(en)gendering spaces by Jody Liu

(EN)GENDERING SPACES jody liu

(EN)GENDERING SPACES

Jody Liu

COURSEWORK PORTFOLIO BU8: CRITICAL URBANISM STUDIO

cover photo: Lima, Perù (1958) ‘In/Formal: Urban encounters for the next 100’ Biennale Architettura in Venice, 2014

CONTENTS 1: CONTEXT 01 INTRODUCTION 02 HISTORY 04 INFORMALITY + AUTONOMY 06

2: GENDER 09 GENDER IN PERU 10 GENDERED SPACE 12

3: RULES 15 REPRESENTATION 16 INCLUSION 18 COMMUNITY 20 EDUCATION 22 SAFETY 24 DECONSTRUCTION 26

4: CONCLUSION 28 5: REFERENCES 30

adaptation of public space within the James Stirling cluster. image source unknown, taken from Architecture in Development

CONTEXT

INTRODUCTION (en)gendering spaces analyses how the architects / planners played a role in creating gendered spaces — whether explicitly or implicitly — within the Proyecto Experimental de Vivienda (PREVI), and explores their social responsibility when designing housing projects that are projected to grow informally. Research has shown that gender roles result in different needs with respect to the built environment across different scales — individual buildings, neighbourhoods, cities, and regions — and in different domains of the city, such as housing, public spaces, streets, employment facilities, and transportation (Sánchez de Madariaga, 2004). Staying conscious of the influence that planning has on the female lived experience, the analysis leads into a set of recommendations that either stems from original designs / policies or are newly conceived ideas to overcome the gender biases perpetuated through the built environment. Taken together, recommendations foster a safer environment, encourage formation of community networks, and allow women to gain gender autonomy through self-initiated design interventions and participation in traditionally male activities. Thus, this project emphasises that rules / spaces be flexible and adaptable to the needs of females — recognising that these needs evolve with changing customs and beliefs — and that women are consulted and allowed to participate in the design process. ‘Integrating gender analysis into architectural design and urban planning processes can ensure that buildings and cities serve well the needs of all inhabitants: women and men of different ages, with different family configurations, employment patterns, socioeconomic status and burdens of caring labor’ (Sánchez de Madariaga et al., 2013).

aerial view of PREVI. image by Peter Land

HISTORY As a result of economic industrialisation during the 1940s, Lima experienced an unprecedented housing shortage due to mass rural-urban migration. In 1966, architect-President Fernando BelaĂşnde initiated the Proyecto Experimental de Vivienda (PREVI) project as a formal response to the rise of barriadas (informal settlements) on the fringes of Lima. PREVI aimed to provide homes for 1,500 families beyond the northern edge of the city. PREVI was radical in terms of architectural design and its proactive urban planning: it was a rebuttal against the modernist typologies found in other Latin American cities, and the concept of self-build housing anticipated for the increasing urban population. PREVI straddles the line between the formal and informal. As a governmental intervention on the barriadas, PREVI was a formally planned response to the slew of socioeconomic issues caused by the rural-urban migration. However, the project brief called for designs that would accommodate for new additions and renovations as families adapted the houses to suit changing needs and conditions. The informality of self-build belies the formal restrictions on each typological design, adding to the complexity in understanding if the residents were ever truly autonomous in the construction of their houses.

photo montage of the international competitors at a briefing session with Peter Land (in front of blackboard), against a picture of El Augustino, Lima. taken from â&#x20AC;&#x153;PREVI/Lima. Low Cost Housing Projectâ&#x20AC;?. AD 4 117-205

INFORMALIT Y + AUTONOMY During the competition phase of PREVI, the architects were required to attend a 10-day briefing in Lima to familiarise themselves with the environment. Only one firm — the Center for Environmental Structure — immersed themselves within Peruvian culture, and even then, they acted as passive observers rather than actively engaging in consultation with the low-income families they stayed with. As a result, the architects often made assumptions and projected their own knowledge onto the designs, thus imposing restrictions on future construction. However, the formality of these construction principles were often contested by the informal, incremental building carried out by residents after the abandonment of the project. As such, the subsequent selfbuilding became a ‘dialogue’ between the residents and architects, in which the power dynamics and degrees of autonomy were unique to each typology / household in the individual contestation, rejection, and acceptance of the architect’s vision. In particular, this project studies how formal planning inadvertently led to the gendering of spaces, and questions how the informal process of incremental construction can become an autonomous act for female residents. Because formal development tends to be filtered through a patriarchal lens, the informal becomes the outlet through which females can regain autonomy through aesthetic and functional adaptations to the home. The principles outlined react against the technocratic paternalism exercised by the architects and planners, and suggest that both formal and informal knowledge are considered. The guidelines are not intended as a subversion of architectural knowledge, but rather, invite participation and representation by residents in the design process. Furthermore, these principles intend to empower females through the informal. The informal, as it relates to construction processes, but also the economies and community networks established that extend beyond the home, thus bridging the separation of outside / inside coded as male / female.

Aldo van Eyck typology, photos taken in 1978 and 2003. additions made show the informal and autonomous construction carried out by the residents. image taken from Time builds!, Ed.GG/ 2008, Barcelona

GENDER

GENDER IN PERU After the Spanish conquest of the Incan Empire, there was a shift from a somewhat egalitarian view of men and women to an increasingly patriarchal society in Peru. While the government has been actively challenging gender equality by instituting policies against discrimination, unequal gender relations remain visible on the vernacular level — women are expected to fulfill domestic responsibilities, such as cleaning and childcare. The most disturbing reality of gender inequality manifests in the high rate of reported domestic abuse; with 49% of Peruvian women suffering from violence, this has resulted in a rise of women-led households due to separations and male desertion. Professor Carol Graham has found urban areas in Peru to have a high percentage of female-headed households, as well as a large number of abandoned mothers who are left to provide financially for the household and raise the children (Rex A. Hudson, 1992). As such, exercising spatial agency becomes all the more important for women who have experienced gender violence; by reclaiming the home as their own — through renovation or decoration, the woman can cope with or erase the traumas that have occurred in the home.

street scene in PREVI. image taken from ‘In/Formal: Urban encounters for the next 100’ at the Biennale Architettura in Venice, 2014

GENDERED SPACE As Doreen Massey argued, the ‘gendering of space and place both reflects and has effects back on the ways in which gender is constructed and understood in the societies in which we live’ (Massey, 2000). Architects and planners, who have the power to determine how space is used, influence this process of gendering a place. Therefore, they must consider whether their plans enable this process. It becomes pertinent that they avoid the trappings of nostalgia and the reiteration of traditional gender differentiations of space. These trappings were exemplified in the initial designs for PREVI, with one of the more obvious cases being the inclusion of miradors by the Center for Environmental Structure (CES). Miradors, which emulated the enclosed balconies of colonial Lima, were provided for girls to engage in passive street-watching; these spaces existed in contrast to street football sites provided for boys. In trying to reflect on local culture, CES instead reinforced dated customs, further perpetuating the gendered dichotomy of outside v. inside space. While local culture is important in conscientious design, fetishisation of historical traditions often results in a disconnect with present-day attitudes. This project not only examines spaces within PREVI that were explicitly designed for male / female, but also attempts to understand how the ‘neutral’ spaces perpetuate or deconstruct gender biases. The proposed rules / principles use design as a protest against gender roles, allowing women to reclaim autonomy through engaging in traditional ‘male’ activities like construction and engaging in ‘outside’ economic endeavours. The guidelines — both spatial and discursive in nature — invite a critical understanding of how gendered spaces operate within informal settlements, and introduce alternatives that recognise the everyday female experience within the built environment. street scene in PREVI. image taken from ‘In/Formal: Urban encounters for the next 100’ at the Biennale Architettura in Venice, 2014

RULES

REPRESENTATION Increase female representation on both the design (architecture, planning), and bureaucratic (community board, and government) sides of the project. A person’s experience of the everyday shapes their awareness and, whether consciously or not, guides their actions; thus, male-dominated fields of architecture and planning have structured cities based on the everyday male experience. By including women in the planning + architectural design process, and on the neighbourhood board + government, consideration of the female experience will be represented in the organisation of cities. Gender perspective should be integrated into every stage of the policy process — design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation — as part of the larger movement of ‘gender mainstreaming’ in the built environment (Reeves, 2003; Scioneri et al., 2009). TIME: considered from initial stages of design + planning; to be maintained throughout construction + life of project SCALE: neighborhood; initiative to be reflected in paid employees of project, elected officials, and volunteers ACTORS: architects, planners, community employees, volunteers, and residents FEASIBILITY: high COST: n/a (no net increase in cost - salaries have already been allotted for)

Frauen-Werk-Stadt, example of housing project designed for and by women. located in Vienna, Austria. image from Franziska Ullmann

INCLUSION Use design and planning to encourage the intermingling of domestic ‘female’ and economic ‘male’ spaces. Too frequently, a stark divide exists between the domestic and economic spaces of a community. Thus, the economic becomes a male-dominated arena in which business decisions are made, while the domestic becomes an isolated space in which women are kept separate from the dealings of the workplace. By increasing the permeability of residential areas, the intermingling of spaces of economy (shops, businesses) with spaces of domesticity discourages the separation of these previously gendered domains. The increased accessibility to the work sphere allows women to feel more comfortable with engaging in economic activities previously dominated by males. Furthermore, the mixing of commercial and residential zones decreases the distance between work and home, thereby decreasing the significant stress placed on women combining employment with care responsibilities (Ullman, 2013). ‘Decades of a sectoral approach in urban planning has led to segregated urban environments where residential, work, shopping and leisure environments constitute separate spheres’ (Jaeckel and van Geldermalsen, 2008) TIME: considered from initial stages of design + planning; to be encouraged throughout construction + life of project SCALE: individual housing; neigbhourhood ACTORS: architects, planners, community board, business owners, residents FEASIBILITY: medium (reflective of residents attitudes / desires) COST: n/a

areas of heavy foot / motor traffic

site plan showing increased permeability of residential zones, which encourages mixing of domestic and economic spheres. Stirling's design provided each residence with close proximity to areas of heavy foot and motor traffic, giving each household the ability to adapt portions of its space for commerical use. image from James Stirling

COMMUNIT Y Through design and planning, provide every household remote access to public / outdoor space. Local neighbourhood networks allow for the expansion of childcare beyond the confines of the nuclear family, foster communities that look after one another, and provide support to mothers, while maintaining the quality of family-like care. With these new modes of care and multi-generational living, access to public spaces — both larger plazas and smaller outdoor spaces — should be considered. A dispersing of smaller public spaces throughout the housing blocks — connected family yards, quality in-between spaces (e.g. paseos, alamedas) — can be implemented. These ‘public living rooms’ facilitate a child’s growth in a community setting, allowing for a continuity in locational familiarity, living environment, and social relations (Jaeckel and van Geldermalsen, 2005). Furthermore, these spaces can act as extension of yards for families who had to relinquish their outdoor space to additions on their home.

public spaces / green spaces

TIME: considered from initial stages of design + planning; to be encouraged throughout construction + life of project SCALE: neighbourhood ACTORS: architects, planners, community board, maintenance staff, residents FEASIBILITY: high COST: cost of neighborhood-wide landscaping. salaries of maintenance staffing. to be supplemented with community volunteering (taking care of own property, as well as public spaces — share the work with neighbours)

site plans showing integration of public space with residences to foster neighbourhood networks. top: Center for Environmental Structure, bottom: Kikutake-Kurokawa-Maki

EDUCATION Provide women access to the materials, knowledge, and tools needed to autonomously construct the home that fits their needs. With female-headed households on the rise — due to a range of factors, such as spousal abuse or abandonment — reclaiming the home becomes an act of autonomy. By providing education to women on the construction and renovation process, they can actively participate in deconstructing the traditional perception of building as a male activity; for women who may associate their home with traumatic events, the freedom of aesthetics and the freedom to dwell become an emancipation from their past. Thus, these homes should be designed to be adaptable — with mobile divisions of space — and constructed from easily-manipulated materials (Hays, 2011; Gyger, 2013). TIME: access to materials, tools, and knowledge should be available as soon as initial residents move in SCALE: neighbourhood. (1) construction center / 1 km (provide adequate transportation methods for heavy items). ACTORS: architects, planners, community board, construction center staff + educators, residents FEASIBILITY: medium / high (depending on availability of project funding) COST: stocking + operating construction centers; construction center employee + educator salaries; possible subsidies to lower material, tool, and education costs for the community members; can be supplemented by community volunteering (to lead education workshops, help run the shop)

desk / workspace

painting / art frame

reading nook

4. display niche for religious icons, prized objects, photos 5. 2

shelving for books and objects

axonometric view of wall niches. example shows housing made from easily-manipulated materials can allow a woman to gain gender autonomy through physically changing her home.

SAFET Y Ensure that all public and pedestrian spaces feel safe and secure for all residents. Eliminate spaces of isolation, intimidation, and lack of surveillance. Harassment and violence are a daily occurrence for women across the world, instilling fear and insecurity in females when engaging with public spaces (UNWomen, 2016). This reality reduces women’s freedom of movement, their access to services, and ability to participate in public life. Through the design of community, we can counteract this negative culture. This means designing public spaces with increased lighting, visibility, natural surveillance, and foot traffic; additionally, these spaces should be adequately lit to foster feelings of security, as opposed to fear and intimidation (Carmona). These design implementations would encourage women to engage in activities beyond the home — such as taking a job or meeting friends — thus, involving them in the wider social spheres. TIME: considered from initial stages of design + planning; to be encouraged throughout construction + life of project SCALE: neighbourhood ACTORS: architects, planners, community board, residents FEASIBILITY: high COST: increased lighting infrastructure and maintenance

cantilivered spaces extending beyond the building enable unobstrcuted views of open spaces, allowing for natural, ‘eyes on the street’ surveillance. image from Franziska Ullmann

DECONSTRUCTION Re-think the design of previously ‘gendered’ spaces (bathrooms, sports facilities, gyms, spaces for cooking / cleaning) to discourage separation, and promote the commingling of genders. Gender / power relations between women and men influence how urban spaces are organised from adolescence to adulthood. The design of a space elicits a myriad of gender-specific social responses, and in turn, these interactions can lead to the ‘gendering’ of said space (Hayden, 2005). To deconstruct this process of gendering — whereby spaces take on an association of male / female and thus, discourages use by the opposite gender — new designs will manipulate previously gendered facilities to encourage commingling from a young age. Beyond understanding spaces as an equally accessible domain, genderneutralised designs will allow marginalised groups to not feel unsafe or insecure in using them. TIME: considered from initial stages of design + planning; to be encouraged throughout construction + life of project SCALE: individual housing; nieghbourhood ACTORS: architects, planners, community board, workshop educators, residents FEASIBILITY: medium (dependent on adaptability of change to residents) COST: dependent on scope of architectural implementations. possible cost of educators to teach youth about the comingling of genders; can be supplemented with community volunteering miradors are spaces for passive street-watching, intended for female use. the proposed ‘public mirador’ neutralises the gendered space, allowing for people-watching by all. the design features a shaded area, soft grassy spaces with reclining chairs, and a large balcony modeled after the traditional mirador design — but integrated within the public space, allowing people of all genders, ages, and backgrounds to interact. left: mirador design by CES, right: reimagined public mirador

This project analysed the existing designs within PREVI to understand gendered spaces within an (in)formal settlement, and explored the potentiality of design to incite socio-spatial justice. The discursive principles / spatial interventions outlined suggest for a redistribution of power, a representation of marginalised voices, and recognition through participation — creating a framework that allows women to regain gender autonomy within informal design. These suggested principles invite a deconstruction of and linkage between polarities — male / female, informal / formal knowledge, traditional / modern attitudes — to inform a more inclusive planning for the future.

CONCLUSION

_Carmona, Matthew. “Dimension Of Urban Design: Safety And Vitality”. 2017. Lecture. _Foran, Clare. “How To Design A City For Women”. CityLab. N.p., 2013. Web. 23 Dec. 2016. _Gulati, Nidhi. “How Can Placemaking Help Create Safer Cities For Women?”. Project for Public Spaces. N.p., 2015. Web. 4 Jan. 2017. _Gyger, Helen. “The Informal As A Project: Self-Help Housing In Peru, 1954–1986”. Ph.D. Columbia University, 2013. Print. _Hayden, D. (2005). What Would A Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on Housing, Urban Design, and Human Work. In Fainstein, S., & Servon, L. (Eds.), Gender and Planning: A Reader, pp. 47-64. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. _Hays, Faye. “Freedom To Dwell: Gendered Aesthetics Of Informal Settlements”. Masters of Science. London School of Economics, 2011. Print. _“Housing And Neighborhood Design: Analyzing Gender”. Gendered Innovations. Web. 1 Jan. 2017. _Jaeckel, Monika and van Geldermalsen, Marieke. Gender Sensitive Urban Planning. In Spain, Daphne. “Gendered Spaces And The Public Realm”. Research in Urban Sociology 9 (2008): 9-28. Web. 28 Dec. 2016. _Massey, Doreen. “Space, Place, And Gender”. Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction. Jane Rendell, Barbara Penner and Iain Borden. 1st ed. Abingdon: Routledge, 2000. Print. _Reeves, D. (2003). Gender Equality and Plan Making: The Gender Mainstreaming Toolkit. London: Royal Town Planning Institute (RTPI). _Rex A. Hudson, ed. Peru: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1992. _Sánchez de Madariaga, Inés and Marion Roberts (Eds.) (2013). Fair Shared Cities. The Impact of Gender Planning in Europe. Ashgate, London _Sánchez de Madariaga, Inés (2004). Urbanismo con perspectiva de género, Fondo Social Europeo- Junta de Andalucía, Sevilla. _Safe Cities And Safe Public Spaces. 1st ed. New York City: UNWomen, 2016. Web. 2 Jan. 2017. _Ullmann, F. (2013). Choreography of Life: Two Pilot Projects of Social Housing in Vienna. In Sánchez de Madariaga, I., & Roberts, M. (Eds.), Fair Shared Cities: The Impact of Gender Planning in Europe, pp. 415-433. Ashgate, London-New York.

REFERENCES