[Autonomy Project][Diego Ramirez]

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MASTER IN ADvANCED ARCHITECTURE

COVER 2014/16 Autonomy project

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BARCELONA

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[AUTONOMY PROJECT]

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Master in advance architecture of catalonia mma2

Author: Juan Diego Ramírez León Faculty: Vicente Guallart Faculty Assistant: Ruxandra Iancu Bratosin

“Thesis presented to obtain the qualification of Master Degree from the Institute of Advanced Architecture of Catalunya” Barcelona, 28th September 2016

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to my family and the andean claim...

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INDEX

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INDEX 01_Introduction 01.1_Abstract 01.2_Prologue

page 06

02_Historical Framework

02.1_Colonial Imprints

02.2_Economic Heritages

page 10

03_Economic Framework

03.1_Morphological Heritage

03.2_Continental Outsourcing

page 28

04_Contextual Framework

03.1_Social Innuendos

03.1_Environmental Conditions

page 44

05_Case Studies [Hugh Barton Analysis] 04.1_Catamarca 04.2_Calama 04.3_Potosi 04.4_Salta

page 80

06_The Cajamarca Paradox

05.1_Morphological Analyses

05.2_Water Management Policies

page 146

07_Diagonosis

page 174

08_Productive Reconvention

07.1_Laboratory of Economic Complexity

07.2_Resources and Objectified Interests

07.3_Production Diversification

page 178

09_Energy Proposal 08.1_Strategies

08.2_Deployment Logics

page 182

10_Agricultual Diversification 09.1_Strategies

09.2_Deployment Logics

page 192

11_Densification Protocol 10.1_Strategies

10.2_Deployment Logics

page 208

12_Masterplan Composition

13_Machenic Assemblages

11.1_Andes Defender

12.2_High-Tech Cropping

page 236

14_Bibliography

page 270

page 254

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abstract

AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008

During the historical processes of civilizations, the morphology of cities has served as one of the most useful tools to study and analyze the social, political, economic, productive and cultural ethos of previous, and possibly posterior, societies. The materialistic condition of the cities brings together various abstract conceptions such as the political and the economic, whose dialectic foundation seizes a common ground towards and within the city.

If we scrutinize the emergence, development and consolidation of cities through the conceptual framework of historical materialism [Marx: 1959], we can argue that production and its subsequent exchange of goods is the basis of all social order.

In all societies throughout history, goods distribution and the social division is determined by what the society produces, how it produces, and the mode in which the products are interchanged. This notion is subsequently transformed and shaped in the means of inhabitation, the city.

The equation is simple: profit concentration and loss distribution. This problematic exalts the historical antagonism between the city and the countryside, where the countryside becomes the anchor of the extractive economies, and the city plays its role by concentrating the economic capital.

The main task of much late modern culture seems to have been the development of the idea of processing infinity through endless repetition.

This can be described in terms of Hegel’s concept of bad infinity - a sort of nightmare of the dialectical process that, in spite of its attempted negation of the finite cannot avoid incarnation in the finite, which pushes towards a perennial, compulsive repetition of itself. (Aureli: 2011.)

The status quo fosters civil confrontations that polarize the extractive companies and the communities around them, emphasizing the historical struggle between economic and social capital. In the following charts we can underline these two indicators – the extractive zones and the civil associations against extractive economies – and how they naturally match in the territory.

After revising this particular historical context, we can deliberate on the importance of the productive notion and its synergy with all the economic apparatus and how its abstraction reflects and materializes truthfully in cities. Nevertheless, how can we demonstrate this thesis in a collective or individual case study? In which society do we find a notorious and disruptive course, where the city morphology changed along with its production system?

The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstruction of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. (Marx: 1848)

The answer lies in the Latin American case, where after the establishment of the Spanish Viceroy (1542), the distributed and diversified production system of the native cultures shifted to a centralized economy, based on mercantilism and interventionism.

This cultural and productive disturbances produced a standard layout for the intervened cities, whose contemporary 8

reality and morphology share remarkable and disturbing coincidences; the result of obsolete economies in the contemporary context.

The repercussion of centralized economies in the South American continent is directly reflected in social indicators that determine the quality of life of the current citizens.

These indicators such as inequality, poverty, illiteracy, high mortality rates and environmental pollution are incompatible with the centralized condition of the economic system; they are distributed all over the cities.

The capitals of the countries that were once the developing poles of the Viceroy are now the cities that concentrate the highest rates of economic income and development.

prologue

Since the first notion of human grouping in tribal times passing through the Greek and the Roman society, the need to establish productive systems in order to satisfy the basic biological needs derived in the formation of incipient social structures where the division of labor and the dichotomy of the public and private [or political and economical according to the classification made by Aristotle ] first appeared in the human daily; being this dialectic most pronounced in the transition from the Greek to the Roman era, where this distinction became blurred and at the same time shifted the concept of the oikos politikè into the urbs, transforming the notion of the political space as mere infrastructure.

Furthermore, subsequently the invention of modularity and perspective in the renaissance

by Brunelleschi, an attempt to create representations through architecture arose by the means of not just showing the city as a whole but more important, the creation of a specific subject [the labor worker], which appeared during the shift from an agrarian society to a proto-industrial society which instantaneously created a political, social and economical turmoil.

After the definition of urbanism by Cerdá in 1867, the cities were no longer the domain of architects; architecture and more precisely city architecture was relegated, if not almost extinct from the cities; urbanism gorged and erased all the limits of the city within the city. Likewise, the consolidation of the bourgeoisie, the emergence of modernity and the institution of the Fordist era sharpened the subjectivity that appeared in the renaissance, which evolved into the factory worker. Notwithstanding, after the crack in 1929 [post-fordism], the capitalist apparatus was forced to evolve and to change the material labor [factory] into the immaterial labor [office].

This resulted in the emergence of architects such as Mies Van der Rohe and Ludwig Hilberseimer in Berlin during 1919s, reviewing Cedric Potter’s Thinkbelt and of course modernism as we know it. Where the limits of the city are no longer visible, the over production for the over consumption and the bad infinity, described by Hegel as the infinite creation of new, finite things just for the sake of new ones, which capitalize the never-ending concept that carries within the modernism and its most pernicious ally:

urbanism.

So that after the review of the historical materialism described by Marx, we can conclude that the productive systems and the economical powers de facto have molded the city through time; not only in morphological terms, but also on the social and the political spectrum.

Within this scenario, my main interest relays on how the new productive systems with the implementation of technology and knowledge can become a key point in the amelioration of the productive chain, which consequently will modify and create a new paradigm within our cities, eliminating the superfluous subjectivity once for all from architectural domains. Inside this interest, I focused in the geographical areas that during the historical evolution have managed to excel in the extraction and production of primary goods; these places are mainly located in Latin America.

Nevertheless, the productive system of globalization (global financial market) doesn’t allow them to add value in their economic chain of production, relegating them as mere extractive entities.

This role of extraction actually does not benefit the countries that have the natural and energetic resources. Nonetheless, this approach can change substantially if in the productive chain we aggregate the value of technological knowledge and human capital, accompanied with industrial policies as a way to make a revolutionary approach on how the undeveloped countries can reach autonomy within the theory of endogenous development and economic protectionism.

Going further in the process of framing my research, I wanted to focus on the cities, which during the expansion of colonial urbanism became focal points of production and urban development. Also considering and revisiting how the colonialism changed the means and notions of production that the native cultures developed during centuries.

In conclusion, my research will focus in the ad hoc implementation of new technologies as an aggregate value within and against the current productive chain and the global market, in order to provide self-sufficiency and autonomy in the productive systems as an attempt to generate a new paradigm of city architecture in the middle cities of Latin America.

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historical framework During the historical processes of civilizations, the morphology of cities has served as one of the most useful tools to study and analyze the social, political, economical, productive and cultural ethos of previous, and possibly, ulterior societies. The materialistic condition of the cities converge various abstract conceptions such as the political and the economical, whose dialectic foundation seize a common ground towards and within the city.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

tribal times

> During the tribal times, the main ethos laid in the simple grouping of the individuals and a incipient division of labor; where the concepts of private property and city were not stablished 12

yet. Nevertheless, the division of labor had an acute distinction between the tribes, where the notion of production was intimately related of the primary need of subsistence.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

mesopotamia

>Is in the Mesopotamian time, during the Assyrian and Babylonian empires that the concept of the city emerged and subsequently became an important component in everyday life. This cultures maintain the 14

agriculture as a principal productive source, and not but coincidence, they built their settlements near the rivers and the urban morphology responded directly to the approach of the irrigation channels.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDÀ, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

greek empire

> During the greek time, Aristotle defined the city in two different streams: the techne politike[referring to the public space] and the techne oikonomike[referring to the private space]. In this sense, the polis took the leading role in the social ethos of that time, becoming the “space of the many”. Is in this specific historical period where the political sense of the 16

city and its mere existence held the possibility of conflict and at the same time, the space for its resolution. “…

The Greek polis can be described as an archipelago, not only because it took this geographical form, but also because the condition of insularity as a mode of relationships was its essential political form.” [Aureli:2011]

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

roman empire > Is during the roman empire, where the idea of the polis became distorted and disrupted. The urbs suddenly replaced the polis, but the paradigmatic approach dismantled the concept of the political within the city by replacing the concept of public with mere infrastructure, describing 18

a generic condition of protected cohabitation reducible to the principle of the house and its material necessities. In comparison with the polis, the urbs was not intended to be restricted, it expanded in the form of a territorial organization in which the roads played a crucial role.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

medieval times > Is in the medieval time when the notion of the division of labor got strongly acute and divided the social activities in commercial, agricultural and proto-industrial. This division of labor created the famous dichotomy and resilient antagonism between the urban and the rural. The most harmful characteristic in this era 20

was undoubtedly the emergence of feudalism, which created hierarchical structures of territorial property. This depravation generated the emergence of the bourgeoisie, that took control of the urbs and its political measures and started the population outside the walls, the singularity of expansion.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

renaissance > Is in this particular historical stage[birth of renaissance in Florence] where the architecture subjectivity took form within the modern history by makings attempts in order to create representations through architecture; not just by showing the city but also by creating a specific subject which increased the problem[subjectivity].

The mode of production that characterized this time was the shift 22

from and agrarian society to a proto industrial one, which was impulsed by the creation of modularity and perspective[Brunelleschi].

This particular event created and political and economical turmoil that produced the shift of the medieval city to a more controlable way[and expandable] of standardization and division of labor.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

modernism > After the first industrial revolution, the publish of the General Theory of Urbanization[Cerda] and the Capital[Marx]; the notion of expansion and standardization got imprint in the social ethos, where the working class played an important role in the evolution of the capitalist apparatus. The cities were no longer filled with city architecture, they got drowned with urbanism. The criticism of urbanism lays in the shortening, 24

until the point of annihilation, of the political sense of the city. With the implementation of the welfare state(city) the subjectivity[working class] got totally under control and with no power of further response.

This became a clear manifesto in the assembly line of the ford company, where the work of the human being was reduced to a monotone and repressive activity that kept them isolated and stunted.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 CERDĂ€, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

ULLMANN, Walter. A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965.

contemporaneity > Is after the world war II where the working class challenged Germany, and the shift from heavy industry[material labor] to inmaterial labor[office space] occurred. This is well-known as the post-fordist era where the abstraction of the space created a new subject: the inmaterial 26

worker[office worker]. Is in this specific time where architecture played the role of materializing this new status quo. This creatio ex-nihilio got implemented in Berlin around the 1919 and the most significant agents were Mies Van der Rohe and Ludwig Hilberseimer.

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economic framework In the previous analysis, the economical production system of south american countries was found centralized and not diversified. This status definitely fosters social turmoil and despair distribution of wealthiness. In this stage, the analysis is based in the social repercussions that the current productive system carries within its functioning. In the following maps we can identify all the natural and social devastation that the extractive economies are currently producing .

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

CERDÀ, Idelfonso. General Theory of Urbanization.

Barcelona: Electra, 1992.

american cities

> It is within this historical review and the criticism of urbanism as city planning and a way of governance that I tried to understand the genesis of this brilliant idea. It is pertinent to consider that Cerdà took a tremendous reference and background studies from Spanish civil engineers who were dedicated in the construction of roads.

This “methodology” was first implemented in the American colonies that were subjugated by Spanish Viceroy. This checkerboard typology was instituted in America near the mining camps in order to settle, exploit and

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educate the Native Americans in the religious and productive doings. This typology had the notion and the goal to create centralized focus of production and exploitation, in conclusion, to settle the workforce in order to extract all the commodities. > In the drawing below, I kindly borrowed the graphic representation of Pier Vittorio Aureli’s project “Stop City” to show how in different cities of South America the checkerboard typology was implemented, and predisposed the beginning of centralization and the

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Feenstra, R. C., et al. (2005).

World Trade Flows, 1962– 2000. NBER working paper 11040 BACI: International Trade Database at the ProductLevel.

The 1994-2007 Version CEPII Working Paper, N°2010-23, Octobre 2010 Guillaume Gaulier, Soledad Zignago HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

centralized economies

> After revising the historical context, I proceed to make an acuter study of the current situation of the countries that were under the domain of the Spanish Viceroy[Peru, Argentina,

Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Bolivia].

I studied their colonial imprints that still remain intact in the present days such as the centralized economies, the

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Feenstra, R. C., et al. (2005).

World Trade Flows, 1962– 2000. NBER working paper 11040 BACI: International Trade Database at the ProductLevel.

The 1994-2007 Version CEPII Working Paper, N°2010-23, Octobre 2010 Guillaume Gaulier, Soledad Zignago HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integración y desarrollo de América del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

andes

outsourcing of injustice and inequity, monoculture and the extraction of commodities as their main good for the global market’s interchange.

In the following images I will show

these subjects of study with a more detailed explanation and at the same time I will rise the question if it’s possible to integrate these economies and societies, to diversify

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Feenstra, R. C., et al. (2005).

World Trade Flows, 1962– 2000. NBER working paper 11040 BACI: International Trade Database at the ProductLevel.

The 1994-2007 Version CEPII Working Paper, N°2010-23, Octobre 2010 Guillaume Gaulier, Soledad Zignago HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integración y desarrollo de América del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

extractive economies

the production and the aggregation of value in the economical chain of production inasmuch as the process of decentralization becomes an important catalyzer .

And if there is this possibility , are the Andes[chain of mountains that link geographically this countries] the tangible opportunity to achieve this feat?

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+ contextual framework In the previous analysis, the economical production system of south american countries was found centralized and not diversified. This status definitely fosters social turmoil and despair distribution of wealthiness. In this stage, the analysis is based in the social repercussions that the current productive system carries within its functioning. In the following maps we can identify all the natural and social devastation that the extractive economies are currently producing .

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

extensive deforestation The flow layers related with deforestation and monoculture intersect their influence in the southern area of the continent. The extensive deforestation depredates huge amount of amazonic forest 46

carries within a depredating economy and productive system. The area that presents the biggest amount of these economies is concentrated around Rio Grande in Brazil.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

extractive areas

The extractive areas in the continent are concentrated around the Andes Mountains. The huge amount of hydrocarbons and minerals catches the interest of big corporations that coincidentally manage all the 48

energetic and natural resources of various cities within the continent.

These areas share the same productive, social and political context.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

high pollution

The areas that registered the biggest number of air, water and soil pollution are disperse around the continent. Nevertheless, its presence overlaps the location of various 50

mining corporations. These extractive economies tend to jeopardize the quality of living of the community around it and its immediate natural surrounding.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

industrial innuendo

This map shows us the deployment of different extractive companies around the continent. The vast majority of these corporations are private, operating against public interests.

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This antagonism between the private agenda over the public resources polarizes communities and endangers their social dynamics towards the private means of production.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integración y desarrollo de América del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

social affections The deployment of extractive companies and settlements provokes a counter effect that confronts the communities with the private companies. This map overlaps the location of extractive economies and 54

social syndicates that emerged as a counterforce. These environmental and social activists fight back the capitalist’s corporations over their rights, the environmental affections as well as their property.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

waterfront appropriation The extractive economies not only settle ground in the countryside.

The Pacific Ocean holds a huge amount of natural resources that are manage by private corporations with private interest. These practices 56

contaminate the water, depredate the local economies and endanger different animal species according to the market demands and through overfishing.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

andean demography

The demography of the Andes Mountains is around 82 million people.

Colombia concentrates the biggest amount of mountain population with almost 40 million people. Peru holds the second biggest 58

population with around 21 million people. The smallest population of mountain people is located in Argentina, with no more than 2 million people.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

cattle rising

Cattle rising is one the oldest and most traditional economic and trade system in the native cultures. Peru holds the biggest camelid horde in the continent with around 6 million 60

heads of cattle. Followed by Bolivia with around 3 million head of cattle.

The most common animals found are llamas, alpacas and vicunas.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

gender and participation The rates of gender and participation are very disproportional. The amount of women in the continent is slightly bigger than men. Nevertheless, the best work opportunities inside the extractive economies favors the male 62

due to the huge amount of labor force that demands this type of activity.

The role played by the woman in this productive system is neither adequate nor challenging.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

habitational dichotomy The tangible and historical antagonism between the city and countryside becomes the reflection of the current economic and productive system. Where the concentration of the labor force and depredation takes places in the countryside. The 64

management and the distribution of wealth occurs towards and within the city that concentrates more than the 80% of the wealth, 50% of the population and only occupies the 2% of the surface.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

hot&cold surfaces The huge amount of ecosystems and climates around the Andes Mountains concentrates the attention around the globe. Despite the huge amount of surface, the continent does not occupy a vast part of it. This 66

singularity is based on the huger square kilometers that are cover with glaciers and mountains. Mostly concentrated around the south of Chile and Argentina.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

mountain surface

The mountainous condition of the continent serves as a constant source of water and minerals. Some countries like Argentina have around 3 million square meters of the Andean macro 68

zone that represents around the 19% of its entire surface. The country with the biggest Andean macro zone is Peru, which represents the 64% of its surface.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integración y desarrollo de América del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

protected areas Due to its large amount of natural and energetic resources, as well as its various ecosystems; the continent holds tremendous amounts of protected surfaces. The 27% of the Peruvian territory in considered 70

“under protection”, the same as the 30% of the entire Chilean surface.

Nevertheless, many of these protected areas have been damaged or endanger due to the affluence of minerals and hydrocarbons.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014

water availability The Andes Mountains hold a various number of rivers and water resources spread around the continent. Nevertheless, extractive economies and mining companies require millions of liters of water 72

for processing minerals and hydrocarbons. This problematic transforms a vast resource into a scar condition. The availability of water becomes a luxury instead of a human right.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014 The World Radiation Data Centre (WRDC) // GFS (Global Forecast System)

Co2 emissions The measurements of Co2 emissions in the continent are concentrated mainly around the Andes Mountains.

The cities that carry the highest rates of pollution host mining companies.

This particular economy reflects 74

directly on the natural environment, damaging the natural conditions and ecosystems. Carrying within social decay and big amounts of waste production per capita.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integraciĂłn y desarrollo de AmĂŠrica del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014 The World Radiation Data Centre (WRDC) // GFS (Global Forecast System)

radiation

In terms of solar radiation, the distribution of its impact is mainly uniform around the continent.

Having the biggest measurements in Ecuador and Argentina. On the other 76

hand, the areas with the lowest solar radiation are located in the south of Chile and in the east of Brazil as well as the center or Bolivia near the South of Peru.

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HERNANDEZ, Rene/ MARTINEZ, Jorge and MULDER, Nanno. Global value chains and world trade: Prospects and challenges for Latin America. Santiago: ECLAC Books, 2014.

MENDOZA, Francisco.

Cordillera de Los Andes, una oportunidad para la integración y desarrollo de América del Sur. Santiago: FAO, 2014 The World Radiation Data Centre (WRDC) // GFS (Global Forecast System)

wind flow

The capacity and wind flow over the continent’s surface varies significantly towards its vast extension. The highest measurements rates are located in the south of Chile reaching around 20 78

mph, followed by the southern part of Brazil. The Amazonic area of Brazil and Peru hold the lowest rates of wind flow in the overall surface with around 08 mph.

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CS

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case studies >In the next diagrams, I bring forward the analysis by selecting five different cities within the South American continent and studying them with the methodology of radius of influence by Hugh Barton. Where we can note the total urban disruption between public and private services within the different cities.

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AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 ARENDT, Ana. The Promise of Politics. New York: Schocken Books, 2005.

SCHMIDT, Carl.

The Concept of the Political.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996 TAFURI, Manfredo. Lavoro intellettuale e sviluppo capitalistico. Contropiano, February 1970, 2/70, 241–281.

CAVALLETTI, Andrea. La Città Biopolitica: Mitologie della sicureza. Milan: Bruno Mondadori, 2005

Through the study of the different cities around the South American continent, we can identify the negative similarities and the possibilities that all this places carry within its productive and economic system. The ancient social and economic problematic that arose centuries ago is still tangible in the political and morphological conformation of habitation means. The dialectic conception of the urban and rural condition has antagonized both realities into a constant an tortuous confrontation.

The enormous economic, productive and social concentration and convergence of different dynamics within the city are very knowledgeable and well studied during the last decades. The city has become the object and subject of study, the urbanism as an ad hoc doctrine, which evolves, mutates and refines against time and through capitalism.

The Spanish engineer Idelfons Cerda, who legitimized his invention as a conceptual feature of a paradigm, introduced the word urbanization. This paradigm was the condition of limitlessness and the integration and communication featured by capitalism (Aureli: 2011).

This new conception that redefined the city and acted as a managerial process and a efficient way of city governance brought up a new social model based on its annihilation.

Urbanism was not seeking for a political endeavor but was reaching for a economical one; paradoxically the economical spectrum acted politically.

The urban forces nowadays concentrate more that the 50% of the global population, consume the 75% of the produced energy and emits the 80% of the earth CO2 (Census Bureau:2016). All these matters occur in the 2% of the globe, leaving the counter space of the city - the countryside- with the 98% of the surface available, but hopefully not available for more global urbanization.

In the past decade, the capitalist apparatus has focused its entire interest in the production and specialization of the urban model bringing disastrous results such as increasing social inequity, inefficient wealth distribution, alarming poverty and social polarization and antagonism. Facing this scenario of infinite urbanization - which today is no longer just theory but daily practice- I would argue that the time has come to drastically counter the very idea of urbanization.(Aureli:2011) Recent studies carried by AMO/OMA indicate the vast - economic- possibilities that lay beyond the countryside. In the digital era, the topologies of architecture not only foster mutation or evolution but mostly emergence. These new platforms that host the digital spectrum demand vast spaces of

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functioning and storage, which are no longer viable to harbor in the city. This happening in the countryside does not imply any different scenario of the urban condition but the newest aspiration of the capitalist apparatus towards its digital headway.

The emergence of the countryside in the global scene does not question the originating problematical scenario, but embraces the status quo of political annihilation in the means of inhabitation and its economic nature. The social and economic structure in force invites the non-political sense of the city as a symptom of self-control and regulation.

Nevertheless, as Aureli writes, “The sphere of the political is the sphere in which a part, a group of individuals, acquires knowledge of itself in the form of knowing what it is, what it ought to be, what it wants, and what it does not want. The political cannot be reduced to conflict per se; it indicates the possibility of conflict and as such calls for its solution.”

The cities selected correspond to the countries, which its natural and energetic resources have spotted a potential and peremptory opportunity to drive extractive economies without taking into account the environmental and social impacts.

Most of the biggest energetic and oil corporations undergo a social, economic and environmental decay driven by its economy.

All of the selected cities share alarming social indicators such as poverty, illiteracy, inequity, unemployment and poor quality of living.

This typology of economic exploitation reflects colonial imprints in the continent, most of the cities studies during this part of the research correspond to the ancient viceroy centers. These cities emerged as a place to host the labor force that will work in the mining scenario.

The predominant culture of the continent Incas - was famous because of its distributive economy. The worldview of the Incas did not allowed them to built in plain surfaces; they believed that the flat areas were sacred and were not inhabited. Their main productive system was based in agriculture and trading that was developed in the prairie. When the Spanish viceroy implanted its colonies, the productive system shifted to mercantilism and protectionism. The mountains, where near 10 million people lived, were looted and one of the biggest genocide episodes took place due to a productive shift. The historical disruption is still tangible in cities like Cajamarca (Peru), Catamarca and Salta (Argentina), Calama (Chile) and Potosi (Bolivia). These cities represent the incipient reference for Cerda and his General Theory of Urbanization, the layout of colonial cities as the contemporary dogma for city planning and its productive economy.

-Extractive Economies-

Annihilation of the social spectrum Lattice of territorial development Productive and economic sluggishness

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In 2001 Catamarca was the province with the lowest level of poverty in the whole Argentinian north. On the opposite TucumĂĄn, whose economy was the most dynamic of the Region had a superior percentage of poor homes.

Taking for granted a strong link between economical processes and poverty, and that labor difficulties are an important component in that relationship, the article analyzes how the lower levels of poverty in Catamarca´s population were consequence of being less affected than Tucuman’s population by regressive productive transformations and 84

the employment problems(Osatinsky 2011).

Assessments of the incidence of poverty and indigence in Catamarca in the first half of 2013 show considerable disparities depending on whether measurements are taken as reference for official or private organizations.

In that regard, according to data released by the Permanent Household Survey (EPH), compiled by the National Institute of Statistics and Census (Indec) for the first half of 2013, 6.6 percent of the provincial population was under the poverty line, while 0.7 percent under the indigence.

CATAMARCA Photograph: J.Lazarte

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commerce > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

argentina catamarca 3.86 h/km2 14 poles 01 poles 500 meters 06 poles 87

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argentina catamarca 3.86 h/km2 08 poles 02 poles 1000 meters 05 poles 89

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argentina catamarca 3.86 h/km2 03 flows 91

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health centers

> After revising the historical context, I proceed to make an acuter study of the current situation of the countries that were under the domain of the Spanish Viceroy[Peru, Argentina,

Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Bolivia].

I studied their colonial imprints that still remain intact in the present days such as the centralized economies, 93

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argentina catamarca 3.86 h/km2 01 poles 02 poles 1000 meters 01 poles 95

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The inhabitants of the northern Chilean mining region of Antofagasta have the highest per capita income in the country. But some 4,000 local families continue to live in slums – a reflection of one of the most marked situations of inequality in this country.

In the municipality of Calama, where the city is located, there are 37 mining operations.

One of them is the Chuquicamata mine, the world’s biggest open-pit copper mine.

The region of Antofagasta has the highest GDP per capita the country, the highest level of economic growth, and the best conditions for achieving development, according to 100

a study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

Official figures indicate that this region of 625,000 people has an average per capita income of 37,205 dollars a year, nearly eight times the average per capita income of the southern region of AraucanĂ­a, which is just 4,500 dollars. The national average in this country of 17.6 million people is 23,165 dollars.

However, 45,000 people are living in poverty in Antofagasta, including 4,000 in extreme poverty. (IPS Article 11-09-2015 by Marianela Jarroud)

CALAMA Photograph: Alobos Life

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commerce > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 10 poles 02 poles 500 meters 06 poles 103

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education > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 11 poles 01 poles 1000 meters 05 poles 105

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roads and flows > country: > city: > density: > number of roads: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 10 flows 107

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health centers > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 07 poles 03 poles 500/1000 meters 07 poles 109

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industry > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 06 poles 00 poles 1000 meters 02 poles 111

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public facilities > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 05 poles 03 poles 500 meters 05 poles 113

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public spaces > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

chile calama 9.10 h/km2 14 poles 00 poles 500 meters 09 poles 115

A life expectancy of 40 years, poverty and resignation are three corners of a vicious triangle for miners at Potosi, whose silver financed the Spanish Empire but has done little to improve the lot of local inhabitants.

Most of the miners, which has 619 pitheads, continue to toil for little pay under extremely unsafe working conditions. The standard of living in Potosi, the southern highland city at the foot of the mountain, remains much the same as it was for miners of previous generations. Development of the Cerro deposit began in 1545 and over the centuries millions of Indians and African slaves worked 116

under conditions of forced labor, producing tens of thousands of tons silver for the Spanish Empire. Tin and zinc extracted from the mine has become important in more recent times. Currently, some 10,000 miners toil below ground, using dynamite to create tunnels and extracting at least 2,000 tons of mineral-laden earth per day. Conditions remain brutal, with most of the miners dying of various lung-related illnesses in their 40s, and mine drainage takes a devastating toll on the environment, making Potosi one of the most polluted places on Earth. (LA Herald Tribune Article by Javier Aliaga)

POTOSI Photograph: Karo Maza

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commerce > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

bolivia potosi 1.39 h/km2 08 poles 02 poles 500 meters 06 poles 119

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bolivia potosi 1.39 h/km2 38 poles 00 poles 500 meters 18 poles 121

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bolivia potosi 1.39 h/km2 01 poles 04 poles 1000 meters 01 poles 125

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bolivia potosi 1.39 h/km2 09 poles 00 poles 500 meters 06 poles 129

Salta is the poorest province in the country, with 28.6 percent of its population unable to meet basic needs, while Buenos Aires City is at the other side of the spectrum with just five percent of population considered poor, a report by the Labour and Economic Development Studies Centre (IELDE) of Salta’s National University reported.

Some 34 percent of Salta’s households are built in precarious conditions, while one out of four do not have bathrooms or kitchens in adequate conditions, IELDE said.

Meanwhile, 16 percent of households in the 130

province ruled by Governor Juan Manuel Urtubey lack drinking water and 21 percent suffer from overcrowding (more than three people living in one room), the report added.

The province also has a high percentage of families living close to a rubbish tip and more than one out of four inhabitants living in floodable areas, more than during the two previous years.

Measured by those standards, urban areas in Salta are the poorest in the country.( Buenos Aires Herald Article 25-03-2014).

SALTA

Photograph: Santiago Ibarra

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argentina salta 8.57 h/km2 09 poles 04 poles 500 meters 09 poles 133

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CP

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cajamarca paradox In this new stage of the research, I decided to make a further investigation on Cajamarca, located in Peru. This city actually has the biggest GDP incomes and at the same time, the highest rates of illiteracy, poverty, pollution and social decay. These contradictory values represent and show how an economical system based on commodities (extractive system) is actually undermining the development of the city and is causing tremendous social affections.

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As an attempt to delve into the problematic of the extractive economies, I chose a Peruvian city whose main production system is based on commodities, related to the extraction of minerals, hydrocarbon and raw matter.

The GDP of this city once reached nearly US$7.5 billion. Nevertheless, the city presents a poverty rate of 64% and 29% of extreme poverty.

The paradox lies in the notion that the city actually doesn’t have an economic problem, but a political one. The productive policies emphasize the extractive economies, along with their social and environmental repercussions, over diversification.

These policies produce a lack of potable 148

water and irrigation systems in a city that is crossed by rivers and where 70% of the population is dedicated to agriculture. The mine that is located in the north of the city works as an attractor point for the social and economic dynamics that are concentrated mostly around the main square of the city. Its fragmented distribution and centralization represents a banal copy of the current economic system. The distributive policies of the city are not only absurd, but also paradoxical.

Following the morphological study of the city, the diagnosis reveals a dependence on extractive economies, an alarming social detriment, and disablement of the energetic resources.

CAJAMARCA Photograph: Yanacocha mine blog

Peru’s problems stem from a complex mix of history, discrimination, corruption, and lack of government capacity. Mining – and the problems it engenders – is therefore woven into the national culture. Peru’s modern economic elite evolved around mining — originally the mining of guano (petrified bird crap), but later evolving into industrial production of gold and copper. It’s worth remembering that Spanish explorer Francisco Pizarro, who famously brought down the Inca Empire in an epic battle in Cajamarca, went to Peru in search of El Dorado – the lost city of gold.

Why wouldn’t Peruvians develop a deep sense of fatalism about how things are? A Peruvian anthropologist cited the current situation

in Madre de Dios as an example, where the pristine Amazon rainforest there has been utterly devastated by informal miners. The government has only belatedly tried to do something about it, because according to my friend, everyone in upper reaches of government is getting money from these illegal mining operations.

Even President Humala himself was accused of financing his presidential campaign with funds from illegal mining two weeks ago.

The Humala administration’s proposal of measures to weaken the authority of Peru’s environmental ministry to enforce mining regulations last week has raised further doubts about the Peruvian government’s 149

commitment to making positive changes in the mining sector.

There is thus a sense in mining communities that nothing can be changed and that they simply aren’t going to benefit from Peru’s mineral wealth. Local government and mining company officials sometimes play into this by trying to buy off communities with bottles of beer. Do they hope people will be too inebriated to demand better governance and better delivery of essential services?

Regardless, there is growing consciousness among these communities. Violent protests around extractive operations and the opening up of territories and destruction of natural resources – as in the Bagua massacre in 2009 150

or the shooting of protestors in Espinar in 2012—suggest that frustrations have been rising to a boiling point over the last few years.

A key challenge though remains how to channel frustration and concern about impacts into constructive demands, not only for immediate compensatory measures, but for better governance. Oxfam in Peru have been thinking about this “beer” problem— how do we encourage people say “no” to beers and “sí” to education, health care, infrastructure, and agriculture? (Oxfam America Article 24-06-2014 by Keith Slack).

The status quo of the city claims for a productive and economic reconversion, the endogenous development is still incipient,

the natural and energetic resources are vast but misused, then again it is not an economic problem but a political one. The city governance and all the managerial processes that are included in the economic structure jeopardize the capacity and capability of citizens to evolve not only productively and economically but also socially. Social confrontation between local authorities, the central government and communities is becoming more acute and more complex in time.

The processes of global urbanization are no longer viable and the processes of desurbanization are now taking place. The people who can leave to the capital - Lima arrive in an already condensed and densified

metropolis, the rest stays in a city that is slowly dying from hunger, poverty, inequity and alarming indifference that appears within the city’s dynamics remaining colonial imprints as an anachronical condition.

Instead of dreaming of a perfectly integrated society that can only be achieved as the supreme realization of urbanization and its avatar, capitalism, an absolute architecture must recognize the political separateness that can potentially. Within the sea of global urbanization, be manifest through the borders that define the possibility of the city.

(Aureli: 2011).

What is then needed for the city that incarnates the paradox itself? Is it logics or just mere congruence?

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roads and flows > country: > city: > density: > number of roads: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

peru cajamarca 43.7 h/km2 08 flows 157

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health centers > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

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industry > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

peru cajamarca 43.7 h/km2 03 poles 00 poles 1000 meters 03 poles 161

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public facilities > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

peru cajamarca 43.7 h/km2 15 poles 00 poles 500 meters 11 poles 163

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public spaces > country: > city: > density: > number of poles: > poles not connected: > radious of influence: > biggest pole concentration:

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social poles

After the Hugh Barton analysis we can identify the social poles that are deployed towards and within the urban fabric of the city.

The biggest social, economic and political dynamics are concentrated around the main square where the city municipality is located. This centralized disposition gathers the most diverse activities in the northern 166

part of the urban area. The mining company located a few kilometers up in the north called Yanacocha, work as an attractor point of goods and services. Even though the city morphology claims a transversal disposition and organization of the urban fabric, the productive and economic dynamics transforms it into a longitudinal one.

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urban decay The indicators that measure the urban decay are based on the quantity and quality of public spaces and the access of public services such as potable water, access to electricity and sewage as well as the concentration of social dynamics and micro scale economies. The areas that seem to have the highest rates of detriment 168

are located coincidently in the most populated areas.

The northern and western peripheries of the city barely have access to potable water in a city that is transversally crossed by rivers. Then we understand, that the problematic of the city is not economical but political

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urban economies The reach and variety of the urban economies in the city are tremendously small and not diversified. The 70% of the citizens dedicate their full time to agriculture.

The other 20% is unemployed and the missing 10% is dedicated to the provision of services. The problematic arises when the main economy of the 170

city in centralized in one activity, and this activity is not even diversified or specialized. The city’s GDP is huge but does not reflect its conjuncture.

The lack of micro economic processes and the abundance of macro scale economies foster the income and equality gap between citizens and corporations.

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source: cruz del sur

source: cajamarca municipality

Water management policies are probably one of the most obvious statements of the political spectrum versus the economical one.

The city that is transversally crossed by rivers has tremendous problems related to water issues. The water becomes scar during the agricultural season and the city gets flooded the rest of the year.

Many of the rivers crossing the city have been cover by asphalt and have totally changed the natural systems of the environment. These 172

particular scenarios have fostered the social confrontation between the communities and the mining corporations.

Most of these social conflicts end up with dozens of deaths and enormous environmental damage. The matrix behind this entire situation is purely economic and seeks necessarily private interest. The problematic lays in the conflict of private and public interests, especially when private companies manage the public interests.

source: cajamarca municipality

source: el comercio newspaper

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diagnosis After the historical, political, productive, economical, social and morphological analysis I proceeded to make a diagramatic synthesis dividing the territory in seven sections, identifying in situ the different problems within and towards the urban fabric.

The three big diagnosis components are the social, economic and energetic agenda. The overall analysis demands the economic and productive reconfiguration of the city, which will eventually transform physically the current and future dynamics.

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productive reconvertion One of the main key issues in order to start the city reconfiguration lays in the possibility to diversify and reconvert the economic system. By these means, I propose the shift from the extractive economies by adding value in the chain of production with technology and knowledge. To add economic complexity it is necessary to stimulate the skilled labor and to integrate the use of new technologies; only with these components the viability of this agenda can occur and develop through time.

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the laboratory of economic complexity NU. CEPAL. Time for Equality Collection. Brasilia: CEPAL 2010 PERU. National Institute of Statistics and Informatics. www.inei.gob.pe MEF. Ministry of Economy and Finance. www.mef.gob.pe AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

Feenstra, R. C., et al. (2005).

World Trade Flows, 1962– 2000. NBER working paper 11040 BACI: International Trade Database at the ProductLevel.

The 1994-2007 Version CEPII Working Paper, N°2010-23, Octobre 2010 Guillaume Gaulier, Soledad Zignago UNGERS, Mathias/ Vieths, Stefan. The Dialectic City.

Milan: Skira, 1997.

Economic complexity is a holistic measure of large economic systems that conveys the amount of knowledge of the population and its direct effect on the country’s industrial composition. With more knowledge among the population and their exposure to challenging and stimulating tasks, the more complex the production system becomes.

entire year. The wind blows at around 22.21 m/s and the water flow that rises in the Andes Mountains has the capability and the potential to act as a hydroelectric plant and produce around 5000 KWh. These numbers just represent the potential of the territory and its geomorphic conditions in order to produce enough energy over the year.

Is this type of economic notion viable in a city where the production system reduces the capacity of the labor force to work on monotonous and non-heuristic tasks? I believe so.

The current energetic production of the city is rooted in hydropower (48%), wind power (0,6%) and the remaining 51,4% is contracted from private companies. The total amount of energy production of the city reaches 224.438 MW per year when the real demand claims around 349.183 MW, taking into consideration that the current population according to the last national census is 246,536 people.

The problem with extractive cities is that this activity in the economic chain of production demands 75% of labor hours for the production process (extraction– transformation–distribution) and receives 10% of the revenue. On the other hand, the transformation of the raw material into final products demands qualified personnel and covers only 5% of labor hours, receiving around the 80% of the final income.

This clear reality became paradigmatic during the processes of industrialization as one of the biggest inputs toward the expansion and consolidation of western countries, as well as their capacity to reinforce their industrial policies over time and the development of a protectionist character.

The question that arises lies in the possibility of starting a process of industrialization in Cajamarca via the economic complexity indicator. Along with this question, there is the issue of the capability of this indicator to become vital so as to be considered the aggregate value in the productive chain of Cajamarca. Then will it be possible to achieve a diversified and distributed economy? I believe so.

The city of Cajamarca is located in the foothills of the Andes Mountains and as a consequence it has a huge variety of energetic and mineral resources. In terms of solar radiation, its indicators fluctuate around 1909.08 KWh and 1790.00 KWh during the

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The energy distribution policies prioritize industrial use, with 66%, followed by the residential (24%) and the commercial (19%), relegating the public use to 3%. At the same time, there is no interest from the city governance to activate the energetic agenda due to private interests that gain tremendous revenues from the sale and trade of energetic goods such as electricity and heating.

The proposal of this research does not intend to implement specific or isolated mechanisms, but to transform the abstraction of energy polices into distributed and integrated networks that, working together alongside a social dynamics, could possibly reach a certain autonomy. The systems chosen for the new network respond directly to the energetic resources explained before.

To exploit the solar radiation, the devices that perform more adequately are transparent solar panels, photovoltaic panels and solar thermal panels, which can produce 3,711 KWh per day; these panels will be deployed towards the city based on the solar radiation analysis and the amount of square meters that represent the built space of the territory.

After defining the five poles with the greatest water flow and with the capacity to perform as hydropower plants, the amount of energy

production diversification

that could be achieved is around 5,000 KWh per day.

The speed of the wind flow is not adequate to gain energy with conventional systems such as the wind turbines; nevertheless, its flow its constant during the entire year.

The obtainment of this resource lies in the capacity to harvest the low frequency waves that it produces. With this technique, it is possible to obtain around 54,000 KWh per year according to the wind analysis measurements, almost the same amount as the conventional systems.

With these three systems working as a network, it is possible to produce around 40,749 GW per year, the sufficient amount of energy translated into electricity and heating to supply a growing population (up to 1 million people) for an entire year.

70% of the population in Cajamarca works in agriculture, which represents 21% of the annual GDP. The issue with this productive system lies in its chain of production; 100% of agricultural workers dedicate their full time to seeding and harvesting, squandering the opportunity to add value (transformation into goods) to the productive chain. The transformation of these crops into final products demands proper infrastructure, trained professionals, technology and a complex distributive system that the city is not able to provide yet.

The deficiency of the water policies, drought in the seeding periods and flooding in the harvesting period, jeopardizes the capacity of the citizens to perform their labor, upgrade its quality and diversify its applications. The proposal for the production diversification lies in understanding its logics and the social affections that came within.

I do not intend to propose a perfect cropping system, but to implement a production network that synergistically converges into a system that associates the seeding, harvesting, and processing (transformation of goods).

The agro production should not be segregated or isolated in the countryside or

in the peripheries of the city. On the contrary, the different techniques should be deployed towards and within the urban fabric. For the agricultural diversification, I propose two different cropping systems that converge in the processing of the later two.

The first one consists in a network of aquaponic centers that are located in the natural avulsion of the rivers within the city.

The only requirement for the system is a control perimeter that can host the fish, the crops and the water cycle. These demands are naturally met via the hydro morphology of the rivers and its natural bifurcations.

The aquaponic network will deploy 22 new productive poles upon the rivers, which at the same time play the role of linear public spaces, resulting in a series of productive public spaces. The second system seeks to consolidate and upgrade the current crop fields, taking into consideration the problematic of flooding and drought.

The proposal envisions a network of microflooding units that, during the flood season (January-March) will redistribute and store the water through vector fields and reservoir poles, respectively.

On the other hand, when the water becomes scarce (October-December), the reservoir poles will redistribute the water through vector fields, providing a permanent water flow network throughout the entire year.

The integration of these two cropping systems and the processing center will be able to produce 350,000 tons of food for the growing demography of the city (up to 1 million people) and a surplus of 124,300 tons for trading purposes.

This strategy attempts to challenge the water polices by the implementation of management logics that not only act as mechanic systems but also as way of city governance and to replace the monotonous and inconsequential labor work with a skilled and challenging one.

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energy proposal The strategy for obtaining renewable energy lays in the vast diversity of natural resources. After the wind, hydrology and radiation analysis we can deduce that the city with the proper technology and the right management policies will be capable to produce enough energy to operate during the entire year, store the energetics surplus and even to trade with other cities. The strategy does not look for isolated mechanism but attempts to organize a series of systems into a close energetic network.

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solar radiation

The solar analysis of the urban fabric and the surroundings reflects the climatic diversity along the city’s surface. The western area is mainly cover by mountains; it is the place where the river flows emerge and distribute the water alongside the city. In this particular location, the Andes Mountains show a peak of extremely hot and cold surfaces. On the other side, the analysis of the city

blocks it’s mainly similar, having a full exposure during the entire year and decreasing the radiation impact near the mountains. The hottest surface of the city is located in the agricultural cropping fields, where paradoxically the water becomes scar during the seeding season and during the harvesting stage the fields are drought.

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anual solar radiation

The solar radiation during the year shows a very important feature in the western area of the city where the cropping fields are located. This particular area maintains the highest measurements along the entire year.

The possibility to obtain solar energy through thermal and solar panels becomes feasible within the urban

fabric of the city. The conditions on the moutains vary depending on the season but has the possibility to gather diverse conditions in very small surfaces. The maximun measurements record 1909.28 kWh/ m2 and the minimun around <1790.00 kWh/m2 187

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wind analysis

The wind analysis shows a constant flow during the entire year in the southeast direction. The wind flow does not reach measurements that can be capable of produce wind energy through conventional methods. Nevertheless, the fact that the flow is constant allows producing energy via low frequency vibration.

Whenever the wind impacts a surface

is producing this type of vibration.

The city with this type of natural resource can obtain around 54 000 kWh during the entire year, almost the same amount of capacity that wind turbines. The device capable of obtaining energy through vibration has the size of a coin and works also as a battery, accumulating the energy within it.

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hydropower analysis

One of the main natural and potentially energetic sources is the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hydrography. The city has seven streams that emerge in the Andes Mountains converging all of them in the Mashcon River. The morphology of the city is dictated mainly by its hydrographic conditions where the main branches of the Maschon River play the role of main roads. The water condition in the city is quite paradoxical due to its management policies work against the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

needs. A city that is transversally crossed by rivers cannot have drought or flooding problems. The need for optimizing this resource is mandatory taking into consideration that the city has eight potential poles that provide the same amount of energy as an hydropower plant, this means around 50 000 kWh per year. The rivers must claim back not only its geomorphic importance but also its economic, political and historical relevance via its optimization.

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agricultural diversification The 70% of the population works in agriculture, but the problematic lays in the small capacity, skills and technology involved in this productive process. The strategy for the agricultural diversification is based in the implementation ad hoc of different agricultural and industrial methods within the current productive system. By implementing new technologies and different growing systems, we are not only optimizing all the processes but mainly we are creating operating networks along the countryside and the urban fabric, avoiding the historical antagonism between the rural and the urban dynamics.

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crop association

The new agricultural techniques demand a more complex calendar where not only the seeding and harvesting are considered, but how these two techniques converge into a larger processing stage. Where the association of cropping fields and agricultural units based on irrigation and growing paths are key values in the process of optimization. These

types or relations are complex and itinerant due to the different inputs such as soil quality and humidity, amount of water available and the resilience of flooding and drought.

After analyzing and parameterizing these factors we can elaborate not only the calendar but more important, the associativity between the different crops and its characteristics.

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aquaponic system

One of the first steps in order to diversify the agricultural economy in the country was based in the understating of the scenarios in which this practice was taking place.

The cropping fields are located in the peripheries of the city; this demands transportation and conservation logistics in order to bring all the food into the city.

This system is centralized and dysfunctional, because the people who lives in the urban area of the city goes to work on the peripheries to buy the food-once is transported- in the city. This is not only paradoxical but also senseless. The idea of bringing back the economic and productive dynamics into the city attempts not only to diversify the main economy but also make it urban. A city that its main source and the genesis of its morphology is the water should have

a productive or at least include it into it economic chain of production.

The methodology chosen is based in the optimization of the riverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s avulsions, these natural bifurcations host the most diverse natural and mineral conditions. This scenario allows the implementation of new growing techniques in the urban scale like the aquaponic system.

This system needs a controlled space that can host the fishes and the growing areas. The amount of food produced and processed in these new agro-poles can easily cover the needs of the city, adding value to the economic chain not only due its diversification but mainly because its specialization.

The amount of knowledge and technology involve in this technique strong enough to consolidate the rising methodology.

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generative geometries_first itineration The idea of reconfiguring the agricultural cropping fields with a brand new seeding + harvesting and processing calendar demands a new topological organizational order. The taxonomy of different food species and its special needs demand a new way of organization and association.

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Nowadays, the cropping fields tend to be organizing in a monoculture way, producing no more than 3 different food species within an agro unit.

The attempt of using associative algorithms fosters the capability of maximizing the association inside the agro units and the relations

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generative geometries_second itineration with the other ones., establishing an interconnected network that optimizes the cropping association and provides a specific geometry that can enhance this idea. The connection of these nodes is based on the hydrographic and geomorphic conditions of the site, the topographic 202

values, the water flow and its direction determine the pattern that connects the entire network. The idea of these patterns is to optimize the amount of associations in order to prevent drought during the months of October, November and December and to avoid the flooding of the units during

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generative geometries_thrid itineration January and February. Once the logics area created, I proceed to select the ones that fit more conveniently to the cropping association diagram previously explained and the calendar. We can underline the importance of the amount of poles in the network, this geometric system optimizes its functioning when 204

there are more poles. The geometric difference is minimum between 1525 poles, but it becomes notorious when the associations are less than 10.

This vector field system takes a huge advantage of numerous nodes and reduces considerably the amount of connector between them.

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high-tech cropping

After identifying the best variables possible within the generative geometries and the cropping calendar and association, we deployed these mere logics into the fields. These vector fields work as irrigation channels that not only distribute and store the water during the flooding but also redistribute the store water during the drought. These new water management policies are enhancing the capability of the productive system to be optimized and is adding the aggregate value by implementing operational logics and new technology. These fields will

no only serve as cropping surfaces but also will be able to process the species into final products. The tasks of seeding and harvesting will be replace by drones and computational systems, this methodology is being implemented in many agro industrial countries shifting the labor force from seeding and harvesting to a more skill and challenging task of transforming this raw materials into final products. This productive reconversion not only diversifies and upgrades the productive system but also it starts to be equitable.

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density implementation The strategy for the densification of the city tries to fight back the current processes of global urbanization and its endless condition by understanding the economical repercussion that came along with this phenomenon. The densification of certain urban areas provokes an immediate economic effect. Nevertheless, it is not always an asset in the quality of living for the citizens; the key to understand this conception lays in the capacity to host different uses and users as well as its capacity to articulate not only the built space but also the un-built one - public space - into one or a series of programmatic platforms. Densification is not favorable per se; it becomes so after the logics applied onto it.

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density proposal

One of the main problems of the city has always been its very low density.

More than the 90% of the housing in the city is private, this does not mean that most of the families live in apartments; private property is this city equals a single store house up to three store house in the best cases.

The population of the city is around 388 140 people. If we take the density of cities like Barcelona, the amount of people can raise up to 1 million inhabitants. The low density and its mostly private condition not only jeopardize the possibility to host mix uses but also to increase it, due to the plots are mostly occupied and eviction or gentrification is not an option.

Once we identified the social dynamics of the city and the implementation of new productive systems like the processing centers and the new aquaponic poles, it is mandatory to converge the densification process along these new factors.

The aquaponic centers alongside the

river paths within the urban fabric not only provide a new urban micro economy, but also the opportunity to become attractor poles for more than only economic dynamics.

The linear condition of the rivers and its importance on the city gives us the chance to retrieve its use for public purposes. Highways cover most of the streams of the Mashcon River and its potential to become active public spaces is buried beneath the asphalt.

The proposal starts by retrieving the public spaces and to merge its function with the productive condition of the aquaponic poles.

These new productive public spaces will perform as linear attractor in the entire urban fabric in order to dictate the directions where the density should be incremented.

This proposal will implement new 47 public nodes within a 500 meters radius that will foster the walkability within the city.

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The first step in the densification protocol is to identify the potential plots to intervene. The city is located near the Nazca tectonic plaques, which provokes a series of earthquakes. This condition becomes a significant threat the community and its development. The city is mainly conformed by private housing up to 90%, this means that the same percentage of building is done by informal constructors 216

that do not follow correctly the seismic regulations. The densification process must approach this vivid problematic not only for its economic profit, but mainly for the citizens safety and wellbeing. With this protocol I do not intent to create a layout or design for the density increase, but a series of logics that will solidify this participatory process.

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The second stage is to reinforce the foundation of the existing housing. This agreement between the owner of the plot and the municipality will provide a common understanding regarding the lack security measures that are carried within informal housing. The idea is to solidify the existing 218

house in order to avoid further disasters and at the same time, to seize the foundation of the densification protocol. The structure will reinforce the corners of the plot, leaving a space between the existing housing and the new extension.

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In this stage, the idea is to set a number of rules according the height of the new vertical extension. The city nowadays has diverse regulation according to the height and free space of the building. As I explained before in the FAR/BRC analysis, the idea is to implement different programs to add mix220

used to the monotone program of the city.

The current city regulations allow up to 10 store buildings in the most commercial areas and highways.

The idea is to implement this regulation not only in commercial areas but also along the new productive public spaces.

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One of the most common problematic in cities with tall buildings and narrow streets is the lighting and ventilation. If we start the densification process without having in consideration the fact that this will not improve the quality of living of the citizens.

For this particular condition, we took in consideration the current height regulation 222

and use it as a contemporary plinth, where the extension of the plot is not linear but pyramidal. This idea fights in a certain way the modernist conception of the newness and the endless character of architecture. In this protocol, the extension is not endless, but finite and controllable.

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The next step considers the new height regulations taking a 45-degree angle from the opposite street. This coefficient helps to provide natural lighting and ventilation through the blocks and in the same plot.

The pyramidal core of the new block 224

differentiates from the existing one by associating different commercial, cultural and social uses. The first 15 meters of the city look completely normal; the extension of it provides singularity and climate efficiency to the city.

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The idea that the energetic resources in the city should not be centralized is converted into a series of devices that will work exponentially from the building scale until the city scale. The self-sufficient agenda claims the right of each plot to produce and store its own energy. After the solar radiation analysis of the city, we conclude that via this mean the city, considering only 226

the urban fabric, can produce up to 2700 kWh per square meter. The pyramidal core of the structure allows more surfaces to be impacted by the sun, where in conventional cities, the roofs are mainly for this purpose, in Cajamarca the four sides of the building are in charge of receiving the solar impact and store the energy transformed into electricity and heating.

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The densification protocol cannot be complete is we do not understand the importance of the public spaces as social, political, economical and cultural activators within and towards the city. The positioning of new program and mix uses in the city does not mean that it will automatically change. The most important factor in this equation lays in the importance 228

of how the social dynamics converge and interact with the built environment of the city. The public space not only represents the political sense of the city but also it capability to enhance and foster any cultural activity.

The public space becomes the catalyzer of any urban agenda.

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The current problematic is the public space represents not only a conflict of private and public interest, but also represents the negligence and belligerence with which all the public procedures are made. The main source of the city - the rivers- where cover by asphalt in an attempt to make more highways. This political decision produce 230

not only social effects, but also economical and cultural. The lack of public spaces in the city defies the capacity of integration and interaction between citizens. Probably the most important stage bases its singularity in retrieving the public spaces and integrating them within the emergent urban fabric.

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After the public retrieval, the street becomes slow again, the confluence of different social, economical and cultural activates start to take place in the public space. This not only favors the social dynamics, it also upgrades the price of the private property in its surroundings. The street becomes safer and the hydrographic identity of the city is 232

brought back with a simple operation. The public space catalyzes the capacity to host various activities and to endure the social bonds of the community. At this stage, the plot is not important; its relevance lays in what it can do, how it performs and its relation with the public space beneath it.

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This image represents the logics behind the densification protocol; it is not a layout or a model to implement through the entire city.

The logics for the system will endure, but the inputs and variables of these logics will vary depending of specific factor along the research. The importance in this image is to 234

identify the capability of the city to multiply logics but not fixed models. The idea is to aspiration to build on top of the city, without destroying it, but to merge with it. The convergence of these factors will derive in the city, the host for the materialized abstractions.

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master plan composition The following diagrams represent the complete set of logics and networks deployed towards the city. These series of drawings represent the different social and economic layers involved in the processes of economic reconvertion as an attempt to understand how the economic condition of a city can affect directly in the mere conformation and materialization of the city. The programatic result of this study does not relfect the dialectic and itinerant condition that involves the abstraction of the economic and social spectrum.

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machinic assemblage The attempt to promote a productive reconfiguration not only implies the compliance of certain logics, it demands the programatic performance from a set of devices capable not only to function properly but to carry out systematic heuristic processes. Throgh the historical processes of civilization we can identify the links of the formal architecture and the predominant economic system. Nevertheless, how can we conceive the formal conception of the an incoming economic model? Is it an object or an assemablge of them?

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the paradigm of city

AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 ŽIŽEK, Slavoj.

Event.

London: Penguin Books, 2014.

ARENDT, Ana. The Promise of Politics. New York: Schocken Books, 2005.

HERSCH, Jeanne. L’être et la Forme. Neuchâtel: Éditions de la Beconnière, 1946.

SCHMIDT, Carl.

The Concept of the Political.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996

To what idea of the city do concepts such as the formal and the political refer? The coincidence between the formal and the political as defined here is not meant literally to formalize a city against the fluidity of urbanization, but rather to sharpen the ways in which we critically approach the political in order to define the possibility for the formal. This possibility can only occur if we search for a form of reference that can critically reconstruct an idea of the whole- the integrity of the city as a political manifestation that is critical of urbanization itself, while also within urbanization. (Aureli: 2011) [City Architecture] The economic reconversion of the city and the deployment of the new logics will derive in a morphological alteration in the urban fabric of the city. These new logics can perform as predicted and produce energy, food and economic complexity in the productive system. Nevertheless, the question that arises lies in the conventionality/intentionality with which these artifacts will be deployed towards the city. For the hydropower, do we need conventional hydropower plants?

And in the case of the water management, should we store and distribute the water in a conservative way? I believe not.

The metaphysical definition of a Machinic Assemblage refers to a system or body where its multiplicity and association with others defines its being. That this embodiment (system) should be valued for what it can do rather for what it is. (Deleuze: 1988).

The hypothesis for a non-figurative architectural aesthetic for the city fights back the drama of newness with conceptual clarity and formal exemplarity. (DOGMA: 2008) The machinic archetype does what is meant to deliver.

Today, against the ubiquity of design and its embedded organizational complex, this attitude toward framing and limiting need to be developed both as a literal material form of architecture and as a political principle of design.

Rather than open-ended growth, limiting, or the confrontation among parts, should be conceived as the fundamental metaproject that gives form to architecture’s critical position toward the

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city. Like the archetypes we have seen before, the task of architecture is to reify- that is, to transform into public, generic, and thus graspable common things- the political organization of space, of which architectural form is not just the consequence but also one of the most powerful and influential political examples. In this way, absolute architecture as a finite form is not simply the tautological claim of its literal object; is also an example for a city no longer driven by the ethos of expansion and inclusion but by the positive idea of limits and confrontation. (Aureli: 2011) Through time the infamous antagonism and scission between form and function, public and private has devired in multyple theories and even stylistics dogmas. The ontological question par excellence in architectural metaphysics discusses the relevance between the primacy of the function or the formal objectivation of the architectural archetype. These conceptions where not only antagonistic but totalitarian, in addition to its primacy in the architectural practice that systematically repels confrontation and separation, and thus its political action.

The question that arises lays within the contemporary but still anachronical contetx is how architecture should address the city even when the city has no goal for architecture.

If we took as a reference and understand the morphological condition of the city and the productive functioning of the Incas cities, we can elucidate the tremendous political implications of the city. The mixture of radial and linear disposition of the households, productive landscapes and sacred temples fostered the space of confrontation and discussion.

The line between the architectural object and the disposition of the city was diaphanous if it existed. The architectural character of the city was not dictated by the premise of an isolated object but was determined by its coexistence with the communal habitat. The conception and differentiation of city and architecture where not absolute neither dissociated. We can argue that the Incas before the disruptive scenario of colonialism and the flooding of urbanization in this continent had a vision

and understanding of what we can call today City Architecture.

The idea of this research is to implement a series of prosthetic devices that will not only serve as performatives machines but also will hold signification of recognizing limits within the city. This devices attempt to be absolute by standing in solitude, yet by taking a position with conscience about the whole from which it has been detached.

These devices do not intent to become iconic neither affirm its presence through the appearance of its image. The iconic character cannot be considered a part of this approach because it carries within many morality problems as well as its gratuitous formality.

Furthermore, the economic character of iconic buildings ends up representing one of the primary expressions of contemporary architecture.

Since the state is not anymore the author of these projects but the corporations, they respond to the current demand for uniqueness as an allegory of the global market competitiveness. In this context the so-called productiveness of the building lays in the architectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s creative ego.

The new prosthetic devices confront the conception of uniqueness and embrace the state of confrontation by setting boundaries within the city. The formality driven by the informed designed bases its productivity not in any particular individual desire, but on the task that it must complete. Each device works within a bigger network conformed not only by other physical components, but also not tangible ones.

The majority of the layers that work synergistically within the network correspond to climatic and energetic logics.

The quantification and qualification of social dynamics, environmental inputs, macro and micro economic models as well as productive processes represent merely the abstraction of systems guided through an economic an productive reconversion. All these scenarios get materialized and informed directly the design of the devices.

As I mentioned before, the most important task of these objects is to consummate the entire research into programmatic and systematic processes within the entire network. Nowadays, the technology applied in the use and exploration of renewable energies represents a huge advantage towards the shift from fossil fuels into clean energy sources.

Nevertheless, the capabilities of these devices remain incipient and at some point uselessly monumental. If we think in the logics of a wind turbine, the amount of infrastructure required not only deprives the system from the urban areas but also emphasizes the need to locate these types of artifacts in the countryside, using it as a backyard.

My attempt is to optimize the capacity of the technologies that produce, store and distribute energy in order to reduce the amount of space needed in order to deploys these mechanisms into the urban fabric.

The design of the devices must be totally informed by the technology used, the logics applied and the geomorphic conditions of the site. The formal in this case is detached from the notion of concept, but instead as an application of criteria. The understanding of this principle implies the notion and condition of cum-positio of parts from the devices.

In this condition of composition of part, the concept of the formal and the concept of the political coincide and can be posited against notions such as the urban space, urban landscape, and network, which are facts but also the very ideological manifestation of the idea of urbanization. These notions imply the integration and dissolution of difference, while the concept of the political and the formal indicate the possibility of the composition of difference by assuming the limits of parts as their constituency. Consequently, both the political and the formal contain the idea of the whole per via negativa, by virtue of being absolute parts. (Aureli: 2011) The devices fight back the idea of uniqueness and provide the sense and possibility of confrontation through the notion of differentiation between the political and the formal.

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After analyzing the amount and capacity of the hydro resources found along the Andes Mountains, we interpret the necessity to take advantage of these vast resources. The genesis of the formal approach of this device tries to reinterpret the contemporary technologic advances and methods that can obtain energy via falling water.

After finding the five sources with the biggest flow towards the mountains, we set the limits of the cities via these devices. At present, the means of obtaining energy from water are based in huge infrastructure-hydropower 264

plants- that demand great investments and represent a threat to the environment.

These typology of infrastructure almost always represent private interest and its construction demands huge investment and low technological advances.

The goal of this thesis is to take the functioning logics of a hydropower plant, reengineer the metabolic processes, add versatility and multifunctionality to current tasks and to integrate these machines actively with the city; differentiation by association.

Hydropower needs specific technicalities

AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 HERSCH, Jeanne. L’être et la Forme. Neuchâtel: Éditions de la Beconnière, 1946.

like a 400-meter deep dam, which normally results in the excessive sinkhole of mountains and reservoirs threatening the natural environment and its surrounding ecosystems.

The new device will pump the natural flow of the water that emerges in the mountains 400 meters above the surface; this will avoid any unnecessary digging and will maximize the waterfall effect. The core of the device will drill through the mountain and will provide an underground network for gray water treatment to the city. The gray water coming from the city will be processed and

treated via filter and metabolic processes and will be also pumped for the waterfall effect, increasing the capacity to produce energy.

Two structural panels will protect the device from wind impact and at the same time will perform as solitary batteries picking low frequency vibrations in the atmosphere and generating energy via vibration.

A tentacle network that connects with the power grid of the city will distribute all the energy produced and the surplus of energy will remain store in the batteries feeding the device with electricity for its own functioning.

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The configuration of the second network of prosthetic devices will converge the seasonal logics of flooding and drought and the productive notions of food processing and water storage. These set of devices constitute an important network of economic and productive logistics. The flooding season will be manage and control via a network of vector fields that will be river mouth of the Maschon River. These vector fields will conform a series of flooding units that will redistribute the surplus water in the cropping fields, avoiding the flooding during the harvesting and seeding.

A set of prosthetics devices will be located in the most flood-prone areas in order to store the water in a reinterpretation of water tanks.

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The base of these devices will be connected directly with the vector fields that will pump the water through it. During the drought season, the water stored in these towers will be released into the vector fields, closing the water cycle. With the implementation of these new set of logics and programmatic processes we will change completely the water management policies in order to enhance and foster the growing system, the economic chain of production and the implementation of the aggregate value of the agricultural economy.

These devices will not only serve as mere storage but they will be in charge of hosting the food processing centers, all the food species will be processed, packed and distribute in

AURELI, Pier V. The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2011.

AURELI, Pier V. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism.

New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008 HERSCH, Jeanne. L’être et la Forme. Neuchâtel: Éditions de la Beconnière, 1946.

the local market economy. This new system is mostly known as High-tech cropping, where the former peasant are released from the task of harvesting and seeding, allowing them the stage that requires a more skilled labor and less hours of work.

Mainly drones and computational systems carry this new methodology. The field labor is not longer in hands of the peasants, the labor is now handle by monitored drones under technological surveillance monitored by the former peasants who concentrate their effort in the optimization of the harvest, the processing of food species, the control of the micro flooding units and the distribution of the goods. The labor shift constitutes one of the most important aggregate values on

this economic reconversion not only for the energetic and productive optimization but mainly for the economic complexity that is deployed towards the social capital, whose labor is not anymore monotonous and repetitive but skilled, specialized and empowering.

The architectural object not as an economic catalyzer but as a productive matrix.

The Autonomy Project seeks to envision the paradigmatic scenario in which the deployment of economic and productive logics becomes materialized through architectural performative devices whose deployment towards and within the city becomes capable of reinterpret a productive model.

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