Zimbabwe’s Strained Intra And Extra Relations

Fr Anold Moyo SJ

Zimbabwe is a hurting polarised state. Zimbabwe’s Strained Intra and Extra Relations

Zimbabwe is a hurting polarised state. The nation’s atrophying socio-economic conditions and internecine political struggles (inter-party and intra-party) are worsening humanitarian distress and threaten the security not only of the state but of the region at large. New and old multi-layered challenges are at the centre of the strains being witnessed today.

At the heart of the challenges is politics. The government thrust on power expansion has been accompanied by clampdown on dissenting voices. Opposition political figures, activists, authors, journalists, student representatives, the Church and other critics have been at the bitter end of government abuse. Government has resorted to quashing dissenting voices using violence, jailing, abductions and killings. Government critics have been labelled ‘terrorist’, ‘western sponsored’ ‘evil’

and ‘genocidal’. The nation’s body-politick is characterised by intolerance and bruising discourse. Non-political violence in form of gender-based violence and Mashurugwi is equally pervasive. The justice system has been a potent weapon against those who are regarded as ‘enemies of the state’. A zero-sum political culture has manifested itself in parochial policies that are anchored on power maximisation ahead of national development. Similarly, internal strains abound because policies and state institutions are not inclusive, consultative and accountable. Little attention has been paid on defeating inequality in all its forms over the years. For example, key sectors such as the healthcare system could have completely collapsed were it not for the 70 per cent financial support from external players .1 Other domestic challenges in Zimbabwe centre around constitutionalism and the rule of law. Currently, the proposed amendments to the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe through Amend-

1.British Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Melanie Robinson, 9 September 2020. ment No 2 Bill 29 by the government, points to failure of constitutionalism in the country. The central thrust of the constitutional changes is to expand and cement the powers of the executive. Partisan operations of the key arms of the start, such as the military, police, intelligence, prison services, judiciary and other government entities points to a deteriorating quality of governance and regard for rule of law. In short, partisan institutions inculcate a partisan and divided nation. Since the 2017 coup, domestic political dynamics have soiled the nation’s international rebranding efforts. In the wake of the disputations around the 2018 harmonised presidential elections, 6 people were shot dead, and in January 2019 about 17 people were killed by the security forces .2 No one has been held accountable to date. Heinous crimes committed in the past in the country have not been accounted for. In other words, the nation has many fissures: particularly politically, generationally and ethnically. The government’s reluc-

2.Human Rights Watch; Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, January 2019.

tance to engage sincerely and honestly with the internal players: opposition parties, civil society, church, business and other stakeholders compounded the situation. The re-engagement program by the government has remained a mirage. Re-joining the Commonwealth and building

warm relations has not materialised. In the

African region, Zimbabwe is increasingly being considered a significant threat. The African Union has been critical of the

government’s treatment of its citizens in the wake of the #Zimbabweanlivesmatter

movement. South Africa, the region’s powerhouse, has made utterances which point to a crisis in Zimbabwe .3 To a large extent Zimbabwe’s foreign relations pivots much to authoritarian governments, liberation movements and non-democratic states. The

country’s policies have not convinced foreign states with strong financial wherewithal, particularly the European Union, the US and Japan. Even relations with China have become lukewarm.

The opposition has also carved its niche on the international scene. Various interna-

tional organisations, institutions and media have warmed up to the alternative position that is not government. In fact, much of what is taking place in Zimbabwe has garnered much audience outside the country, with Western nations seemingly expressing solidarity with the opposition. Novel social media platforms and the internet such as YouTube, Facebook and Twitter have amplified international diplomacy for dissenting voices and the citizenry. The Zimbabwean government has been on record attributing the state of affairs in the country to sanctions imposed by Western powers, particularly the United States of America and European Union member states. Secure property rights, particularly with regard to land, continues to be a pipeline dream for many. The land question is still in contestation. Farm invasions are still underway and many of those who

3.E.G, statement by Naledi Pandor, SA International Relations Minister, 14 August 2020. were parcelled land are still to receive title deeds. In fact, thousands of farmers cannot demonstrate ownership of land, which has not provided incentive to the same farmers to increase productivity. Thus, land is still to a large extent dead capital. Not only that, the deal by government to compensate white farmers also adds to the confusion re-

garding the capacity of the state to raise the money on capital markets which are owned by nations we have frosty relations with. Government policy oscillations have contributed to a decline of the economic and

investment climate. Monetary and fiscal policies have contributed to major currency devaluation, erosion of people’s savings and salaries. High reliance by government to address monetary and fiscal concerns via a plethora of statutory instruments is indicative of a persistent pattern of inconsistencies. Micro and macro-economic

distortions, corruption, high unemployment, poverty, deprivation, insecurity and emaciated social services (health, water, education) are a defining features of the nation.

One of the salient challenges in the country is corruption. Even in the Covid-19 situation, procurement of materials by government was marred by jaw-dropping allegations of corruption .4 Government enters into opaque deals which are not subject to parliament and public scrutiny. Major corrupt-laced deals have included Command Agriculture, which has gobbled over US$3 billion since 2015. Primitive accumulation of wealth by a few has adversely contributed to the current challenges. Unfortunately, the country has not been able to diversify its economy away from mining and agriculture. In other words, Zimbabwe’s exports are uncompetitive abroad. In simple terms, the nation’s foreign policy is hostage to commodity price fluctuations. Worse still, little international investments have been recorded, a factor which has complicated foreign currency flows into the country. The country

4. The case of Health Minister Obadiah Moyo arrested for misuse of COVID-19 funds. Mukai - Vukani No.78 | October 2020 | absence of large investment inflows, hopes of reviving a comatose industry and create jobs have been dashed. Zimbabwe is an extremely challenging climate for international investors. Lack of foreign currency (US dollars), stringent capital controls, a confusing foreign currency exchange systems, sanctions and currency volatility makes it difficult for corporations to repatriate their monies out of the country. Zimbabwe is a member of several interna-

tional multilateral institutions. At the Unit-

ed Nations Security Council, the country enjoys the sympathy of China and Russia which it has some strong relations with. However, the recent visits to China by Zimbabwe’s president were not associated with inking major investment deals like what used to happen in the past. Beijing has not afforded a rescue economic package to the regime, a factor which points to uneasy relations between the two countries. Numerous international investment

courting visits by the Minister of Finance Professor Mthuli Ncube has fallen short of yielding substantial results. The so-called deals with Belarus, are conspicuous of their secretive nature. A possible collapse of the Belarusian regime signals a major blow to the regime’s international policy. These are challenges are complex and interwoven. Possible remedies to the challenges include the following. First, the challenges of Zimbabwe are largely political and therefore the nation needs genuine dialogue which is inclusive of all stakeholders to chart a new political governance culture and approach. Second, entrenching institutionalism, constitutionalism and the rule of law is essential. Third, the international community pressure and mediation is critical. Fourth, a systematic focus on uprooting corruption. Fifth, security sector reforms are critical. Sixth, a foreign policy based on engaging all states, particularly the West, in order to unlock international capital. Seventh, focus on policy consistency and social services investments.