessed on 20 April 2014) heritage report 13) Velocity - Art for a Changing City: Glasgows Operation Plan, < www.glasgow.gov.uk> Accessed on 17 April 2014 51