Localism & Cities of To-morrow by Joanne Preston

‘Localism’ & Cities of To-morrow The Implications of Resurgence in Garden City Ideals Revealed Through Welwyn Garden City Estate Management Scheme

Joanne Preston, MArch Thesis 2014

With Special Thanks to Dr Ben Campkin for his guidance and enthusiasm

“We want to bring about a power shift, putting more power in peoples hands” David Cameron, Prime Minister, ‘Speaking at the Institute of Civil Engineering,’ (London: 19 March 2012).

‘Localism’ & Cities of To-morrow

Abstract

Introduction

Chapter 1 - Context

Chapter 2 - UPVC Windows

Chapter 3 - Extensions

Chapter 4 - Grass Verges

Conclusion

103

Bibliography

109

List of Images

115

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Abstract

The introduction of the UK Coalition Government’s 2011 ‘Localism Bill’s’ agenda of private ownership and community stewardship of land has lead to a resurgence of garden city Howard’s 1898 garden city ‘principles’ have been aestheticised and politicised, to reveal how this history has been operationalised in the present. The Welwyn Garden City garden city ‘values’, is used as the site of study. And the ‘on the ground’ impact of this policy is examined to uncover the reality of the garden city model today, challenging the image of community cohesion projected through ‘localism’ rhetoric. Interviews with community groups, archival materials and government policy documents are used to demonstrate that, when social ideologies are strongly embedded in an architectural manifestation, architecture can be used as a socially responsibility that architects have to be aware of the danger in producing Architecture with a set of political ideologies instilled. As politics changes, such architecture can be used as a device to promote something different to its original intentions, a process that can happen over a relatively short period of history.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Introduction

In light of the recent resurgence in Garden City ideas, this Howard’s 1898 model is relevant today.1 The methodologies

Young’s contribution to participatory planning theory, act as

This thesis practices Young’s notion of ‘good decentred democracy’ through the application of her concepts of ‘thirds’ 1

debate through reinforcing a hierarchical structure of power, thus excluding the voices of the most vulnerable members of necting different sites of occasions of discourse with each other,’ as an important tool that militates against these social inequalities.2 as necessary ‘intermediately agents’ in this practice.3 These translate, to bring multiple sites of discussion together.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Introduction

The thesis applies Young’s concepts, with a qualitative apthe discourse: acting as an active mediating agent to bring together debate from different periods and forums, using central and local policy to analyse how development is man-

Government’s 2011 Localism Bill. Young’s concepts are also employed as a further position of critique, used to examine the role that the localism bill plays in the practice of ‘good decentred democracy’.4 views, central and local government policy documents and archival material. These primary sources of evidence are used to build up an analysis of the ideology of private ownership and community stewardship, advocated through the localism agenda and practiced through the enforcement of of the operation of garden city ‘principles’ in Welwyn Garden City today are revealed to highlight points of difference between the ideals projected through the localism agenda and place.

played a direct role in implementing the Welwyn Garden City tions that were consulted when the policies were reviewed tinuing implementation of the 2011 planning reforms in the town. This research reveals how these groups operate to community disproportionately.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Introduction

A further method of research comes through a series of phoplanning database, form visual evidence to support resiment decisions. In this thesis these visual examples are annotated, with the changes that have been made to the garden cities built environment, to reveal the architecture to be part of a highly controlled history. Juxtaposed with quotes from the Localism act’s ‘right to build’ and ‘neighbourhood plan’ rhetoric, the insertion of this visual evidence at the beginning of each chapter will help to form a narrative of the current tensions in the town. Alice Coleman’s use of mugshots to frame ‘suspect’ design features acts as a precedent for the visual methodologies used.6 In this thesis, the side by side arrangement and the framing of each image with its planning reference number is designed to bare subtle resemblance to the police mugshot, thus highlighting the undertone of community stewardship the critique of the suburban typology and Davidoff et al.’s community and social ideals are heavily embedded in the

The insertion of these images further highlights the strange sented through localism, can be associated with such a heavily aestheticised history.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Introduction

tation of the reality of the garden city movement and explore its contemporary relevance. The production of a chronology, presented as a graphic timeline, places the garden city moveences, relating to local planning policy in Welwyn Garden City and central government legislation. This further serves and historical and political debate. A potential limitation in the design of this research proposal is that it excludes the voices of those members of the present community, in Welwyn Garden City, who are opposed to preliminary investigations it became clear that some members of the community hold strong views against the scheme, pared with the more organised voices of those who actively support the scheme.8 ing voices is that those opposed to the scheme may unintentionally appear to be passive victims in the debate. The methodology aims to overcome this concern through Archival evidence documenting the public outcry at the inform of newspaper articles and a transcript from a public enquiry into the legality of the scheme, act as vital sources of evidence. Adopting the role of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;thirdâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; my own analysis of this primary evidence is employed to bridge between these different historical contexts, drawing on my own theoretical position and geographical and historical dislocation from the Town, to understand and add to the critical analysis of these arguments.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Introduction

wards the idea that the garden city movement is a movement towards the privatisation of the public realm,9 thus far there has been little academic research exploring the resurgence in garden city ideas in relation to the current government’s ‘localism’ ideology.

the ideas of community stewardship of privately owned housing assets; the thesis will contribute to the on-going attempts by public policy researchers to understand the potential effect of localism in a community.10 This thesis plays an active roll through the proposed methodology, which applies Young’s 11

toric garden city aesthetic is relevant in the present, contribtion of architecture as a social political tool. Through the study -

The conclusions drawn from this research highlight the responsibility that architects have to be aware, when designing with a with a certain set of political ideals in mind, that such architecture can be used as a socially manipulative device.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Garden Cities of To-Morrow cratic Debate about Climate Change’, Hypatia 3

Ibid.

Coleman, A., Utopia on Trial The Rights and Wrongs of Women

Webster, C. ‘Gated Cities of To-morrow’. Town Planning Review, v.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

Chapter 1

Context

The proposal for adopting garden city ideas as a means of 1 A manifestation of this can be seen through the Coalition Government’s pro-

of garden cities”. While this movement is consistent with the current Coalition Government’s drive towards ‘locally planned large scale developments,’2 in recent months the leaders of all three major political parties have pledged to their 2015 election campaigns.34

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

2014

March 2014 Eric Pickles, Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, announces New Garden City is to be built at Ebbsfleet, Kent.

February 2014 Edd Milliband, Leader of the Labour party, ‘Labour will kick start the next generation of new towns and garden citites around the capital to ease the pressure on London’ January 2014 Nick Clegg, Leader of the Liberal Democrats, “I believe in garden cities and...we are committed to publishing a prostepctus on them.” November 2013 Wolfson Economics Prize launched based around the question: ‘How would you deliver a new Garden City which is visionary, economically viable, and popular?’

has heavily advocated this approach to development through ‘ st for the 21 century’, 5

2013

March 2012 Planning Policy Framework, Explicitly advocates garden cities as a means of meeting current and future housing need.

2012

November 2011 The Housing Stratergy for England Reccommends local authorities to come forward with plans for ‘locally planned large scale developments’

alition Government’s planning reform agenda.6

March 2012 David Cameron, Prime Minister, give a speech supporting garden city principles in new development. September 2011 Grant Shapps – then housing Minister and Welwyn Hatfield MP, champions GC principles in the national press.

2011

Key Planning Policy

Under the planning reforms set out in the 2011 Localism Bill these ideas have been adopted into national planning policy, with the explicit recommendation that local planning authorities consider the application of garden city principles. This

June 2011 TCPA Campaign launched Reimagining Garden Cities in the 21st Century’

Year

UK Garden City Resurgence

‘The supply of new homes can sometimes be best achieved through planning for large scale development, such as new settlements or extensions to existing villages and towns that follow the principles of Garden Cities.’

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

sets’ through community land trusts, charitable organisation and co-operative societies and ‘strong community engagement’, echo the 2010 Conservative Party general election rhetoric and subsequent planning reforms brought about under the Localism Act 2011.8 The Government’s active support for the ‘creation and expansion of co-operatives, mutuals, charities and social enterprises in public service delivery’9 and the devolution of powers from central government to local communities, through the creation of a ‘community tier’ of ‘neighbourhood planning’, shows that ‘garden city principles’ are being used in the consive social ideals and community cohesion that are suggested through ‘localism’.10 ential 1892 text ‘To-morrow: a peaceful path to real reform’11, 12

literature produced around the time of its publication, Howwider dissemination of utopian discourse associated with a reconnection of the ideals of community and domesticity and a retreat from the ‘threatening by-products of capitalism [and progress] destitution, urban squalor, materialism, pros13,14

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

See Fig.1.0

SEE FIGURE 2

‘Localism’ Bill 2011 Eco-Town’s Bill 2007

Propsal for a new generation of ‘Garend Cities

WGC Estate Management Scheme policy revision 2008

Low density developments, contained by greenbelt

exclude residents from any further interest in the Welwyn

2000

of how these ideals have been compromised through history, highlighting a discrepancy between the notion of social progress projected through the garden city model and the re-

Welwyn Hatfield District Council In two phases 1April 1978 And 1 April 1983

1980

Leasehold Reform Bill 1969

Commission for the New Towns On 1 April 1966 WGC Nationalised & merged with Hatfield to form a New Town

WGC Estate Management Scheme introduced 1972

1960

New Towns Act 1946

Low density, contained by greenbelt -Derived from the garden city movement

Homes Fit for Heroes housing act 1

Houses were to be built on Garden City Lines - using garden city typologies and low densities

WGC Development Corporation Formed 14 June 1948 Dissolved 31 March 1966

1940

1921 Housing Act

1920

Statuatory right for garden citites to be promoted with public loans and powers of compulsory purchase

Finances restructured due to possible bankruptcy

Unwins Garden City Typology Used in Public Housing Unwin published ‘Nothing Gained by Overcrowding’ 1912 Hampstead Garden Suburb designed by Unwin 1905 ‘First Garden City LTD’ formed Developent of Letchworth 1903 Ebanizer Howards ‘To-morrrow’-A peaceful path to TCPA - campaign real roform’ 1898, republished as ‘Garden Cities of to-morrow’ 1902

1900

Development of bournville 1895

this strategy was successful, particularly in relation to the

1880

Year

Public Health Act 1875

Key Planning Acts

UK Garden City Movement

The historical tension between government and the garden bour Government’s decision to nationalise Welwyn Garden City following these events in 1948. It was argued by Labour ers militated against co-operative community development and a satisfactory community spirit.’15 In light of the publicity relating to the controversial management decisions made by Welwyn Garden City Limited there was a deliberate shift in emphasis, in the subsequent promotion of the garden city model by the TCPA, from the principles of community stewardship and investment towards the values of a low-density suburban typology and geographic decentralisation.16 We can see from the garden city typol-

Welwyn Garden City Limited Formed 29 April 1920 Liquidated 12 May 1949

Welwyn Garden City Development Commences 1920 Rural land Program 1913

private gain.

Welwyn Garden City Handover Dates

Estate Management Scheme

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

An analysis of the contemporary critique, relating to the adoption of these garden city ideas into public housing policy, shows us how this has disproportionately advantaged particular groups of society and supports the notion that the vatisation of the public realm. Historical studies show that as early as 1913 the state used the garden city housing model as a means of social housing provision for those relatively better off members of socia ‘safe’ distance from the city was designed to encourage the the lower social class to be moves into the house vacated by the man of a higher social order and subsequently their emptied, unsanitary dwelling closed.18 We can see the association between the garden city typology and the emerging middle classes through the economic viability of the rural land program’s model, which relied on renting to those more able to 19 This relationship is also shown through the desirability for a ‘parlour’ to be included in these new dwellings, despite this resulting in an increased rent of thirty percent.20

was used as a political device aimed at suppressing public for heroes’ 1919, which promised security and suitable famwar.21

home ownership, through schemes such as ‘right to buy’ 1980, the garden city model has led to the privatisation of -

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

cation and privatisation of post war housing developments, 23 Drawing on this critique, we can see how the sale of the previously state owned dwellings, of garden city typologies has disproship and the subsequent increase in house values.24 We can see similar lines of critique relating to the resurgence

based on incremented land value.25 In a debate at the London release of public sector ‘greenbelt’ land to private investors, ues as a result of development, is a dangerous form of privatisation as it is “too big to be allowed to fail” and therefore 26

to ensure that a percentage of this increased land value is However such models lead to geographical exclusion through the disproing of services, which are only available to ‘members’.28 Webster argues that this form of privatisation enhances social exclusion, through those who consume these ‘private public services’, feeling as though they are being ‘taxed twice’ in also paying towards the provision of wider public services, which

the community.29

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

While the 2011 Localism Bill appears to give communities more power to decide what gets built locally, extracts from the current debate suggest that the proposal to build ‘a new generation of garden cities’ is an example of the government 30 wards development. This can be seen in the following assertion made during the opening speech of the 2014 Wolfson ary, economically viable and popular?’ “Trying to solve the housing crisis in a piecemeal way is upsetting people all across the country, as we have seen there is an increase in housing investment, but we really see it as an estate popped on the edge of a town which is resented.” th

January

the garden city model, through its low-density typology, built on cheap land away from the city and contained by its own greenbelt, is a way of maintaining the concept of the ‘Greenbelt’.31 ture Planning Debate’ who suggested that the proposal for er London locations, where higher land prices would require a higher density of new housing, is designed to appease potential voters from these areas who are opposed to any development that threatens to ‘lower the tone’ and potentially devalue their property.32

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

While the current resurgence in the garden city ideas is partopment, we can also see that the garden city model further fosters such attitudes in its residents. The garden cities’ combination of private ownership and community stewardship and the creation of a holistic neighbourhood, surrounded by greenbelt and located a ‘safe’ distance from the city, brings interest through their investment in home ownership. These ideas support Webster’s notion that the garden city model can be seen as the starting point of the trend for middle class communities choosing to live in ‘private residential clubs’ and is the precedent for ‘gated communities’.33 The operational reality of these ideas can be revealed

the impact of the planning reforms brought about under the Localism Bill.

protect ‘garden city values’, the scheme applies a number of restrictions that are usually associated with leasehold con-

aesthetic alterations of properties, is the only piece of policy that distinguishes Welwyn Garden City as different from any thermore the scheme only applies to the parts of the town -

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

sion, thus excluding those areas of the town that were owned by the District Council. The policy changes brought about under the 2011 Localism Bill have led to change and uncertainty in the town in several

An aspect of the Localism Bill’s planning reform, which allows homeowners to extend their properties without the need for planning permission, has resulted in further fragmentation of Welwyn Garden City, as those residents not affected by the of this policy. An issue relating to the boundary of Welwyn Garden City has been brought to attention by the Localism Bill’s ‘neighbourhood plan’ initiative, which claims to give communities an in their area. Under the localism policy a neighbourhood is Welwyn Garden City has neither of these establishments there is ambiguity over the future management of the town, which is currently under the local authority of Welwyn Hat-

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 1 : Context

These tensions, caused by successive governments’ push towards the devolution of power and more recently the Coalition Government’s ‘localism’ agenda, have manifestcan be seen through the redrafting and re-publicising of the scheme’s policies in 2008 and an ongoing campaign by the council to actively enforce these policies. These anxieties have led to some members of the communias homogonous whole, resulting in an attempt by one local group to establish a town council and a proposal by the Wel34

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

A review of literature has highlighted that the garden city model is heavily embedded in UK housing policy and through history has been used as a political device, geared towards preventing public dissent through the provision and subsequent privatisation of housing for the emerging middle classes. Although historically, privatisation has predominantly occurred as result of aesthetic and typological aspects of the garden city model being carried into national housing policy, in the current resurgence in garden city ideas, there private funding and community stewardship. The garden city model embodies aspects of the Coalition Government’s 2011 ‘localism’ ideology, to the extent that politicians have used it as a tool to support this agenda in the public debate on future housing provision. However this chapter uncovers an interesting paradox through identifying ongoing tensions, among some members of the community in Welwyn Garden City, in relation to the localism bill’s planning reform. The following chapters utilise examples from the enforceden City to explore the realities of the garden city model and

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

DCLG, Laying the foundations: A housing Strategy for England, st

Ibid.

TCPA, Re-Imagining Garden Cities for the 21st Century

8 5.

TCPA, Creating Garden Cities and Suburbs Today

Ibid. -

Morris, W. News from Nowhere(London: Routledge, 1890).

Morris Op.Cit.

15 Welwyn Garden City: A town designed for healthy living (Cambridge: Companies, 1988) p. 113. The Garden City utopia: a critical biography of Ebenizer Howard Homes Fit for Heroes 18

Nothing Gained by Overcrowding

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

20 21

This

Sexual Divisions: Patterns and Processes, Urban Constellations 24

Passcall, G. Social Policy: A New Feminist Analysis

owned by the public sector to deliver new homes. DCLG, op. cit., p. 8.

op. cit., P. 25.

Ibid.

33 as a result of the governments failure to produce habitable cities. Webster, op. cit. th

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2

UPVC Windows

lating to the public and political debate from the time of its introduction and extracts from the original policy document are brought together with the 2008 redrafting of its policies and evidence from interviewees, to uncover the garden city ‘values’ that the scheme sets out to protect. This analysis is ardship and conclusions are drawn about the potential impact of ‘localism’, which advocates this method of neighbourhood management.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

ments state that the scheme is, ‘intended to be administered for the purpose of maintaining and enhancing amenities and values at Welwyn Garden City and with due regard to the con1 rying on business there.‘ In this statement it is unclear what is meant by the term ‘values’, which could be understood as relating to any one or a combination of economic, social, coming with the arguments, in support of the scheme put forward by local councillors and resident groups, who claim that the 23 ing the garden city’s ‘ethos’.

Policy: EM1

cation media distributed by the council following the redrafting of the scheme in 2008. Here, it is explicitly stated that the of properties in the Town, by maintaining the aesthetic characteristics of individual buildings; ‘Property valuations are often determined by the setting in which properties are located. Quite simply, inappropriate development, poor quality alterations to buildings of the special character of the environment will lead in turn to the lowering of neighbourhood values both in visual and economic terms.’4

who actively campaigns for the enforcement of the scheme, contests this idea, instead arguing that the scheme’s purpose is to protect the unique architectural heritage of Welwyn Garden City, of which increased property valuations are merely a consequence.5

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

worth and Welwyn, by the single hand of the town planner

the garden city’s designed combination of nature and the built environment.6 serving this aspect of the town’s architectural heritage, can be seen from its role in preventing the erection of second storey extensions over garages to the side of houses. that the trend for these double storey extensions in cul-de-

the gardens behind has, in areas of the town not protected by the scheme, negatively “changed the entire feeling of the built

individual gain of some residents at the expense of the mutuThe society also feels that the preservation of the garden city’s architectural heritage is of educational value, serving as a positive example of town planning, from which built environment professionals should be able to experience and draw inspiration.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

surgence in garden city ideas supports the relevance of the

“In the last century, private and social enterprise created wyn Garden City, - not perfect but popular – green, planned, secure, with gardens, places to stay and characterful houses; not just car dominated concrete grids”.8 Here there is a strong suggestion from central government that the garden city model’s connection of the natural and urban environment, through its layout and the incorporation -

Welwyn Garden City, can be seen as a useful tool in facilitating the contemporary understanding of this historic architecture. In this extract from the current political debate, the garden city movement is used to ‘sell’ a healthy and safe lifestyle. These ideals are implied in the reference to the garden city’s planned incorporation of nature, thus the promotion of this model as a cleaner alternative to dense urban environments, which in this statement are associated with pollution and hard surfaces and design towards car usage.

the context for the formation of this lifestyle, elements such -

the protection of such architectural elements, aims to protect a particular way of life.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

The translation of these architectural values into a set of comgreen space in built urban environments. A report produced communities, claims the existence of a ‘virtuous circle’, where when people perceive green space quality to be good, they better health and wellbeing, which in turn reduces the impact of deprivation and creates a stronger sense of community.9

Trust and Liberal Democrat Councillor, asserts the relevance noise of a screaming child and children a safe garden to play out in.”10 This analysis supports claims by both interviewees that more than preventing the “questionable choices of some residents”.11 However the problematic aspect of such policy is thetic alterations such as pebble dash facades, the erection UPVC, were “creeping” in to the garden city, before pressure was put on the council in 2008 to redraft, advertise and en12

through the enforcement of a set of aesthetic rules in favour of the status quo, acts here as a means of preventing the right of an individual to express their personal taste.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

When viewed in relation to the feminist critique of the suburban vernacular and Davidoff et al.’s concept of the ‘Beau Ideal’, this example of the ambition for consistency in the garden city’s aesthetic features can be seen as an expression of the desire to maintain a homogeneous community and undering of housing design and policy with a set of exclusive family and domestic ideals. ing a public outcry at the schemes introduction supports this critique.13

the same to be used for any illegal or immoral purpose.’ 14

Liberal Association, the scheme was argued to be unlawful and amounting to dictatorship.15

to investigate ‘moral lapses as well as breaches of law – which of course includes such areas of behaviour as are of public concern.’16 This extract from the historical debate shows that the distinction between community and architectural ideals are blurred al’, community codes of conduct, tied up largely in aesthetic,

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

Drawing on Davidoff et al.’s argument that the ‘Beau Ideal’ ‘denied the reality of’ and thus ‘made less viable the existence of households with other structures’, the relationship between further explored through their exclusion of those who do not conform to a particular set of community ideals.18

light the ‘good neighbour’ aspect of ‘preserving the atmosphere of the garden city’.19 licity was aimed towards the exclusion of those members of the community who did not conform to its policies. ‘The conservation of your environment requires continuing ignorant and uncaring. The attractiveness of an area will very holds to maintain their property adequately or by ill-considered ‘improvements’ or alterations.’20 The encouragement of the exclusion of households who did not comply with the strict rules regarding issues such as

uncaring’, underpins a similar rhetoric of community ‘Vigilance’, which can be seen in more recent publicity for the scheme and used in the 2008 campaign to encourage the oncies.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

Garden City Heritage Trust, where it is claimed that successful enforcement of scheme relies on members of the community being ‘Vigilant’.21 And also in an article in the Welwyn

emailing these images to the council.22 The implementation of the Coalition Government’s 2011 Localism Bill is the most recent example of the drive by successive governments towards the devolution of power from central government to local communities. Policies enforced under this agenda, such as those that allow homeowners to extend their properties to certain extents without the need for planning permission, claim to give residents a greater freedom of individual expression. However, we can see that a consequence of ‘localism’ in Welwyn Garden City is the emphasis on community activism, in favour of the enforcement 23 ism against this change. This is explored in further detail in the following chapter.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 2 : UPVC Windows

Introduced under the guise of community empowerment, an analysis of the situation in Welwyn Garden City has shown that such policy can lead towards increased community vigicomply with the set of community ideals associated with the aesthetics of the garden city vernacular. velopment. The idea that a set of community ideals are â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;embalmedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in an architectural output, highlights the possible danger that future development decisions will be made in favour of the status quo, thus towards conservatism rather than innovation.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Ibid.

Community Green: using green space to tackle inequality and improve health

Ibid.

Clause 9(ii) th

Ibid.

. Ibid.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Ibid.

‘Welwyn Garden City Heritage Trust’ www.welwyngarden-heriwww.

council re-drafting its policies in 2008.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3

Extensions

“We’re determined to cut through the bureaucracy that

to expand and meeting the aspirations of families that want to buy or improve a home.” 1

against the impact of the increased Permitted Development Bill and give homeowners greater freedoms to extend their properties. This chapter uncovers the effect that these developments are having on local politics in Welwyn Garden City. decentred democratic debate’ is used as a position of critique to examine whether, the Localism Bill can be seen to facilitate ‘good decentred democracy’.2

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

The perceived impact in Welwyn Garden City, of the relaxing of the rules relating to permitted development rights, is that in all the time the committee members of this society being carried out”3. This is causing tension in the community in the following areas:

a result of these recent changes in planning law without realthey are legally bound, override this.

Policy: EM1

We can see evidence of this issue through the Welwyn Gar-

aimed at warning the public that these planning changes

Interest’, is adapted to include the additional phrase ‘as well 4

There is concern that the increase in extensions as a result versely affecting the character of the large parts of the town

argues that this increase in extended properties is leading to the loss of the important garden city principle that there should be a mix of housing in the town and resulting in a lower availability of affordable properties.5 In response to

the whole town is given ‘special recognition’.6

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

These issues, which have led to an unfolding situation that in Welwyn Garden City, are encapsulated in the story relating to the photograph of the house opposite. -

this decision, eventually granted permission for the extenutes show that with three Councillors voting for and three velopment was the result of a swing vote by the Conservative

norant residents” to develop their properties “dangerously”, citing the approval of this planning appeal as an example of the Conservative led Local Authority actively choosing not to of getting rid of the policy, which they “don’t understand” and feel is costly to enforce.8

of increased importance to some members of the community in light of the perceived consequences of Permitted DevelopDemocrat newsletter about the subject, which claims that

would be to leave the town almost completely unprotected

den City duty planner that it should be removed 9

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

previously independent of political parties, has tactically responded to this situation with the decision to actively sup10 towe, in the upcoming local elections. a vested interest in the Historical aspect of the town in his further roles as Trustee of the Welwyn Garden City Heritage

Drawing on Young’s idea that attempting to improve complex social issues through ‘single deliberative forums or institutions’ is a limiting and centred approach to democratic debate, the pairing of these protagonists can be seen as important in facilitating local, ‘decentred democratic debate’ in Welwyn Garden City.12 tween local groups and political institutions connect sites of lic sphere they generate’.

Young’s critique, through suggesting that nongovernmental organisations can be useful in assisting communities to resist ‘unjust domination’ through their provision of ‘publici14 However, we can see that the Democrat Councillor is problematic, through the methods of activism used by these associated organisations in their attempt to overthrow the current conservative leadership in the town.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

Democrat publicity material in the form of a letter, which expressed concern regarding the future enforcement of the -

the recommendations of the planners trying to enforce the scheme.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;15 Based on this speculation the letter continues that

neighbours aware of the threatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.16

to present, it can be seen that this statement is misleading and in reality the extension previously mentioned is the only

A further piece of activism was the placement of a letter in -

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

deliberation’ which ‘requires more than formal opportuni19 the unjust domination of the debate through the calculated spread of gossip with a view to scaremonger, by predominantly retired white middle class residents in 20

its members and followers, increasing his political popular-

ongoing principal campaign, aimed at ensuring the continin the town; as a result of its adoption into the Liberal Democrat local election campaign and further through the potential subsequent position of a body in power that supports the

election]”21 and subsequent decision to co-opt with the local Liberal Democrat candidate is the result of frustration towards the opposition they have faced from the borough -

This aspect of localism policy is explored in further detail in the following chapter. 22

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 3 - Extensions

cations of localism in relation to the long-term stewardship of Welwyn Garden City. We have seen that the impact of localism in the town has resulted in a greater emphasis and po-

community ideals, as outlined in the previous chapter.

through ‘decentred deliberation’ can ‘limit the voices and choices of others’23 and lead to the exclusion of particular groups or individual members of the community who do not

The Localism Bill claims to give ‘ordinary people’24 ‘more power over what happens in their neighbourhood’ by bypassing usual methods of democracy however, through recan see that in reality localism empowers only those who

through the impact of localism in Welwyn Garden City are an example of ‘decentred democratic debate’,25 this research has of the community from the deliberations. Therefore drawing clude that the democratic debate relating to localism, is only 26

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Hayward, op. cit., pp. 81-2

Ibid. p.85.

Ibid p.90.

Letter to Welwyn Garden City residents, op. cit.

Ibid. www.welhat.gov.

Hayward, op. cit., p. 85.

Ibid. p. 86.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Hayward, op. cit., p. 86.

Youngâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s concepts as explored in Hayward, op. cit.

Ibid. p.86.

Localism & Cities of To-morrow

Chapter 4

Grass Verges

claims to give local people a chance to impact on the types of developments carried out in their community, through involving them in the production of a ‘neighbourhood development plan’ that sets out ‘general planning policies for the development and use of land in a neighbourhood’.1 Drawing on the issues relating to grass verges in Welwyn Garen through the general public debate relating to this policy: To what extent do locals actually get to impact on their built enbourhood in the ways proposed through this legislation?

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maintain an ‘appropriate balance between hard and soft landscaping’ through ensuring that permission for hard

the hard standing.’2 In planning appeals against this policy ing their cars on grass verges, thus causing damage to these features.3 This situation is particularly problematic in light of the governments ‘localism’ rhetoric and the changes made to the funding of public services as a result of the austerity measures that have been imposed by the coalition government. The county council, which owns the grass verges in the town, is responsible for the cost of contracting with the borough council to ensure that they are maintained. The Welwyn borough council “turning a blind eye” and allowing damage to be caused.

funding for the repair of grass verges in the town, causing -

‘things,’ in a garden city they are part of the town’s ‘essencounty council ‘giving up’ on their maintenance is particularly unsatisfactory in Welwyn Garden City, against the spirit of ‘localism’ through demonstrating that ‘local government does not respond to local wishes as ‘locality’ is not a factor in county decisions’.4

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against a recent change in county funding policy towards street lighting that has resulted in the original ‘pagoda’ style is damaging to the town and further against the concept of localism, “the idea of localism in lighting is all but eliminated 5

These examples show that the concept suggested by ‘localism’ appears to be of particular relevance in Welwyn Garden City, through offering a voice to members of the community, who feel that the borough and county councils’ standardised approaches to the built environment are not appropriate at maintaining the unique character of the Garden City and contribute to the danger of it becoming “another clone town”.6 ity cannot be achieved due the operational structure of local authorities. The role of ‘neighbourhood planning’ is less clear in Welwyn Garden City, which through history has been fragmented and merged with other towns. Currently managed alongside Hat-

a local parish or town council, two of the ways that a ‘neigh-

The uncertainty in relation to the future management of Welwyn Garden City has resulted in some members of the the garden city as a distinct whole. While one local group has started a campaign to form a town council, the Welwyn

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forum’ for the town. This is the only alternative way that a lored towards meeting the requirements of the garden city.

abandoned this proposal following opposition from the Bordecision that a ‘neighbourhood forum’ would be a waste of its resources. The society argues that the structure of localism provides little opportunity for it to impact on the town due to a centred approach in planning procedures, which militates against the local views expressed through neighbourhood planning.8 The appeals process, whereby a national body hears appeals against the planning decisions made in the town, is cited by highlights the pressures on the local authority to ‘conform to nationally set norms that fail to recognise what a garden city is’.9 sionment regarding the reality of localism, but also highlights ture is not compatible with the ‘garden city’. This is explicitly policy ‘concepts such as ‘public interest’ and ‘proportionate’ have little meaning on a garden city, which depends on so much of its appeal on detail.’10 ism may be great for a neglected and deprived northern town but offers nothing for us here”, shows that he also feels that the application of this national policy in Welwyn Garden City is problematic.11

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The notion that Welwyn Garden City is not compatible with and therefore should be exempt from usual approaches to surgence in garden city principles is a movement towards of some members of the community in Welwyn Garden City at the Council’s standardised approach towards the town’s maintenance, it is easy to see how the garden city model can lead to the private funding of such services by residents. This idea is supported by the ongoing discussion regarding the county council to fund the difference in cost for their preden city, this example highlights how this model encourages vices to replace those deemed to be inadequately provided by the government.12 Webster’s argument that the garden city movement is the starting point for the trend in the middle classes choosing to live in ‘private residential clubs’ and the increase in ‘gated communities’ in the UK, is supported by the inherent idea

politically as a separate entity from the other towns that cur13

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This highlights the holistic aspect of Howard’s model, which leads to a greater sense of ownership over a distinct territoriand further on Webster’s critique, we can see how this model is divisive and tends towards privatisation, through these residents feeling resentment towards being ‘taxed twice’ by their additional private funding of public services.14 -

areas of the borough that appear to disproportionately benhow localism subsequently leads to social divisions through encouraging the idea of ‘private communities’, which include and provide only for those who are able and willing to con-

100

101

Clause 4 W6/2012/1796/EM,

Ibid.

Ibid. p. 151-2.

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103

Conclusion

The proposal to apply garden city principles has gained sigshortage. An implied consistency in the garden cities’ community stewardship model and the Coalition Government’s Localism Bill rhetoric, which claims to give residents more control over their built environment, has led to references to Howard’s ideas being used in the current political debate to, suggest a movement towards social progress. The notion that the garden city model is socially progressive has been challenged through a review of contemporary literature and the production of a graphic timeline. It has been demonstrated that the garden cities suburban typology has been a useful political tool historically, through its adoption into national housing policy, with the aim of appeasing the

subsequent increases in housing wealth. This research has proportionately advantaged particular members of society and uncovered the process by which a set of divisive community ideals have become associated with the aesthetics of garden city typology. The implementation of these ideas has been has been explored using examples from the recent and historic enforcewhich is designed to preserve garden city ‘values’ through regulating the aesthetics of individual properties in the town.

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105

‘Localism’ policies appear to give a greater freedom of individual expression to homeowners, however a subsequently increased emphasis on community ‘vigilance’ in Welwyn Garden City militates against this, revealing that those who do not conform to a set of ‘values’ associated with the aesthetics of the garden city typology are actively excluded from 1 cept of the ‘Beau Ideal’ and also highlight a potential danger that localism leads to the ‘self-policing’ of communities, tus quo, through the framing of such ‘other’ members of the community as ‘suspect’.

through localism’s ‘neighbourhood planning’ policy, has highlighted further differences between the ideals suggested through localism rhetoric and the real impact of its policy in Welwyn Garden City. While a result of localism in Welwyn Garden City is that local political deliberations have been ‘decentred’ through their community groups, this has led to the ‘unjust domination’ of debate by those who are more able, through their access to tential danger that localism reinforces a centred, hierarchical approach to democracy and excludes the voices of some community members. The notion that the garden city model is socially exclusive has been further enforced through revealing the view, held by of some members of the community in Welwyn Garden City, that the garden city should be managed as a complete

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borough. This shows how the garden city’s holistic model is socially exclusive and supports contemporary critique that the garden city leads to the privatisation of the public realm, through encouraging the formation of distinct communities ly to advocate the collective funding of private services to support such ideals. ‘Localism’ policy further encourages this phenomenon by dividing communities into ‘neighbourhoods’ based on geographical location and therefore encouraging a sense of community ownership over a distinct area. It can be concluded that references to garden city ideas in political debate, to support the ‘localism’ agenda, is actually a movement towards privatisation under the guise of offering greater community control. This research has demonstrated that, when social ideals become aestheticised through their association with an architectural typology, Architecture can become a powerful tool in politics. As the focus of politics and society changes over time, such typologies can be used as a socially manipulative device to operate ideas that differ from those that were originally that built environment professionals have, to be aware of the potential future implications of their architectural outputs.

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Bibliography

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TEXTS The Garden City utopia: a critical biography of Ebenizer Howard

Community Green: using green space to tackle inequality and improve health Coleman, A., Utopia on Trial The Rights and Wrongs of Women, DCLG, Housing Statistical Release DCLG, A plain English guide to the Localism Act,

Urban Constellations

Hypatia Garden Cities of To-Morrow News from Nowhere Passcall, G. Social Policy: A New Feminist Analysis Urban Constellations

Welwyn Garden City: A town designed for healthy living Homes Fit for Heroes TCPA, Re-Imagining Garden Cities for the 21st Century TCPA, Creating Garden Cities and Suburbs Today Nothing Gained by Overcrowding Webster, C. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Gated Cities of To-morrowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Town Planning Review

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INTERNET th

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TRANSCRIPTS David Cameron, ‘Big Society Launch’ David Cameron, ‘Speech on Infrastructure’

POLICY AND LEGISLATION th

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