Pilot Thesis 'Water: Healing Shared Wounds'

WAT E R : Healing Shared Wounds

Exploring water’s unique power to physically and symbolically restore ‘normality’ to fragmented Sarajevo

Joanna Burleigh

ESSAY 2: Pilot Thesis 3rd April 2018 Submitted in partial fulfilment of MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design, University of Cambridge

Joanna Burleigh Queens’ College

With thanks to Dr Hanna Baumann Ingrid SchrĂśder Aram Mooradian for their input, advice and guidance

5025 words This pilot thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration, except where specifically indicated in the text.

Hydro - Mythology: An historic account of water’s symbolic role, and its wellbeing qualities which have the ability to heal wartime wounds p 4 - 17

Hydro - Politics: The use of water as a tool of post-conflict transformation on Bosnia’s ‘Road to Europe’ p 18 - 25

Hydro - Social: How overcoming ‘visible’ failures in Sarajevo’s shared water network can establish mutual trust across the divide p 26 - 35

Design Intent p 36 - 43

Conclusion: Healing Shared Wounds p 44

“Water, over time, renders every substance soluble and mixes it with that which it already contains. Solubility, both physical and metaphorical, means the capacity to assimilate anything and everything into a context where all can coexist. This fundamental property of water provides us with yet another model for our own lives - that of the ideal integrated community. ‌ [It] is a source of inspiration for those who wish to live in a free, civil, multicultural and multi-ethnic society, in that it incorporates everything and respects its diversity. Chemists have discovered that the dissolution of substances in water is a creative process that tends towards equilibrium, towards a high level of symmetry. The same holds true for the constituents that mix together in any community worthy of being called such.â€?

- Paolo Consigli (2008) Water, Pure and Simple: The Infinite Wisdom of an Extraordinary Molecule p38-39

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1 | 2 The implementation of the Dayton Agreement (1996) which ended the Bosnian War (199295) established short-term peace throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, its long-term legacy has been ethnic homogenisation between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats.

This is due to the establishment of the Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL). The IEBL is a soft border which divides BiH in two: The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Fed BiH), which is mainly Bosniak and Croat, and the Republic of Srpska (RS), which is mainly Serb (fig. 1). This division stopped ethnic territorial in-fighting in the region. Both territories are identically sized, and are recognised as second tiers of government, with opposing agendas.

The dysfunctional political apparatus established by the Dayton Agreement has prevented the country from moving forward. Bosnians continue to yearn for the normality which never returned after the war. The most hopeful way out of this stalemate is for BiH to become a member of the EU. As part of the accession process, the country must prove that it can function as an undivided nation state, rather than two opposing entities. The polarised capital city, Sarajevo, is an important location for the two entities to begin working together.

Besieged for three years (1992-95), war scars remain evident both in the urban fabric, as well as the psychological realm of the individuals and their divided communities. The IEBL runs through the city’s suburbs, fragmenting it into two homogenised ethnic enclaves.

The city’s water infrastructure is one of the few amenities that span the soft border. The European bank has granted Sarajevo €30 million to fix the war damaged water network, as a ‘conflict amelioration and reconciliation’ project, which is part of the accession process (European Bank 2017). As both sides of the IEBL are affected by the current water shortage, they have no choice except to cooperate to resolve and repair the infrastructure.

By doing so, the Fed BiH and RS will prove they can function as a united nation, fulfilling a fundamental requirement of the EU accession process. Therefore, the water network has become a post-conflict transformation tool, with the potential to overcome ethnic divisions and heal the scars of war.

Figure 1 Map : Entities of Bosnia & Herzegovina divided by the IEBL since 1996:

Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina and the Republic of Srpska

Paolo Consigili (2008) poetically hints at the symbolic power associated with water, along with a number of other authors (Schama 1995), (Bradley 2012), (Fagan 2012). However, many academics explore the topic of water through a technocratic lens of political decision making (Graham 2014), (Gandy 2004), (Anand 2012). The unique aim of this pilot thesis is to bridge water’s symbolic and technical associations, to aid the transformation of Sarajevo’s post-conflict environment.

The essay follows the structure of Sarajevo’s landscape. It flows from the hilltops, revealing the symbolic hydro-history of the region and it’s wellbeing qualities. It progresses into the valley’s dysfunctional and invisible governing apparatus. Finally, it arrives at the everyday life of a Sarajevan, in the heart of the city. I argue that the necessary improvements to Sarajevo’s water system can have a transformative impact on Sarajevans post-conflict lives, physically, psychologically, and politically. The essay will conclude with design intentions that address these evident issues.

Hydro - Mythology: An historic account of water’s symbolic role, and its wellbeing qualities which have the ability to heal wartime wounds

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BEFORE THE SIEGE

The civilisation of Sarajevo has grown along the banks of the Miljacka Valley, sustained by the country’s most celebrated natural resource: water. This vital water supply is rooted in the region’s localised identity, shaping the cultural, social and economic development of the city. During the Neolithic period, the area was first settled at the River Bosna’s source, Vrelo Bosne (Allen 1896:123), in the city’s western periphery. Known as ‘Basana’ during the Roman era, the river was an important tool of movement and trade. Its influence on place making remains relevant to the country’s identity. This is evident through the appearance of the river’s Roman name in the country’s title, ‘Bosnia’ (Clancy 2016:7).

Sarajevo’s Roman settlement (1st C. AD) was established by army legionaries, who were gifted land in the Miljack Valley (Powers and Prozo 2016: 2). Settling close to the Vrelo Bosne, they created a villa settlement of relaxation. At the heart of the town were baths, whose natural water springs were believed to cure aliments (Fundacja PAP 2016). This area’s hydro-history continues to be celebrated today. Sarajevo’s burgeoning ‘wellbeing and spa’ industry contributes $60.3 billion to the global ‘wellness’ market (Bradley 2012: 218), capitalising on historic and spiritual claims of healing and renewal.

IMAGE OF OTTOMAN SARAJEVO

7 | 8

Throughout the Ottoman era (1461-1878), Sarajevo was visited by many for its extraordinary beauty and rich vegetation. The abundance of water shaped the aesthetic image and identity of the ‘progressive, beautiful, and lively’ city (fig. 2). ‘Unlimited fresh water flows everywhere’ writes Evlija Celebj in 1660, making possible ‘numerous gardens that look like rose gardens or enclosed paradise gardens’ (Donia 2006: 14).

Arguably, Sarajevo’s connection with water throughout time resembles Gandy’s (2004: 373) definition of a ‘metropolitan nature’. As such, the city was at the forefront of a cultural attitude towards water as more than a material necessity. It was also regarded as a source of leisure and contemplation. In Islamic culture, water is revered as the origin of life, from which everything has been created (Bradely 2012: 24). Consequentially, water shaped the aesthetics of public and private space in the city’s Ottoman urban fabric.

Such unique practice established a vernacular design for the city, which fused together the natural and the social realms (Swyngedouw 2006: 106). A water fountain sat at the centre of each garden, emitting a sense of serenity, harmony and peacefulness. As well as aesthetic influence, the practical accessibility to residents of all status became a human right. As the old Sarajevo folk wisdom goes, ‘It is better to build a fountain than a mosque’ (Bertram 1997), lifting water provision above sectarian sensibilities. When affluent families constructed a new home, they were expected to contribute a public water fountain to their neighbourhood (Markowitz 2010: 17). Water became readily available at over 200 public fountains (Donia 2006: 14), shaping the aesthetics and use of public gathering spaces.

Figure 2: Sarajevo from the north c.1890

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9 | 10 DURING THE SIEGE

The water pipe system was extended during the Yugoslavian era (1918-22). Commencing at the Vrelo Bosne source, water flowed into the city through a myriad of physical sociospatial networks. The water shifted from the urban periphery, through piped spaces of pumping and purification to its final destination. With the turn of a tap, it was consumed in the residential interior (Graham and Kaika 2014: 140). This system often functioned invisibly in the background of everyday life. However, during the siege, it became visible due to the water shortage, severely disrupting daily routines and denting morale. The pumping station valves which regulated the city’s water flow lay in the Bosnian Serb territory (fig. 3). During the first year of the siege, the aggressors weaponised the city’s water infrastructure as a military tool, to ‘smoke out’ residents (Gleick and Heberger 1993: 191). This caused severe water shortages to over 80% of the city (Burns 1992: 10).

Residents were forced to navigate the ruined city on water pilgrimages, where they would queue for up to ten hours (Jansen 2015: 96) (fig. 4,5,6). These journeys caused the greatest endangerment to life. Nestled in the surrounding hilltops, an army of snipers aimed at the crowds, waiting to fill plastic canisters at water distribution points (Sudetic 1994: 1).

Most people lost their lives in an exposed zone along the riverside, as they fetched water.

Literature of the time records this ordeal, such as ‘The Cellist of Sarajevo’ (Galloway 2009) and the poetry of Mehmedinovic: ‘A young fretful man begs to jump the queue and fill up [his container] with water. He shows his plastic bucket. The queue in front of the cistern twists to give way. Once he finishes filling, he rushes to the end of the street where he is hit by a grenade. Only a bloody trail in the asphalt, like sap, but easier to clean. In that moment, it starts to rain and washes everything away: no trace of the young man and no trace of the bucket. Only water.’

- Smezdin Mehmedinovic (2001), Sarajevo Blues

Figure 3: Siege map (1992-95) with highlighted water supply, west Sarajevo

Figure 4 : People risking sniper fire to collect water Figure 5: Washing clothes in the Miljacka river

AFTER THE SIEGE

Twenty-two years after the Siege, and Sarajevo’s water infrastructure still remains damaged.

Sarajevans daily lives are disrupted in a manner which is reminiscent of their war-time ordeal. Residents are struggling to quench their thirst, shower, or do laundry. As water travels from the source to the taps, over 70% is lost through the undeground war damaged pipe system. Water restrictions between midnight and 6am have been applied as a shortterm solution (Lakic 2017). This is the trace of an unintentional memory of war. Although the pipes are hidden within the ground, more of these unintentional memories can be read in the urban fabric above ground. Almost every residential neighbourhood is littered with bullet holes, buildings lie in ruins, and the majority of public green space has been transformed into cemeteries (fig. 7). The water shortage is part of a larger system of failures across the state, which is still striving to establish ‘normality’. With the highest unemployment rate in Europe, BiH’s post conflict society has seen the rate of depression, suicide and PTSD double since the war (Dzidic 2015). These unintentional memories which negatively affect everyday routines, or strolls through the neighbourhood contribute to these statistics.

Figure 4 : People risking sniper fire to collect water (1993) Figure 5: Washing clothes in the Miljacka river (1993) Figure 6: Residents cross the Miljacka River to go on a water run (1993) Figure 7: Islamic cemetary, Caton Sarajevo (2017)

St Louis Bosnian owned businesses

Sebilj water fountain monument

Despite its practical infrastructure failings, water plays a symbolic role in restoring wellbeing amongst Bosnians, both within the country and throughout the world. The once beautiful Vilina Vlas spa hotel can be found in Srebrenica, where the worst genocide of the Bosnian War occured. Before the war, many people visited the Spa town, seeking recuperation from the iron rich waters. But, during the war Vilina Vlas suffered a fate commonplace to spaces of leisure. It was transformed into a space of female torture and imprisonment. However, despite these horrors, the Vilina Vlas remains a spa hotel in the present day. This shocking change of function higlights the willingness to change attitudes associated with traumatic places. With apparent sincerity, promotional materials recommend it as a place for ‘healing’, ‘calmness’ and ‘wellbeing’ (Carmichael 2015: 163).

A less macabre use of water in post-conflict healing is the symbolic Sebilj monument, erected in St. Louis, Missouri (2014). Between 1993-2001 approximately 11,000 refugees fled to the city. Today, their population stands at 70,000. The original Sebilj fountain is the emblematic symbol of Sarajevo’s old town. Marking the centre of St. Louis’s ‘Little Bosnia’ (Hume 2015: 16), the fountain’s emotional gravity of belonging, yearning and celebration of identity resonates with the Bosnian community, as it deals with displacement and dislocation (fig. 8).

Figure 8: The Sebilj monument completed in 2014, to mark the symbolic center of ‘Little Bosnia’ in St. Louis

Hydro - Politics: The use of water as a tool for post-conflict transformation on Bosnia’s ‘Road to Europe’

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MAKING ‘VISIBLE’ THE FAILURES OF THE STATE

Water has the power to connect at different layers and scales across Sarajevo. In addition to its historic and symbolic role, water infrastructure operates within the city’s political and economic realm. A comprehensive definition of water infrastructure as ‘the operating procedures, management practices, and development policies that interact together with societal demand in the physical world’ (Committee on Infrastructure Innovation 1987) highlights the physical and immaterial components of the system (Larkin 2013: 332).

This definition includes the horizontal process, where water is transported and processed as it flows from the surrounding landscape, into the splintered city and out the residential tap. It also includes the vertical process, which requires the international community, political actors and business elites to converse, before it reaches residential consumers. The Sarajevans are most dissatisfied with the vertical process due to its effects on the horizontal process, which has the greatest impact on their water supply.

Before the war, the government of Yugoslavia provided a stable and reliable quality of life, where essential needs were met. However, the complicated political governance system created in the post-conflict ‘Dayton’ era has become unresponsive and removed from the everyday politics impacting Sarajevans lives (Gordy 2015), such as the water shortage.

The system’s overarching principle of ethnic proportionality (fig. 9), which fairly represents Bosnian, Serb and Croat citizens, has entrenched the politics of ethnic conflict into political life (Deiana 2017: 4). As equal political autonomy has been granted to the two, opposing entities of the Fed of BiH and the RS at secondary governance level, the national political process often hits stalemate, preventing the country’s necessary movement forward. As a result, many believe the political system created by the Dayton Agreement created a weak nation, stuck in the ‘Dayton in-between’, whose two strong entities fail to implement decisions made at state level (Nardelli and Dzidic 2014).

8 month rotation

Member of Fed. BiH

International Representative

Member of Brcko

Member of RS

Croat member

In ‘Yearnings in the Meantime’, Stef Jansen (2015) reveals how failures of the Bosnian state become physically visible through its failing infrastructure. During Yugoslavian times, the water infrastructure was an invisible backdrop to Sarajevans lives. Today, it has become visible due to its dysfunction, which inspires conversations around kitchen tables, school gates and workplace canteens, where the water shortage becomes a catalyst for discussion around a general feeling of dissatisfaction with the state. It has failed to live up to the hopes for the future which made life bearable during the siege. Stuck in the ‘Dayton in-between’, many residents feel the only legitimate way forward to avoid reverse movement to the war, is to become an EU member.1 Figure 9: Political goverment structure of BiH

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A WELL ROUNDED POST-CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION APPROACH

Between 1991-2013, the EU provided €3.2 billion for post-conflict transformation (Delegation of the European Union). The accession process aims to raise the standard of post-conflict living, to a level experienced by EU residents. The state must also prove it can function as a united nation, rather than two opposing entities. Catapulting BiH through a series of political and economic overhauls, the process will have a transformative effect on the country’s future direction. However, located on the semi-peripheral vantage point outside the EU (fig. 10), BiH is experiencing the hardening effect of the EU’s external boundary, along with former Yugoslavian state members.2 Due to enlargement fatigue, the accession process for BiH focuses on security and stability, with the belief that political and economic transformations will have a trickle down ‘conflict transformation’ effect (Deiana 2017: 4), improving the daily lives of residents.

In 2007 a UNDP survey asked residents 'what or where will BiH be in twenty years’ time?'. The study's authors were astonished by the unusually uniform answer, with over 70% of respondents answering, 'in the EU' (UNDP 2009). Furthermore, in 2009 in a BiH-wide survey, over 70% of all respondents said they would vote for membership in the EU referendum (Šalaj 2009: 54).

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Slovenia became the first ex-Yugoslavian member to enter the EU in 2004 (Lambroni 2009: 131), followed by Croatia in 2013 (Kocijan and Kukec 2016: 39).

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This focus on security and stability is evident in the European Commission’s latest LATVIA Programme for Finance 2014-2020, which sponsors projects necessary for EU accession IRE L AN D (European CommissionLAT 2016). to the water system and sewage system VI Improvements A have received funding by the European Bank.

D E NMare A RtheK two main projects in Sarajevo which L I THUANIA ImprovementUK in this sector emphasises the long-standing role of water networks on the LI T H UA NI POLAND N ETspace H ERLANDS growth and development of Aurban in post-conflict cities, and the new emergence of social, cultural and political hybridity that accompanies it.

Not onlyUS does this promise BELAR Sarajevo’s future capability for sustainable development, it also forces Fed BiH and the BEL AThis RU S GERbegins M ANY Maffiliation RS to work together to find a BELGI solution.U to prove that the two Entities CZECH can work together, which is a necessary fulfilment of the EU accession process. As a result, R EPUBLIC be physically P OL A ND enhanced by this form of post-conflict SLOVAKIA H ER L AN D S the Sarajevans daily routines will transformation. In 2016, Sarajevo’s sewage waste system received a successful overhaul POLAND to repair dysfunctional war damaged infrastructure. (Garaca 2017). In 2017,UKR €30 million AUSTR IAAINE to overhaul the city’s water infrastructure, in the aim of solving the current M Apromised NY GI UM G E Rwas HUNGAR Y AINE pipes, water tanks, wells CZECH shortage. This requires replacing the majority ofUKR war damaged and S WI TZER LAND FRA NCE Bank are dotted in neighbourhoods across the city. This REP U BLI2017) C which C ZE CHreservoirs (European S LOVAKIA under the umbrella of ‘conflict amelioration and reconciliation’ . However, in CR OATIA RE PUB L project I C fallsLOVA M OLDOVA KI Athis title, replacing pipes is not enough. This highly order to Sfully deserve technical project MOLDOVA SER BIA will have social implications. designing for these implications provides a AU ST RI A Considering and BiH U Npolitical GA R Yissues in Sarajevo’s neighbourhoods, which gateway to solving deeper socialHand STRRILAare R OM ANIA SWAU I TZE A NinDHcruical U N Gneed A RYof conflict-transformation.

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One such issue has become apparent during the water shortage crisis: the invisibility of state presence at the neighbourhood scale to deal with post-conflict issues. Many residents do not associate a ‘place’ with the Mjesne Zajednice (MZ) council, who are responsible for receiving neighbourhood grievances at weekly meetings (Jansen 2015: 135). Therefore, at this scale, the state is only visible through its water infrastructure failings. It is lacking a built architectural space which provides ‘sightings of the state’ (Corbridge and others 2005: 9), where the state can ‘come into view’ (ibid.: 7) and be used by residents and MZ councillors to converse about neighbourhood issues. Therefore, the architectural interventions required for the water infrastructure’s overhaul have the unique opportunity to create spaces which make the state visible in these neighbourhoods. Instead of becoming a piece of water infrastructure which provides an ‘invisible’ backdrop to improving life to EU standards, it can have a fully rounded post-conflict transformation effect. These architectural interventions have the potential to house the MZ councillors’ offices, meeting rooms and counselling chambers, creating a socio-political presence that makes the state visible. This approach will allow the water project of ‘conflict amelioration and reconciliation’ to have a deeply rooted post-conflict transformation that effectively links infrastructure with the social and the political, rather than simply providing ‘invisible’ water provision.

Hydro - Social: How overcoming ‘visible’ failures in Sarajevo’s shared water network can establish mutual trust across the divide

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A N I N F RS AAC RI TSAYJTEOVFRO U C T U R E O F I N T I M A C Y

CANTON EAST Not can water heal political wounds, also social wounds of C A N T Oand N E A Sbut T S A R A J E Vonly O S A R Apsychological JEVO SARAJEVO SARAJEVO ethno-national division, which have festered as a result of the IEBL. The IEBL runs through C I T Ythe O F suburbs of Sarajevo, transforming it into a ‘frontier’ city, of ‘splintered’ urbanism SARAJEVO (Graham and Simon: 2001). However, as a shared network across the IEBL, Sarajevo’s water infrastructure creates a paradox to the ‘splintered’ urbanism debate. The long-term effect of ethno-national division undermines the prospect of lasting peace and cohesion throughout the country. The shift in demographics shows a marked divergence from the once heterogeneous city into two homogeneously divided entities (fig. 11). In 1991, Sarajevo’s population was 49% Bosniak, 30% Serb and 7% Croat (Institute for Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1991). However, the 2013 census of Canton Sarajevans show that 82% identify as Bosniak, whilst 94% of East Sarajevans identify as Serb (Velimir 2016: 55).

The border divides the homogenised populations of Canton Sarajevo from East Sarajevo.

Herein lies the irony of the Dayton Agreement’s aims. Territorial separation has enforced and stabilised ethno-national divisions, rather than restoring the heterogeneous state which existed before the war.

Figure 11: Territorial Map of Sarajevo 1977 - 91 vs. Sarajevo since 1995

CANTON SARAJEVO

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The border which divides Canton Sarajevo from East Sarajevo is a soft boundary. As expressed by Richard Sennett (2015: 8) it marks the ‘limit of territory’ between the two, functioning as a ‘guarded territory’ between ‘us’ and ‘other’ rather than an ‘active zone of exchange’. Institutions of healthcare, education, and public transport companies to name but a few operate within their own territory on either side of the divide. Therefore, opportunities for both sides to mix, interact or occupy the same public space in this splintered urbanism is unfortunately restricted to workplace environments, or limited spaces of recreational activity. In such situations, urbanism has a role to play in creating physical and psychological spaces that can contribute to and actualise larger peacemaking and inter-group reconciliation (Bollens 2007). Here-in lies the power of Sarajevo’s water, whose piped infrastructure is one of a handful of facilities to flow between Canton Sarajevo and East Sarajevo.

Water infrastructure is often used as a tool of power to segregate and mediate sociopolitical and spatial dimensions of urban life (MacKillop and Boudreau 2007: 1837). That said, in polarised and fragmented Sarajevo, the water infrastructure works as an integrated network of corridors (MacKillop and Boudreau 2008: 1833). These corridors mediate exchange over distance, bringing different people, objects and spaces into contact (Larkin 2013: 330). Private and public spaces of water consumption such as bathrooms (fig. 12), coffee houses and places of religion are connected on both sides of the IEBL, creating an infrastructure of intimacy and community (Graham and Kaika 2014: 142), between public goods and private lives. Herein lies water infrastructure’s ability to create corridor links which forge positive connections across the two ethnic enclaves, as water is a commodity which is used and shared by both sides.

Figure 12: Father baths baby in tap water

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SARAJEVO’S WATER INFRASTRUCTURE Water pump station Water network

‘VISIBLE’ CONNECTIONS THROUGH CRISIS DISCOURSE

When water infrastructure is functioning as it should, it is usually invisible (Star 1999).

The prefix ‘infra’ means ‘below’, acknowledging the intended purpose of conventional infrastructural projects to be hidden from the view (Wilson 2015: 270). One experiences the familiarity and comfort of one’s domestic tap, bathtub or swimming pool, whilst the networks remain invisible, hidden beneath the building. However, the ongoing water shortages have resulted in taps running dry in Canton Sarajevo and East Sarajevo (insidesarajevo 2017), prompting residents to think about the intricate system of networks, pipes and social relations of production that make the home function. This allows residents to empathise with the lives of the ‘other’, who are also affected across the divide. Therefore, in post-conflict situations, when invisible shared systems become visible due to their failures, they provide the opportunity for crisis discourse at community and political levels, to come up with solutions together, establishing a trusting relationship.

Sarajevo is not alone in experiencing a water infrastructure crisis that spans conflicting geographical regions (fig. 13). The Irish border spans the water infrastructure of the Foyle river, whose catchment area falls into North and South territory (fig. 14). Individual farmers, foresters and ordinary people do their best to persuade local or central government to provide funds or advice. This involvement creates a sense of communal and spiritual ownership, as well as governance. The river is a connector and meeting place, opposing the splintering force of the national border. ‘The Far Side of the Lough’ is a focus group which works between communities in St. Johnston, in the Republic of Ireland, and Bready in Northern Ireland. ‘Hands across the Foyle’ is another group, that reflects on culture, landscape and history both in the North and the South (Campbell 2016: 173).

Figure 13: Map: Sarajevo water network Figure 14: Foyle catchment map, spanning the Irish Border

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Irish border Foyle catchment area

Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland

Hands across the Foyle The far side of the lough

A similar situation is found in Tijuana, where 75% of the Tijuana River watershed is in Mexico, whilst 25% is in San Diego, USA. When the line was drawn to establish the walled border, the geology was not taken into account. As a result, Tijuana’s sewage system regularly flows north of the border. A bilateral partnership between the two cities has resulted in a shared International Wastewater Treatment Plant. The first of its kind, it treats Mexican sewage in America (McGuirk 2015: 263). The Irish and Mexican border projects have built confidence between the two communities. Similar bi-communal projects across Nicosia’s divide have built confidence between the two communities, which has contributed to a positive atmosphere of reconciliation and mutual trust. These in turn have provided the opportunity to facilitate direct negotiations at the political level (Oktay 2007: 245).

Sarajevo could share this positive opportunity of shared cross border water infrastructure projects. The required infrastructure renovations can shape urban space, instigating interaction between the opposing sides. The replacement of water pipes and pump stations across the city will result in the usually ‘invisible’ system becoming aesthetically ‘visible’, as road and construction works will be carried out for years to come. During this time, the water network which connects people across the IEBL, will be visible with the turn of a tap, at a meal around the kitchen table (fig.15) and ritually cleansing before prayers. This shared infrastructure provides a small rebellion to the splintered urbanism which plagues the city.

This condition and its solution has the opportunity to empathetically humanise the ‘other’, with the hope that it can have a similar effect to the projects in Nicosia, Ireland and America, re-establishing mutual trust in the once heterogeneous Sarajevo.

Figure 15: Humanising the ‘other’ through sharing the water resource

DESIGN INTENTION

37 | 38

The pilot design study has started experimenting with ways in which Sarajevo’s water CIVIC PLATFORM : A VISIBLE STATE IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD infrastructure can be used as a tool to test solutions to the issues highlighted in the pilot thesis (fig. 16). These issues include: - Creating an atmosphere of wellbeing in the war scarred urban fabric - Making the state ‘visible’ to neighbourhood residents - Using water to celebrate a shared collective identity, opposing ethnic division Figure 16: Architectural interventions in Sarajevo’s public space

39 | 40

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Following Sarajevo’s water infrastructure, a number of architectural interventions of different scales are located at the river’s source, in the neighbourhoods and at the heart of the city (fig. 17). It proposes how the €30 million granted as part of the EU Accession process can be used to create a well-rounded post-conflict transformation approach via water infrastructure, rather than just a replacement of pipes. The overall architectural intent at each scale is to excavate and reintegrate the landscape with water infrastructure and public space throughout the city. The architectural interventions make the water network ‘visible’ as a connecting system on both sides of the IEBL. The use of limestone as a building material which is abundantly quarried in Sarajevo’s periphery, will create a tectonic and interior atmosphere deeply connected to the city’s natural resources. This tectonic approach is inspired by the techniques of Ensamble Studio (fig. 18).

Figure 17: Pilot project masterplan

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Figure 18: Ensamble studio excavate limestone from the ground, and plant it in its raw untreated form above ground, creating cavernous interior atmospheres

Figure 19: Water pump station with a political presence, reaching out to the neighbourhood

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41 | 42 Through two alternative design approaches, the scheme proposes how the replacement water pump station infrastructure can also act as a public space, with a ‘visible’ architectural presence and aesthetic. The first approach makes the State seen, through the creation of a water pump station that is inhabited by the MZ councillors (fig. 19). The architectural intention embeds the intervention into neighbourhood public space, whilst using landscaping to open out the scheme, creating an inclusive and inviting space used regularly by the neighbourhood residents. The second intention is to create a space which fosters wellbeing (fig. 20), housing mental health counselling rooms, a library and a coffee house for all neighbourhood residents to use. The architectural intention is to create an inward-looking space, sheltering the users from the surrounding war-scarred urban fabric.

This intention is influenced by Sarajevo’s Ottoman courtyard houses (Harrington and Bing: 2007) and Maggie’s West London Centre by Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners (fig. 21).

The boundary wall’s singular gateway will act as a transitional threshold into a sunken courtyard, from which each building can be accessed. These projects create thresholds between open and closed spaces, designing corridors which allow flow, similar to the water infrastructures ability to overcome the political stalemate blockage to EU accession. Water will be prominently visible in both building typologies, synthesising the use of public space and water infrastructure to portray a message of healing and state provision on both sides of the IEBL. At a smaller scale in the city centre, I propose the construction of water fountains at the heart of each neighbourhood (fig. 22). Symbolically celebrating Sarajevo’s abundant natural resource across both sides of the divide, they take inspiration from the Ottoman era’s public fountains, whilst providing a solution to the current water shortage demands.

The fountains test the limits between contemporary public space, water infrastructure and their traditional symbolism as a form of shared collective identity within the urban fabric.

This has been informed by CUAC Arquitectura’s project, ‘Funete de la Magdalena’ (fig. 23), which uses a public fountain to investigate how public space can be combined with water infrastructure in the name of recuperation.

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ellbeing in a scarred environment Figure 20: WaterWpump station that encourages wellbeing, protectively turning inwards and sunk into the ground

Figure 21: Maggie’s West London Pallitave Care Centre uses a walled courtyard to create a recuperative oasis, enhancing positive feelings of wellbeing

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Figure 22: A neighbourhood public water fountian, creating shared public space

Figure 23: Funete de la Magdalena. Part of this fountain is submerged beneath the ground, reminiscent of a cave with water, buried within the rock face - an origin of life which unites us all

45 | 46

CONCLUSION: HEALING SHARED WOUNDS

Stuck in the ‘Dayton In-between’ on the edge of Europe, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s deeply divided ethnic war-time partition line is thoroughly entrenched within its landscape and politics. The EU accession process demands that such divisions are overcome, and membership will only be granted when BiH can prove it is not two opposing entities, but a united nation state. Canton Sarajevo and East Sarajevo’s joint water infrastructure project begins to fulfil this requirement.

The money granted by the European Bank to fix the water shortage as a ‘post-conflict transformation’ project, emphasises water networks long-standing role on the growth and development of urban space, promising Sarajevo’s future capability for sustainable development. However, in order to fully earn that title, it must not only improve practical standards of living, but use its social implications to transform the psychological and physical wounds embedded in the two communities. As one of the only shared networks between Canton Sarajevo and East Sarajevo, the water infrastructure is in a unique position to do this. With the simple turn of a tap, the proposed architectural interventions of adapted water pump stations and fountains will make this shared water network of intimacy visible on both sides of the IEBL. Mental health issues are rife, the city has been transformed into two homogeneous enclaves, and the state is only ‘visible’ through its failings to provide necessary provisions, such as water. The water shortages are significantly poignant to Sarajevo’s situation, as this symbolic natural resource was available in abundance until the war. Once returned to the city, waters ability to create networks of linked corridors across the IEBL, provides a hopeful solution.

IMAGE REFERENCES Front cover: Author’s own Figure 1: Author’s own Figure 2: Sarajcvo (i.e., Sarajevo), from the North, Bosnia, Austro-Hungary. 1890. <//www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2002708496/> [accessed 1 April 2018] Figure 3: Author’s own Figure 4: Lowe, Paul. 1993. People Risk Sniper Fire Every Day from the Serb TroopsThat

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