The Symbolic and the Informal City: Urban form, resonances and responses.

1

The Symbolic and the Informal city Urban form, Resonances and Responses

Summative Essay for “Cities by Design” Jorge Martín Sainz de los Terreros January 2012

Task Your essay should expand on the relationship between theory and practice through the analysis of a particular urban space or project(s). You should develop the analysis of the contemporary urban context within which your case locates and draw on relevant critical and theoretical debates. Detailed analysis should include social and spatial dimensions showing relationships between strategies and realties, forms and uses, and forces and experiences. Visual analysis is encouraged.

Lenth 5000 words Question ‘Clearly the Static and the Kinetic cities go beyond their obvious differences to establish a much richer relationship both spatially and metaphorically than their physical manifestations would suggest’. (Mehrotra, 2011).

Mehrotra refers to the spatial interrelationships as well as organisational collaborations between the ‘kinetic’ and the ‘static’ and focuses on issues for urban design in the context of ‘informality’ and Asian cities. However, the relationship between ‘authorised’ and ‘everyday’ orders also plays out in cities across the world. By analysing an urban locale and/or an urban design project, explore how these dimensions of order: ‘statickinetic’, ‘authorised-everyday’, are developed through the organisation of of urban space and process.

Contents Preface

1

Introduction

2

The Raval

3

A stigmatized neighbourhood Politics and urban regeneration for a symbolic city Changing the urban form Resonances

7

Demographics Informal responses 1. Skating 2. Prostitution 3. Nudism Conclusion

14

Bibliography and references

15

Jorge Martín Sainz de los Terreros September 2012 Master in City Design and Social Science 2011-2012 London School of Economics and Political Science All images are the author’s own unless otherwise stated.

Copyright (c) 2012 Jorge Martín Sainz de los Terreros.

This work is licenced under Creative Commons Attribution - Noncommercial - No Derivative Works 3.0 Unported License. To see a copy of this license, refer to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/

The Symbolic and the Informal City

The Symbolic and the Informal City

‘The tourist visiting Barcelona now can get a souvenir of the cream of the city. The essence of the uncivil Barcelona turned into a souvenir and bought as a badge in the MACBA (Barcelona’s Art contemporary Museum) or MUHBA (Barcelona’s History Museum) bookshops. If the traveller can buy a miniature replica of the Sagrada Familia or a Mexican hat in a souvenir shop in Las Ramblas, why cannot he or she come back home remembering pickpockets, street vendors, prostitutes or flower sellers?... …The City Council has announced today that they will withdraw this item from the stores in municipal facilities... …A municipal government spokesman would make it clear that “this is not the image that Barcelona wants to show”...’

Extracts of ‘Badges of the uncivil Barcelona in the bookshops of the Museums’ (Angulo 2011)

During the summer of 2011, a collection of badges was being sold in different shops in the centre of Barcelona, some in municipal facilities. The day the authorities discovered, they decided to forbid selling them in their shops, as recognizing that they were not giving an image of the city according to their aspirations. Even if not all the situations shown have the same emotional or symbolic significance, all of them have been real contested situations in Barcelona’s public realm. Also, most of them have been in public debates and they have had political responses.

These badges and the news related address different interwoven ideas to be discussed in the following lines: first, the struggles to overcome contested situations between different actors, from authorities to citizens, the latter understood in its broadest sense, such as locals or residents, but also tourists and other temporal users of the city; second, the relationship established between the physical changes of city, and the informality of different appropriations; and third, the political reactions of the authorities to control the informal and manage the formal city in order to sell and export a superlative symbolic image of the city, and to gain a better position in the global Catwalk of the world class cities.

1

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Introduction Since the beginning of 1980’s, Barcelona has developed a political urban agenda driven by the aim of promoting a symbolic image of the city in which their main tools have been the urban planning and the urban design of public space. This model, using both production of space and production of symbolism (Zukin 1995) as strategy of urban development, has built an image of the city known worldwide. The ‘Barcelona Model’ has been advertised and managed by politics as a brand in the Global catwalk (Degen 2003) of world class cities, and it has produced significant changes in the city both physically and socially.

With its climax in the projects related to the Olympic Games in 1992, urban planners shaped the city as a scenario to perform the utopian compact city. Most of these changes have turned up as very positive developments, such us the Olympic village, Montjuic development or the new relationship with the seafront. However, other developments, mainly the ones related to urban regenerations projects, led to changes in the existing social structures that were not as resilient as predicted and produced disruptions.

In this essay, I will analyse the processes of change of the city, using as a guideline the changes of the Raval, one of the most controversial neighbourhoods in the city centre of Barcelona (fig.1). First, I will analyse changes in the physical urban morphology. Then, the outcomes it produces, both predicted and unexpected. Later, I will reveal informal responses. And finally, I will explain the political formal responses to these informal appropriations.

I will show that processes of production of the city are cycles in which formal and informal appropriations of the space take place in a concatenated iteration. Once visualized, the appropriations considered disruptions make political authorities react to control them. The political formal city responds through urban design strategies, but also through policy designed tools including laws, bylaws, programmes, rules and norms. Singular tools with specific ‘top-down’ objectives reveal their weakness when applied to certain informal contextual reactions. Negotiations among actors with new and different perspectives should be incorporated.

Figure 1 El Raval in Barcelona.

2

The Symbolic and the Informal City

The Raval A stigmatized neighbourhood The Raval is one of the districts in which is divided the city centre of Barcelona. It is situated in the south west area of Las Ramblas and it is a characteristic area with a very interesting and lively public life. However, it has not always been like this, and lots of changes in its urban physical and social structures have occurred during its history.

Nowadays, even if it has achieved great improvements in its quality of life, it is still considered a problematic neighbourhood. Actually, UN-Habitat has included it in its report regarding to slum conditions in the world (2003).

Historically, the neighbourhood was built in the outskirts of the medieval town, outside the second defensive wall. Its urban fabric was initially organized along the connexion roads to the neighbouring villages to the west, also dwelling a number of hospitals and monasteries that did not fit inside the medieval walls. The backyards of the houses along the road were used as orchards to feed the city. In the 13th century, the third defensive wall was built and gave its definitive urban form to the city centre (fig.2).

From the closure of the walls, the urban fabric densified with housing and new industries, mainly textiles. With the industrial revolution, in the 19th century, factories were allocated in the surrounding area of the medieval city. The neighbourhood, as a consequence, attracted great number of working class immigrants, mostly from other areas of Spain, to work in the vicinity industries.

During the beginning of the 20th century, the Raval turned into an area with social problems, depravation and impoverishment, among other factors, by the influence of proximity of the port. A number of cabarets, music-hall, whorehouses, brothels and night clubs allocated in the area gave it a reputation that changed its original name of the Arrabal (Arabic name for the outskirts of the medieval city) to the Xino exported from San Francisco’ Chinatown by journalists. With the arrival of Franco’s government in 1939 after the Civil war (1936-1939), the physical and the social conditions isolated the area from the rest of the city. In the 1950’s, when prostitution was forbidden, and brothels were closed, prostitutes and clients were forced to the streets. The emergence of drugs in the late 60’s aggravated even more its socio-economical situation.

Before the democracy, as a result of lack of planning and investment, the medieval centre became one of the most deprived areas of the city. The Raval, with its urban morphology, its narrow and tortuous medieval streets, was perceived as an enclosed area where depravation, prostitution and drugs were the everyday. This perception as a ghetto developed into stigmatization, worsening the relationship between the neighbourhood and the rest of the city (Sennet 1996). The Raval was considered a ‘forbidden’ area.

3

Figure 2 Barcelona after the closure of the 3rd defensive wall.

Source: Busquests, 2003

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Politics and urban regeneration for a symbolic city

Figure 3 El Xino. 1950’s.

Photograph: Català Roca.

Source: dejaloaqui.pantaelica.com

With the arrival of the democratic governments in 1976, Barcelona presented a new Barcelona’s General Metropolitan Plan (PGMB). After a period of great lack of holistic view of the city, it was needed a general plan to be used as a framework for intervention.

This plan was seen both as challenge and as an opportunity. Politicians and urban planners conceived it as the guideline to achieve the promised modern, democratic city Barcelona deserved to be. For Barcelona’s identity, its symbolic image was of great significance. The question was to understand how could the city promote it and, at the same time, foster socio-cultural integration.

For the city centre, a special plan for intervention was proposed with two interlinked ideas: reducing social exclusion and promoting a new image of the neighbourhood in accordance to the image of the city. To do so, different strategies were used, among others: the improvement of the quality of public spaces of the derelict areas; the increase of security; and the promotion of new facilities for local residents, other residents of the city and tourists. Tourism was of great interest for the politicians and urban planners as they believed it could be a great opportunity for promotion of investment.

The process of renovation fostered cultural and touristic functions of the area which underlined the symbolic importance of the intervention for the global city marketing strategy. This would lead to a great change of the image of the area and, as a consequence, of the city. Public investment in new cultural facilities such as the MACBA (Barcelona’s Contemporary Art Museum), the CCCB (Barcelona’s Contemporary Cultural Centre), accompanied with new open spaces would regenerate the social fabric of the neighbourhood and foster new private investment in the real-estate, commercial and touristic sector.

Production of space, associated to real-estate developments was the way to produce symbolism, mainly driven by the aim of being part of the ‘Global Catwalk’ of touristic cities (Degen 2003). To achieve it there was a need ‘to dismiss the neighbourhood’s distinctive identity, perceived as negative, and to assimilate el Raval into the rest of Barcelona, a dilution of public life based on assimilation through homogenization’ (Degen 2003, 879). I understand that the aim of homogenization and dilution of public life of the neighbourhood was to maximize control, to ‘conquer’ a part of the city by the rest, and to exclude and displace those who were uncomfortable and superfluous.

Sennett (2008, 5) presents it in a similar way when saying ‘[e]quilibrium in a social order can sacrifice dissent for the sake of harmony’.

Mehrotra (2011, 1) describes the traditional urban strategies as aiming to ‘maximize control and minimize conflict between [...] opposing worlds’. Here, I believe the way to maximize control was mainly increasing visualization and confronting the city to the neighbourhood. Through visualization, control could be achieved and confronted responses of citizens from other parts of the city would rise. I argue here that the urban design strategies have been used to visualize heterogeneous society in order to control it and homogenize it.

4

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Changing the Urban Form The PGMB followed different strategies for the different areas of the city. Using it as a framework, a specific plan for the Raval was approved in 1983. The Raval’s Special Interior Rehabilitation Plan (PERI Raval) proposed a series of interventions aligned with the traditional urbanism of sanitizing the area: More sun, more light and more open space.

The proposal for intervention was named in Spanish Esponjamiento [literally: ‘Sponging’] It could be explained as the action of opening new public spaces, streets and plazas, and also reconfiguring building typologies with more and bigger interior patios to ventilate.

From the time of the development of the Cerdà’s project of the Eixample in the end of the 19th century, a number of plans were proposed for the city centre, all of them aligned with the ideas of the Haussman’s project for Paris. New streets were proposed to fragment and divide the urban fabric, in order to sanitize the areas, and also to increase control. Some scholars would agree that accessibility, as a tool for visibility, has been always a concern to power structures to increase control and surveillance in the sake of security (Harvey 2003, Delgado 2007).

In the 1930’s, within the framework of Macia’s Plan, the GATCPAC (Grup of Artist and Technics for the Progress of the Contemporary Architecture) proposed a plan for the neighbourhood with a different strategy, being the proposal not opening streets but a series of voids in the fabric for new squares and plazas (fig.4). For the proposal of the PERI Raval in 1983 (fig.5), planners inherited the ideas of the Macia’s Plan for the Raval mixed with the traditional strategies. Anyway, they reduced the number of interventions and focused mainly in two different areas. In the North, the ‘Cultural Void’ was developed, with the new buildings for the MACBA and the University of Barcelona; the refurbishing of the Casa de la Caridad [Charity House] to host the CCCB and the FAD building (Fostering Arts and Design); and the opening of the Plaça del Angels (fig.7).

Figure 4 (Left) GATCPAC’s proposal Source: Busquets 2003

Figure 5 (Right) PERI Raval. Proposal for intervention. (1) Cultural Void, (2) Rambla del Raval, (3) Illa Robadors.

Source: Busquests 2003 5

The Symbolic and the Informal City

In the Central area of the neighbourhood a number of interventions were developed, being the most important the opening of the Rambla del Raval (fig. 6 and 8). Numerous blocks of houses, chosen because of their derelict condition, were demolished to accommodate the new public space. The compulsory purchase (CPO) order from the authorities to buy the houses was a key aspect of the process. In its vicinity, also using the same legal tools (CPO), another quite controversial intervention was built: Illa Robadors, a block consisting in a Four Star Hotel, social housing and the new building of the Cinematheque (fig. 9).

Figure 6 Promotional picture of the Rambla del Raval intervention.

Source:http://geographyfieldwork.com/ ElRavalSocialCleansing

These two main interventions have been capital for the city. To achieve the reduction of built density, as well as, fostering new investments, new wealthy residents and the promotion of tourism in the area were one of the main goals for the political agenda of the municipal authorities.

Figure 7 Plaรงa del Angels and the MACBA

Figure 8 Rambla del Raval. In the Background the Four Star Hotel of the Robardors intervention.

Figure 9 Cinemateque and its new plaza.

Illa Robadors.

6

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Resonances Demographics Some of the intended changes and projections were really successful. The neighbourhood was opened to the city and produced a calling effect to different users. The new symbolic city achieved an international recognition and attracted investment. As a result, new commercial spaces were opened, entrepreneurship playing a very important role for the area’s economy. Also, tourism turned out to be one of the economic engines of Barcelona and the Raval, with a great increase in the licences for tourist hotels, hostels and apartments, as well as souvenir shops. And finally, the cultural facilities were very successful with an increasing number of visits every year.

However, this success from a global perspective has not been reproduced so clearly in the local realm. As Borja (2009) put it, there have been lights and shadows in the outcomes that have lead to a bittersweet feeling. This feeling may be related with a sense of dispossession (fig.12), also underlined by Borja (2009), coming from an unexpected outcome: the neighbourhood’s uneven demographic distribution.

Instead of achieving a great superlative ethnic mixture in the Raval, as envisaged by the goverment, the dilution of the public life, promoted by the authorities (Degen 2003), and the difficulties to integrate different immigrant communities have been a problem that wanted to be hidden by the ‘official praise to the harmonic mixture’ (Delgado 2007, 165). The multi-ethnicity and multi-culturalism have been used for scenic and aesthetic proposes, and therefore, not been addressed. The mechanisms of adaptation were not in this case as resilient as expected. The neighbourhood was not prepared for this change.

50000

The initial idea of the planners was to attract new wealthy professional population that would move to the neighbourhood as a response of the urban renewal and regeneration (Martinez i Rigal 2000). In some of the areas, mainly in the northern part, in the vicinity of the cultural facilities, this projection has been accurate. However, in other areas different trends have occurred.

30000

This important and unintended growth of population has changed significantly the Raval’s social structure. The difficulties to interact among immigrant communities and communicate among different ethnic groups have lead to a felling of indifference and a lack of sense of belonging. In this case, this indifference among communities cannot be seen as positive, contrary to some authors may suggest (Sennett 2008). The differences in languages, cultural and social behaviour have lead to a physically mixed neighbourhood, 7

10000

2010

0 2004

To understand the changes in the demographic processes we should look the evolution of Raval’s population in the context of global economics and immigration patterns to Europe and western countries, being Spain one of the arrival points for Europe. Analyzing this context it can be understood why immigration have had such a significant growth, rising from less than a 15% of the population in 2000 to almost 40% in the 2010 (Subirats and Rius 2005) (fig.10).

20000

2001

The neighbourhood have experienced great changes in the demographic distribution.

Even if it can be too simplistic reduction, we can divide it into three categories as Subirats and Rius suggest (2005): (1) the traditional neighbours, (2) new wealthy comers, both Spanish and ‘western immigrants’ with a socio-economical wealthy position, higher education; and (3) immigrants, mainly from Pakistan, Filipinas, Morocco, and Ecuador, among others.

40000

Others Rep. Dominicana Ecuador Morocco Philippine Pakistan Developed countries Spain

Figure 10 Raval’s demographic evolution in terms of country of origin Source: Subirats and Rius, 2005 and Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2011.

Candidate’s edition.

The Symbolic and the Informal City

with different communities overlapping over others, but not interacting. In this case, the ghetto has been overcome to provoke a more complex relationship (Delgado 2007).

Figure 11 (1) Urban fabric 1947.

(2) Urban Fabric 2011 (3) Esponjamiento.

Difference of the urban fabric.

New open public spaces.

In addition to this growth of population, the clearance of certain parts of the neighbourhood, with new open spaces and facilities have produced pockets of deprivation in others. While some areas were refurbished (fig.11) others have not been left appart.

These areas, with its lack of intervention added to the already derelict situation of the houses and its dwellers, attracted some of the people that were evicted in the renovated areas and did not have a place to go. De-densification of some areas has lead to a hyperdensification of others, worsening their already depraved situation.

Figure 12 Sense of dispossession.

Demolition of the Illa Robadors.

Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/ ElRavalSocialCleansing

8

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Informal responses The process of formalizing and informalizing the city can be seen as a cyclic process.

However, it is not a closed cycle. It could be understood within the framework of the relationship between the Static and the Kinetic City, as Mehrotra suggests (2008), we could reach a better understanding of the city, and thus a better city. ‘Within the Kinetic City [...] spaces get consumed, reinterpreted and recycled. The Kinetic City recycles the Static City to create a new spectacle.’ (Mehrotra 2008). As I understand it, in the transformation of the ever-changing City, politicians should include the informal society as part of the decision making processes.

However, authorities still do not support this point of view, and reproduce cycles that the underline and feed their closed view of the utopian city. Different methods of control have been used to redirect the informal, the disruptions of the established order, trying to close these cycles. Laws, plans and bylaws have been applied to narrow the possibilities, criminalizing situations and forbidding activities. In the Raval study case, several norms have been applied during the last thirty years. Among others, the Civility and Conviviality Bylaw (CCB) (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2005) was approved by the municipality aiming to ‘...preserve the public space as a conviviality and civility, in which everybody can develop in freedom their activities of free movements, leisure, meeting and playtime, with full respect for the dignity and rights of others and the plurality of expressions and diverse life forms that exist in Barcelona. (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2005:5). [Candidate’s translation]

The CCB has been used as a document mainly to control the disrupting activities that have been visualized in the street during the processes of change of the city. The CCB established general norms of conviviality, rights and duties of citizens, norms in the way activities have to be displayed in the public space, and so on. It have criminalized activities in the public realm such as graffiti, skating, playing, homelessness, prostitution and others, establishing specific norms for these specific activities.

I understand to become real disruptions there should be a general feeling of rejection from the society. To promote this rejection feeling, society should be informed. The importance of the ways of visualization and its control is clear. The tools used to show them go from media, fashion, banners, demonstrations, or marketing and also, urban design has an important role. The way urban design visualize disruptions could in two ways: (1) by building new spaces fostering new dissonant activities (unintended) and (2) by clearing the urban fabric and confronting the existing with the new (intended).

To expand the understanding of these informal responses and the way they are visualized, I will now try to draw a blurred picture of some of some dissonant responses. Here, the tourist experience -the way they live the city, how they experience it, how they build their mental maps (more related to situationists than to Lynch)-, the use and control of media, and the interwoven relations with derelict situations appear. I recognize there is a gap between the different visions involved. I propose negotiation, understanding that tourists and users are not only economic capital, but also cultural and social capital.

Now, I propose an approach to qualitative evidences that could suggest new possible ways of looking for solutions.

9

Figure 13 Flyer of an exhibition as a respond for the approval of the CCB. Source: http://www.surfmaktub.com/ blog/exposicion-sex-graffiti-skate/)

The Symbolic and the Informal City

1. Skating ‘CCB: CHAPTER FOUR: MISUSE OF PUBLIC SPACE FOR GAMES: Article 30.-The practice of ball games, skateboard or similar in the public space is subject to the general principle of respect for others, and in particular to the security and tranquility as well as the fact that do not involve danger to goods, services or facilities, both public and private.’ (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2005)

In the article ‘Reinterpreting the City: the skater culture and the streets of Barcelona’ (2008), Xavi Camino explains the contradictions displayed when skaters appropriate informally an urban space.

He makes connections between different issues that converge in studying these contradictions. He addresses the importance of the international image of the city at the end of the 90’s, based in the urban design of public space. He explains how these changes in the urban form of the city promoted tourism, including skate tourism. This skate tourism found an incredible opportunity in these new spaces. He also analyses the symbolic ‘bottom-up’ appropriation of the production of space, as a way of reaction from the ‘top-down’ political approaches traditional way of producing the city. And finally he also analyses how political reactions such as the CCB, tried to control and evict skating from public space by imposing fines, and send them to closed controlled skateparks where they would end up being isolated.

Figure 14 Skating in the Plaça dels Angels, in front of the MACBA. A new public space as a place to contestation.

As a conclusion he says: ‘...sanctions are often subject to repression rather than negotiation for coexistence; to get the later it should be recognized before the two parties involved.

And if you chose for the recognition, then, why not taking the positive synergies that can trigger your promotion?’ (Camino 2008, 65).

10

The Symbolic and the Informal City

2. Prostitution ‘CCB: CHAPTER FIVE: OTHER BEHAVIOURS IN PUBLIC SPACE. Section Two: Use of public space for the offer and demand for sexual services: The acts described as violation of this section seek to protect minors from the showing of offering practices or solicitation of sexual services in the street, maintain harmony and avoid traffic problems in public places and prevent the exploitation of certain groups.’ (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2005)

For this resonance I have chosen to show in chronological order a series of headings of newspaper articles and photographs which may be revealing for the purpose of understanding cycles of offences and reactions. Prostitution is a very difficult question to be addressed. Many different factors come together, such public health, civility and conviviality, immigration, tourism, drugs, white slave traffic, mafias, and so on. Media plays a significant role.

Figure 15 (Left) 31/08/09. Protitution in the Mercat de la Boquería.

Source: Bayer 2009

Figure 16 (Right) Photograph of the same place during the day. 19/12/11.

01/09/09 ‘Paid sex on the street next to the Boquería Market’ (Cazorla 2009c) (fig.15).

‘CIU claims that Barcelona should not be the City of Sex’ (Arroyo 2009) CIU was at that time the political party holding the main the opposition to the Municipal government).

02/09/09 ‘Neighbours and shoppers claim to regulate prostitution’ (Cazorla 2009c).

‘The institutions throw the towel in their fight against the prostitution in the Raval’ (García 2009).

‘Lights and Police waiting for activity’ (Serra 2009) (fig.17).

Figure 17 Police as a political reaction.

02/09/09.

Source: Serra 2009

11

The Symbolic and the Informal City

03/09/09 ‘Police launched an operation to tackle prostitution in the Raval’ (Cazorla 2009b).

‘Escape through the Eixample’ (Cazorla 2009b). Under the pressure of the Police, prostitutes leave the area of the Boquería Market, cross the Raval and try to escape through the Eixample.

05/09/09 ‘Sixteen arrested in a crackdown on prostitution in the Raval’ (EFE 2009).

10/09/09 ‘The prostitutes go back to the Raval’ (Ovalle 2009).

30/04/10 ‘A neighbourhood protest divides the Raval district’ (Mumbrú 2010). This article exposes the confrontations between neighbours. (fig 18 and 19) Figure 18 (Left) ‘We want a worthy negihbourhood’ Source: Mumbrú 2010

Figure 19 (Right) ‘We are a worthy neighbourhood’ Source: www.panoramio.com/ photo/62085460

10/02/11 ‘Hereu approves a plan for 616 building blocks in the Raval’ (Baquero 2011a)(fig. 20 and 21). Jordi Hereu was the major of Barcelona.

Figure 20 (Left) Areas of prostitution in the Raval. In blue Mercat de la Boqueria and the Illa Robadors.

Figure 21 (Right) Plan of the ‘Proposal for the Conservation and Rehabilitation Area for the Robador Street and Sant Ramon Street’, adjacent to the Illa Robadors Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2011

11/02/11 ‘Neighbours criticize that Raval’s Action Plan arrives 100 days before elections’ (Baquero 2011b).

23/05/11 Mr. Xavier Trias (CIU) is elected new Major of Barcelona.

04/10/11 ‘Prostitutes in the Rambla now work in carrer Petrixol’ (López 2011) 04/10/11 ‘Trias claims a legislative change to “finish” with prostitution in Barcelona’ (Baquero 2011c).

12

The Symbolic and the Informal City

3. Nudism Figure 22 (Left) Image of the Barcelona’s Triptic legalizing nudism. 2004 Source: www.bcn.cat

Figure 23 (Right) Tourists in Barcelona.

Source: El Pais, 20/01/2011

In 2004 the municipal government passed a bylaw were nudism was allowed in the streets of Barcelona (fig.22). A number of nudist associations had been fighting to conquer the right to be naked in the city. It was usual to see, tourists walking along Las Ramblas and in the Tube without their T-shirt, or only with their swimsuit (fig.23). Images like the fashion photo-shoot of Sebastian Faena (fig.24) expose contradictions. In 2010, the CCB was modified to include this article: Figure 24 VMagazine 68, Spring 2010.

Barri Gotic ‘In Barcelona, public nudity is not only accepted, it’s encouraged. Supermodel Iris Strubegger exercises her right to bare all, proving that skin is always in and confidence is always required.’

Source: http://www.vmagazine. com/2010/05/barrio-gotico/

‘CCB (2010 modification): CHAPTER TWELVE: OTHER BEHAVIOURS DISRUPTING CONVIVIALITY. Section Three: Practice of nudism or quasi nudism. Article 74.- Standards of Behavior: (1.) It is forbidden to go nude or almost nude in public spaces, except authorizations for specific public places, by order of Mayor. (2.) It is also prohibited to walk or be in public spaces only in a swimsuit or other garment like it, except for swimming pools, beaches or other places where it is normal or usual to be in it with this piece of clothing.’ (fig.25)

Figure 25 Official Image advertising the change in the CCB. Source: www.bcn.cat 13

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Conclusion We have seen that changes in the physical morphology of the city respond to particular ideological stances following political agendas, being the idea to achieve beneficial outcomes through physical designed changes. In general, political agendas propose long term vision planning strategies, in order to create a symbolic image for their urban achievements. Considering that the designed urban morphology of the city fosters processes of change in the social structure has been a nuclear idea in the political traditional approaches to urban planning. If there is a great change in the image of the city, there will be a great change in its socio-economical structure.

However, socio-economical changes are not only promoted from urban shaping strategies of the city, and they neither respond always to long term foresights. Most of the times, unforeseen factors are more important in the outcomes. These factors come from other scales of analysis and from different disciplinal perspectives that are not taken into account we proposing solutions. We also recognize that these socioeconomical changes induce political responses, provoking somehow a cyclical process of answers and replications between the ones building the symbolic city, and those who are the city, its citizens and its users.

I believe long term projects lead to linear closed strategies, in which utopian solutions are proposed. In working looking only for the long term ‘grand vision’, we forget the ‘elastic urban condition’ (Mehrotra, 2011:2). I agree with Mehrotra when suggesting that we should work for the ‘grand adjustment’ (2011:2), understood as a retrofitted incremental process, were not only political long term visions are taken into account, but also, the informal, the ‘Kinetic’. Hence, incorporating multi-scalar analysis, transdisciplinar approaches and contextual particular perspectives based on fine grain analysis could help to develop processes where ‘the Static City embraces the Kinetic City and is informed and remade by its logic’ (Mehrotra, 2011:4).

In the symbolic city, the concatenated processes are cyclic and continuous but not incremental. The Symbolic City produces mechanisms of control to relocate disruptions and dislocations. The informal City evidences the disagreement, and in a dynamic evolution it re-appropriates spaces. Media shows them as disruptions, and the authorities react using their ability to change legislative rules and norms, to control the image of the Symbolic City. Thus, the Symbolic City is built out of political cyclic responses to the informal appropriations.

To achieve an incremental cycle, disruptions should not be understood as singular appropriations and they neither should be given singular responses. The informal should not be understood as an offence or a criminal act, but as response to be taken into account as an active party. The decision making process of the production of the city should include the informal.

14

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Bibliography and References Ajuntament de Barcelona (1976) Plan General Metropolitano de Barcelona.

Ajuntament de Barcelona (1981) Plan Especial de Reforma Interior del Raval (PERI Raval).

Ajuntament de Barcelona (2005) Ordenança de mesures per fomentar i garantir la convivencia ciutadana a l’espai públic de Barcelona.

Ajuntament de Barcelona (2010a) Plan de usos de Ciutat Vella.

Ajuntament de Barcelona (2010b) Projecte d’Intervenció integral del Raval Sud. Llei de Barris.

Ajuntament de Barcelona (2011) Proposta per a l’Àrea de Conservació i Rehabilitació pels carrers Robador i Sant Ramon.

Angulo, S. (2011) ‘Pins de la Barcelona incívica, en las librerías de los museos’ La Vanguardia, 6 Sep. Arroyo, F. (2009) ‘CiU sostiene que Barcelona no puede ser la ciudad del sexo’, El Pais 2 Sep. Baquero, C. S. (2011a) ‘Hereu aplica un plan de choque para 616 viviendas del Raval’ El País, 10 Feb. Baquero, C. S. (2011b) ‘Los vecinos critican que el plan del Raval llegue a 100 días de las elecciones’, El País, 11 Feb. Baquero, C. S. (2011c) ‘Trias reclama un cambio legislativo para “terminar” con la prostitución en Barcelona’, El País, 4 Oct. Bayer, E. (2009) ‘Prostitución en la Boquería’ El País, 1 Sep. Photographs publisedBorja, J. (2009) Luces y Sombras del Urbanismo en Barcelona. Editorial UOC, Barcelona Busquest, J. (2003) La Ciutat Vella de Barcelona: un passat amb futur = El Centro Histórico de Barcelona: un pasado con futuro = The old town of Barcelona: a past with a future. Barcelona : Ajuntament de Barcelona. Foment de Ciutat Vella : Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya.

Laboratori d’Urbanisme de Barcelona.

Camino, X. (2008) ‘Reinterpretando la ciudad: la cultura skater y las calles de Barcelona’, Apunts Educación Fisica y Deportes, 91, 1er trimestre 2008, 54-65.

Cazorla, B. (2009a) ‘Huida por el Eixample’, El País, 3 Sep. Cazorla, B. (2009b) ‘Mossos y Urbana lanzan un operativo para atajar la prostitución en el Raval’, El País, 3 Sep. Cazorla, B. (2009c) ‘Sexo de pago en plena calle junto al mercado de La Boqueria’ El País, 1 Sep. Cazorla, B. (2009d) ‘Vecinos y tenderos reclaman regular la prostitución’, El País, 2 Sep. Degen, M. (2003) ‘Fighting for the Global Catwalk: Formalizing Public Life in Castlefield (Manchester) and Diluting Public Life in el Raval (Barcelona)’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(4), 867-880.

Delgado, M. (2007) La ciudad mentirosa, Fraude y miseria del ‘Modelo Barcelona’. Los libros de la Catarata, Madrid.

Delgado, M. (2008) ‘The artistization of the urban policies. The role of culture in the dynamics of capitalist reappropriation of the city’ Scripta nova : revista electrónica de geografía y ciencias sociales (1138-9788), 12 (270).

EFE (2009) ‘Dieciseis detenidos en una redada contra la prostitución en el Raval’ in ABC (Barcelona, 05/09/2009).

15

The Symbolic and the Informal City

Faena, S. (2010) ‘Barrio Gótico fashion photo shoot’,V Magazine, V63 spring 2010. Barcelona.

García, J. (2009) ‘Las instituciones tiran la toalla en la lucha contra la prostitución en el Raval’ El País, 2 Sep. Harvey, D. (2003) Paris, capital of modernity. New York, London : Routledge.

Lopez, H. (2011) ‘Prostitutas de la Rambla ejercen ahora en Petritxol’, El Periodico de Catalunya, 4 Oct. Lynch, K. (1960) The image of the City. Cambridge, Mass.; London : M.I.T. Press.

Martínez i Rigol, S. (2000) El retorn al centre de la ciutat. La reestructuració del Raval, entre la renovación i la gentrificación, unpublished doctoral thesis. University of Barcelona.

Mehrotra, R. (2011) ‘The Static and the Kinetic’, in R. Burdett and D. Sudjic (eds.), Living in the Endless City. London: Phaidon Press. Pp. 108-15 Mumbrú, J. (2010) ‘Una protesta veïnal divideix al barri del Raval’, Público, 30 Apr. Ovalle, R. (2009) ‘Las prostitutas regresan al Raval’ ABC, 10 Sep. Sennett, R. (1996) ‘Fear to touch’, Flesh and Stone: the Body and the City in Western Civilization, Madrid: Alianza, 1997, 229-270.

Sennett, R. (2008) ‘The Public Realm’, unpublished essay for Quant.

Serra, C. (2009) ‘Luces y policía a la espera de actividad’, El País, 2 Sep. Subirats, J. and Rius, J. (dirs.) (2005) From the Xino to the Raval. Barcelona: Centre de Cultura Contemporánea de Barcelona, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Institut de Govern i Polítiques Públiques.

UN-Habitat, United Nations Human Settlements Programme (2003) The Challenge of Slums, Global Report on Human Settlements. Earthscan Publications Ltd, London.

Zukin, S. (1995) The cultures of cities. Blackwell, Oxford.

16