Journal of Social Sciences (COES&RJ-JSS)

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Editorial Board Nasir Ali Shamsi Editor-in -Chief Dr. Neda Khan Editor Members Dr. Michael F. Shaughnessy Eastern New Mexico University, New Mexico, USA Dr. Tryfon Korontzis Panteion University of Political and Social Sciences Hellas, Greece Dr. Ahmed Has him Mohaisen Al -Yasari University of Babylon, Hilla, Iraq Dr. Abdul Karim Ishaq University of Maiduguri Borno State, Nigeria Dr. Md. Mamun Habib American International University Dacca, Bangladesh Dr. Fauzia Khurshid National University of Modern Languages, (NUML) Islamabad, Pakistan Dr. Suifiana K. Malik National University of Modern Languages, (NUML) Islamabad, Pakistan Prof. Sher Bano Kaka Govt. Degree Girls College, Karachi, Pakistan Dr. S. Arulchelvan Anna University, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India Dr Stellina Jolly South Asian University New Delhi, India Dr. Romiro G. Bautista, AMA International University, Bahrain Dr.V.Mahalakshmi Panimalar Engg College, Chennai, India Dr. Leonidas Kyriakides University of Cyprus Larnaca, Cyprus

Contents Journal of Social Sciences (COES&RJ-JSS) Volume 2, No.1, January 2013

S. No 1

Title A cry still unheard: A menace of female foeticide societal attitude towards female fieticide

Page No. 47-50

Dr. Mona Arora

2

A Development of Healthy Promotion Model by E-SAN Folk Healer's Wisdom

51-60

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Patthira Phon-ngam

3

Personalization or fictionalization of national history in Zimbabwe?

A re-evaluation of the Political careers of Ian Smith and Ndabaningi Sithole

61-72

James Hlongwana, Richard S Maposa, Thamsanqa Moyo

4

Social Attitudes towards Kitchen Gardening

73-80

Bushra Rehman, Mehreen Faiza, Tabinda Qaiser, Dr. M. Azeem Khan , Dr. Akhtar Ali, Saima Rani

5

The challenges of development journalism in Nigeria Felix Olajide Talabi

81-86

Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS Publisher: Centre of Excellence for Scientific & Research Journalism Online Publication Date: 1 st January 2013

A CRY STILL UNHEARD: A MENACE OF FEMALE FOETICIDE SOCIETAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS FEMALE FOETICIDE Mona Arora Abstract India has an age old fascination with the boy child and considers the birth of a girl as a bad investment in future. A girl is considered to be consumer rather than a producer, and this narrow viewpoint of the Indian patriarchal society has lead to horrid practices like female infanticide and female foeticide.

There is societal pressure for women to have male children and failures tend to feel guilty after giving birth to a girl. Such women are at risk of being beaten and rejected by their husbands. This can even lead to rejection by in -laws and by the society as a whole. Keeping in view the above discourse the present paper aims to study the attitude of society towards female foeticide.

Keywords: F e m a le foeticide, social attitude, social pressures, Indian s o c i e t y .

Introduction The concern for girl child, who is murdered because she is female, is of growing concern in contemporary society worldwide. This violation of a girl’s basic right to life requires urgent attention and action. Girl children are undes irable in many regions of the world. In fact, due to the high occurrence of foeticides, infanticides, including newborn neglect and abandonment, the world is currently deprived of over 100 million women. China and India alone are responsible for 80 million missing females.

Female infanticide has been practiced in India for thousands of years, but with the increased availability of modern sex determination techniques such as amniocentesis and ultrasound, sex selective abortion has become common in most of In d i a ’ s b i g c i t i e s .

As a result of selective abortion, between 35 and 40 million girls and women are missing from the Indian population. In some parts of the country, the sex ratio of girls to boys has dropped to less than 800:1000. The United Nations h a s e xpressed serious concern about the situation. The sex ratio has altered consistently in favour of boys since the beginning of the 20t h Century and the effect has been most pronounced in the States of Punjab, Haryana and Delhi. It was i n t h e s e s t a t e s t h a t p rivate foetal sex determination clinics were first established and the practice of selective abortion became popular from the late 1970s.

Worryingly, the tend is far stronger in urban rather than rural areas, and among literate rather than illiterate women, exploding the myth that growing affluence and spread of basic education alone will result in the erosion of gender bias.

The adverse sex ratio has been linked with the low status of women in Indian communities, both Hindu and Muslim. The status of women in a society can be determined by their education, health, economic role, presence in the professions and management, and decision making power within the family. It is deeply influenced by the beliefs and values of society. Islam permits polygamy and gives women fewer rights than men. Among Hindus, preference for the male child is likewise deeply enshrined in belief and practice. The Ramayana and the Manusmriti (the Laws of Manu) represent the ideal woman as obedient and submissive and always needing the care of a male; first father, then husband, then son.

Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 47-50

The birth of a son is regarded as essential in Hinduism and many prayers and lavish offerings are made in temples in the hope of having a male child.

Modern medical technology is used in the service of this religion-driven devaluing of women and girls.

R e ligion operates alongside other culture and economic factors in lowering the status of women. The practice of dowry has spread nationwide, to communities and castes in which it had never been the custom, fuelled by consumerism and emulation of upper caste practices. In the majority of cases, the legal system has no impact on the practice of dowry. It is estimated that a dowry death occurs in India every 93 minutes.

The need of dowry for girl children and the ability to demand a dowry for boys exerts considerable economic pressure on families to use any means to avoid having girls, who are seen as a liability. Sonalda Desai has reported that there are posters advertising sex determination tests read as, “It is better to pay 500 Rs. now than 50,000 Rs. (in dowry) later”.

Women and Developments in Reproductive Technology Abortion was legalized in India in 1971 (Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act) to strengthen humanitarian values (pregnancy can be aborted if it is a result of sexual assault, contraceptive failu re, if the baby would be severely handicapped, or if the mother is incapable of bearing a healthy child). Amniocentesis was introduced in 1975 to detect foetal abnormalities but it soon began to be used for determining the sex of the baby. Ultrasound scanning, being a non-invasive technique, quickly gained popularity and is now available in some of the most remote rural areas. But techniques are now being used for sex determination with the intention of abortion if the foetus turns out to be female. These methods do not involve manipulation of genetic material to select the sex of a baby.

Most of those in the medical profession, being part of the same gender based society, are steeped in the same attitudes concerning women. It is scarcely surprising that they are happy to fulfill the demands of prospective parents.

Medical malpractice in this area is flourishing, and bans on gender selection in society as a whole have had little effect.

Attitude of Society towards female foetcide (a) Discrimination against girl children is the direct outcome of male preference. For more than 100 years, the Indian census has shown a marked gap between the number of boys and girls, men, and women.

This gap, which has nationwide implications, is the result of decisions made at the most local level – the family. Common wisdom is that the preference for sons is motivated by economic, religious, social and emotional desires and norms that favour males and make females less desirable: Parents expect sons – but not daughters – to pro vide financial and emotional care, especially in their old age; sons add to family wealth and property while daughter drain it through to another household; sons perform important religious roles, and sons defend or exercise the family’s power while daughters have to be defended and protected, creating a perceived burden on the household. (b) According to many Indian parents, a girl entails costs related to protective efforts extended especially to daughters. Girls are perceived to be particularly vulnerable, as family honour seems, at times, to rest exclusively on women’s behavior, rather than on men’s. But apart from this aspect, raising daughters cannot be said to be more expensive than raising sons, especially when they

48

A cry still unheard: ... …

receive care and education of infe rior quality compared to their brothers. As such, it is only with reference to costs arising during or after their marriage that daughters appear to be more “expensive” than sons. In addition, though the “investment” in daughters is essentially the same as sons before marriage, this money is subsequently considered wasted due to the patrilocal” nature of marriage, meaning that married couples in India generally live near the husband’s family, rather than the wife’s.

Marriage and related expenditures constit ute a large category of costs. This includes several sub categories, such as wedding expenses borne by the bride family, customary gifts to the groom’s side, and especially dowry (paid to the groom’s family) or even post marriage expenses (additional dowry d e m a n d s , support at time of first pregnancy etc.

In 1994, the Government of India passed the Pre -conception and Pre -n a t a l Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act with the aim of preventing female foeticide. The implementation of this Act was slow. It was later amended and replaced in 2002 by the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act without ever having been properly implemented.

The Act has a central and state level Supervisory Board, an Appropriate A u t h o rity, and supporting Advisory Committee. The function of the Supervisory Board is to oversee, monitor, and make amendments to the provisions of the Act. Appropriate Authority provides registration, and conducts the administrative work involved in inspectio n, investigation, and the penalizing of defaulters. The Advisory Committee provides expert and technical support to the Appropriate Authority. Contravening the provisions of the Act can lead to a fine of Rs.10,000 and up to three years imprisonment for a first offence, with greater fines and longer terms of imprisonment for repeat offender. The Appropriate Authority informs the central or state medical council to take action against medical professionals, leading to suspension or the striking off the practitioners found guilty of contravening the provisions of the Act. Before conducting any prenatal diagnostic procedure, the medical practitioner must obtain a written consent from the pregnant woman in a local language that she understands. Prenatal tests may be performed in various specified circumstances, including risk of chromosomal abnormalities in the case of women over 35, and genetic diseases evident in the family history of the couple.

Implementation of the 1994 Act. Preventing Female Foeticide It c an be concluded that female fo eticid e is ap p ro v ed u n d er o n e p retex t o r the other. Dowry was cited as the main reason behind it. Daughters are unable to provide social security to their parents in old age and thus are considered an unnecessary investment. The following are the suggestive measures for preventing female foeticide: 1.

Laws have been passed declaring female foeticide as illegal.

Advertising for prenatal prediction of sex has also been declared illegal. Efforts should be made to implement these laws effectively.

Strict punishment should be given to the defaulters.

2.

Efforts and provisions should be made to provide social security to parents who are above 65 years of age and have only daughters.

They should be provided with old age pension if they do not have a son.

3.

Girl children should be provided free and compulsory education up to higher secondary level. This would decrease the so -called

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 47-50

4.

5.

6.

7.

“unnecessary investment on girl children” made by the parents on their daughters. They would stop taking their d a u g h t e r s a s a liability.

Certain schemes should be started for providing economic provision for the female children. For this purpose, government should start various employment schemes for females where 100% reservation could be made for women in occupations like teaching, nursing as telephone operators etc.

Women’s right to own and inherit property and the social obligation of daughters to support parents in the same way as sons, can be spread by policy intervention to inculcate these new values in h o u s eholds as well as legal support to implement these values should be provided.

The Ministry of Women and Child Welfare should dispatch congratulatory greetings to couples who attain parenthood with the birth of a girl child. The Government by dispatching such greetings could spread awareness that the birth of a girl is a joyous occasion and would instill confidence in the mother who usually finds herself at the receiving end whenever a girl child is born.

Moral education should be imparted in schools. Childre n s h o u l d b e taught to uphold morals and refrain from practices of dowry, female foeticide, and gender basis. The vulnerable minds of the children should be so influenced that they grow up as adults who consider practicing dowry and female foeticide as immo r a l .

References 1.

Puri, N., The Girl Child in India, The Journal of Family Welfare, 44(3): 1-8 (1998).

2.

Srivastava, R.D., Girls are second class citizens everywhere, The Times of India, January 17:3, (2000).

3.

Khanna, Surinder, Violence Against Women and Human Rights, Swastik Publishers, Delhi, (2009).

4.

Devinder Singh, Human Rights Women and Law, Allahabad Law Agency, (2010).

5. www.google.com 6.

Bardan, P.E., Little Girls and Death in India, Economic and Political Weekly, 17 No. 36, 5 t h September, (1982).

About the Author Assistant Professor, G.G.D.S.D. College, Sector-32, Chandigarh, India.

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS Publisher: Centre of Excellence for Scientific & Research Journalism Online Publication Date: 1 st January 2013

A Development of Healthy Promotion Model by E-SAN Folk Healer's Wisdom Assoc. Prof. Dr. Patthira Phon-ngam Abstract The purposes of research were 1) to study the knowledge used by local folk healers, the condition of healing and services, the acceptance of the methods used by the folk healers in Loei Province, and 2) to develop the model for the promotion of the community health with the herbal wisdom of I-san folk healer participated by the related stakeholders.

Mixed methods of quantitative and qualitative research were applied, the quantitative research was used in the survey, and the quantitative research was used in an in-depth interview, the participatory observation, and focus group discussion. The target groups in this study consisted of the registered folk healers from 14 districts of Loei who still perform the healing, the local people who get the services or used to get the services from the folk healers, the senior people in the areas, and Thai traditional medicine scholars. The findings were as follows.

1. All folk healers treat the illness according to the systems of human body. The healing condition in which the folk healers used was related to the belief of local culture that the folk healers believe, including (1)the belief in the causes of illness, (2) 4 elements and 5 aggregates of life, (3) astrological belief on fate, (4) astrological belief on the causes of illness, (5) the belief on the 4 elements of life, (6) the belie f in the rite of Thai traditional medicine, (7) the belief and the rite on the herbs, and (8) the belief on the village herbs and the elimination of illness.

The acceptance on the healing methods of the folk healers in Loei indicated that the patients and the relatives are satisfied with the results of healing, because the symptoms of illness were disappeared. Some people were back to normal, however, everyone can go back to live life and to work normally as before.

2. The results from the development of the healthy promotion model in community with the knowledge on herbs of the folk healers using participatory action of related the stakeholders in the community were in 3 models; Model 1: The community health promotional activities consisted of (1) the activities related to public health to promote the local students’ learning, (2) herbs garden project in schools, (3) the first aids cure with the herbs in schools instead of using medicine, Model 2: the creation of learning materials of the local wisdom of the folk healers by making books and CDs titled Herbs in Loei and I-san Herbs Recipe, and Model 3: The Dissemination of folk healing knowledge to people The evaluation of the three models was done by the observation of the activity participation, interview on the satisfaction, and the usefulness of the participation in the activities.

Key words: folk healer wisdom, community health, healthy promotion, community health promotion Rational Nowadays it is accepted that only the modern medicine cannot solve all the health problems because the medical system is expensive, and it depends on the medical supplies and appliances from other countries, and these resulted the medical services to be limited especially to those who reside in the remote area. So what should be considered are to pay attention to the study of local wisdom in taking care of health by the folk healing in all dimensions and to bring out what is still currently suitable for the community to use in the real situation. The attitude of the villagers to the medical system shows that the modern medicine and the folk healing are not separated, they are dependent on each others. That is why the development of public health should focus on both the modern medicine and the folk healing and then let the people choose the appropriate way in curing illnesses for themselves. (Daranee Onnchomchan, 1994)

Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 51-60

It was found that however the bodies of knowledge on the local wisdom mostly were the skills and experiences gained by the folk healer himself, and were not written in the form of any book. For the folk healers who collected the wisdom in the form of books, it was found that those books were old and risky to be damaged and some were already damaged. Most of the folk healers did not have the students or someone who inherit their knowledge. This current situation indicated that the inheriting of folk healers’ knowledge was to be concerned. (Daranee Onnchomchan, 1994) The local wisdom of the folk healer in curing and taking care of the people in the community was the traditional style using the understanding of health holistically the body, the mind, and society. The use of local wisdom in healing was necessary especially for the people in the lower class, more than a half of the people residing in the country. These people believed in the traditional healing. For the conscious mind in the conservation and keeping on the cultural knowledge, and for the community to have well balancing health in the body, the mind, the society, and the culture, the cultural eating habit such as having vegetables as the folk medicine was blending well in the ways of lives as seen in the ancient I-saan statement: “Rice as a main food, should the vegetables as healing drug�. This cultural dimension showed the behaviors in protecting and promoting self health sustainably following the sufficient economic principle, and also it was the activation for the warning of the community not to be so capitalism and consumerism, and not to forget the local wisdom inherited from the ancestors. It was not too late if the communities return to study and accept the local wisdom with the adaptation of technology for the development of body of knowledge and holistic-health wisdom, the wisely healing method which was agreeable with the society and local culture.

The folk healing was the cultural system in curing and taking care of health which was studied on the basis of the experiences, traditional belief, and the religious teachings with the uniqueness of each local area and the evolution in each area. The folk healing in Loei featured the characteristics which were the blending of traditional beliefs on various kinds of spirits, the beliefs on religion about hell, heaven, and karma, and the culture that were parts in taking care of health when being sick or being normal including the controlling of society.

The folk healers in the community had an important role in taking care of the people. The healing process started with the providing of the paying-respect tray consisted of flowers, incenses, candles, and money as a wishing fee by the patient, and then the folk healer started the process of healing by identifying and diagnosing the sickness and in the diagnosis the folk healer did not look only the symptom but also look at the relationship of the body, the mind, and the society of the patient, and after that, the folk healer would start the method of health protection and the prevention of sickness; the healing ritual focusing on the curing the mind together with curing the illness in the body. The method may include physical therapy, herbal therapy, and/or food therapy depending on the case. Sometimes, though the illness was disappeared, the restoration of mind needed to be done for the full functioning of the body. The massages were given to relieve the pain, and sometimes herbal intakes were needed to help relieve the pain. However, the taking care of health was related as whole methods, they cannot be separated.

In Loei province, the people have been believed in folk healing method, and being faithful with this kind of curing for a very long time, it was related to the ways of life of the countryside people, the culture, the society and the economy that was corresponded to the community. For the inheriting of the folk healing wisdom, it was the state policy through the ministry by the academic people and policy planner. The traditional medicine depended on the good principle such as having the Act on the controlling of medical arts resulting the traditional medicine to be limited. The folk healer had to study from the central traditional medical school. For the local folk healers in the countryside, mostly, they are old people who have experiences and know how to use herbs for curing by observing, studying, and testing with long experiences before getting the results of the herbal use, but these folk healers do not have medical art certificates, and this make them illegal to cure other people. Additionally, the curing method was not recorded as texts for the younger generations to study and then use the knowledge to heal people. For the traditional medical healers who studied at the central school for traditional medicine, they had traditional medical art certificates, but they did not have experiences and the knowledge that they gained was not related

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A Development of Healthy Promotion Model...

to the local community. They studied theories from texts, but they could not use the knowledge in the real context of local communities. These were the main problems of local traditional healers according to the lacking of herbal wisdom to apply in the real situation, and the limitation of technology for the development of body of knowledge and the proper inheriting. Such problems could be mended by collecting the body of knowledge on herbal usages and record them as a ready for use manual, this helps promoting the use of herbs instead of using the greatest amount of imported chemicals and drugs from foreign countries. It also helps lowering the budget for the national health services. From the study, it was found that the folk healers can be classified into 4 groups: the ritual groups (healing the mind), the physical method groups (physical therapy), the herbal groups (healing with herbs, and the food therapy group (healing by food). From the survey, it was found that most of the folk healers in north eastern were the groups that use herbs.

It was considered that the body of knowledge on the folk healing in taking care of community health was important to be studied, carried out the research to get the true and the right body of knowledge under the academic process with the integration on the conditions that found and maintained currently in the community. As mentioned above, the researcher was interested in the studying and developing of the pattern in promoting community health with the folk healing wisdom in north eastern Thailand, and the result revealed the condition of the folk healers in north eastern Thailand, the body of knowledge used by the folk healers, the condition on the healing methods and services of the folk healers, and the acceptance of the healing methods of the folk healers. The results of the study can be used as guidelines for the promotion of the use of folk healing as the source to rely on and as the health promotion for the people in the community. It was also the guideline for the community to rely on itself in taking care of health and also the promotion for the community to concern about the local wisdom of north eastern Thailand which was the advantage in conserving, promoting, and supporting the local wisdom usage in the wider society and so on.

Research Objectives 1. To study the body of knowledge used by the folk healers, the condition of healing and giving services of the folk healers, and the acceptance of the folk healing methods in Loei 2. To develop the model of promoting community health with the local wisdom of the folk healers on the herbs by the participation of the related groups Expected outcome 1. Expected outcome 1) Know the body of knowledge used in taking care of health by the folk healers including methods, process, and steps in curing illness by the folk healers, and know the acceptance of folk healing by the folk healers.

2) Know the result of the healing methods used by the folk healers in Loei from the patients’ perspective that can be used as the foundation for the development of book of alternative medicine.

3) Get the model of promoting community health with the local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers.

4) Bring the body of knowledge on curing illness by the folk healers gained from the research into the local curriculum to use in the study of students and higher students on traditional Thai medicine as well as distribute the knowledge to the young adults and interested people.

2.

Target groups to receive the advantages

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 51-60

1) Direct advantages receivers include people and patients who have illness can use the body of knowledge of the folk healers to take care of themselves and cure an illness.

2) Related groups, include physician and nurse, they can use traditional Thai medicine together with the modern medicine to cure the patients.

3) Groups of related study field can use the results from the research in the study courses of traditional Thai medicine and can be distributed to young adults and interested people on the folk healing.

Research Framework

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A Development of Healthy Promotion Model...

Research Model The research model used in this study was Action Research with the Action Learning process used the mixed methodologies of both quantitative and qualitative research. The quantitative one was performed by surveying, and the qualitative one used in-depth interviews, participatory observations, and in-group discussion.

Target group The target groups of this study consisted of 1. The folk healers from 14 Districts of Loei Province, and the criterion for section were are Folk healers who registered with provincial public health office and Still operates the healing practice by the time of studying 2. The service receivers in the community or the people who got the services from the folk healers consisted of 20 selected people on the following criterion 1) The adults aged 32 years and above 2) People who got the jobs 3) People who got the services from the folk healers during the past three months 3. Members of the folk healers’ family 4. Leaders or community leaders 5. Folk healers network 6. Related groups include Sub-district Administration Organization, schools, and the main organization which controls and take care of folk healers: Loei Public Health Office Process and Method in analyzing data In this study, the researcher used Research and Development as followings Stage 1: Research In this stage of studying, the researcher studied the body of knowledge used by the folk healers, the condition of healing, the services of the folk healers, the acceptance of folk healers, and the methods used by the folk healers in Loei. The processes were as followings: 1. Study the related research literatures 2. Study the target groups who can provide the important data in Loei. The groups consisted of groups of the folk healers, groups of the people who got the services from the healers, groups of community leaders and senior citizens in the area, groups of academic people in the Thai traditional medicine, and related organizations. The tools used in the study were in-depth interview forms, in -group discussion as the following details.

1) The process used in-depth interview on the topic of the body of knowledge the folk healers used, the condition of healing and the services of the folk healers, the acceptance, the healing methods of the folk healers in Loei province. The data was collected by interviewing the folk healers, the patients, the community leaders, and senior citizens in the village.

2) The informal observation was used by mean of social context, culture, belief, festival, aspect, and steps in healing illness with herbs.

3) In-group discussions were held 2 times using purposive sampling in Loei; the first time consisted of 10 folk healers from Loei to find out the approaches in taking care of health with the local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers, the second time consisted 10 patients who got the healing services from the folk healers, the topic was on the result of the healing.

Stage 2: The development of model in promoting community health with the local wisdom of the folk healers used herbs.

This stage specified the topics gained from stage 1 and held the meeting for the articipatory brainstorming. The target group consisted of the specialized folk healers who have been in the careers of folk healing for more than 10 years, the community leaders, and the related organizations include the Loei Public Health Office, the Division of Public Health and

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 51-60

Environment of Loei Municipality, Community Development Office of Loei, Academic People on the culture, 30 people all together. The meeting was held in order to create the appropriate pattern in inheriting the body of knowledge in taking care of health of the folk healers, and the activities were as followings; 1. Create the community health promotion model with the local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers by holding the stage for the brainstorming, and the target group consisted of the specialized folk healers who have been in folk healing careers more than 10 years of services, academic people, and people from related organizations, 30 people all together, to create the appropriate model of community health promotion with the local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers.

2. Hold the meeting for the working team to specify the plans and activities related to the results gained from the brainstorming.

3. Bring the model created into practice by action learning process according to the plans of activities specified and the needs of the target group.

4. Evaluate the model for the community health promotion by interviewing and using the questionnaire.

Research Tool The research tools used in the study were 1. In-depth interview guideline The in-depth interview question used to interview the participant individually as specified below.

1) In-depth interview with the community leaders, the patients who got the services from the folk healers and relatives, the question was on the acceptance of the methods used by the folk healers in Loei.

2) In-depth interview with the folk healers on the body of knowledge they used, the condition of healing and the services provided by the folk healers, the acceptance of the methods of healing used by the folk healers in Loei.

2. Focus Group Discussion The group consisted of 8-10 people, each group given 2 hours for the discussion, and the researcher provided the guideline for the discussion for each group focusing on the model in taking care of health for the people in the community with the use of local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers.

3. Brainstorming to find the appropriate model for the promotion of community health with the use of local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers.

4. The questionnaire on the community activities of promoting community health.

Tool Verification The researcher had a checkup on the data gained each day to see the completion of the data, and to see whether the data was enough or not, and the data was classified in topics according to the objectives of the study in order to provide the answer the research questions completely following the research framework and limitation of the study that the researcher intended to study.

The data triangulation was used for the completion of the data and the objectives of the research as following.

1. Data Triangulation was used to verified the source of data including time, places, and people, and to verify whether the data was from the same source or not.

2. Methodological Triangulation was used to collect the data by participatory observing, interviewing, in-group discussion, and surveying.

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A Development of Healthy Promotion Model...

Data Analysis The data was analyzed with the quantitative and qualitative methods as followings.

1. Data gained from the survey and coded questionnaire was analyzed and recorded with the computer program using percentage, average, means, X and standard deviation.

2. Qualitative analysis was analyzed with content analysis. The researcher analyzed and collected the data at the same time. After gaining the data, it was recorded thoroughly and grouped into sections and types, and was analyzed according to concepts and theories for the conclusion and then presented the in the form of descriptive report.

Results of the study 1. The result from the study of general condition, the body of knowledge used by the folk healers in curing illnesses, the condition of the healing and the services provided by the folk healers, the acceptance, and the methods used by the folk healers in Loei.

1.1 General Condition of the Folk Healers From the study of general condition of the folk healers registered with the Thai traditional medicine office, and still giving the services in healing, all the folk healers have different experiences and specialized in different health problems. It was found that there were 35 illnesses and can be classified into 11 groups of healings including 1) digestive system, 2) respiratory system, 3) Muscle and sinew system, 4) blood circulation system, 5) nerve system, 6) skin (integumentary) system, 7) Poisonous animal and residue, 8) maintain and nurture body balance and elixir, 9) Urinary and Reproduction system, 10) Endocrine diseases and diabetes, 11) Others such as cancers.

1.2 The body of knowledge used for healing It was found that the folk healers have knowledge in using herbs and can classify the herbs according to the action effected to each body system such as classifying the parts of herbs: leaves, flowers, branches, tree, roots, and etc, and classifying the tastes of each herb: bitter, acidulous, sour, and etc.

1.3 The condition on the healing of the folk healers The condition on the healing of the folk healers was related to the belief of the local culture in each area, and such beliefs include 1) superstition, 2) the causes of illness, 3) five human aspects, 4) astrology and hypothesis of illness reason, 5) four combination elements of life, 6) ritual of Thai traditional medicine, 7) belief and ritual of using herbs, and 8) the belief on village magic medicine and the expel of the illness ritual.

1.4 The acceptance of the methods used by the folk healers The results gained from 15 purposive sampling who choose to use alternative healing methods indicated that mostly the patients had cured by the modern medicine but the symptom still did not get better, so they later came to get the healing from the folk healers and then the illness was disappeared. The patients were very satisfied with the healing methods of the folk healers. Some people returned to normal health condition, and all people can return to work and spend their daily life as normally as it was before.

2. Results from the development of community health promotion with the local wisdom on herbs of the folk healers with the related organizations 2.1 The results from the creation of the pattern for community health promotion can be grouped into 3 models; Model 1: Community Health Promotion, Model 2: The creation of media and textbooks on the local wisdom of the folk healers, and Model 3: The distribution of body of knowledge to public.

2.2 The results of bringing models into practice, for each pattern, the activities were operated as followings. Model 1: Community health promotion activity includes 1) holding the personal health activity for the students’ study enhancement in school, 2) growing herb garden in school with the cooperation of village-temple-school, and 3) using herbs for healing illness in school instead of using modern medicine. Model 2: The creation of media and textbooks on the

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local wisdom activity includes 1) creating textbooks on herbs in Loei and the herbal usage manual of I-saan, 2) creating CD and computer assisted learning program on the local herbs and herbal usage manual of I-saan, and Model 3: The distribution of body of knowledge to public, the activity was the holding the folk healer caravan of the inheriting of local wisdom and the development of health protection pattern (model).

2.3 The results of bringing the models into practice, it was found that the participants were satisfied with the activities and the participants found that the activities were useful and can be applied in the health pro motion.

Discussion of the research result The result from the study on the body of knowledge on herbs that the folk healers use to heal the illness indicated that the folk healers were able to classify the herbs according to the action of the herbs towards the system of the human body, to classify the herbs according to the parts such as leaves, flowers, brunches, tree, roots, and etc., and to classify the herbs according to the tastes such as bitter, acidulous, our, and etc.

The healing methods of the folk healers were related to the cultural beliefs of the local.

The beliefs of the folk healers include the superstition, the causes of illness, the five aspects of life, the astrology and the hypothesis on the causes of the illness, the four elements of human body, the beliefs on the ritual of Thai traditional medicine, the beliefs about the herbal rituals. Such beliefs were related to the body of knowledge of the folk healers. Lanna people believed that human body was made from 5 elements; earth, water, wind, fire, and air. This was correspond to what Daranee Onchomchan (2007:145) who said that the folk healers mostly have the beliefs on something related to the cultural system of the community that they dwell in and the beliefs on health and illness. The folk healers chose the methods of healing that were appropriate for the cases of illness for each patient. Additionally, they used several methods together with the application of ideas and the ways of healing which were related to the Indigenous Self-care focusing on the balance of health relating to the social and natural rules. Such methods of healing were the view or dimensions of body, mind, soul, and emotion and took care of them to be concordant with the surrounding world. If human violated the natural rules, the life would be unbalanced, weak, and sick. This method of healing worked best with the Psychosomatic Disorders. For example, in the village society, there were groups of illnesses that the folk healers and patients believed that the causes of illnesses were supernatural things. Mostly, the illnesses were the illnesses that could not be differentiated between the body and the mind, and related to the ways of life of people and the folk healers in the village. The folk healers and the people had the same social and cultural foundation, the similar ways of life, and the beliefs on the causes of illness, and the methods and steps of healing were simple and could be understood easily. Importantly, family and relatives could come to join and see every step of healing, and the cost was not expensive. (Rungrangsi Wiboonchai, 1995:59) The result from this study was corresponded with the research of Chuleekorn Khuanchainon (1997:98) which concluded the remarkable feature of a Holistic system in diagnosis and healing the illness depending on the social and cultural context. This corresponded with the concept of Preecha Uitrkul, and et al (1998: Abstract), he studied Tai Korat in Nakornrachasima and Tai Lao in Chaiyaphum and found indifferently that the folk healers believed in the elements of life like the folk healers in other communities. They believed that the life consisted of the body; earth, water, wind, and fire, and the mind; the feeling and the soul. This showed that the cultural differences and the beliefs in each local area were related to the beliefs in taking care of health The result of the study on the acceptance of the methods of folk healing in Loei province showed that the patients and the relatives were satisfied with the results of the healing, the illness was better or completely cured in some case. However every could return to use a daily life, work, doing business as before. And this corresponded with Phra Suriya Martkham (2009:122-130), he studied the development of the process in inheriting the local wisdom of the folk healers in Thailand and Laos People Democratic Republic, the work focused on the patients who got illness

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healing. From the study, it was found that the patients got better and were satisfied with the result, and the result of this study was corresponded with Patthira Phon-ngam (2011:451) which was on the development of the manual for using herbs in healing or curing the deceases and illnesses in the community, and there was a test on the use of the herb showing that the patients and the relatives were satisfied with the results of the healing.

The result of the development of the models in promoting the community health with the wisdom of the folk healers had yielded the three following models. Model 1: Community Health Promotion, the activities were 1) the providing of the Health Education concerning on the learning enhancement of the youth in school, 2) providing the herbal garden in school with the cooperation of the village, the temple, and the school, and 3) using the herbs as the first aid in school instead of chemical medicine. Model 2: The creation of learning materials on the local wisdom of the folk healers, the activities were 1) the creation of the book on herbs in Loei and the manual for the use of local herbs in I-saan, 2) the creation of CDs, computer assisted learning program on the herbs in Loei and the manual for the use of local herbs in I-saan, and Model 3: the distribution of the body of knowledge of the folk healers to the people, the activity was the holding of the folk healers caravan for the inheriting of the local wisdom and the development of the pattern in taking care of health in the community. All of the patterns provided were from the brainstorming of all participated sections, the participants completely agreed with the ideas, and the conceptual ideas from the brainstorming was the efficient tool for the community development, and all the activities were brought into practice with the participatory action.

Suggestion 1. Suggestion for the research results application The study results provided the body of knowledge used by the folk healers, the condition of the healing and the services of the folk healers, the acceptance, the methods of healing of the folk healers in Loei province, and the results could be used as followings: 1) The promotion of the use of local wisdom of the folk healers for the general illness healing to take care of members of the family, relatives, and neighbors.

2) The state organizations should highly promote and support the use of the local wisdom of the folk healer for the state have been interested in the use of herbs more than 10 years, but the state did not completely have an intention to support the activities on the use of the herbs, or sometimes the supports were not corresponded to the local needs, especially, the culture because the such support brought the system of modern medicine without the adaptation for the Thai cultural appropriateness.

3) Folk healing related organizations should intentionally study the folk healing and bring it to apply or mix with the modern medicine, the state should truly support the folk healing or the folk healers and have faith in the local wisdom. Additionally, the state should support to give the learning network for the health care of the people with the folk healing methods.

4) There should be the promotion or distribution of the knowledge of using the local wisdom of the folk healers for health care through the community hospital and the village public health care volunteers.

5) It was found in the research that the body of knowledge of the folk healers depending on the local beliefs and festivals, so the application of the research had to be concerned with the appropriateness and the cultures of each local area.

6) It should be presented as the policy for the appropriate merging of folk healing system to the Thai health system, and should be considered the possibility of the merging and the development into the health insurance in the future as alternative ways for people to take care of their health.

7) The results of the research should be presented at the National Public Health conference or to the organizations that need to support and develop the folk healers, and should be

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presented to the units that are responsible for the Thai traditional medicine in order to understand the real problem in taking care of health by the folk healers, and to use as alternatives health care.

2.

Suggestion for the next research 1) There should be a study for the creation of innovation for the support of the teaching of the local wisdom in curing deceases by the folk healers.

2) There should be a continuation on the study of developmental process of teaching of the local wisdom of folk healers in curing illnesses.

3) There should be a study to develop the processes in teaching the local wisdom of the folk healers in curing illnesses.

4) Provincial public health should cooperate with the educational institute to do research on the knowledge of each remaining kind to find the ways to help and develop the inheriting of the knowledge of the folk healing.

Bibliography Daranee Onnchomchan. (1994). Treatment of bone fracture by folk healers, Phaya Meng Rai District . Bangkok : Department of Health Care , Ministry of Public Health.

Pender, N.J. (1996). Health Promotion in Nursing Practice. 3rd ed. Norwalk – Connecticut: Appleton & Lange, New York.

Walker, S.N., K.R. Sechrist and N.J. Pender. 1987. The Health Promoting Lifestyle: Development and Psychometric Characteristic. Nursing Research, New York.

WHO. (1986). Health Promotion OTTAWA Charter. Division of Health Promotion, Education and Communication, Health Education and Health Promotion Unit, WHO, Geneva.

About the Author Assoc.Prof.Dr.Patthira Phon-ngam Chairman of Doctoral Degree Program Faculty of Humanities and Social Science Loei Rajabhat University Thailand tel. office: 66 +42-835224-8 to4 5125 e-mail:p-patthira@hotmail.com

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS Publisher: Centre of Excellence for Scientific & Research Journalism Online Publication Date: 1 st January 2013

‘Personalization or fictionalization of national history in Zimbabwe?’

A re-evaluation of the Political careers of Ian Smith and Ndabaningi Sithole James Hlongwana, Richard S Maposa, Thamsanqa Moyo ABSTRACT The historiography concerning the making of Zimbabwe as an independent nation has been written from various perspectives and by using different sources, both primary and secondary ones. The study constitutes a re-evaluation of the political careers of Ndabaningi Sithole and Ian Douglas Smith against the background of their autobiographies as forms of primary resources of national history for Zimbabwe. It will be noted that autobiographical writing is a fruit of an arduous process of human construction, de-construction and re-construction done in the shadow of some interlocking interests, fears and pressures that surround the autobiographer. The present study contends that every personal engagement in the writing of history of a particular people or nation is a moralizing crusade or enterprise, whether by default or by design. Evidently, that is how the characteristic elements of objectivity and subjectivity come to the fore vis- a- vis the status of autobiography as a source and resource of national (or patriotic) history.

Introduction It is a generally accepted view that the writing of national history is a moralizing crusade or enterprise. It is shaped by prevailing personal beliefs and philosophy. As is widely noted, one cannot write the history of a society or nation outside the pressures of one’s vested interests. As cited in Taylor (1976:7), it was the British historian, J.H.Plunb, who observed that “history is not to be equated with any one version of the past. The past is always a created ideology with a purpose, designed to control individuals or motivate societies or inspire classes. Nothing has been so corruptly used as concepts of the past.” In our day, the foregoing insight provides a truism which serves to show that the kind of history which is eventually narrated and recorded in the annals of a nation and so passed on from generation to generation reflects a deliberate process of social construction, de-construction and re-construction in the hands of certain influential men and women who are in the corridors of power. Vambe (2006:54) argued that “narration is a conscious application of certain words. It is a willed creative process….Because narration is neither neutral nor fortuitous; it is therefore constructed from certain points of view and other options. It is ideological.” This insight is helpful because, in essence, this is how the enigmatic issue of the personalization of history or its fictionalization comes into sharp focus.

On one hand, the study posits that the issue of the personalization of history takes place when the history of a people as a corporate group is literally ‘hijacked’ and written by an individual, especially in one’s capacity as a dominant leader, to elevate and sentimentalize the achievements of that individual. Other people’s actions or contributions in the history-making of a nation are eclipsed or outshined by that of the dominant leader. On the other hand, and by implication, the dominant leader is guilty of fabricating the history of a people or nation. This latter insight is what is captured by the notion of fictionalization of history as advanced in the present study. As the study proffers, one fundamental way in which the twin evils of personalization and fictionalization of history writing is done, is through an autobiography.

The research looks at the autobiography of Ndabaningi Sithole (1920-2000), first president of ZANU who was deposed at the helm by Robert Mugabe in 1976 but was denied hero status. The study also examines the autobiography of Ian Douglas Smith (1917-2007), leader of the Rhodesian Front who is famous for saying that blacks could never attain majority rule ‘in a thousand years’.

He continued being defiant, maintaining that he was right but was betrayed by various people with vested interests on the Rhodesian question. The study interrogates the extent to which Ndabaningi Sithole and Ian Smith saw themselves as the embodiments or rather the gatekeepers of national

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history and how, in the process, they peripherize other political players on the national political arena in the context of the armed struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe.

The Efficacy of Autobiographical Writing Broadly defined, an autobiography is a story of a person’s life written by that person. This type of story is characteristically anchored on self-reference and captured by the use of ‘I’ and ‘me’. The use of the two pronouns delineates different relationships between the narrator and the world because individual identity, consciousness and sagacity of the self are possible only through showing how one is different from other people. The ‘I’ is therefore meant to separate the self from someone who is not ‘I’, unless you think of someone who is a ‘you’. By its very nature, autobiography fuses two narrative genres in the form of fiction and history because historical material is mediated by imagination. It is these two narrative genres that seek to impose and tinker around with definitions and what is supposed to be both the contents of history and literature.

Owing to the fact that it is mediated by imagination “…every autobiography is a work of art, whether it claims to be true to life or not; it is a rearrangement and so is bound to omit and emphasize in ways that life itself is not; retrospect grants insights that were not available when the events being recounted took place”(Wright,1997:15).In this way, and maybe because of this, autobiography embodies the convergence of history, memory and imaginative acts in search of individual and group identities.

The autobiographical narrative is meant to project individual identity or self image, for example where the narrator was born, the living conditions of the writer and the growing consciousness towards a particular cause are given graphical detail. This is why the autobiographical details are imbued with significant shades and contours of meaning for that process of becoming. Pascal (1994:74) observes that “autobiography is…an interplay, a collusion, between past and present :( but) its significance is indeed more a revelation of the present situation than an uncovering of the past” (Wright, 1997:15). It is essential to note that different types of autobiographies like the ones to be analysed in this research are amenable to verifiability in nationalist history and therefore the fictional part maybe understandably covert and subtle. Commenting on this aspect Trouillot (1995:8) has observed that: (N) owhere is history infinitely susceptible to invention. What has happened leaves traces, some of which are concrete-buildings, dead bodies, monuments, diaries, political boundaries-that limit the range and significance of any historical narrative. This is one of the many reasons that not any fiction can pass for history.”

That this genre involves self-authentication and self-validation means that autobiography cannot completely denude itself of the fictional aspects even as it deals with historical fact. The overarching assumption in writing this narrative is that historical record or fact is being set right and that some representation from the standpoint of the self is being made. The major problem in dealing with autobiographies is the problematique of the authority of the narrator. The narrator cannot be everywhere every time. One could not be in Zambia to know what was happening in the ZIPRA camp (military wing of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union), at the same time be in Mozambique to know what was taking place within the ZANLA camp (the military wing of the Zimbabwe African National Union) and still have firsthand knowledge of the goings-on within the Smith regime in Rhodesia. Besides, even if for a moment, one assumes the narrator has some knowledge of all dimensions of his/her subject matter(which is not often possible)this can easily be muddied by certain attitudinal nuances to certain aspects that can humanly lead to suppression, elevation or indifference to other aspects. Accordingly, Wright (1997:15) argues that autobiography “postulates a preoccupation with the self that may and often does, deteriorate into vanity, complacency, and self-indulgence.” The personalization, and in some instances, the fictionalization of history, locating the self and relocating others has profoundly animated “a deepening pattern of partisan dichotomies, producing crude polarizations that entrench certain types of (historical)

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antagonisms and foreclose productive (historical) dialogue” (Hammar et al, 2003:26).This is done by dint of legitimizing the autobiographers’ personal positions and in the process destabilizing the roles and achievements of adversaries. In this project the use of language is crucial in indefatigably handholding the reader to begin to view the writers as hard done by and, in the process, canalizing the reader to perceive others as charlatans on the historical stage.

Autobiographical narratives employ mainly the focalization technique. This narrative technique privileges the writer-narrator’s discourses and ways of seeing over those of other national players whose stories are made subsidiary to the narrator’s own. It locates the self at the centre of history and trains the eye and judgment on other players in history. To that end, this mode of narrating history suffers from solipsism and navel gazing such that it cannot represent an accurate, detached and disinterested account. To the extent that it elides certain information about the self and the significant Other in history, autobiography is unreliable. Wright (1997:15) describes it as “necessarily self-justificatory, egocentric and vaulting.” This is because, according to Starobinski in Olney (73-83): The past can never be evoked except with respect to the present: the ‘reality’ of by-gone days is only such to the consciousness which, today, gathering up their present image, cannot avoid imposing upon them its own form, style.

In other words the autobiographer dredges up events of the past steeped in the circumstances of his/her peculiar contemporary context in order to claim a stake in history. This amounts to seeing the self as the embodiment of history. Nonetheless, in concentrating on the ‘I’ an autobiography offers some insights which can easily be hidden under the debris of patriotic history. This is because patriotic history deals with hyperbolized party history. In the Zimbabwean context , and in particular, in the case of ZANU PF, political luminaries who played a significant part in the history of the armed struggle but are deemed miscreant or deviant, are often not written about or the historical material is manipulated so that they appear villainous. For instance, one has only to look at the way Ndabaningi Sithole was vilified as a renegade, the manner in which Joshua Nkomo was regionalized and how Ian Smith was depicted as a one-dimensional character that was irredeemably evil. Therefore, autobiographies, despite the limitations of the focalization technique, provide alternative ways of seeing and appreciating the wider national historiography from the claustrophobia of partisan accounts fed on Zimbabweans today.

Ndabaningi Sithole: A hero who never made it Ndabaningi Sithole was born in 1920 at Nyamandhlovu in Bulawayo. He belonged to the Ndau ethnic group of Chipinge district in south eastern Zimbabwe. He went to school in the 1930s and completed Standard 6 at Dadaya Mission in 1939. at the top of his class in 1939. Sithole then trained as a teacher at Waddilove Mission and afterwards was deployed to teach lower classes in the surrounding rural areas. He was then transferred to Dadaya Mission to teach Standard 5. Sithole studied and earned a Bachelor of Arts degree with the University of South Africa through private study. In 1953, Ndabaningi Sithole went to teach at Mount Selinda Mission in the Chipinge district, where the white missionaries were impressed by his deep religious disposition. We are told that the Reverend Frank Meacham intimated to Sithole, thus: ‘Ndabaningi, you are not a teacher. Your place is in the ministry. I am not joking’ (Sithole, 1959:15). This is how Ndabaningi Sithole crossed the Atlantic Ocean and went to study theology in the USA in the 1950s where he obtained a Masters degree in Divinity in New Hampshire. He returned to be ordained a UCCZ Congregationalist Minister at Mount Selinda Mission among the Ndau people in Chipinge district in 1958. Sithole attracted international attention when he wrote the now classical political book African Nationalism (Cape Town, 1959). The book called for an end to racial segregation in Africa and stimulated initiatives towards de-colonization in Rhodesia. Nevertheless, despite his towering contributions, especially by pioneering and providing leadership to ZANU, Sithole failed to climb to the ‘top of the greasy pole’ in the fluid politics of Zimbabwe.

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Ndabaningi Sithole’s political career began when he abandoned teaching and the pastoral ministry to enter the turbulent terrain of politics in 1960. In that year, Sithole joined the National Democratic Party (NDP) which was initially led by Michael Mawema and later by Joshua Nkomo.

Sithole was appointed to serve the movement as its Treasurer-General. When the NDP was banned by the supremacist white Rhodesian government, Sithole joined ZAPU which was led by Joshua Nkomo in 1962. Nevertheless, the two nationalists soon quarreled about how to spearhead an armed revolution to dislodge colonialism. Together with other Zimbabwean revolutionaries like Herbert Chitepo, Morton Dizzy Malianga, Edgar ‘Two boy’ Tekere and Robert Mugabe, Sithole was the brains behind the formation of a breakaway political movement, Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) on 8 August 1963. He served this revolutionary party as its founding president, with Leopold Takawira as Vice President and Robert Mugabe as Secretary-General.

However, Smith’s government went on detain the leading nationalists by locking them into jails for ten years, 1964 to 1974. This is the historical and political setting of Sithole’s autobiographical writing, sketched in his Obed Mutezo (London: 1970) and Letters from Salisbury (Nairobi: 1976).

Sithole begins his narration of the momentous days of the 1960s by emphasizing his incarceration and the long spell he had in prison. Those heady days were a result of the collective action of most Zimbabweans. Nevertheless, Sithole privileges his own account and stresses the point that the ‘clarion call’ was signed by ‘me’. He does not explain fully what this entailed, who was involved and in what ways it affected other players. All he does is train the readers’ attention to his imprisonment and the spurious and non-sticking charges against him. This is meant to project the image of a potentially powerful and destabilizing person who had to be domesticated through imprisonment. Sithole tries unsuccessfully to use the pronoun ‘we’ but falls back to using the narcissistic ‘I’ to dra matize the view that he embodied popular black sentiment. The only time he uses the ‘we’ is when he makes mention of what he considers the cream of his organization, the history makers. He says that “in this section of the remand we had a courtyard of about 5 yards wide. We had African warders...We were locked” (Sithole, 1976:2).However, immediately after that, Sithole relapses to the ‘I’ to distinguish himself as president of the party.

The impression that Sithole gives after his release from prison is that he was a trailblazer who knew what to do and at what stage. This assumed political sagacity and acumen is captured when he states self-congratulatorily that after his release “for two-and-half months I made it a point to visit as many places as I could and made sure to tell the people that what we wanted was Majority Now, for which l soon earned for myself the nickname “Reverend Majority Rule Now”(Sithole,1976:3).

This may appear facetiously couched and tongue-in-cheek but there is a dismaying ring to it in that it tends to confuse the cause with the person and vice-versa. This cult of personalism creates an aura of indispensability in that the absence of the many bespeaks the weakening of the cause. The reason could be because, according to Wright (1997, 15), like its narrator “autobiography itself has a past: it is rooted in the individualism that became possible at the beginning of the eighteenth century, against the grain of, and in part, to the intensified organization of the communal state.”

The validation of this observation finds expression when Sithole carves out space for himself in history when he says that: I repeated my tune of “Majority Rule Now” over and over throughout the country, in order to Keep our supporters on the correct line. An unhealthy tendency among some of the ex-detainees had settled in and they seemed quite ready to accept something less than majority rule to avoid being sent back into long detention (p3).

Sithole is implying that where others dithered and vacillated, he remained resolute to the cause of independence. He is dichotomizing the ‘I’ as distinct from others who were not made of sterner stuff like himself. The problem here is that Sithole does not mention any names or personalities who appeared ready to compromis e in order to authenticate his assertion. One cannot help but conclude that he fears that, because history leaves sediments and can be corroborated, he may be

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found on the wrong side of historical accuracy. Nevertheless Sithole goes ahead and buttresses his view of the self versus the others by giving meticulous mention of the countless times he was imprisoned for the black cause. Hence, the insightful sentence “there was uproar inside and outside the country when I was re-detained” (Sithole, 1976:4).This goes together with the strategy of infusing personal, family letters with the political activities of the narrator. It is a tear-jerking strategy that is meant to make the reader to emotionally sympathize with Sithole. The impression one gets is that Sithole was a nationalist par excellence who was able to balance family affairs and still be able to ingenuously lead the party while inside prison. This is why he says “I did not have the benefit of consulting with my colleagues, but the job of directing our colleagues and the Party in Lusaka had to be done and I did as best as I could”(Sithole,1976:6). This is a top-down leadership model in which the leader is assumed to personify the party and the party as the leader so that other party members have to be taught the party- line. In this way the brief of the rank and file is to carry out instructions from the leaders (Fanon, 1965).Whilst this is absolutely necessary in a liberation movement engaged in fighting the racist white settler regime, it can be a trifle anachronistic in circumstances of governing an independent nation. In this case, what it does is to centralize decision making in the person of the president of the party. This smacks of the Orwellian politics in which some animals are more equal than others.

Despite the solipsism of autobiography, one notices the incisive and passionate way with which Sithole’s politics is based. It is on the ideals of freedom as shown by the keen way he analyses the issues on the ground. Sithole was a nationalist motivated by the desire to dismantle colonial rule.

He would not accept window dressing and cosmetic reforms less than genuine majority rule. This is why Sithole defiantly and meaningfully states that if Africans accept being second class citizens he would rather quit politics. He says: As far as I am concerned, if our people say ‘yes’ to these evil and iniquitous Proposals, I shall never again remain in the liberation movement. To liberate who? l shall go back to Freedom Farm(his farm) and settle down and never again utter one single political word for the rest of my life(Sithole,1976:67).

It must be noted that Sithole was beginning to feel that his sacrifices as a leader were going to be betrayed if the Africans gave in to the façade of solving the Rhodesian question. To that end, Sithole’s nationalism cannot be seen to be less than that of those that not only deposed him, but also denied him hero status after independence. He played his part to the best of his abilities in very difficult prison conditions. Those that took over from him after 1976 wanted to justify their legitimacy by diminishing and even criminalizing his political role in the armed struggle. Today in patriotic history, Sithole is rarely, if at all, mentioned in Zimbabwe’s political discourses. To be ZANU PF through and through is to be right and therefore heroic. Sithole clung to the leadership of ZANU-Ndonga and was persecuted after independence. Thenjiwe Lesabe left ZANU PF after the revival of ZAPU in 2009 and was denied hero status after death just like Sithole and later Welshman Mabhena who was seen as too critical of the party during his stay in ZANU-PF. Ian Douglas Smith: A diviner with an immoral political message Ian Smith was the 8th white Rhodesian Prime Minister from 1965 to 1980. He was born in 1917 in Shurugwi. In his early career, Smith served as a pilot in the British Royal Air Force in 1939 and fought alongside the British soldiers against the Nazi German forces in the Second World War (1939-45). After the war, Smith attended Rhodes University at Grahamstown in South Africa where he eventually graduated with a Bachelor of Commerce degree in 1948.

Smith’s political career began in 1948 when he was elected to the Southern Rhodesian Legislative Assembly under the ticket of the Liberal Party (Rasmussen and Rubert, 1990: 339). Smith quickly rose to the post of government Whip. Over the years, Smith was known for cultivating radical views in support of entrenching white supremacy over the blacks whom he described in pejorative terms as ‘kaffirs’. In 1962, Smith helped form a radical white political movement working for

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whites-only independence from Britain. This was the Rhodesian Front (RF). The Rhodesian Front party was elected to form a government in 1962 under the leadership of Winston Field and Ian Smith was appointed to serve as the Deputy Prime Minister. Smith later made a ‘palace coup’ and replaced Winston Field as Prime Minister on 13 April 1964. He pledged to secure Rhodesia’s independence under white dominion at any cost. He blustered that there would “never be African majority rule in his life time, never in a thousand years” (Rasmussen and Rubert, 1990:339). This political pledge was transformed to become a white myth, a white vision and a white political philosophy which guided the conduct of the day-to-day business for Smith’s cabinet. It must be mentioned that it was in order to fulfill this pledge that Smith shuttled across the country to meet fellow white citizens in their farmlands, halls, clubs, meetings and in hotels in order to propagate the myth and vitality of white supremacy. This could be realized once Rhodesia cut off the constitutional ‘Gordian knot’ with Britain once and for all. Smith made it clear to his white audiences that the only way of severing those relations with their kith and kin in Britain was through a constitutional rebellion. Clearly, this is the background that scholars who reflect on Ian Smith’s political career must appreciate. This is a vital background which shaped Smith’s own subjective autobiographical writing.

Accordingly, it was during Smith’s tenure of office (1965-80) that Rhodesia experienced some watershed events which have become seminal points of reference in the political history of Zimbabwe ever since. For instance, the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965, the Pierce Commission in 1971, the United Nations declaration of sanctions in 1972, escalation of the Chimurenga war of liberation after 1975, Muzorewa’s Internal Settlement in 1978, the Lancaster House Conference in 1979 and the ultimate election which led to the transfer of power from the white settlers to the black majority in 1980. These events are delicately associated with the political career of Ian Douglas Smith. The relevant fundamental question for the study, however, is: How did Smith himself perceive those landmark events from the vantage point of a white individual who served as Prime Minister of a country which was sliding into the chaos of the war of black liberation? In attempting to address the foregoing question, the study posits the view that Ian Smith, as the last native-born white politician, presided over a white community like lone a ‘diviner with an immoral message’ to put across to a restless black population.

Ideologically, Smith was overtly pro-colonial and anti-black. The Pioneer column, a group of men who were hired by Cecil John Rhodes to spearhead the occupation of Zimbabwe, is looked at as being on a mission to spread commerce and civilization. Smith describes pre-colonial Zimbabwe in pejorative terms. For example, Smith opines that the Pioneer Column got in to an unchartered country, the domain of the lion, elephant, buffalo and other inhabitants of the wilderness. Smith also claims that not only did the Pioneer Column move into a bushy country, but that Mashonaland as a whole was a no man’s land (Smith 1996). The implication is that the blacks had no prior claim to the land that was invaded and occupied by the white settlers. Smith’s account of the occupation of Zimbabwe is fraught with weaknesses. He remains tight-lipped on why the Pioneer Column was excited to colonize Zimbabwe. Explanations like the need to exploit minerals, especially gold, to thwart initiatives of Afrikaners from establishing a Boer Republic between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers and the need to create a British Dominion from Cape to Cairo (Mukanya 2000) are not given any critical interrogation.

Smith presents a false picture of the black-white labor relations during the early days of white occupation of Rhodesia. He argues that blacks knew nothing about mining and were fascinated by seeing the white men diggingg for gold and other minerals. He pontificates that blacks voluntarily joined the white men in the digging of minerals. It must be realized that the local blacks joined the labor market as mine workers because of the artificial poverty that had been created by the white settlers. Furthermore, Smith forgets to note that the local Africans had participated in mining for several centuries before the advent of white occupation of Zimbabwe. For instance, classical medieval states such as Great Zimbabwe, Mutapa, Rozvi and Ndebele were sustained by mining

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and mineral trade among other branches of their economies. In addition, it was this mining which also sustained the inter-regional and international trade between the Portuguese and pre-colonial states which existed between the Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers where modern Zimbabwe is situated (Mudenge, 2008).

A closer look at Smith’s book reveals the way he fictionalizes how he was not prepared to hand over power to the black majority and the subsequent UDI in the 1960s. Smith posits the view that Southern Rhodesia was a hub of economic efficiency, modern constitutional practice and a model of a responsible government since 1923. To cap it all, Smith claims that ‘his blacks’ were the happiest subjects in Africa (Johnson and Martin, 1981). He argues that Rhodesia as an autonomous country deserved complete independence from Britain. However, the reality was that white Rhodesians were not prepared to abandon the colony because of its vast mineral wealth, fertile agricultural soils and healthy climatic conditions, particularly in Mashonaland and the eastern Highlands in Manicaland province (Mukanya 2000). The reality, however, is that everywhere where settlers were established, they fiercely resisted the de-colonizing agenda. For example, in Kenya, the whites only came to terms with the reality of de-colonization due to a protracted fight which was mounted by the Mau Mau guerillas (Kenyatta, 1968; Smith and Nothling, 1993).

Smith also stigmatized as dangerous communists a number of African leaders who supported Zimbabwean African nationalists who were fighting for independence. For instance, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Samora Machel of Mozambique, both founding Presidents of their respective countries, were described as political evil geniuses. Both were frontline supporters of the African cause for liberation but were described by Ian Smith as stumbling blocks to “a peaceful settlement on the Rhodesian crisis” (Smith 1996). He brands Presidents Nyerere and Machel as having a contagious ‘communist virus’ which he did not want blacks in Rhodesia to catch. In particular, president Nyerere is lambasted for supporting Robert Mugabe. Mugabe had replaced Sithole as head of the fighting guerilla forces after 1976 and he was perceived as holding radical communist views and so would be potentially dangerous to regional peace and stability once he came to power in a post-war dispensation. The whites widely feared that Mugabe would introduce the dreaded communism upon gaining power in Zimbabwe.

An examination of Smith’s book also reveals that he is a fair-weather politician. In his diplomatic statesmanship, Smith did not have permanent friends in Africa. He relied on South Africa to sustain the Rhodesian economy for much of the 1970s when the African armed struggle intensified. At first South Africa worked hand in glove with Smith’s Rhodesia. For instance, South Africa under Prime Minister John Vorster did not support the international call to impose sanctions on Rhodesia (Raftopolous and Mlambo, 2008). Moreover, white South Africa also fought alongside the white Rhodesian forces against the military intransigencies of both Zimbabwean and South African nationalists. However, as time passed South Africa could no longer continue to underwrite the escalating Rhodesian war. South African military budget could not sustain the war both in South West Africa, now Namibia and Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. This is how Smith was militarily and logistically ditched by the white Afrikaners in South Africa at a time when her support was needed most. Many historians and political analysts agree that it was due to white South African policy of ‘smart’ abandonment which was very decisive in bringing Ian Smith to his knees. This is the same political-military situation which made Ian smith to agree to go for round table talks in London which culminated in the signing of the Lancaster House Conference agreement (1979).

The Lancaster House Conference of 1979 which preceded the independence elections of 1980 is viewed by Smith as part of the big conspiracy against him. He argues that Lord Carrington, the British Foreign Secretary, Malcolm Fraser ,the Australian Prime Minster and the leaders of the Frontline States pressurized Margret Thatcher, The British Prime Minister, to abandon her plan to recognize the Abel Muzorewa led Zimbabwe-Rhodesian Government which had been formed in March 1979.Smith opines that the Frontline states, notably Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana,

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Malawi, Angola and Tanzania, were desperate for a peace settlement in Rhodesia for economic security reasons. He argues that countries like Zambia and Mozambique were military targets of the white Rhodesian cross-border raids and their economies were cracking owing to the Rhodesian war which was escalating year in and year out for much of the 1970s. Therefore, African countries which shared international borders with Rhodesia were desperate for a peace settlement. However, Smith says nothing about Rhodesia’s precarious economic and security situation because of his intransigence on serious diplomatic talks with his neighboring countries. For instance, previous conferences such Geneva(1976), Malta(1978) and Victoria Falls(1975) failed because Smith was not prepared to move an inch to accommodate the interests of the revolutionary blacks with Marxist leanings who were fighting Rhodesia from the Frontline countries, especially Zambia, Tanzania and Mozambique (Rasmussen and Rubert, 1990:336).

But Smith’s participation in the Lancaster House Conference (1979) was an indication that he had been hit hard both by the escalating guerilla war and the international sanctions. For example, Muzorewa’s Internal Settlement of 1978 dismally failed to achieve international recognition (Rasmussen and Rubert, 1990:337). Even Ndabaningi Sithole, the putative initiator of the armed struggle in the 1960s also failed to stop the guerilla war in 1978. This is why and how Sithole can be viewed as Zimbabwe’s hero who failed to end the war of liberation. To make matters worse, the Rhodesian economy could no longer sustain the war. For instance, the economy was reeling as Smith was almost using $1 000 000, 00 to sustain the war effort every day in 1979 alone (Tshuma 1997). Against this backdrop, Smith falsifies reality on the ground. Smith does not admit this much but rather claims that he eventually lost the war because he was ‘stabbed in the back’ by South Africa, Britain and the Commonwealth countries. Smith asserts that he took part in the Lancaster House Conference deliberations in December 1979 as a result of diplomatic pressures that were brought to bear upon him. Smith is critical of the Commonwealth leaders for setting in motion a number of diplomatic events that culminated in the Lancaster House Conference in 1979 in London. Smith is partly right but he downplays the military pressures exerted by the black guerilla fighters from outside Rhodesia. In fact, Smith tried to stifle the guerilla efforts through some sordid bombings of the external guerilla military camps at Mkushi in Zambia, Nyadzonya and Tembwe in Moza mbique. Smith shows ‘no human face’ in the massacre of hundreds of refugees in Zambia and Mozambique. Rather, Smith says that “the most successful raid of this year was on 9 August against Nyadzonya one of the terrorist main camps” (Smith 1996:195). Though he claims that the camp housed ZANLA combatants many argue that it was a refugee camp. This explains why the bombing at Nyadzonya was internationally condemned.

In addition, Smith is also conspicuously silent about the vital clauses of the Lancaster House Conference (1979). This 1979 Constitution, among other issues, tied down and limited the powers of the future democratically elected government (Tshuma 1997). For example, it reserved 20 parliamentary seats for the whites. The land question which had been the number one grievance throughout Zimbabwe’s colonial history was not properly resolved by the Lancaster House Conference. The Lancaster House Conference negotiators agreed that land would not be compulsorily acquired. Instead it had to be acquired on the basis of willing-buyer and willingseller. But the principle of the willing-buyer and willing-seller later proved to be a white ploy to prevent the seizure of land by the black government. The situation on the ground later turned awkward as many white farmers were unwilling to sell their large tracts of fertile land in areas that were most productive. The constitution served to freeze the structure of the society and to give an aura of respectability and legality. This, however, perpetuated social in justice in the postindependent political dispensation because the historical imbalances on land distributions were not corrected. Past land reforms were based on white violence on blacks and a framework of legislative racial discrimination In line with the above insights, it is interesting to note that Ian Smith is an ardent supporter of the past violent seizures of land by the white settlers. Those past seizures began, roughly, from 1890

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Personalization or fictionalization of national history ….

when the Pioneer Column members ‘flooded’ the country and expropriated land from indigenous black hands. Three years later, in 1893, the first black reserves were created at Gwaai and Shangani in the western Matabeleland province of the country. And then Smith falsifies history. What does he say? Smith argues that reserves were for the ‘executive’ utility of the indigenous blacks.Smith disregarded the environmental degradation and the abject poverty which the black majority had to contend with in the crowded reserves. Neither does Smith acknowledge the Land Apportionment Act (1930) and the Land Husbandry Act (1951) as monster legal enactments which created artificial poverty and social injustice on the generality of the blacks in Rhodesia. These two legal instruments gave 49% of the country’s prime land to 30 000 whites while more than a million blacks were given poor land in communal areas consisting of about 28.9% of the total land of the country (Moyana 2002).

Whilst Smith supports the Land Apportionment Act of 1930, he diminishes the post-independent land reform progra mmes, especially that which was code-named, Third Chimurenga (war for the restoration of land). He views Mugabe’s thrust on land re-distribution as communistic. Smith contends that it is not fair to settle new blacks farmers in former commercial white lands that were efficiently run. Some reasons for the contention are that the contemporary land reform programme has led to devastating consequences for the country. He further notes that there has been a marked decrease in the number of full-time jobs in the agricultural sector. Furthermore, food production (maize, wheat and small grains) has gone down. Commercial dairy and beef production has also dropped by over 50% in both communal and commercial farms (Moyo 2008).On the eve of the much disputed presidential election in March 2008, the inflation rate had skyrocketed. The cumulative impact was that the national economy melted down. The inflation rates over the years are indicative of the foregoing claim. In 2000 inflation rate was 420%, in 2005 inflation had risen to 856%. A year later in 2006, inflation was 1070% and then leapfrogged to 1 200 000%. But, gloomy as these figures are, Smith does not appreciate the linkages between the Land Apportionment Act of 1931 and the Lancaster House Constitutional impediments on the land question in contemporary Zimbabwe. If Smith was fair in his analysis he would have pointed out that both the colonial and post-colonial land management policies were intended to mitigate particular problems as they affected certain sociological sections of the Zimbabwean society (Maposa, Hlongwana, and Gamira 2010).

It must be noted that the post-independent political developments have not escaped Smith’s attention. He has chronicled the post-independent civil war which ravaged the Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. As a country, Zimbabwe was left shocked and shaken by the effects of the destabilization. According to historian Bhebhe (2004), the civil war pitted the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade and the perceived dissidents who were mostly viewed in state media to be the former Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) guerillas. The ‘civil war’ resulted in untold suffering. There was loss of human life. Property and developmental projects were shelved during the ‘civil war’, especially in the affected western provinces of Matabeleland and Midlands where the Ndebele-speaking people live. Smith sympathizes with the defenseless Ndebele people who bore the brunt of this sad episode. In spite of the fact that most historians estimate that those who perished in the civil war were about 20 000, Smith’s figure stands at 30 000. Smith may be exaggerating in order to tarnish the image of Mugabe.

In fact, it cannot gainsaid in Smith’s autobiography that he sees nothing positive about Zimbabwe’s independence. This is why he says that “today it (Zimbabwe) is a total disaster, absolute chaos. The country is bankrupt, the people are denied basic freedom and justice intimidation of the opponents of the government is rampant with assault, torture and even murder being common place.

Furthermore…. basic food is in short supply and expensive with children going to bed hungry at night” (Smith 1997: X).What is clear here is that Smith does not appreciate the policy of reconciliation which Robert Mugabe enunciated in 1980 to forgive war-time enemies. As a person who presided over the war-time cruelties on the black people, Smith was a big beneficiary of the

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policy of reconciliation. But Smith’s conspicuous silence is therefore an act of egregious ingratitude on those who wanted to draw a curtain of forgetfulness on war time excesses. Smith condemns the independence government for putting the economy to a halt and at the harrowing effects of the international ‘smart’ sanctions. He opines that due to the government’s poor policies the country experienced de-industrialization, mass unemployment, high brain drain which worked to create the country as a landmass of abject poverty (Hammer 2003). Smith itemizes the factors which brought Zimbabwe’s misery. Some of those factors which led to the country’s economic hemorrhage are: corruption, participation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) war, and payment of war veterans’ gratuities which was unbudgeted for and the chaotic Land Reform Programme. Although Smith’s analysis is informative and useful to the overall understanding of post-independent economic and political challenges that faced Zimbabwe he however hardly explains that Mugabe’s government suffered from the structural sins of the colonial past. For exa mple, the massive social programme on health, social security (pensions) and education that were undertaken to address the colonial imbalances turned out to be liabilities as they drained the fiscus (Mlambo).These factors were worsened by the effects of the sanctions on the economy.

Sanctions, whether smart or targeted, were imposed by the United States of America, European Union and Australia. They, sanctions, among other things prohibited some investors from doing business in Zimbabwe.

Some critical reflections In general, the writing of an autobiography provides a window through which to view the presences and absences in Zimbabwe’s rendition of national history today. Reading Sithole’s autobiography one begins to appreciate fully the Machiavellian manipulation of history in which the political leaders want it to rotate around themselves to suit certain expedient ends. This is why national history in today’s Zimbabwe rotates around Robert Mugabe whereas in the 1960s and 1970s Sithole believed he was the epicenter of the nationalist liberation movement which was executing the armed struggle for the creation of an independent Zimbabwe under black majority rule.

Smith’s presentation of historical facts about the Rhodesian crisis and later of independent Zimbabwe is almost entirely subjective. From the day he replaced Winston Field as Prime Minister in April 1964, Smith perceived himself as the personification of Western civilization and white supremacy in Rhodesia. Smith came to configure a political philosophy which was anchored on unrepentant racial discrimination and unyielding racial domination. This political philosophy can be symbolized in a ‘rider and horse’ analogy in which the dominant Whiteman was the ‘rider’ whereas the powerless Blackman was the ‘horse’. Evidently, the syntactic ethos of Smith’s autobiographical writing was patterned on this unbalanced human relationship. Hence, there is every justification in seeing Smith as a sort of a ‘diviner with an immoral political message’. As things were, Smith’s main concern in writing his autobiography, Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal (1997) is to moralize his long administration (1964-1980) which was steeped in structural racial discrimination. Smith’s political ‘oracle’ that blacks would not achieve independence for a ‘thousand years’ was mistaken. Africans fought a protracted war of liberation for 15 years and got independence in 1980, with Robert Mugabe at the helm.

6.0 Summary The autobiographies of Ian Smith and Ndabaningi Sithole continue to fascinate scholars who research on Zimbabwe’s struggle for independence. The study has shown that Smith wrote from the perspective of an unrepentant white supremacist. This was revealed in the way he literally ‘romanticized’ the earliest generations of white settlers as, despite enacting some discriminatory laws, heroes who carried the ‘white man’s burden’ to introduce the values of the western heritage and to civilize blacks in Zimbabwe. In a word, Smith only presented white Rhodesian history and not Zimbabwean history. The subjective nature of history writing is equally discernible in Sithole works. The ethos of Sithole’s writings breathes the air of revolutionary politics of the 1960s and 1970s which produced him. In evaluating both autobiographies together, we have come to realize that no history writing endeavor is neutral especially in fiction. History comes from the people as

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individuals or corporate society as they interact with the environment. Sociologically speaking, it is this environment which ‘writes’ experiences in people’s minds and thereby making any writer to be a prisoner of that environment.

REFERENCES Raftopolous , B. and Mlambo, A.S.(2009) Becoming Zimbabwe. Harare: Weaver Press.

Bond, P. and Manyanga, M.(2002) Zimbabwe Plunge. Exhausted Nationalism, Neoliberalism and the Search for Social Justice. Harare: Weaver Press.

Johnson, P and Martin, D.(1981) The Struggle for Zimbabwe, London: Heinemann.

Kenyatta, J. (1968) Suffering without Bitterness, Kampala: East African Publishers.

Maposa, Gamira and Hlongwana.(2010)”Land as Sacrificial Lamb : A Critical Reflection on the Effects of Colonial and Post-Independence Land Management Politics in Zimbabwe” in Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa. Volume 12, No 6, 2010, page 192-207.

Moyo, S. (2008) New African, London: AN Inc. Okam, H.H. ‘The Novelist as a Historian: Yambo Ouloguem’s Le Devoir de Violence Re-visited’ in Ikonne, C.O. and Onwudnjo, P (Eds) African Literature and African Historical Experience.

Ibadan: Heinemann.

Starobinki, J. “The Style of Autobiography” in Olney: 73-83.

Pascal,R. (1960) Design and Truth in Autobiography. London: Routledge.

Sithole, N. (1970) Obed Mutezo, London: Oxford University Press.

Sithole, N. (1976) Letters from Salisbury. Nairobi: TransAfrica Ltd. Smith, D.I. (1997) Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal. London: Blake Publishing House.

Smith, K. and Nothling, F. (1993) Africa North of the Limpopo since 1800. Pretoria: Muckleneuk.

Rasmussen, K.R. and Rubert, S.C. (1990) Historical Dictionary of Zimbabwe. London: Scarecrow Press.

Taylor, M.J.(1976) Foundations of Christian Education in an Era of Change. Nashville: Abingdon.

Tshuma, L. A (1997)A Matter of Injustice: Law, State and the Agrarian Question in Zimbabwe, Harare: SAPES. Vambe, M.T. ‘History and ideology of Narrative in Ndiko Kupindana Kwamazuva’ in Vambe, M.T. and Chirere, M.(2006) (eds) Charles Mungoshi: A Critical Reader, Harare: Prestige Books, 2006, pp54-68.

Trouillot, M.R. (1995) Silencing the Past. Power and the Production of History. Boston: Beacon Press.

Wright, A .(1987) Fictional Discourse and Historical Space .Defoe and Theroux ,Austen and Forster ,Conrad and Greene. MacMillan Press.

David,M. and Phyllis,J. (1981)The Struggle for Zimbabwe.Longman:London.

Fanon,F (1965) The Wretched of the Earth.London:Penguin Books.

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About the Author (s) James Hlongwana James Hlongwana is a lecturer in the department of History and Development Studies . He is a holder of a MA in African History .He has published articles in refereed journals. His research interests concern human rights issues and democracy.

Email:jameshlongwana@gmail Richard S Maposa R .S . Maposa is a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies He holds MA and M.Ed degrees from the University of Zimbabwe . Maposa has written several articles in International journals. His research ni terests concern church-state relations and the history of missions in Sub-Saharan Africa .Maposa is a Phd candidate with the University of Zimbabwe.

Email:maposars@gmail.com Thamsanqa Moyo Thamsanqa Moyo is a lecturer in Literature in English at Great Zimbabwe University. He teaches Comparative Literature, Varieties of Literature and Zimbabwean Literature .Moyo has published on issues of postcolonial Literature and the Zimbabwean crisis.

Email:thamsmoyo@gmail.com

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS Publisher: Centre of Excellence for Scientific & Research Journalism Online Publication Date: 1 st January 2013

Social Attitudes towards Kitchen Gardening Bushra Rehman, Mehreen Faiza, Tabinda Qaiser, Dr. M. Azeem Khan , Dr. Akhtar Ali, Saima Rani ABSTRACTS With the increase in population and the increasing trend of urbanizations leads towards a serious issue of food security and mal-nutrition. To cover come the mal nutrition in the household the concept of kitchen gardning was introduced over the centuries. Now this concept is very well know and taking success in developed and developing countries. So this study was designed to analyse the attitude of people towards kitchen gardning. For this purpose study was conducted on among 30 house holds in three different colonies of Islamabad. Rawal Town, Margalla Town, and Terlai. Results depict that 90% of the people practices the activity of kitchen gardening at their home and use their production for home consumption.

Keywords: Attitude, kitchen gardening, urbanization INTRODUCTION Continuously increasing food prices of basic kitchen items, fruits and vegetables the poor and fixed income groups are suffering from the decreasing real incomes and purchasing power. The marginal increase in the income of the poor people to enable them to gain access to food and improve their nutrition is the need of the present time. In cities and urban areas where there is shortage of land for farming and over-population, areas of land around the house that tend to be useless, overgrown by weeds and turned to refuse dump could be an means of ensuring household food security and nutrition if properly harnessed. With increasing civilization and western education, kitchen gardens are being incorporated into modern houses for easy and quick access to fresh food produce and products (Sanogo, 2007).

A kitchen garden has numerous definitions. It is more common French term; these gardens are meant to supply the household with some vegetables, fruits or herbs. When hearing the term “kitchen garden� it is easy to visualize a shelf full of little flowerpots containing a few herbs. This can include vegetables, fruits, berries, herbs and flowers. Kitchen gardens can be grown in the empty space available at the backyard of the house or a group of women can come together, identify a common place or land and grow desired vegetables, fruits, cereals etc that can benefit the women and community as a whole (Christensen, 2011).

There are many social benefits that have emerged from kitchen gardening practices; better health and nutrition, increased income, employment, food security within the household, and community social life. Households and small communities take advantage of vacant land and contribute not only to their household food needs but also the needs of their resident city (Drescher. et al. 2000) Most of the developed countries are doing the successful kitchen gardens which are not accidental. They are the results of planning, constant care, and the will to make things grow.

Among the many things a vegetable garden may offer toward a satisfying experience are fresh air, exercise, sunshine, knowledge, supplemental income, mental therapy, and fresh food, rich in vitamins and minerals, harvested at the best stage of maturity (Stephens, 2003).

Looking at the importance of kitchen gardening there is a need of sound policies, effective agricultural research and technology that can help to bring the unit cost saving productivity increase in food production. In this regard the concept of roof and pot gardening can serve as the activity to promote an integrated approach to low cost and ecologically sound cropping systems.

This activity can help to improve the household food supply and nutrition to some extent particularly in the slums. The organic farming and horticulture institute of NARC is also trying to promote this activity they are will providing the technical assistance regarding the plantation, on processes such as seasonal seeds, hybrid seeds, organic fertilizer and compost, precautions for the disease, insect control and training of the women to make them able to establish and maintain the

Journal of Social Sciences, COES&JR-JSS, 2(1), pp. 73-80

pot and roof gardens in future as well. Regarding this social scientist in NARC has also designed a study to analyze the Social Attitude and acceptance of Kitchen gardening in posh areas of Islamabad.

Study follows the following objectives i) To find out the perception of women towards kitchen gardening; ii) To find out the issues and constraints related to kitchen gardening; iii)To suggest recommendation for promotion of kitchen gardening.

MATERIAL AND METHODS The study was conducted on three different colonies of Islamabad. Rawal Town, Margalla Town, and Terlai. Rawal Town is located near Rawal Dam, Islamabad. It is about 4-6 Km from Aabpara covered with one side Margala Town, at Murree Road or Orchard Road and other is Chak Shahzad or Shahzad Town, and Terlai, Islamabad in the year 2011. The result would have been more accurate, if the whole of population had been interviewed. However, keeping in view the time constraints and availability of respondents, only 30 respondents were selected and mostly are educated. This research was based on primary data and data were collected through personal interview using questionnaire, designed to achieve the pre-set objective on the basis of personal observations and literature review. The collected data was fed in to the computer by using the SPSS Package. Keeping in view the requirement of the study, simple statistical techniques like averages, their comparisons and percentage were applied using SPSS package (Muller, 1986). The classified data is coded, tabulated and percent calculated. The results were presented and discussed along with tables, cross tabs and percentages, to observe the change documenting the nutritional status of the families as well as there affect on the household budget.

We use the OLS method. In statistics, Ordinary least square is a method for estimating the unknown parameters in a linear regression model (Gauss, 1821).

Suppose the data consists of n observations {yi, xi} i=1. Each observation includes a scalar response yi and a vector of predictors (or regressors) xi . In a linear regression model the response variable is a linear function of the regressors: where ß is a p×1 vector of unknown parameters; ei ’s are unobserved scalar random variables (errors) which account for the discrepancy between the actually observed responses yi and the “predicted outcomes” x'i ß; and ' denotes matrix transpose, so that x'?ß is the dot product between the vectors x and ß. Where y and e are n×1 vectors, and X is an n×p matrix of regressors, which is also sometimes called the design matrix.As a rule, the constant term is always included in the set of regressors X, say, by taking xi1 = 1 for all i = 1… n. The coefficient ß1 corresponding to this regressor is called the intercept.

There may be some relationship between the regressors. For instance, the third regressor may be the square of the second regressor. In this case (assuming that the first regressor is constant) we have a quadratic model in the second regressor. But this is still considered a linear model because it is linear in the ßs.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION A mixed method analysis of the data was conducted including separate analyses of the data collected using different methods. Examination of the combined results was then conducted to clarify and explore similarities and contradictory results and compare with the existing literature.

This provided an understanding of what worked and what didn’t, how it was experienced, what it cost and how it was valued. Urban gardening contributes to local food security. Gardeners report that sharing food with friends, families, neighbors, and/or needy members of their community in need are one of the important reasons that they grow produce.

Descriptive analysis is used to present the results in which mean and percentages are used.

Socio-economic profile is required to have an idea about the present gardening activities and possible development opportunities. Therefore age, education and total income, approximate

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dimensions of gardens, type of family, and total family members of the family were recorded for the study. The study was conducted in the posh area where well off and educated people were living so the income was divided in two groups middle income groups where the range was up to 40,000 and 43 % peoples lies in that group and more than that lies in high income group shown in table 1.

Table1. Income distribution different group of people Income Level Frequency Percent Middle income 13 43 High income Total

17 30

57 100

The area which was used for kitchen gardening was back yard and on average middle income groups people have 71 sq. yards area while higher income group people have 96 sq. yards as shown in table 2.

Table2. Appropriate dimensions of your kitchen garde n (area in sq. yards) Income Level Middle income High income

Kitchen Garden Area(sq. yards) 71 96

Today, creating a kitchen garden have different aims. It may be a means to stretch the budget by growing food at home that then need to be purchased at a grocery store. Usually the most expensive year for the kitchen garden is the first one, when things like soil or different things may need to be purchased and thereafter, food produced in a kitchen garden usually does save money and tends to taste better than grocery store purchased fruit and vegetables (Christensen, 2011). The impact of kitchen gardening was very positive as it gave healthy and nutritious food to the household members and also helped in reducing financial burden and keep them healthy and active. Table tells us that the purpose of mostly people was getting fresh vegetables and the percentage is 46 and also some people do it as a hobby or good time pass. As it is a fruitful activity to get fresh and nutritious vegetables so mostly people adopt it to get many benefits from it.

Table 3. Purpose of Kitchen Gardening Total Reason Middle income High income Get fresh vegetables

6(35)

10(58)

Budget control

4(25)

3(18)

16(46) 7(21)

Hobby Easy availability of food

5(29) 2(12)

2(12) 2(12)

7(21) 4(12)

Total

17(100)

17(100)

34(100)

According to Heyzer & Sen (1994), “Women are seen as having to balance several roles in coping with poverty and having to devise numerous survival strategies. Hence, in the generation of economic opportunities for the poor, there is need to target resources to women. Research shows that gardening is a preferred form of exercise across age, gender, and ethnicity. Research does not always capture gardening as exercise, because some gardeners perceive it as part of a day’s leisure or labour activities and not a separate activity in the category of “exercise.” In one study, men identified gardening as “exercise” more often than did women though women and men reported similar amounts of time gardening. Many women may associate gardening with gendered household food-related chores rather than exercise (Krems et al. 2004).Table 4 results also justified through literature, majority were the women who managed the activities of garden like 21 % daughters, 16% mothers, 13% sisters, and very less of men were involved in this activity. 73.9%

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&JR-JSS, 2(1), pp. 73-80

female got financial support from the head of the house as father, husband or they also used their own finances to manage the activities of kitchen garden.

Table 4. Manager of kitchen gardening Manager Middle income High income Total Husband 3(19) 2(9) 5(12) Wives 0(0) 3(13) 3(8) Mother 3(19) 3(13) 6(16) Daughter 2(12) 7(30) 9(21) Sister 2(12) 3(13) 5(13) Sons

2(12)

2(9)

4(11)

Brother Gardner Total

3(19) 1(7) 16(100)

1(4) 2(9) 23(100)

4(11) 3(8) 39(100)

Kitchen gardening is a healthy activity it’s not only an activity to controls the financial budget of the household. Results depicts that the on average a house hold can 7-8 Kg vegetable from his garden. And average consumption is 10 Kg weekly and 3-5 kg daily shows in table 5.

Table 5. Average production and consumption of kitchen garden vegetables (kgs) Total Middle income High income 17 Production in Kgs Weekly 7.6 9.6 22(74) Weekly 10(77) 12(71) 8(26) Daily 3(23) 5(29) Consumption in Kg 30(100) Total 13(100) 17(100) Gardening benefits both individuals and neighbourhoods, and thus contributes to overall community health. The benefits of food production transcend the physical, mental and emotional health of the individual to leave lasting change on others and on the physical and social space of the community (Armstrong, 2000).People had fewer resources to increase their production, and mostly people use it for their own consumption. After fulfil their consumption 35% people give the excess amount to their neighbours and other family member as a gift show in the table 6.

Table 6. Utilization of vegetables Utilize of vegetables Middle income High income Total Home consumption 10(63) 12(67) 22(65) Free gift to others 6(37) 6(33) 12(35) Total 16(100) 18(100) 34(100) Mostly people do not carry on the activity due to their financial constraints, and lack of knowledge about them and majority adopt it as a hobby and didn’t know about complete information about kitchen gardening. In this way they face a lot of problems while growing the vegetables in their Garden. Some of the people also face problems shown in table 7 because they don’t prefer to use insecticides and they don’t have complete awareness about the gardening.

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Social Attitudes towards Kitchen Gardening

Table 7. Problems faces during kitchen gardening Problems Middle income Weeding 2(11) Time management 0(0) Water shortage 3(17) Lack of proper place 4(22) Attack of insects and birds 2(11) Financial problems 3(17) Lack of knowledge 2(11) Non availability of good seeds 2(11) Total 18(100)

High income 3(14) 3(14) 3(14) 2(10) 1(5) 2(10) 3(14) 4(19) 21(100)

Total 5(12) 3(8) 6(15) 6(15) 3(8) 5(12) 5(12) 6(15) 39(100)

Now a day media is working fast it build a lot of awareness among the people. Kitchen gardening is a technology which enables us to grow bacteria free vegetables at home providing a good use of empty tins, old utensils and clay flower pots. Kitchen gardening technology is helpful to grow toxicity free organic vegetables like tomato, krela, dhanya, mint, garlic, pepper and onion etc at a little space in kitchen, rooms lawn and roof top (Cheema, 2011). Kitchen Gardening is not a hard activity. It only requires some time, space and Knowledge. Study area peoples require some types of help form the agriculture research organizations like good quality of seeds training course regarding the managements of place, use of organic composed etc.

Table 8. Help needed to improve vegetable production Total Reason Middle income High income Good quality seed Proper place

5(26) 2(11)

2(11) 2(11)

7(19) 4(11)

Courses/training required

4(21)

4(22)

8(21)

Need help of nutritionist

2(11)

2(11)

4(11)

Agricultural advertisement on TV

2(11)

2(11)

4(11)

Better water supply Total

4(21) 19(100)

6(33) 18(100)

10(27) 37(100)

STATISTICAL ANALYSIS In this economic analysis we take age, education, family type, family size and consumption per week and consumption in number as the main source of income as independent variable and income as dependent variable. We take age in years and mean age is 40 years.

Education years are taken as independent variable and with mean value of 3.7. There are 80% families dwelling as single families, whereas 31% are living as joint families.

Equation Y=a+b 1 x1 +b 2 x2 +b 3 x3 +b 4 x4 +b 5 x5 +b 6 x6 +b 7 x7 In this equation, y is our dependent variable that is income and x is our independent variable as x1 represents type of family, x2 age, x3 education, x4 marital status, x5 represents profession, x6 consumption per week, x7 consumption in number. In a cause and effect relationship, the independent variable is the cause, and the dependent variable is the effect. Least squares linear regression is a method for predicting the value of a dependent variable Y, based on the value of an independent variable X. The value of R2 indicates that the predictors explain 60% of the variance in income. This implies that model fits the data satisfactorily. The value of R2 is given in table given below.

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&JR-JSS, 2(1), pp. 73-80

Table 9. Model Summary Mode R R l Square

1

.775(a)

.601

Adjusted R Square

Std. Error of the Estimate

.474

.57635

Change Statistics R F Square Chang Change e .601 4.727

df1

df 2

7

22

Sig. F Chang e .002

a.

Independent Variable: (Constant), how many times vegetables consumed in number?

Education of the respondent, Type of family, Marital Status, How many times vegetables consumed per week? Age, Profession Table 10. ANOVA (b) Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. Regression 10.992 7 1.570 4.727 .002(a) Residual Total

7.308 18.300

22 29

.332

a): Independent Variable: (Constant), How many times vegetables consumed in number?

Education of the respondent, Type of family, Marital Status, How many times vegetables consumed per week? Age, Profession b): Dependent Variable: Income level.

F test indicates over all significance. The F- value indicates significant difference among the independent variables as on table.11 Table 11. F- Value indicates significant difference Model Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficients Beta

t

Sig.

-3.331

0.003

Constant

B -3.411

Std.Error 1.024

Type of family

.164

.285

0.084

0.576

0.570

Age

0.052

0.018

0.706

2.938

0.008

Respondent Education Material Status

-.0314

0.113

-0.430

-2.779

0.011

0.490

0.341

0.307

1.439

0.164

Profession

-0.165

0.101

-0.398

-1.633

0.117

vegetables 1.529 0.344 0.866 4.448 0.00 consumed per week T test tells about the individual effect of independent variables on dependent as can be seen in the table above.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS It is concluded that kitchen gardening is a healthy and joyful activity. It is unique kind of activity.

From kitchen gardening, people can get fresh and healthy food. Most of the people like to eat organic food thus the kitchen gardening is one of the source of organic food. From kitchen gardening people can also control their financial expenditures and they can get fresh and healthy vegetables and fruits from their own gardens. Thus in such a way kitchen gardening also gives financial support as well. There is need of basic training. Women now a days plays a very important role in promoting the activity of kitchen gardening. Methods of mitigating the effects of

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Social Attitudes towards Kitchen Gardening

risk in rural. It is a good and constructive activity for the house wives and other household ladies. It is also a beneficial and positive activity which makes people self sufficient in the production of vegetables and fruits. Through kitchen gardening, we can get better quality food; it is also a learning activity, like through kitchen gardening people learn about the variety of seeds, fertilizers, pesticides etc. People can enhance their skills and knowledge through such a great activity. People also learn about the diseases, quality of food, importance of organic food and their effects on health. Most of the people are adopting it as a hobby and as a fun also. It is now a day symbol of healthy life style. It is a good and fruitful activity.

Kitchen gardening is now strongly recommended on a large scale. A project should be designed which requires systematic efforts to engage with women and assess their circumstances.

There is a need of especial institutes which give the training of kitchen gardening. Kitchen gardening is recommended on the basis of its positive aspects like it gives healthy food and good environment to the people. It is a healthy and creative activity, which makes us active. It decreases financial burden and makes the people self sufficient in the production of vegetables. So people should carry out this activity, so that they can get healthy and nutritional food from their own gardens. It is a good time pass activity and a source of getting fresh and cheaper vegetables.

REFERENCES Armstrong-A, Donna. 2000. “A survey of community gardens in upstate New York: Implications for health promotion and community development.” Health and Place 6:319-327.

Christensen, T. E. 2011. What is a kitchen Garden? Kitchen gardening technology introduced in LCWU. Pakistan Educational News Keiko Y. pp.1-2.

Cheema. J. K. 2011. Kitchen gardening technology introduced in LCWU. Pakistan Educational News Keiko Y. (1998).

Davis, K., Ekboir, J., Mekasha, W., Ochieng, C., Spielman, D., and Zerfu, E. 2007. Strengthening Agricultural Education and Training in Sub-Saharan Africa from an Innovations Systems Perspective. IFRPI. Discussion Paper. 00736.

Drescher et al. 2000. "Urban Food Security: Urban agriculture, a response to crisis?" UA Magazine(2000)1.1http://www.ruaf.org/index.php?q=system/files/files/Urban+food+securit y, UA+response+to+crisis.pdf Gauss, C.F. ( I 82 l/-3/ -6). Theoriu Combinutionis Observurionurn Erroribus Minirnur Obnoxiue, in two parts with a supplement. Reprinted with an English translation and notes by G.W. Stewart, (1995). Philadelphia: SIAM Heyzer, N and Sen, G.1994. Gender, economic growth, and poverty: Market growth and state planning in Asia and the Pacific. Published by Kali for Women and International Books, Netherlands in collaboration with Asian and Pacific Development Centre, Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia). Book, Edited (ISBN 8185107572).pp395 Krems C, PM Lehrmann, M Neuhuser-Berthold. 2004. “Physical activity in young and elderly subjects.” Journal of Sports Medicine & Physical Fitness. 44(1):71-6, Mar. Muller, Edward N. 1986. Income Inequality and Political Violence: The Effect of Influential Cases.

American Sociological Review 51:441-45.

Sanogo. D. 2007. Africa’s Food Status: Implications and challenges in a changing world in facing up to food crisis in Sub Saharan Africa: The challenges, gaps and role of Agricultural Policies. Proceeding of the 12 Annual Symposium of the International association of Research Scholars and Fellows.

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About the Author (s) Bushra Rehman

Assistant Scientific Officer, Social Sciences Research Institute, National Agriculture Research Center, Islamabad- Pakistan. e-mail:houri_bushra@yahoo.com.

Mehreen Faiza Student of Bs (hons.) Sociology, International Islamic University -Pakistan.

Tabinda Qaiser

Assistant Scientific Officer, Social Sciences Research Institute, National Agriculture Research Center, Islamabad- Pakistan.

Dr. M. Azeem Khan Senior. Director/Chief Scientific Officer, Social Sciences Research Institute, National Agriculture Research Center, Islamabad- Pakistan

Dr. Akhtar Ali Senior Scientific Officer, Social Sciences Research Institute, National Agriculture Research Center, Islamabad- Pakistan

Saima Rani Scientific Officer, Social Sciences Research Institute, National Agriculture Research Center, IslamabadPakistan

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS Publisher: Centre of Excellence for Scientific & Research Journalism Online Publication Date: 1 st January 2013

THE CHALLENGES OF DEVELOPMENT JOURNALISM IN NIGERIA FELIX OLAJIDE TALABI Abstract Development journalism is perceived as alternative journalism that primarily focuses on national development especially in the third world countries. This paper examines the reasons for dissociation from the advancement perspective of the developed world, the challenges faced by development journalism and discusses the way the nation should go to attain her desire in the committee of nations Library research was used to generate secondary data for this paper. The writing is anchored on the theoretical proposition of development theory of the press which persuades the developing nations to engage in development journalism. The paper suggests that Nigeria press should generate and manage contents to help society build consensus for the needed changes and growth.

An overview of Development Journalism Development journalism may not be new but it is still a novelty in Nigerian setting since we are yet to embrace its potentialities. The importance of the media in any society cannot be overemphasized and through the advent of technology the world has become a global village. The media perform the role of teaching, informing, educating and entertaining the public, in addition to encouraging socio-economic and political development in nations of the world Nigeria inclusive. It is not an overstatement that Nigerian media give prominence to politics and business issues while development reporting is scarcely covered therefore affecting the development and growth of the nation.

The relevance of media as a critical interface between the government and the people in democracy is almost gone while media reports are mostly, uni-polar, from the government to the people without feedback (Falobi, 2010). The role of the media is critical to the development of any nation. Development entails putting in place, together all the component parts a society needs to progress harmoniously. Rogers gives credence to this when he defines development “as a widely participatory process of social change in a society, intended to bring about both social and material advancement (including greater equity, freedom and other valued qualities) for the majority of the people through their gaining greater control over their environment” (Rogers: 1988, p.573). Taking from the explanation of Rogers, development journalism should take cursory look at news reportage in a way to foster the national development to the benefit of the greater masses in order to gain both social and mental control over their domain.

Certain types of news and issues though because of their negative nature have become stereotyped as developmental issues, while many others get ignored. Some examples of the former are suicides, rural poverty and those of the latter are urban housing problems, sanitation, education and literacy levels or children in urban slums and the likes. However, the rural issues merit serious attention so do issues affecting the less-privileged sectors in any part of society. It would be a misconception to believe that the “disadvantaged” constitutes only the poor farmers. The urban migrant population, slum dwellers, street children, HIV affected people, rural tribes all of these people would come under the tag of the disadvantaged. It is important to identify them thus, because they deserve the attention of the authorities concerned.

As communication revolution continues to shape the perspective of the society, the media industry is growing by leaps and bounds (long and energetic). This high and growth also gets reflected in the issues that are chosen for media coverage and the way in which this lappers. The growing urban-rural divide is evident in media reporting. Even at the urban level, most often, issues that affect the lowest common denominator in society are ignored. Power equations and commercial interests have taken over the commitment of the media. In the rural scenario, poverty and illiteracy dominate the media.

A modern society characterized by democracy, social and economic justice, national integration, social discipline and economic progress is possible only with the active and oriented

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help of mass media. As a result, there should be a sharp focus on people’s initiatives and movements at the grassroots levels. Every media vehicle must devote time, energy and resources in bringing up such issues. Development journalism can be employed as a tool of empowerment for a nation, by standing its strengths and weaknesses and this throwing light on what needs to be done.

A development journalist should critically examine the existing development programmes and projects with the actual task undertaken till date. This form of journalism should also motivate the active participation of the affected people and advocate for their interest, rather than glossing over the views of the policy makers and planners.

Development is a central social objective and the mass media play a decisive rule in this process. The assumptions of development communication concerning modernization and dependency is no longer fashionable in Nigeria. In his view, kunczik (1995, p.55) notes that development journalism comprises the reporting on ideas, programmes, activities and events, which are related to an improvement of the living standard, mainly in the rural regions. He then assumes that journalism is able to influence the development process by reporting on development programmes and activities. Accordingly, it is the journalist’s duty to critically examine and evaluate the relevance of a developing project to national and local needs: the difference between a planned scheme and its actual implementation, and the difference between its impact on people as claimed by government officials and as it actually is. Kunczik then asserts that reporting on national and international events is only desirable if they constructively contribute to the development of the living standard.

Purpose of the Paper The paper is written with the aim at looking at the development journalism in Nigeria cum its attendant challenges. Though the converse now is for the developing countries to leave western form of journalism at it is and focuses on the alternative form of practice that will shoot up development for the people. The paper opines to critically examine and suggest the way forwards so Nigeria can be a place of pride.

Theoretical Framework This work takes cue from the development theory of the press which is applicable to developing countries and Nigeria is one of them. To categorize countries as developing Folarin (2002, p.35) mentions some features that are apparent in the holistic structure of those counties as: (1) Relative lack of cultural production resources.

(2) Relatively limited availability of media literate audience (3) Dependence on the developed world for technology, skill and cultural products hence shortage of communication infrastructure and professional skill.

As a result of imbalance in the information flow due to lack of balance in communication technologies, postulates like McQuail suggests development theory, while Hamelink advocates total departure from the use of foreign technologies and converses for indigenous technologies to develop third world countries hence, journalism in the third world countries should promote development journalism. Media controls and structure in the first world countries are elite based (though this view comes from the Marxist school) hence the theory of development seeks the less advanced countries to use the media carry out positive development tasks in line with nationally established policy. It advocates that media in the developing nations should give priority to content and language of their national culture.

Methodology Library research was used to generate secondary data for this paper.

Development Journalism vis-a-vis Western Style Development journalism should help to create awareness about problems of the society.

Equally diligent efforts need to be made to publicize developmental work, so that others may know about it and in the best case scenario draw inspiration from it. Without gainsaying, globalization

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The challenges of development of journalism in Negeria

has impacted tremendously on the media and one important implication of this development is the revolution in information dissemination. With the new wave of democratization witnessed in Nigeria (as being claimed by Nigerian government) the press have become active participant in the tasks of promoting, projecting and supporting the activities of government. However, the predominant concern of this paper bothers on development journalism and its challenges.

Development journalism is perceived as the alternative journalism primarily focused on national development – agriculture, family planning, health and rural development cum projecting to the forefront the plight of the poor masses. Development journalism is primarily community oriented journalism as against the western style of journalism which has failed to show concerns such as bridging the gap between the centre and the periphery. Though, it is acknowledged that the Nigeria style of journalism was handed to us by the west, it is expedient to revisit such style in order to capture the mood and needs of Nigerian citizens. Western style journalism is primarily investigative and entertaining and not so much concerned with advocacy.

There is difference between the western model and Nigerian brand of development journalism hence, the diffusion approach, had not worked with Nigeria because of existing social and economic disparities that hamper not only the flow of information but also an adequate understanding of what is disseminated.

Misconceptions Mainstream media do not give development reporting the place that it warrants in our society. It is often relegated to niche columns, magazines and journals. The few positive issues and developmental projects that are undertaken by the mainstream media are not highlighted enough.

The mainstream media pretend to have incorporated development journalism into their daily duties by reporting government projects and statements and view of policy makers in their publications but this is far from it.

Development journalism should help to create awareness about problems plaguing the society. Equally, diligent efforts need to be made to publicize development work so others who may not know about it and in the best case scenario, draw inspiration from it.

Different forms of Development Journalism Investigative Development Journalism The first form as classified by Kunczik (1995, p.84) is comparable to a western style investigative journalism. It comprises reporting which critically examines development projects on the one hand and controls government activities on the other hand. For this form to be effective freedom of the press will be a basic requirement.

Benevolent Authoritarian Development Journalism The other form of development journalism can be classified as benevolent authoritarian.

This allows systematic manipulation of information in favour of a subtle development serving the common welfare. Journalists in this milieu form a kind of free intelligence and critically examine the aims of national development and the applicable instruments in a rational discourse via reasonable criteria free of social constraints.

Socio-technological Development Journalism What seems to be a pragmatic solution for the mentioned descriptive and normative views is offered by the so-called socio-technological development journalism. The approach strictly adheres to the needs of the population and supports the (normative) perception that the people concerned should participate in the development projects. The tasks of journalism from this view include motivating the audience to actively cooperate and on the other hand, defending the interests of those concerned. Interaction of population and journalists is required so audience will be involved in the decision making process. To achieve this journalist must be capable of distinguishing the crucial points and of comprehensibly pointing up every social process for the recipients as complex as it may be. Assistance for interpretation has to be provided for decision making. Also, journalists have to be committed to finding solutions while it is equally important to

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show success stories achieved by single citizens, which can serve as role models for the audience.

Since development is considered as solution to social proble ms in general development journalism is no longer exclusively limited to rural areas. Development news should refer to the needs, of people, which may vary from region to region but generally include primary needs, such as food, housing, and employment, while secondary needs such as transportation, energy sources and electricity and tertiary needs such as cultural diversity, recognition and dignity are also involved.

Mass communication theory posits that one of the preconditions for the development journalism is the availability of a potential audience (Odhiambo, 1991, p.18). The other preconditions are the development of symbolic language technology and evolution of freedom of expression. Peters (2010) succinctly summarizes that media development is sacrosanct to development journalism as a result; it will encompass a wide range of work which can be generally defined as actions in support of: ?

A system of media regulation and administration that ensures freedom of expression, pluralism and diversity. ?

Strengthening media capacity to inform people on issues that shape their lives. ?

Plurality and diversity of media, transparent and equal market conditions and full transparency of ownership. ?

Media as a platform for democratic discourse within a climate or respect for journalism that represents professional independence and diversity of views and interests in society. ?

Professional capacity building and supporting institutions for advocacy and development of media freedom, independence, pluralism and diversity. ?

Professional training and skills development and for the media sector as a whole to be both monitored and supported by professional associations and civil society organizations. ?

Infrastructural capacity that is sufficient to support independent and pluralistic media so that the media sector is characterized by high or rising levels of public access; efficient use of technology to gather and distribute news information (GFMO World Conference, 2007).

The theory of development sees the press as an instrument of social justice and a tool for achieving beneficial social changes. In other words, the media should carry out positive development tasks in line with nationally established policy.

However, in reality things have not worked out in line with this theory. In Nigerian there has been pressure on journalists to ally themselves with the political forces, but in doing so they have lost their independence. In this way, journalists can be severely hampered from reporting fully, fairly and independently so we cannot be certain that development does get advanced in such situation.

Trend Journalism a Barrier to Development There is today a democratic government in power in this country unlike at any other time in the past; a new climate of understanding exists in which creative journalism can flourish in the country. A creative press should be proactive. It should set goals for the national and give direction to development. It is expected to seek and report news and events to increase the understanding of the country by both itself and foreigners. But without development content in local and global issues, the media cannot build the consensus among government, civil society, the private sector and the international community. International issues mentioned here bothers on issues that relate to awareness, participatory democracy and self development. For instance, international debate on the growing of cocoa will enhances the local production. The press in Nigeria today is expected to act as catalyst for sustainable and equitable changes; then, it has to offer itself as a serious platform for the alliance of common interests.

Attraction of Development Journalism Development journalism has a lot of attraction for developing countries. In countries where poverty is the norm, the government of the day wants and need as much support as it can get. Government can probably have to take decisions which are based on the common good but which harm individual liberties. These decisions may be highly unpopular but they have to be

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The challenges of development of journalism in Negeria

taken, and a hostile press can hold back government’s progress while a supportive press can help the government push these policies ahead. This follows one of the definitions or the duty of a journalist reporting on development to critically examiner, evaluate and report the relevance of a development project to national and local needs, the difference between a planned scheme and its actual implementation, and the difference between its impact on people as claimed by government officials and as it actually is. Ability to nation building is an important function of development journalism.

Pitfalls The pitfalls in development approach can be viewed in different perspectives. In the actual facts, the press becomes far less critical and eventually is forced to give up its “watchdog” role in society. As it continually panders to the government, the media loses it critical edge and becomes nothing more than another government mouthpiece. When this happens, it paves the way for a virulent underground or alternative press with a strong anti-government approach. This happens most via an opposition party establishing an opposition medium to criticize the government. As the press tries to promote the government and the common good, it can start to lose sight of the individual and the individual’s human rights. If critically examined, it will be discovered that development journalism can be equated with one in which the government exercises tight control and prevents freedom of expression, all in the name of noble ends Challenges of Development Journalism Odugberi and Norri have said development journalism often faces obstacles in the form of low professional journalistic standards, a lack of financial resources, work technical skills, fragmented legal frameworks and an undemocratic political system. Also, there is risk of patronage - the media may not be able to break free from its political constraints and may operate according to clientelism or be captured by private interests.

Nigeria journalism is today being faced with numerous challenges and these challenges are impediments to development journalism among which are: (1) The digital age has made it difficult to defining the role of the professional journalist vis à-vis the citizen journalists (the receiver who is at the same time the producer of news). If professional journalists tailor their duty towards development journalism in the growing pervasiveness of digital technology, online journalism is a threat that lives in the subliminal of the press – fear of losing their job is conspicus.

(2) Mediated global challenges such as climate change, cultural and resource conflict among others are paramount to elites believes; the interest which the mass media serve and depend for economic survival.

(3) Ownership pattern is a pertinent issue. Business moguls who are publishers are not interested in development journalism because they have created a class fashioned after global trend for themselves. As such, editors and reporters stick to the mission and vision of the publisher to retain their job.

(4) Lack of modern equipment to reach those who lack the wherewithal to contact the mass media and make news is a serious problem. The Marxist ideologists have submitted that he who owns the means of production also controls the media.

(5) The need to beat deadlines is also a major constraint to development journalism.

Journalists’ natural competition to have their by-lines perpetually often robs the poor masses the chances of making news. Since mass media is an elite means of communication journalists scout for news considered to be prominent. “Prominence” in this sense connotes maintaining the status quo which is of the western style, maintaining the interest of the elites. Hence, a means must be devised to reverse this ugly trend so developmental issues and issues of ordinary masses can be of importance.

(6) Commercialization of news hampers development journalism. News of less importance filters into the public consumption as a result of news commercialization whereas other developmental issues are left unattended to. It is high time journalists digress from cash

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Journal of Social Sciences, COES&RJ-JSS, 2(1), pp. 81-86

and carry journalism in order to serve both the reach and poor alike if the word “mass” has to be meaningful else, media will continue to promote the gap between the haves and have-nots. McQuail rightly quoted Picard, (2004) that the primary content of the media today is commercialized news designed to appeal to broad audience, to entertain, to be cost effective and whose attention can be sold to advertisers. The result is that stories that may offend elite minorities are ignored in favour of those more acceptable and entertaining to a larger member of readers. Stories that are costly to cover are downplayed or ignored; such stories that create financial risks are ignored and the effect leads to homogenization of media content in coverage of media issues (McQuail, 2005, p.125).

(7) (8) Total dependence on the press releases which characterizes the present day journalism in Nigeria is not good for this part of the world. The implication is that ordinary citizen will be absolutely out of news. Of course, news releases are tailored to further the interest of the public figure that issued it so instead of our media becoming development journalism it has become “envelopment” journalism.

(8) Apathy for reading and research by journalists covering development issues is a critical challenge.

About the Author FELIX OLAJIDE TALABI Department of Mass Communication, Rufus Giwa Polytechnic, Owo, Ondo State, Nigeria talabifelix@yahoo.com, +2348036971001

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