Master's Thesis

Page 1

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 i

HOUSING
RIGHTS
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION
 THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
 
 by
 
 _______________________________
 Juliana
Terra
de
Paula
Eduardo
 
 
 _______________________________
 Tutor:
Professor
Alfredo
Mela

Politecnico
di
Torino
 Second
School
of
Architecture
 
 in
partial
fulfillment
of
the
requirements
for
the
degree
of

Master
of
Science
in
Territorial,
Urban
and
Environmental
Planning

 Turin,
February
2010

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

ii
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 iii

To
my
favorite
smiles,

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

iv
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
 I
would
like
to
begin
by
showing
gratitude
to
everyone
who
participated
in
this
study
because
it
is
 through
 them
 that
 this
 work
 is
 possible
 and
 able
 to
 be
 completed.
 Without
 their
 help
 my
 path
 would
have
been
much
harder.

 I
 express
 my
 thanks
 to
 each
 of
 these
 families,
 who
 received
 me
 with
 so
 much
 care.
 Without
 question
they
offered
me
their
houses,
their
food,
their
attention,
and
many
smiles.
They
taught
 me
the
real
meaning
of
compassion.
 Thank
you
to
all
professionals
and
institutions,
who
opened
doors
and
gave
their
hands
to
help
 me
with
this
study.
A
special
thanks
to:
Arch.
Semayra
Moret,
for
support
at
the
SEMUR;
to
Arch.
 Fernanda
 Rocha,
 for
 support
 at
 the
 SEMPLA;
 to
 Márcia
 Luna,
 who
 listened
 and
 presented
 important
 arguments
 about
 my
 work;
 Prof.
 Alfredo
 Mela,
 who
 guided
 me
 in
 this
 sociological
 adventure;
to
Prof.
Arch.
Cristina
Rossignolo,
for
opening
my
studies
to
the
rest
of
the
world;
to
 Prof.
 Silvia
 Saccomani,
 who
 made
 me
 to
 expand
 my
 perspective
 of
 Planning;
 to
 Prof.
 Arch.
 Benny
 Schvasberg,
 who
 introduced
 me
 to
 the
 planning
 world;
 to
 Prof.
 Arch.
 Paulo
 Brazil,
 who
 showed
 me
 that
 architecture
 is
 important;
 and
 to
 Claudia
 Estrela
 to
 whom
 I
 am
 especially
 grateful
for
opening
to
me
the
world
of
architecture
and
urbanism.
 I’m
grateful
to
my
family
for
their
support
and
in
helping
me
believe
that
I
am
always
doing
my
 best;
to
my
partner,
lover,
friend
and
husband
who
understood
me
during
doubtful
moments;
to
 my
 friends
 who
 shared
 with
 me
 the
 difficulties
 and
 uncertainties
 of
 their
 own
 process,
 helping
 me
tremendously
with
my
own
challenges;
and
to
my
godmother,
or
better
put,
fada
madrinha,
 who
made
me
feel
as
though
in
a
fairytale.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

vi
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 vii
 
 ABSTRACT:
 The
 following
 research
 concerns
 socio‐economic
 stratification,
 inequality
 and
 the
 political
 dimensions
 of
 urban
 development
 effecting
 under‐privileged
 and
 under‐ represented
 community
 groups
 in
 urban
 planning
 practice.
 The
 focus
 of
 the
 research
 analyzed
 aspects
 of
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 in
 the
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho,
 in
 the
 Brazilian
 Amazon.
 The
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 has
 adopted
 some
 of
 the
 ideas
 of
 De
 Soto,
 instigating
 the
 public
 debate
 on
 urban
 policy
 and
 equitable
 urban
 development
 by
 means
 of
 land
 tenure.
 This
 research
 conducts
 a
 study
 of
 the
 production
 of
 urban
 space
 through,
 first,
 a
 statistical
 analysis
 of
 demographics
 and
 history
 of
 development
 in
 Porto
 Velho,
 based
 on
 existent
 documentation
 and
 maps.
 This
 is
 followed
 by,
 second,
 both
 a
 discussion
 of
 the
 goals
 and
 methods
 of
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 in
 Porto
 Velho
 and
 qualitative
 research
 based
 on
 30
 in‐depth
 interviews
 of
 beneficiates
 of
 the
 program.
 The
 interviews
explore
the
practices
of
those
who
gained
property
rights
yet
undermined
the
goal
 that
 land
 tenure
 in
 the
 program
 was
 to
 afford
 for
 sustainable
 economic
 and
 environmental
 city
 development.
 The
 information
 collected
 provokes
 a
 discussion
 between
 top‐down
 and
 bottom‐up
 planning
 processes.
 This
 includes
 but
 is
 not
 limited
 to
 participatory
 methods,
 citizen
 inclusion
 and
 advantageous
 existing
 community
 practices
 excluded
 from
 the
 planning
 process,
 and
 the
 responsibility
 of
 urban
 planning
 practices
 to
 allow
 the
 urban
 poor
 the
 right
 to
 the
 city,
 democracy
 in
 planning,
 and
 city
 administration
 that
 engages
 its
 residents
 in
 forging
inclusive
and
sustainable
urban
development.


 Keywords:
 right
 of
 housing,
 land
 regularization,
 the
 right
 to
 the
 city,
 social
 inequality,
 good
 governance,
equitable
urban
development.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

viii
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 ix
 
 CONTENTS
 Acknowledgements
.......................................................................................................................... iii
 Abstract
......................................................................................................................................... iv
 List
of
Figures
................................................................................................................................. vii
 List
of
Graphics
 ..............................................................................................................................viii
 List
of
Tables
................................................................................................................................... ix
 List
of
Abbreviations
.......................................................................................................................... x

INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................1
 1
PART:
THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
_A
REALITY
OUTSIDE
THE
FRAMEWORK
OF
PLANNING
 1.1. 
CONTEMPORARY
URBAN
PLANNING
CHALLENGES ...................................................................... 7
 1.2.
UNEQUAL
URBANIZATION
IN
BRAZIL ........................................................................................ 11
 1.3.
HOUSING
RIGHTS:
THE
URBAN
REFORM ................................................................................... 13
 1.4.
LAND
REGULARIZATION.......................................................................................................... 14
 1.5.
PORTO
VELHO:
A
PORTRAIT
OF
PLANNING
IN
BRAZIL.................................................................. 16
 2
PART:
CASE
FOCUS_PORTO
VELHO
–
THE
NECESSITY
OF
HOUSING
 2.1.
SOCIO‐ECONOMIC
ASPECTS
OF
PORTO
VELHO'S
RESIDENTS ....................................................... 25
 2.2.

MAPPING
AND
ANALYSIS
OF
(IR)
REGULARITY
OF
LOTS ...............................................................40
 2.3.

VACANT
LOTS ...................................................................................................................... 45
 2.4.
SYNTHESIS
OF
HOUSING
IN
THE
CITY ....................................................................................... 39
 2.5.

HOUSING
DEFICIT.................................................................................................................. 51
 2.6.
INSTITUTIONAL
STRUCTURES .................................................................................................. 63
 2.7.

PROGRAMS
AND
HOUSING
PROJECTS ......................................................................................64
 2.8.
URBAN
LEGISLATION
IN
FORCE ............................................................................................... 71
 2.9.
THE
LAND
REGULARIZATION
PROGRAM ................................................................................... 77
 3
PART:
QUALITATIVE
RESEARCH
‐
MULTIPLE‐CASE
STUDIES
 3.1.
EXPLORATORY
PHASE ............................................................................................................88
 3.2.
THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
AND
RESEARCH ..............................................................................90
 3.3.
METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................... 93
 3.4.

ADDRESSING
THE
RESEARCH:
INSIGHTS
FROM
THE
LITERATURE
AND
RESULTS
OF
THE
STUDY .........96
 3.5.

DISCUSSION
OF
RESULTS ..................................................................................................... 107

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

x
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 CONCLUSION................................................................................................................109
 REFERENCES................................................................................................................. 117
 APPENDICES
 APPENDIX
A:
INTERVIEWS
SUMMARY
INDEX
AND
NOTES ................................................................. 119
 APPENDIX
B:
INTERVIEW
PROTOCOL ............................................................................................ 181
 APPENDIX
C:
MAPS
 Transportation
System .......................................................................................... 182
 Vacant
Lots ........................................................................................................... 183
 Zoning .................................................................................................................. 184
 Green
Spaces ........................................................................................................ 185
 Heavy
Traffic......................................................................................................... 186
 IPTU...................................................................................................................... 187
 Corridors ............................................................................................................... 188
 Area
of
Influence
of
Public
Schools
(State) .............................................................. 189
 Area
of
Influence
of
Public
Schools
(Municipal)........................................................ 190
 Area
of
Influence
of
Public
Health
Center ................................................................ 191
 Area
of
Influence
of
Public
Hospitals....................................................................... 192
 Drainage ............................................................................................................... 193
 Sewer
System........................................................................................................ 194
 Water
Distribution ................................................................................................. 195
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 xi
 
 List
of
Figures
 Figure
1
Map
of
the
Land
Regularization
Program
in
Brazil ........................................................ 14
 Figure
2
Map
Porto
Velho's
Location
in
Latin
America ............................................................... 16
 Figure
3
[A]
and
[B]
Show
the
Urban
Area
in
1910;
[C]
the
Urban
Area
in
2009 ........................... 17
 Figure
4
Map
of
the
Study
Zones ...............................................................................................24
 Figure
5
Nacional
Neighborhood ...............................................................................................49
 Figure
6
Nacional
Neighborhood ...............................................................................................49
 Figure
7
Aerial
View
of
Zone
2
 ...................................................................................................49
 Figure
8
Aerial
View
Nova
Porto
Velho....................................................................................... 41
 Figure
9
Aerial
View
of
Zone
3
................................................................................................... 43
 Figure
10
Jatuarana
Avenue
 ...................................................................................................... 43
 Figure
11
Amazonas
Avenue
 ..................................................................................................... 45
 Figure
12
João
Street
 ................................................................................................................ 45
 Figure
13
Unpaved
Road ............................................................................................................ 47
 
Figure
14
Igarapé
in
Nova
Esperaça........................................................................................... 47
 Figure
15
Quantitative
Deficit
Components ............................................................................... 53
 Figure
16
Qualitative
Deficit
Components
................................................................................. 53
 Figure
17
Municipality
of
Porto
Velho......................................................................................... 55
 Figure
18
Area
A ........................................................................................................................89
 Figure
19
Urban
Development
Model ........................................................................................ 83
 Figure
20
Interviews
location .....................................................................................................94
 Figure
21
Space‐Participation
Model ....................................................................................... 100

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

xii
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 List
of
Graphics
 Graphic
1
Private
Permanent
Residences
in
Porto
Velho ............................................................... 56
 Graphic
2
Urban
Residences
by
Income
Class
in
Porto
Velho
........................................................ 57
 Graphic
3
Population
of
Porto
Velho
by
Income
Class
................................................................... 57
 Graphic
4
Cohabitating
Families
and
Improvised
Dwellings
in
Porto
velho
by
Income
Class .......... 58
 Graphic
5
Estimate
of
the
Quantitative
Deficit
Components
in
Porto
Velho. ................................. 58
 Graphic
6
Inadequate
Residences
in
Porto
velho ........................................................................... 59
 Graphic
7
Urban
Residences
with
Some
Lack
of
Infrastructure
by
Income
Class
in
Porto
velho......60
 Graphic
8
Percentage
of
Urban
Residences
not
Provided
with
Infrastructure ................................ 61
 Graphic
9
Total
Population
Projection
of
Porto
Velho

.................................................................. 61
 Graphic
10
Inequality
of
Infrastructure
in
Irregular
Settlements .................................................... 67
 Graphic
11
Income
Family
in
Irregular
Occupations ....................................................................... 67
 Graphic
12
Characterization
of
Dwellings
in
Irregular
Settlements ................................................68
 Graphic
13
Spontaneous
Demands
by
Neighborhood ...................................................................68
 Graphic
14
Spontaneous
Demand/
Income
Family ........................................................................68

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 xiii
 
 List
of
Tables
 Table
1
Socio‐
Economic
Aspects
per
Neighborhood
of
Porto
Velho .......................................... 25
 Table
2
Regular
Lots
 ................................................................................................................. 27
 Table
3
Framework
of
Irregular
and
Clandestine
Settlements
in
Porto
Velho ............................. 31
 Table
4
Irregularity
of
Lots
by
Title ............................................................................................ 31
 Table
5
Occupation
of
Areas
with
Enviromental
Risk
by
Zone .................................................... 32
 Table
6
Total
Irregular
Occupation
in
Porto
Velho...................................................................... 33
 Table
7
Title
and
Documentation
of
the
Vacant
Urban
Areas ..................................................... 34
 Table
8
Vacant
and
Low‐Density
Urban
Lots ............................................................................. 34
 Table
9
Estimated
Population .................................................................................................... 55
 Table
10
Housing
Deficit
Comparison ........................................................................................56
 Table
11
Housing
Projects
in
the
City
of
Porto
Velho .................................................................. 78
 Table
12
Federal
Housing
Programs........................................................................................... 67
 Table
13
Quantitative
Results
of
the
Land
Regularization
Program
of
Porto
Velho..................... 77

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

xiv
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 List
of
Abbreviations
 IBGE

Instituto
Brasileiro
de
Geografia
e
Estatística

SEMOB

Secretaria
Municipal
de
Obras

SEMPLA
 Secretaria
Municipal
de
Planejamento
 INCRA

Instituto
Nacional
de
Colonização
e
Reforma
Agrária

SEMUR

Secretaria
Municipal
de
Regularização
Fundiária

EMDUR

Empresa
Municipal
de
Desenvolvimento
Urbano

COBRAP
 Companhia
Brasileira
de
Projetos
e
Empreendimentos
 COHAB

Conjunto
Habitacional

CAIXA

Caixa
Econômica
Federal

PPPP

Public‐Private‐People‐Partnership

NGO

Non‐Governmental
Organization

NMW

National
Minimal
Wage

FJP

Fundação
João
Pinheiro

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 1

INTRODUCTION

In
 cities
 across
 the
 globe
 there
 are
 clear
 urban
 divisions
 where
 not
 all
 social
 groups
 enjoy
 the
 same
 opportunities,
 environmental
 quality,
 housing
 and
 living
 standards,
 and
 access
 to
 what
 their
city
has
to
offer.
Unless
properly
planned
and
managed,
especially
because
of
impacts
from
 rapid
growth,
cities
can
foster
detrimental
and
even
irreversible
changes.
This
creates
challenges
 for
 planners
 currently
 coping
 with
 processes
 of
 urbanization
 falling
 outside
 the
 traditional
 framework
of
planning.
 The
United
Nations
program
UN‐HABITAT
estimates
that
this
year
approximately
1,246
million
 people,
 or
 31.6%
 of
 the
 world's
 urban
 populations,
 live
 in
 slums.
 
 Latin
 America
 and
 the
 Caribbean
 have
 128
 million
 people
 living
 in
 such
 conditions
 (14%
 of
 the
 world's
 total).
 Another
 543
 millions
 are
 situated
 in
 Africa
 and
 Asia.
 In
 Europe
 they
 correspond
 to
 6%
 of
 the
 urban
 population.
 It
 is
 projected
 that
 in
 the
 next
 20
 years
 the
 number
 of
 people
 living
 in
 slums
 worldwide
will
increase
to
2
billion
if
no
firm
or
concrete
action
is
taken
to
reign
in
the
situation.

 The
 conceptual
 framework
 of
 'planning',
 developed
 within
 particular
 historical
 contexts
 with
 corresponding
 social
 and
 economic
 constraints,
 addresses
 (in
 a
 tautological
 sense)
 only
 those
 types
 of
 projects
 or
 problems
 that
 fall
 under
 its
 conceptual
 domain
 and
 practical
 limitations.
 I
 introduce
some
conceptual
limits
of
planning
and
show
how
in
contemporary
practice
it
has
been
 possible
that
some
forms
of
urbanization
fall
outside
of
the
methodologies
in
planning
practices
 of
the
past,
which
are
still
being
implemented
today.

 Specifically
 in
 Brazil,
 as
 a
 result
 of
 its
 historical
 obdurate
 and
 uncompromising
 socially
 divisive
 policies
towards
urban
planning
and
development,
between
40
and
70
percent
of
the
population
 of
 Brazil’s
 main
 cities
 are
 living
 in
 irregular
 settlements,
 in
 which
 80%
 are
 low
 income
 families
 making
less
than
3
minimum
salaries
with
no
access
to
decent
housing
and
consequently
living
in
 substandard
conditions.
 In
general,
irregular
occupation
of
land
in
Brazil
has
been
discussed
around
legislation
and
urban
 planning
topics,
which
privileges
aspects
related
to
the
adjustment
of
these
spaces
to
the
urban
 law
in
force.
Since
1998,
mostly
efforts
are
towards
solutions
for
urban
and
land
regularization.
 Given
that
the
Land
Regularization
Program
in
Brazil
is
one
of
the
foundations
of
contemporary
 Brazilian
urban
polices,
this
study
aims
to
explore
this
planning
practice
and
ways
of
improving
it.
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

2
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 To
develop
this
study
my
first
goal
is
to
discern
and
present
an
understanding
of
the
background
 of
 urban
 planning
 in
 which
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 in
 Brazil
 is
 placed
 (Part
 1).
 My
 second
 goal
 is
 to
 comprehend
 these
 planning
 theories
 and
 practices,
 and
 consequently
 functional/dysfunctional
aspects
of
them;
my
objective,
therefore,
is
to
research
existing
housing
 conditions
using
the
method
of
reviewing
reports
and
statistics
of
an
actual
city
(Part
2).
Lastly,
 and
 most
 importantly,
 I
 adopt
 the
 method
 of
 qualitative
 field
 research
 as
 a
 means
 to
 further
 determine
 possible
 gaps
 between
 theory
 and
 practice,
 accounting
 for
 unanticipated
 or
 undetermined
 community
 practices
 that
 can
 either
 undermine
 or
 enhance
 the
 Land
 Regularization
Program
(Part3).
 In
 Part
 1
 I
 discuss
 the
 conceptual
 and
 practical
 limitations
 of
 urban
 polices
 and
 new
 elements
 which
are
emerging
today
to
arrange
contemporary
challenges
to
urban
planning.
I
also
describe
 the
 current
 situation
 in
 Brazil,
 since
 2001,
 when
 new
 planning
 practices
 were
 implemented,
 discussing
 aspects
 of
 their
 effectiveness
 and
 ineffectiveness
 and
 possible
 reasons
 why.
 I
 then
 introduce
 the
 case
 study
 of
 Porto
 Velho,
 in
 which
 the
 largest
 land
 regularization
 program
 in
 Brazil
is
currently
administered.
 Brazil
 is
 diverse
 culturally,
 economically
 and
 environmentally,
 which
 introduces
 diverse
 socio‐ economic
 aspects
 to
 various
 regions
 in
 Brazil.
 Unlike
 the
 larger
 cities
 of
 São
 Paulo
 and
 Rio
 de
 Janeiro,
 which
 have
 served
 as
 the
 political
 and
 financial
 centers
 of
 Brazil
 and
 receive
 much
 attention,
 Porto
 Velho
 better
 represents
 general
 housing
 deficiencies
 occurring
 in
 Brazil
 as
 a
 whole,
illustrating
average
Brazilian
demographics
like
income
and
population,
misrepresented
 when
only
focusing
on
the
cases
like
São
Paulo
and
Rio
de
Janeiro.
 The
 Second
 Part
 describes
 and
 analyzes
 the
 city’s
 housing
 conditions
 in
 such
 a
 way
 that
 identifies
some
of
the
most
relevant
issues,
main
urban
problems
and
necessity
of
housing
in
the
 city.
Following
the
parameters
of
a
2000
Federal
Census
Report,
I
divide
the
city
into
5
sectors
 giving
 a
 final
 housing
 description
 for
 each
 of
 them
 through
 the
 analysis
 of
 municipal
 reports,
 plans
and
other
related
documents.

After
 capturing
 the
 socio‐economic
 and
 housing
 aspects
 of
 Porto,
 I
 then
 analyze
 planning
 practices,
 measuring
 the
 cities
 movements
 and
 the
 demand
 for
 new
 houses
 and
 current
 municipal
 urban
 polices.
 Recognizing
 the
 importance
 of
 the
 roles
 that
 public
 institutions
 and
 structures
 play
 in
 how
 the
 city
 functions
 I
 describe
 the
 institutional
 structure
 involved
 in
 the
 planning
process
of
Porto
Velho.
Lastly,
in
this
section
I
map
and
then
analyze
how
the
city
has

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 3
 
 answered
 these
 questions
 by
 means
 of
 programs
 and
 housing
 projects,
 in
 particular
 the
 Land
 Regularization
Program.
 The
Third
Part
complements
some
of
the
facts
and
figures
of
the
Second
Part
using
qualitative
 methods.
I
choose
30
houses
in
Porto
Velho
to
be
used
for
multiple‐
case
studies
because,
first,
I
 believe
 this
 serves
 as
 a
 means
 to
 ground,
 within
 a
 community
 in
 Porto
 Velho,
 the
 statistics
 discussed
part
2,
allowing
analysis
of
the
effectiveness
of
the
Land
Regularization
Program.
The
 interviews
imbue
names
and
faces
to
the
residence
of
the
city,
rather
than
treating
them
simply
 as
 statistics
 and
 numbers
 as
 previously
 represented
 throughout
 the
 first
 two
 parts
 of
 the
 document.
This
paints
a
more
realistic
portrait
of
Porto
Velho
and,
in
general,
the
housing
issues
 posed
to
planners
in
Brazil.
The
goal
of
the
Land
Regularization
Program
has
adopted
some
of
 the
 ideas
 of
 De
 Soto
 instigating
 the
 public
 debate
 on
 urban
 policy
 and
 equitable
 urban
 development,
by
means
of
land
tenure.

 Pilot
 interviews
 and
 observations
 were
 conducted
 of
 residences
 in
 neighborhoods
 of
 Porto
 Velho,
 being
 necessary
 to
 identify
 the
 importance
 of
 the
 social‐economic
 process
 in
 the
 development
of
the
city.

I
found
that
despite
having
been
granted
deeds
and
property
rights
in
 order
 to
 promote
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 many
 people
 that
 participated
 in
 the
 program
sold
the
land
title
afterward,
undermining
the
goals
of
the
program
of
social
inclusion
 and
the
right
to
the
city.
I
conduct
multiple
case
studies
using
in‐depth
interviews
with
people
in
 such
a
position
as
to
understand
why
and
how
this
occurred.
The
in‐depth
interviews
were
also
 revealing
 in
 that
 I
 discovered
 housing
 dynamics
 in
 the
 community
 that
 were
 either
 not
 considered
or
were
missing
from
the
program,
which
could
be
adopted
as
part
of
sound
planning
 practice.

 I
found
that
there
is
a
lack
of
involvement
of
the
private
sphere,
which
includes
both
levels
of
the
 individual
and
the
family,
in
the
participatory
process.
I
propose
that
the
addition
of
this
private
 sphere
 could
 improve
 the
 program,
 affecting
 the
 most
 important
 goal
 of
 land
 regularization
 in
 Porto
Velho:
to
democratize
access
to
urban
land
for
the
lowest
income
groups.
Considering
that
 prominent
features
in
the
irregular
occupation
of
land
is
the
individual
occupant
and
their
self‐ constructed
houses
I
investigate
the
correlation
between
their
inclusion
in
the
planning
process
 found
 within
 the
 land
 regularization
 process,
 the
 quality
 of
 houses
 (that
 one
 sold
 and
 the
 one
 recently
 bought)
 constructed,
 how
 they
 are
 constructed,
 and
 if
 the
 needs
 of
 the
 individual
 are
 being
met.
The
interviews
are
structured
in
such
a
way
as
to
understand
these
correlations.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

4
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 I
propose
ways
in
which
the
housing
dynamic
of
low‐income
groups
–
such
as
the
process
of
self‐ construction
of
the
communities
including
some
socio‐economic
aspects
‐
can
be
implemented
 into
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program.
 Synthesizing
 all
 3
 parts,
 and
 also
 as
 a
 means
 to
 explore
 and
 refer
 to
 all
 of
 the
 material
 presented
 I
 conclude
 with
 design
 suggestions
 that
 offers
 better
 approachable
way
of
presenting
the
proposition
previous
summarized.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 5

1

PART:

THEORETICAL

FRAMEWORK_A

REALITY

OUTSIDE

FRAMEWORK
OF
PLANNING

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

THE

6
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 7
 
 1.1. CONTEMPORARY
URBAN
PLANNING
CHALLENGES

Planners
 are
 often
 presented
 with
 some
 challenges
 appearing
 to
 have
 no
 solution
 because
 the
 causes
 of
 the
 problems
 are
 either
 not
 known,
 not
 well
 understood,
 or
 are
 so
 paradoxical
 and
 contradictory
that
they
cannot
be
effectively
identified
and
addressed.
The
issue
of
slums
is
one
 of
 these
 seemingly
 insoluble
 problems.
 They
 occur
 globally
 and
 are
 growing
 as
 population
 expansion
 combined
 with
 low
 incomes
 or
 inappropriate
 government
 capital
 in
 many
 countries
 forces
a
disproportionate
number
of
people
into
increasingly
untenable
living
conditions.
 One
explanation
of
why
this
problem
is
not
well
understood
is
that
with
the
first
formations
of
 slums,
 despite
 dating
 from
 the
 eighteenth
 century,
 were
 not
 considered
 urban
 centers
 in
 themselves.
The
ubiquitous
presence
of
slums
eventually
became
an
integral
part
or
extension
of
 existing
cities
[though
with
potential
to
possess
diverse
social,
cultural,
and
economic
divisions]
 or
entirely
new
and
independent
urban
formations.
The
status
and
impact
of
slums,
as
well
the
 development
of
solutions
for
integration
only
stated
to
be
a
concern
for
planners
and
architects
 in
the
last
century.
In
particular
these
were
Modernist.
 The
 relationship
 between
 Modernist
 architecture
 and
 progressive
 social
 concerns
 was
 direct.
 Formal
architecture
was
to
represent
the
expression
of
progress.
This
idea
is
well
articulated
in
 the
title
of
Anatole
Koop
‘s
book:

Quand
le
moderne
n'était
pas
un
style
mais
une
cause.
[When
 modern
 was
 not
 a
 style
 but
 a
 cause].
 The
 Modernist
 point
 of
 departure
 from
 an
 architecture
 of
 isolated
solutions
was
an
architecture
of
collectivity,
made
of
workers
and
employees.
In
Urban
 Design,
Ebenezer
Howard
defines
this
utopia
through
the
garden
city.

 Since
then
the
majority
of
planners
and
promoters
of
the
welfare
State
follow
two
goals:
spatial
 and
social
organization
to
build
a
modern
citizenship
where
the
citizens
themselves
will
improve
 and
 educate
 the
 collective
 and
 foment
 a
 new
 society.
 Urban
 interventions
 were
 guided
 by
 rational
planning
and
urban
development.

 After
 the
 World
 War
 II,
 the
 Keynesian
 doctrine
 influenced
 macroeconomic
 politics.
 National
 States
regulated,
protected
and
financed
urban
growth.
Municipalities
planned
and
built
based
 in
collective
interests.
The
paradigm
of
rational
urban
planning
defined
the
whole
of
the
plan
and
 the
 market,
 which
 was
 never
 in
 check,
 instead,
 redefined
 its
 limits
 and
 the
 condition
 for
 its
 efficiency
[TOPALOV,
1992].

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

8
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 Later,
other
tides
adopted
the
same
paradigm
adding
the
necessity
of
popular
participation.
This
 participation
typically
showed
impartibility
of
arguments
such
as
global
rationality
and
particular
 interests.
 In
 different
 scales
 this
 contradiction
 was
 experienced
 in
 different
 scales:
 democracy
 was
permitted
in
the
base,
such
as
choices
regarding
trees
in
public
space
or
the
placement
of
 traffic
 lights,
 while
 the
 decisions
 about
 urban
 parks
 or
 transportation
 system
 were
 given
 to
 specialists.
 The
 division
 between
 global
 and
 local
 will
 permit,
 in
 a
 very
 schizophrenic
 way,
 the
 criticism
between
both
of
them.

 Later,
a
new
paradigm
emerged,
centered
on
the
environment.
Attitudes
and
values
of
society
 began
 to
 traverse
 two
 distinct
 philosophies,
 one
 with
 a
 more
 anthropocentric
 view
 that
 saw
 nature
 as
 a
 reserve,
 even
 when
 sustainably
 managed,
 for
 resource
 extraction
 when
 deemed
 necessary
 to
 public
 or
 private
 interest.
 This
 was
 contrasted
 with
 an
 ethic
 of
 intrinsic
 value
 through
the
notion
of
preservation
for
the
sake
of
the
environment
in‐and‐of‐itself.
The
Amazon
 Forest,
as
an
example,
is
no
longer
only
contained
within
discourse
about
land
conflicts
and
raw
 material
 extraction,
 but
 has
 evolved
 towards
 bioregion
 protection.
 The
 emphasis
 on
 environmental
impacts,
in
any
case,
changed
the
face
of
planning
and
was
reflected
in
changes
 in
land
use
characteristics,
for
example,
such
that
individual
houses
in
some
cases
were
preferred
 because
of
their
sensitivity
to
ecological
conditions
rather
than
the
construction
of
large
housing
 projects
which
in
some
cases
were
more
detrimental
to
the
environment.
 In
XXI
century,
with
the
increase
of
social
inequality,
however,
poverty
returned
as
a
crucial
issue.
 Social
and
environmental
catastrophes
are
cohabiting
now.

In
this
way
housing
in
big
cities
was
 no
 longer
 only
 about
 its
 access
 to
 marginalized
 groups,
 quality
 of
 housing
 or
 exclusively
 the
 environment,
 instead
 beginning
 to
 consider
 the
 multifaceted
 connections
 between
 human
 and
 ecological
 communities,
 health,
 and
 well
 being.
 There
 is
 no
 other
 way
 of
 discussing
 social
 and
 environmental
catastrophes
without
its
prevention
and
precaution.
It
is
necessary
to
identify
not
 just
 individual
 problems,
 but
 also
 their
 derivation.
 Thus,
 how
 can
 planning
 and
 architecture
 address
these
contemporary
challenges?

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 9
 
 To
 answer
 this
 question
 it
 is
 necessary,
 primarily,
 to
 admit
 that
 new
 elements
 are
 emerging
 today.
 These
 include:
 a
 less
 direct
 role
 of
 public
 administration;
 decentralization
 of
 the
 public
 administration,
less
beaurocracy
and
softening
of
its
structure;
loss
of
models
reference;
decline
 of
planning
and
the
acceptance
of
open
programs;
multiplication
of
actors
in
the
field
of
urban
 development;
 and
 the
 appearance
 of
 new
 specialists
 (YVES
 CHALAS,
 2006;
 19‐42).
 Facing
 this
 new
context,
some
traditional
planning
practices
therefore
need
adjustment
outlined
here:
 [1] Beyond
the
shape
of
spaces:
Le
Corbusier
said:
“There
is
so
much
to
be
done!
It
will
be
a
 huge
 task!”
 Modernists,
 in
 particular,
 maintained
 the
 idea
 that
 physical
 space
 can
 improve
 the
 quality
 of
 urban
 life.
 Opposing
 what
 was
 expected,
 urban
 projects
 did
 not
 change
the
poor
urban
condition
in
the
cities
where
modernist
solutions
were
adopted.
 Now
planners
and
architects
are
recognizing
that
the
solution
to
these
urban
challenges
 goes
 beyond
 design
 space
 and
 consequently
 must
 be
 urgently
 integrated
 with
 other
 aspects,
such
as
culture
and
the
economy.

 [2] Opened
 planning
 practices:
 Territories
 are
 becoming
 more
 fluid,
 mutable,
 multiple,
 hazy
and
unpredictable.
Surrounded
by
this
complexity,
urbanism
adapts
itself.
It
should
 privilege
 the
 logic
 of
 systems
 dynamics
 and
 the
 emergence
 that
 occurs
 when
 systems
 combine.
 No
 individual
 or
 institution
 can
 pretend
 to
 detain
 total
 knowledge.
 Its
 obtainment
 requires
 pluralistic
 collaboration
 and
 composition.
 Only
 with
 a
 flexible
 and
 opened
 attitude
 the
 chance
 to
 achieve
 success
 is
 made
 possible.
 In
 addition,
 urbanism
 should
not
look
anymore
for
everyone’s
happiness,
but
moderate
the
difficulties
of
each
 one
 in
 the
 elaboration
 of
 projects.
 In
 a
 democracy,
 the
 government
 does
 not
 have
 the
 task
to
do
good
or
to
say
what
it
is.
Its
role
is
to
avoid
the
transformation
of
the
social
life
 into
chaos
or
substandard
living
conditions.

 [3] Politicized
 spaces:
 In
 neighborhoods,
 the
 application
 of
 urban
 theory
 and
 technique
 about
the
urban
shape
becomes
secondary
compared
with
the
political
dimension.
The
 politic
 not
 only
 has
 direct
 contact
 with
 residents,
 but
 also
 offers,
 listens,
 proposes
 and
 negotiates
solutions
of
questions
about
projects.
Politicizing
urbanism
means
to
create
a
 public
debate
about
city
organization.
 As
 mentioned
 before,
 environmental
 impacts
 and
 social
 inequalities
 are
 not
 exclusive
 to
 developing
 countries.
 These
 urban
 planning
 challenges
 are
 being
 confronted
 globally.
 International
 organizations
 and
 countries
 are
 gathering
 in
 global
 campaigns
 to
 work
 towards
 equitable
development.

However,
a
critical
component
of
the
relevance
of
global
thinking
is
the
 strength
of
national
and
local
intellectual
communities
to
re‐interpret
and
adapt
thinking
to
their

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

10
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 cultural
 context
 and
 national
 circumstances
 and
 conditions.
 Without
 a
 local
 input
 and
 re‐ fashioning
of
global
knowledge,
its
application
can
be
inappropriate,
misconceived
and
perverse.
 This
study
aims
to
learn
from
a
city
in
the
North
of
Brazil,
where
in
the
past
4
years
the
city,
state
 and
federal
governments
have
recently
begun
to
address
the
problem
of
irregular
occupation.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 11
 
 1.2. UNEQUAL
URBANIZATION
IN
BRAZIL

More
than
half
of
Brazil’s
population
lives
in
225
cities
with
more
than
100.000
habitants.
This
is
 4%
of
the
territory
of
Brazil,
concentrating
96,8%
of
favela
populations
(6,25
millions)1.
Over
30%
 of
 the
 total
 population
 in
 Brazil
 lack
 access
 to
 decent
 housing
 and
 consequently
 live
 in
 substandard
 conditions.
 These
 numbers
 represent
 the
 urgency
 to
 understand
 the
 process
 of
 urbanization
and
to
improve
urban
conditions
in
Brazil.
 Brazilian
 urbanization
 has
 its
 roots
 in
 Iberic
 tradition,
 according
 to
 Carlos
 Americo
 Pacheco
 [1992],
 in
 which,
 “As
 a
 consequence
 of
 Portuguese
 interests,
 the
 city
 was
 the
 colonizing
 and
 civilizing
 element
 inside
 the
 empire
 structure.
 [PACHECO,
 1992:
 19].
 In
 this
 period,
 natural
 resource
 extraction
 was
 an
 important
 component
 in
 establishing
 a
 relatively
 diffuse
 urban
 network
 anchored
 in
 larger
 surrounding
 cities.
 These
 economic
 cycles
 were
 based
 primarily
 on
 the
exportation
of
sugar,
metal,
and
coffee,
produced
or
extracted
on
lands
outside
of
the
city.
 Larger
cities
acted
as
hubs
of
economic
activity,
coagulating
extra‐urban
economic
activities
into
 a
 centralized
 urban
 network
 for
 exportation.
 Much
 later,
 with
 industrialization
 and
 rising
 populations,
 these
 same
 urban
 centers
 would
 be
 redefined.
 However,
 it
 was
 in
 these
 first
 four
 centuries
that
the
city
built
its
character,
grounding
what
the
city
would
become
in
the
following
 centuries.
 Industrialization
also
heavily
impacted
the
process
of
urbanization
in
Brazil.
The
speed
at
which
 urbanization
 occurred
 established
during
the
industrialization
era
is
one
of
the
most
important
 characteristics
 of
 Brazilian
 cities.
 Along
 with
 the
 lack
 of
 opportunities
 for
 work
 due
 to
 unproductive/inactive
privately
owned
land
in
the
North
East
of
Brazil
in
the
Twentieth
Century
 favelas
grew
as
migrants
in
search
of
work
in
the
larger
Brazilian
cities
to
the
South
also
settled
 on
the
urban
periphery.
Oliveira
[1982;
41]
points
out
that
the
correspondence
between
the
rate
 of
 urbanization
 with
 urban/capital
 accumulation.
 The
 urban
 population
 increased
 from
 10.891.000
 to
 137.953.959
 habitants
 from
 1940
 to
 20o2.
 This
 trend
 in
 urban
 population
 growth

1

Font:
Secretaria
Nacional
de
Programas
Urbanos
–
Ministério
das
Cidades

2

Font:
Census
Report
2000
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TORINO
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IN
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12
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 follows
 that
 of
 the
 rest
 of
 the
 rates
 of
 population
 growth
 in
 Brazil.
 It
 is
 also
 reflected
 in
 the
 urbanization
index,
which
increased
from
26,35%
in
1940
to
81,23%
in
20003.
 Cano
 [1990]
 divides
 Brazilian
 urbanization
 in
 two
 stages:
 supportable
 urbanization
 and
 chaotic
 urbanization.
This
second
stage
began
in
the
1970’s
in
which
a
drastic
drop
in
the
standards
for
 quality
of
life
stemmed
from
a
chaotic
and
uncontrollable
urban
influx.
Housing
speculation
was
 attached
 to
 strong
 urban/spatial
 segregation.
 Faria
 [1991;
 105]
 characterizes
 Brazilian
 urban
 society
 as
 complex
 with
 social
 diversity,
 united
 but
 heterogenic,
 fragmented,
 and
 most
 of
 all,
 unequal
resulting
from
urbanization
and
growth
over
the
past
30
years.


 Maricato
[2000;
155‐161]
points
out
3
important
aspects
of
Brazilian
urbanization:
 [a] Seen
 as
 structurally
 functional
 for
 industrialization,
 the
 cost
 of
 housing,
 adequate
 housing
standards
and
appropriate
living
conditions
were
not
provided
nor
a
part
of
 wage
 considerations.
 This
 meant
 that
 favelas
 or
 illegal
 lots,
 had
 to
 be
 self‐ constructed
by
the
workers
themselves
without
the
financial
means
included
in
their
 salaries
 to
 construct
 adequate
 housing,
 yet
 becoming
 integral
 parts
 of
 urban
 development.

 [b] Urban
planning
[by
city
and
state
government]
in
Brazil
has
a
tradition
of
regressive
 investment:
 
 infrastructure
 responds
 to
 housing
 speculation
 instead
 of
 to
 the
 democratization
of
access
to
land.
Land
proprietors
and
whoever
else
is
involved
in
 the
 promotion
 of
 the
 housing
 market
 are
 a
 group
 with
 power
 to
 decide
 budgeting
 issues.
 This
 is
 relevant
 because
 the
 prospective
 of
 the
 property
 value
 orients
 the
 location
of
a
public
investment.
 [c] The
arbitrary
application
of
urban
legislation
along
with
the
State
not
executing
its
 power
 of
 regulation
 or
 law
 enforcement
 supports
 notable
 urban
 inequality/
 urban
 segregation.
Irregular
occupancy
continues
to
be
tolerated
in
Brazil.
However,
when
 areas
 become
 highly
 valued
 by
 the
 market,
 regulation
 is
 enforced..
 Therefore,
 the
 defined
criteria
for
urban
development
are
market
and
locale.
 The
formal
market
for
land
thus
became
inaccessible
to
those
without
the
financial
means
and
 the
only
solution
for
those
looking
for
land
was
the
informal
or
‘black’
market.
It
became
not
a
 legal
model,
but
a
legitimated
effectuation
of
housing
rights.
The
duality
of
land
appropriation
 generated
an
urban
division
between
legal
and
illegal.
For
B.
Alfonsin
[2007,
72]
this
legal
division
 



































































 3

Font:
Census
Report
2000
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HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 13
 
 also
 allowed
 public
 administration
 sectors,
 a
 type
 of
 legal
 protection
 to
 abandon
 the
 areas
 ‘outside
of
the
law’
and
invest
only
in
the
legal
areas.4

1.3. HOUSING
RIGHTS:
THE
URBAN
REFORM
IN
BRAZIL

In
the
mid‐80s
a
more
pragmatic
left‐wing
approach
emerged
in
Brazil.
After
more
than
twenty
 years
of
military
rule,
some
scholars
and
urban
planners
introduced
the
idea
of
Urban
Reform.
 A
National
Movement
for
Urban
Reform
was
organized
in
order
to
intervene
in
the
public
arena
 and
 influence
 the
 National
 Congress
 preparing
 a
 new
 Constitution.
 In
 1987,
 urban
 social
 movements
 and
 professional
 associations
 of
 architects,
 engineers
 and
 geographers
 gathered
 together
in
order
to
draw
up
the
so‐called
Constitutional
Popular
Amendment
for
Urban
Reform.
 This
 also
 comprised
 the
 mobilization
 around
 the
 Federal
 Law
 of
 Urban
 Development,
 called
 Estatuto
 da
 Cidade,
 or
 “City
 Statute”
 [LEI
 Nº
 10.257,
 de
 10/07/2001],
 which
 regulated
 and
 supplemented
articles
182
and
183
of
the
Constitution.
The
approval
of
the
Estatuto
da
Cidade
 was
postponed
for
eleven
years,
until
it
finally
happened
in
July
2001.
 With
this
new
Federal
Law,
some
of
the
general
directives
were
found
to
give
order
to
the
“full
 development
of
the
social
functions
of
the
city
and
urban
property”
[CITY
STATE;
art.2]:
control
 of
 land
 use,
 the
 guarantee
 of
 housing
 rights,
 democratic
 administration,
 and
 public‐private
 cooperation

 Consequently,
 urban
 policy
 in
 Brazil
 has
 been
 guided
 by
 actions
 toward
 the
 land
 tenure
 regularization
 as
 a
 way
 of
 accessing
 to
 urban
 land
 and
 applying
 the
 social
 function
 of
 the
 land
 property.
 For
 that,
 the
 Comprehensive
 Plan
 leaves
 the
 public
 local
 administration
 the
 responsibility
to
limit
property
use
in
the
city
looking
after
its
“social
function”.

 The
 Brazilian
 case
 deserves
 to
 be
 better
 known
 internationally
 not
 only
 because
 it
 provides
 sound
bases
for
the
further
development
of
international
law
in
the
area
of
urban
law,
but
also
 because
it
provides
strong
elements
to
make
the
development
of
a
Lefebvrian
theory
of
rights
 possible,
 in
 which
 the
 ‘right
 to
 the
 city’
 is
 to
 be
 understood
 not
 only
 as
 a
 socio‐political
 and/or
 philosophical
value,
but
also
as
a
legal
right.

4

E.g.
 Construction
 Code
 of
 Rio
 de
 Janeiro
 (1934)
 where
 it
 was
 prohibited
 the
 implementation
 of
 infrastructure
in
illegal
areas.

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14
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 1.4. LAND
REGULARIZATION

Land
Regularization
is
one
of
the
foundations
of
Brazilian
urban
polices.
From
2004
to
2006,
R$
 30
million
of
the
Federal
Budget
were
earmarked
by
the
Ministry
of
Cities
to
municipalities,
state
 governments,
 NGOs,
 and
 public
 defender
 offices
 for
 the
 development
 of
 land
 regularization
 actions
in
397
settlements,
encompassing
73
municipalities
in
21
states.

 FIGURE
1
MAP
OF
THE
LAND
REGULARIZATION
PROGRAM
IN
BRAZIL

The
main
general
objectives
of
this
national
policy
are:
 •

To
 support
 municipalities
 and
 states
 in
 the
 implementation
 of
 the
 2001
 City
 Statute,
 with
 emphasis
 on
 the
 new
 legal
 instruments
 of
 land
 regularization
 in
 the
 City
 Statute
 and
 in
 Provisional
 Measure
 no.
 2.220/2001
 and
 on
 the
 need
 to
 widen
 and
 democratize
 access
 to
 urban
land
for
the
lowest
income
groups;

•

To
 promote
 the
 integration
 of
 land
 regularization
 programs
 (combining
 upgrading
 and
 legalization)
 in
 all
 levels
 of
 government,
 with
 inclusive
 urban
 planning
 policies
 and
 democratic
urban
management
strategies;

•

To
 promote
 the
 integrated
 recognition
 of
 social
 and
 constitutional
 rights
 to
 housing
 and
 environmental
preservation,
quality
of
life,
and
preservation
of
natural
resources;

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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 15

•

To
 promote
 the
 recognition
 of
 the
 new
 rights
 recognized
 by
 the
 legal‐urban
 order
 ‐
 especially
 the
 special
 urban
 usucapation
 (prescriptive
 acquisition/adverse
 possession),
 the
 concession
of
the
real
right
to
use,
the
special
concession
of
use
for
housing
purposes,
and
 surface
 rights
 ‐
 and
 their
 full
 utilization,
 emphasizing
 that
 they
 are
 new
 forms
 of
 real
 property
rights;

•

To
remove
the
obstacles
to
land
regularization
that
still
stem
from
the
federal
legislation,
be
 they
 related
 to
 land
 laws,
 registration
 laws,
 urban
 laws,
 environmental
 laws,
 judicial
 procedural
laws,
administrative
laws,
fiscal
laws,
criminal
laws,
etc.;

•

To
 create
 conditions
 for
 the
 full
 recognition
 and
 validation
 of
 titles
 representing
 the
 new
 rights
mentioned
above,
by
the
public
and
private
credit
and
finance
agencies,
as
well
as
by
 public
opinion;

•

To
 encourage
 various
 forms
 of
 partnerships
 with
 civil
 society,
 promoting
 full
 popular
 participation
 in
 all
 stages
 of
 land
 regularization
 interventions
 and
 thus
 contributing
 to
 the
 revival
 of
 the
 social
 mobilization
 processes
 through
 the
 discussion
 about
 informal
 urban
 development,
in
a
way
that
socially
includes
communities
living
in
informal
settlements
to
a
 full
extent.

Subsequently,
 Land
 Regularization
 aims
 to
 improve
 living
 standards
 in
 precarious
 settlements,
 either
by
means
of
urbanization
and
environmental
recovery,
or
by
granting
security
of
tenure.
 This
 is
 important
 because
 the
 procedure
 recognizes
 that
 tenants
 have
 the
 right
 to
 housing.
 In
 addition,
it
can
foster
the
full
inclusion
of
citizens
in
the
city.
It
fosters
socioeconomic
inclusion
 inasmuch
 as
 it
 fosters
 the
 transformation
 of
 the
 informal
 economy
 into
 formal,
 allowing
 local
 residents
to
have
access
to
real
estate
credit
for
housing
improvement
purposes.
In
so
doing,
it
 grants
 citizens
 the
 access
 to
 designed
 housing
 and
 consequently
 to
 citizenship.
 The
 regularization
 and
 titling
 of
 property
 is
 important
 to
 grant
 legitimacy
 before
 credit
 agencies.
 Land
regularization
will
furthermore
make
sustainability
of
the
city
viable
as
it
will
reduce
urban
 and
 environmental
 liabilities
 through
 plans
 and
 projects
 that
 lead
 to
 environmental
 protection
 and
recovery
as
well
as
to
the
deployment
of
urban
infrastructure.

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16
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 1.5. PORTO
VELHO:
A
PORTRAIT
OF
PLANNING
IN
BRAZIL

Porto
Velho,
the
capital
of
Rondônia
with
a
population
of
382.829
habitants
and
one
of
the
most
 important
cities
in
the
Northern
Region
of
Brazil,
carries
urban
characteristics
typical
of
other
big
 cities
in
Brazil.

 
 The
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho,
 located
 on
 the
 banks
 of
 the
 Madeira
 River,
 integrates
 the
 greatest
 waterways
 of
 the
 Amazon
 in
 order
 to
 interconnect
 principal
 urban
centers
of
the
region.

 The
location
of
Porto
Velho
was
 strategically
 considered
 by
 its
 measure
 actualize

to

facilitate

and

construction

of

infrastructure

for

transportation
 via
 the
 river.
 The

waterway

permitted

producers
 of
 Brazilians
 goods,
 both
 from
 the
 ecosystems
 of
 the
 Cerrado
 and
 the
 Amazon,
 access
 to
 Asian
 markets
 via
 the
 Pacific
 Ocean,
 and
 to
 the
 US
 and
 Europe
 via
 the
 Atlantic
 Ocean.
 FIGURE
2
MAP
PORTO
VELHO'S
LOCATION
IN
LATIN
AMERICA

In
Porto
Velho
urbanization
occurred
comparatively
late
with
other
capitals
in
Brazil,
such
as
Rio
 de
 Janeiro
 or
 Sao
 Paulo.
 Not
 until
 European
 and
 North
 American
 industrialization,
 Rondônia
 sparked
economic
interest
based
primarily
on
the
exploitation
of
rubber,
which
was
exported
via
 the
 river
 from
 the
 Western
 Amazon
 forest
 in
 Bolivia
 to
 the
 city
 of
 Belem
 at
 the
 estuary
 of
 the
 Amazon
River
on
the
Eastern
coast
of
Brazil.

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VELHO,
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BRAZIL
 17
 
 To
 aid
 in
 the
 efficiency
 of
 exportation,
 a
 railroad
 system,
 called
 Madeira‐Mamoré
 railway,
 was
 constructed
in
the
beginning
of
the
20th
century.
Its
point
of
departure
for
the
East
was
located
at
 a
point
where
the
Madeira
River
was
more
easily
navigable.
As
to
avoid
waterfalls
further
to
the
 West
and
upstream
the
river,
such
that
the
rubber
could
more
easily
get
to
Belem,
the
original
 plan
was
to
build
the
terminal
of
the
railroad
near
the
Santo
Antonio
Waterfall.
However,
in
1907
 Percival
 Farquar,
 responsible
 for
 the
 construction
 of
 the
 railroad,
 moved
 the
 station
 7km
 away
 from
the
waterfall,
where
a
CAIS,
an
administrative
center,
housing,
and
roads
were
constructed.
 This
was
the
origin
of
the
city
of
Porto
Velho.
The
railroad
operated
until
1972.

 
 
 
 
 [A]
 [B ]

[C]

FIGURE
3
[A]
AND
[B]
SHOW
THE
URBAN
AREA
IN
1910;
[C]
THE
URBAN
AREA
IN
2009

In
1912,
after
the
construction
of
the
Madeira‐Mamoré
railway,
and
consequently
the
retirement
 of
 the
 workers
 the
 helped
 construct
 it,
 Porto
 Velho’s
 population
 was
 approximately
 1,000
 inhabitants.
At
that
time
the
urban
configuration
had
a
very
particular
division,
present
today
as
 Presidente
 Dutra
 Avenue.
 The
 city
 was
 divided
 by
 the
 boundaries
 of
 the
area
 de
 concession
 of
 the
Railway
in
two
very
different
areas.


Each
side
had
their
own
separate
commercial
area,
law
 enforcement
and
legal
statutes.
They
were
almost
like
two
separate
cities.

 In
 1913
 Porto
 Velho
 was
 categorized
 and
 legally
 recognized
 as
 a
 village.
 Until
 1914
 the
 new
 village
 was
 subordinated
 to
 Humaità
 COMARCA
 when,
 in
 October
 2nd,
 the
 Amazonas
 State
 created
 the
 municipality
 of
 Porto
 Velho.
 Only
 in
 1919
 was
 Porto
 Velho
 categorized
 as
 a
 city
 through
the
law
1011.

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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 After
 a
 long
 period
 of
 construction
 of
 the
 railway,
 rubber
 prices
 dropped
 considerably
 in
 the
 international
market
and
competing
markets
of
rubber
extraction
elsewhere
in
the
world
made
 the
 extraction
 of
 latex
 in
 the
 Amazon
 almost
 unviable.
 Many
 areas
 where
 rubber
 was
 extracted
 from
trees
were
closed
and
the
entire
region
went
into
a
recession.
Development
in
Porto
Velho
 and
 its
 history
 can
 be
 characterized
 by
 this
 fluctuation
 in
 the
 extraction
 and
 production
 of
 the
 natural
 world.
 With
 the
 Second
 World
 War
 and
 the
 occupation
 of
 the
 Asian
 seringais,
 rubber
 prices
once
again
rose,
making
a
new
cycle
of
rubber
production
viable.
Consequently
a
period
of
 redevelopment
 in
 Porto
 Velho
 occurred
 to
 such
 an
 extent
 that
 in
 1943
the
 federal
 government
 created
the
Federal
Territory
of
Guaporé,
which
had
Porto
Velho
as
its
capital.
 After
the
War
rubber
prices
yet
again
decreased
and
it
wasn’t
until
the
late
1950’s
that
mining
of
 Cassiterite
introduced
a
new
economic
cycle.
The
construction
of
highway
BR‐364
(BR‐29
1960)
 was
 important
 for
 urban
 development
 in
 this
 period,
 which
 was
 also
 an
 important
 component
 necessary
for
the
introduction
of
agriculture
around
1970.

 Despite
the
introduction
of
these
various
economic
practices
and
cycles,
Porto
Velho
remained
a
 relatively
small
city.
Problems
commonly
related
to
urbanization
would
appear
during
the
next
 three
decades
(70’s‐90’s).

 During
the
first
years
of
1970,
the
Federal
government
encouraged
the
interior
settlement
of
the
 territory.
 Consequently,
 Porto
 Velho,
 as
 the
 largest
 urban
 center
 of
 the
 area,
 absorbed
 part
 of
 this
immigration.
Rondônia
became
an
important
importer
and
exporter
of
agricultural
products.
 After
 1981,
 when
 the
 Territory
 became
 a
 Federal
 State,
 the
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 received
 even
 more
people,
attracted
by
the
new
state
capital.
During
this
period
of
growth,
the
city
was
never
 granted
appropriate
investment
for
urban
infrastructure.
 During
 the
 1980’s
 more
 than
 30.000
 people
 immigrated
 to
 Porto
 Velho.
 The
 discovery
 of
 gold
 found
 in
 the
 Madeira
 River
 as
 well
 as
 a
 project
 to
 construct
 the
 Hydro
 Electric
 Dam
 Samuel
 attracted
labor.
On
top
of
this
Federal
Programs
towards
the
colonization
of
the
Amazon,
such
 as
the
PIC
(Programa
Integrado
de
Colonização)
and
the
Programa
Pólo
Noroeste
spurred
growth
 as
well.
 Consequently
 this
 new
 wave
 of
 natural
 resource
 extraction
 and
 economic
 interest
 in
 the
 area
 radically
changed
the
urban
dynamic
of
the
city
with
the
creation
of
new
neighborhoods
such
as
 Nova
Porto
Velho,
Agenor
de
Carvalho,
Jardim
Eldorado,
Area
da
Floresta,
Caladinho
and
Nacional.
 In
the
beginning
of
1990’s
despite
the
closure
of
most
of
the
gold
mines
many
gold
miners
stayed
 in
the
city,
generating
other
new
neighborhoods.
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 19
 
 As
 of
 2008
 new
 cycle
 of
 development
 began
 with
 the
 Madeira
 River
 Hydro
 Electrical
 Complex.
 The
imminent
economic
and
immigration
cycle
can
reinforce
the
problems
generated
in
the
past
 or
can
work
as
a
platform
to
make
equitable
development
feasible.

 Today
 there
 remain
 as
 indexes
 from
 the
 History
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 only
 a
 group
 of
 buildings
 and
 storage
docks
related
to
the
construction
and
operation
of
the
railway.
They
still
mark
the
city
 landscape
and
are
today
in
process
of
restoration.

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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 21

2

PART:
CASE
FOCUS_PORTO
VELHO
–
THE
NECESSITY
OF
HOUSING

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POLITECNICO
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HOUSING
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PORTO
VELHO,
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 23
 
 THE
NECESSITY
OF
HOUSING
 Unlike
 the
 larger
 cities
 of
 São
 Paulo
 and
 Rio
 de
 Janeiro,
 Porto
 Velho
 better
 represents
 general
 housing
 deficiencies
 occurring
 in
 Brazil
 as
 a
 whole,
 illustrating
 average
 Brazilian
 demographics
 like
income
and
population,
misrepresented
when
only
focusing
on
the
cases
of
São
Paulo
and
 Rio
de
Janeiro.

 This
Part
describes
and
analyzes
the
city’s
housing
conditions
in
such
a
way
that
identifies
some
 of
the
most
relevant
issues,
main
urban
problems
and
necessity
of
housing
in
the
city.

 The
 following
 characterizations
 presented
 in
 this
 study
 regarding
 access
 to
 infrastructure,
 natural
 ecosystems
 (igarapés),
 and
 areas
 with
 environmental
 risks
 or
 social
 vulnerability
 are
 derived
mainly
from:
 • Demographic
and
economic
aspects
based
on
information
found
in
the
2000
 Federal
Census
Report;
 • In
 regard
 to
 infrastructure
 besides
 the
 2000
 Census,
 analysis
 of
 road
 conditions
was
provided
by
SEMOB;
 • The
 sewer
 system
 and
 energy
 distribution
 weren’t
 considered
 because
 both
 do
 not
 present
 relevant
 differences
 between
 the
 5
 zones:
 only
 2,75%5
 of
 the
 city
has
access
to
the
sewer
system,
all
located
in
zone
1,
and
nearly
100%
of
 the
city
is
covered
with
energy
distribution;
 • Topography
 and
 Igarapé’s
 system
 analysis
 were
 based
 in
 maps
 provides
 by
 SEMPLA;
 • Land
regulation
was
based
on
an
aerial
photo
from
2001.
 This
 first
 picture
 of
 the
 city’s
 housing
 condition
 in
 Porto
 Velho
 is
 followed
 by
 the
 analysis
of
the
planning
dynamic
in
the
city.
This
study
is
based
in
information
of
the
 2000
 Census
 Report
 and
 interviews
 with
 employees
 of
 the
 City
 Administration
 [SEMPLA,
SEMUR,
CAERD]
and
the
municipal
legislation,
and
includes:
 •

Housing
Deficit

from
the
2000
Census
Report

•

Land
Regularization
Programs
and
Institutional
Structure
from
conversations
 with
the
employees;

5

SISC
CAERD.
Dec,2005

24
 HOUSING
RIGHT
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LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 •

Housing
 Programs’
 information
 collected
 from
 the
 Housing
 Department
 of
 SEMUS
 and
 from
 the
 regional
 office
 of
 Caixa
 Econômica
 Federal
 in
 Porto
 Velho.

For
reasons
of
analysis,
the
city
is
divided
into
5
zones
:
 Zone
1:
Polygon
formed
by:
right
margin
of
Madeira
River,
the
north
and
south
urban
perimeter
 and
the
Jorge
Teixeira
Avenue
until

the
BR‐364.
 Zone2:
Polygon
formed
by:
Jorge
Teireixa
Avenue,
north
urban
perimeter,
Penal
Road,
Guaporé
 Avenue
and
BR‐364.
 Zone
3:
Polygon
formed
by:
BR364,
and
urban
perimeter
 Zone
4:
Polygon
formed
by:
Guaporé
Avenue,
Penal
Road,
urban
perimeter
and
BR‐364
 Zone
5:
North,
east
and
south
urban
expansion
areas

FIGURE
4
MAP
OF
THE
STUDY
ZONES

POLITECNICO
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VELHO,
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 25
 
 2.1. SOCIO‐ECONOMIC
ASPECTS
OF
PORTO
VELHO'S
RESIDENTS

The
soci0‐economic
aspects
analyzed
are:
population
density,
illiteracy
percentage,
income,
and
 access
 to
 water
 (Table
 1).
 This
 information
 was
 found
 in
 the
 2000
 Federal
 Census
 Report.
 The
 figures
 in
 the
 report
 are
 summarized
 per
 neighborhood
 rather
 than
 presenting
 any
 of
 the
 irregularities
 or
 outlying
 figures.
 It
 is
 therefore
 necessary
 to
 state
 that
 a
 picture
 of
 the
 entities
 contributing
 to
 (e.g.
 clandestine
 settlements
 or
 irregular
 occupations)
 and
 the
 true
 diversity
 of
 the
socio‐economy
inside
the
same
neighborhood
are
not
represented
in
table
1.
Further,
it
was
 not
viable
to
verify
these
figures
due
to
constraints
in
access
to
parts
of
the
neighborhood
(for
 example
in
the
clandestine
settlements),
which
often
offer
different
numbers.

ZONE
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 01
 02
 02
 02
 02
 02
 02
 02

TABLE
1
SOCIO‐
ECONOMIC
ASPECTS
PER
NEIGHBORHOOD
OF
PORTO
VELHO
 ILLITERACY
PERC.
 INCOME
 ACCESS
TO
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 POP.
DENSITY
(?
/ha)*
 (%)
 (NMW)
 WATER
 Arigolândia
 50
to
75
 6
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Areal
 50
to
75
 9
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Baixa
da
União
 0
to
30
 15
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Caiari
 50
to
75
 4
 Higher
than
10
 Provided
 Centro
 0
to
30
 5
 5
to
10
 Provided
 Costa
e
Silva
 30
to
50
 13
 1
to
3
 Not
provided
 Quilômetro
Um
 50
to
75
 8
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Mato
Grosso
 50
to
75
 12
 Lower
than
1
 Provided
 Militar
 0
to
30
 9
 5
to
10
 Not
provided
 Mocambo
 0
to
30
 6
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Nacional
 50
to
75
 16
 1
to
3
 Not
provided
 N.
Senhora
das
Graças
 50
to
75
 6
 5
to
10
 Provided
 Olaria
 50
to
75
 4
 Higher
than
10
 Provided
 Novo
Estado
 50
to
75
 10
 Under
1
 Partially
provided
 Pedrinhas
 50
to
75
 7
 Higher
than
10
 Provided
 Roque
 50
to
75
 13
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Santa
Bárbara
 50
to
75
 5
 1
to
3
 Provided
 São
Cristóvão
 50
to
75
 6
 5
to
10
 Provided
 São
João
Bosco
 50
to
75
 5
 Higher
than
10
 Provided
 São
Sebastião
 0
to
30
 15
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Triângulo
 0
to
30
 9
 1
to
3
 Partially
provided
 Tucumanzal
 50
to
75
 13
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Tupi
 0
to
30
 9
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Liberdade
 50
to
75
 6
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Agenor
de
Carvalho
 75
a
100
 8
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Embratel
 75
a
100
 7
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Flodoaldo
 75
a
100
 6
 5
a
10
 Provided
 Industrial
 0
a
30
 14
 1
to
3
 Not
provided
 Lagoa
 0
a
30
 3
 5
a
10
 Provided
 Nova
Porto
Velho
 50
a
75
 7
 1
to
3
 Provided
 Rio
Madeira
 0
a
30
 2
 5
a
10
 Not
provided

Font:
Federal
Census
Report,
IBGE,
2000.

POLITECNICO
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TABLE
1:
SOCIO‐
ECONOMIC
ASPECTS
PER
NEIGHBORHOOD
OF
PORTO
VELHO

50
to
75
 50
to
75
 0
to
30
 50
to
75
 0
to
30
 30
to
50
 50
to
75
 50
to
75
 0
to
30
 0
to
30
 50
to
75
 50
to
75
 75
to
100
 0
to
30
 50
to
75
 75
to
100
 75
to
100
 0
to
30
 50
to
75
 30
to
50
 75
to
100
 30
to
50
 75
to
100
 50
to
75
 30
to
50

ILLITERACY
PERC.
 (%)
 6
 9
 15
 4
 5
 13
 8
 12
 9
 6
 16
 6
 9
 17
 11
 14
 12
 12
 12
 22
 12
 21
 9
 12
 14

INCOME
 (NMW)
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3
 1
to
3

ACCESS
TO
 WATER
 Provided
 Provided
 Provided
 Provided
 Provided
 Not
provided
 Provided
 Provided
 Not
provided
 Provided
 Not
provided
 Provided
 Partially
 Partially
 Partially
 Not
provided
 Partially
 Provided
 Partially
 Not
Provided
 Partially
 Not
provided
 Partially
 Partially
 Not
provided

100
to
150
 30
to
50
 ‐
 0
to
30
 0
to
30
 30
to
50
 50
to
75
 30
to
50
 30
to
50
 ‐
 ‐

‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

Partially
 Not
provided
 Not
provided
 Partially
 Not
provided
 Not
provided
 Not
provided
 Not
provided
 Not
provided
 Not
provided

ZONE

NEIGHBORHOOD

POP.
DENSITY
(?
/ha)*

03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 03
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04
 04

Aeroclube
 Areia
Branca
 Caladinho
 Castanheira
 Cidade
do
Lobo
 COHAB
 Eldorado
 Eletronorte
 Floresta
 Nova
Floresta
 Novo
Horizonte
 Conceição
 Aponiã
 Cascalheira
 Cuniã
 Escola
de
Polícia
 Igarapé
 JK
 Lagoinha

 Planalto
 Tancredo
Neves
 Teixerão
 Tiradentes
 Três
Marias
 Esperança
 da
 Comunidade
 Socialista
 Pantanal
 União
da
Vitória
 São
Francisco
 Cidade
Jardim
 Mariana
 Ulisses
Guimarães
 Ronaldo
Aragão
 Marcos
Freire
 Nova
Esperança
 Cidade
Nova

05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05
 05

Font:
Federal
Census
Report,
IBGE,
2000.

POLITECNICO
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 27

2.2. MAPPING
AND
ANALYSIS
OF
(IR)
REGULARITY
OF
LOTS

 REGULAR
LOTS
 Regular
 lots
 are
 executed
 projects
 as
 approved
 by
 the
 city
 administration
 and
 notorized.
 The
 following
table
describes
the
regular
allotments
found
in
Porto
Velho.
The
type
of
title
and
land
 prices
were
extracted
from
property
assessments
done
by
the
city
administration.

ID

ALLLOTMENTS

1

Conjunto
Santo
Antônio
 Conjunto
 Habitacional
 Marechal
Rondon
 Loteamento
Antares
 Conjunto
 Habitacional
 Odacir
Soares
 Conjunto
 Habitacional
 Rio
Guaporé
 COHAB
Segunda
Etapa
 Conjunto
 Residencial
 Rio
 Marmoré
 Conjunto
 Residencial
 Rio
 Candeias
 Loteamento
 Jardim
 São
 Limões
 Conjunto
Habitacional
 22
de
Dezembro
 Lot.
Jardim
Solimões
II
 Loteamento
Jamari
 Tancredo
Neves
 Res.
Dom
João
Costa
 COHAB
1a.
e
2a,
Etapa

2
 3
 4
 5
 6
 7
 8
 9
 10
 11
 12
 13
 14
 15

TABLE
2
REGULAR
LOTS
(2007)
 PRICE
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 TITLE
 OBSERVATION
 R$(LOT/M2)

 São
João
Bosco
 2
e
3
 47,14
 Executed
by
the
State
 2
 21,43
 Executed
by
the
Municipality
 Flodoaldo
Pontes
 Cuniã
 Floresta

1
 2

10,33
 21,33

‐
 Agreement
with
the
Municipality

Castanheira

1

13,52

Financed
by
CAIXA

Eldorado
 Castanheira

3
 1

13,52
 13,52

Executed
by
the
State
 Financed
by
CAIXA

Aeroclube

1

10,13

Financed
by
CAIXA

Embratel

1

31,36

‐

Flodoaldo
Pontes

2

21,86

Agreement
with
the
Municipality

Flodoaldo
Pontes
 Lagoinha
 Tancredo
Neves
 Cuniã
 COHAB

1
 1
 2
 1
 3

24,64
 10,58
 14,97
 9,98
 16,32

‐
 Agreement
with
the
Municipality
 Land
Regularization
Prog.
 ‐
 Executed
by
the
State

Font:
Planta
do
Projeto
Urbanistico
de
Porto
Velho,
SEMPLA,
1995.
“Title”
and
“prices”
by
SEMUR

IRREGULAR
LOTS
 Types
 of
 irregularity
 were
 classified
 and
 grouped
 as
 irregular
 or
 clandestine
 following
 the
 terminology
 presented
 in
 the
 Federal
 Law
 6766
 (1979).
 The
 irregularities
 were
 also
 classified
 according
to
the
type
of
agency
conducting
the
classification
(e.g.,
private
or
public).

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 Land
 irregularity:
 all
 form
 of
 land
 acquisition
 not
 adequate
 to
 the
 urban
 development
 regulations
in
force.
They
can
be
either
public
or
private
interventions.
 “Substandard
 agglomeration”
 (aglomerado
 subnormal):
 according
 the
 IBGE,
 “substandard
 agglomeration”
 is
 a
 minimum
 group
 of
 51
 housing
 units
 that
 are
 recently
 located
 in
 someone
 else's
 property
 (public
 or
 private).
 Usually
 they
 are
 settlements
 with
 high
 density,
 disorganized
and
no
public
services
available.
 “Dismemberment”
(desmembramento):
way
of
land
division
with
no
urban
plan.
 “Allotment”
(loteamento):
a
way
of
land
division
with
the
creation
of
new
public
areas
such
 as
roads
and
plazas.
 “Irregular
 allotment”
 (loteamento
 irregular):
 type
 of
 allotment
 with
 an
 approved
 plan
 yet
 not
 well
 executed,
 or
 in
 which
 features
 of
 the
 plan
 were
 not
 implemented,
 such
 as
 having
 no
 infrastructure.
 “Clandestine
 allotment”
 (loteamento
 clandestino):
 type
 of
 allotment
 with
 no
 approved
 plan
 by
 the
 city.
 Usually
 the
 developer
 of
 this
 type
 of
 allotment
 does
 not
 have
 the
 property
 rights.
 “Irregular
 occupation/occupancies”
 (ocupação
 irregular):
 type
 of
 land
 division
 where
 no
 legal
 relation
 is
 established
 between
 who
 is
 occupying
 the
 land
 and
 who
 has
 the
 property.
 The
 lack
 of
 any
 legally
 binding
 agreement
 can
 originate
 land
 conflicts
 and
 consequently
 expulsion.
 There
 is
 often
 blatant
 disregard
 for
 any
 land
 and
 environmental
 regulations
 in
 force.
 “Occupation
 in
 areas
 of
 risk
 and
 areas
 of
 environmental
 protection”
 (ocupação
 em
 area
 de
 risco
 e
 areas
 de
 proteção
 ambiental):
 settlements
 (public
 or
 private)
 located
 in
 protected
 areas
 without
 an
 approved
 plan.
 No
 legal
 relation
 between
 the
 landlord/owners
 and
the
occupants.

The
identification
of
irregular
allotments
are
based
on
a
map
(Mapa
do
Município
de
Porto
Velho
 –
April,
1995)
provided
by
SEMPLA
(revised
in
2007
by
Terra
Nova)6
 The
 protected
 areas
 were
 following
 the
 consideration
 of
 the
 Muncipal
 Law
 97
 (1999)
 ‐
 ”Lei
 Complementar
 Municipal”
 –
 and
 the
 “Relatório
 Cidade
 de
 Porto
 Velho”
 produced
 by
 “Defesa
 Civil
 



































































 6

Terra
 Nova
 –
 Land
 Regularization
 in
 Diagnóstico
 do
 Programa
 de
 Regualarização
 Fundiaária
 –

 Etapa01/Fase2
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 29
 
 Municipal”.
Since
all
of
the
areas
of
risk
are
located
along
a
stream
they
were
all
considered
areas
 of
environmental
preservation.
There
is
no
municipal
law
delineating
other
units
of
conservation
 (UC)
 and
 permanent
 areas
 of
 preservation
 as
 established
 by
 Environmental
 Municipal
 Code
 (2001).
 Information
 provided
 by
 SEMPLA
 is
 analyzed
 in
 regards
 to
 public
 services
 of
 education
 and
 health
such
as
the
location
of
public
hospitals,
schools
and
social
assistance.


 The
 location
 of
 irregular
 occupation
 was
 partially
 identified.
 They
 are
 obtained
 by
 overlapping
 the
aerial
photo

(2001)
with
the
Area
of
Preservation
Map.
 ID

1
 2

ALLLOTMENTS
 Moreira
Mendes

NEIGHBORHOOD

São
Sebastião

AREA
 (M2)

TITLE

NUMBER
OF
 HOUSING

PRICE
 R$(LOT/M2)

123.693

ZONE1
 1

194

12,16

53.472
 202.557

1
 1

111
 277

2,72
 56,54

Aninga
 Jardim
América

São
Sebastião
 Pedrinhas

141.026

1
e
3

193

36,39

5

Jardim
 das
 Palmeiras
 Boa
Esperança

Tucumanzal

89.856

1

249

11,15

7

Alphaville

Rio
Madeira

518.202

ZONE2
 1

504

35,97

8

Mangueiras
I

Agenor
 Carvalho

721.823

1

790

31,00

9

Mangueiras
II

Igarapé

217.823

1

187

10,80

10
 11
 12

4
de
Janeiro
 Bairro
da
Lagoa
 Residencial
 Ferreira

Flodoaldo
Pontes
 Lagoa
 Flodoaldo
Pontes

234.062
 2.115.418
 139.139

1
 1
 1

542
 373
 127

16,49
 26,87
 16,86

13

Residencial
 Rio
 Madeira

Flodoaldo
Pontes

104.240

1

166

21,86

14

Caladinho

204.654

ZONE3
 1

412

18,35

15

Residencial
 Tucuruí
 Setor
luiene

Areia
Branca

162.141

1

247

20,00

16

Morada
Sul

Nova
Floresta

134.302

1

86

11,37

17

Cidade
do
Lobo

Cidade
do
Lobo

253.794

1

437

11,41

18

Jardim
Eldorado

Eldorado

812.736

1

484

13,42

19

Jardim
 Vista

Eletronorte

167.422

1

279

10,71

20

Jardim
 Eldorado
 II

Eldorado

899.165

1

730

13,90

21

Belvedere

Eletronorte

259.436

1

595

13,31

3
 4

Bela

São
João
Bosco

de

OBSERVATION
 Land
division
without
 common
areas.
 No
conclusion
term.
 Land
division
without
 common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 10%
infrastructure
not
 available.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Subdivision
of
lots.
 Land
division.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 ‐
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Infrastructure
is
not
all
 execused.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

30
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 AREA
 (M2)

PRICE
 R$(LOT/M2)

areas.

ID

ALLLOTMENTS

NEIGHBORHOOD

22
 23

Aooniã
 Lagoinha

1.530.065
 449.423

ZONE4
 1
 1

3538
 265

16,49
 4,20

Subdivision
of
lots.
 ‐

24
 25
 26

4
de
Janeiro
 Recanto
 da
 lagoa
 Domus
 Park
Ceará
 Mangueiras
I

Lagoinha
 Lagoinha
 Cuniã

78.298
 778.991
 136.578

1
 1
 1

64
 196
 36

5,40
 16,15
 16,15

27

Mangueiras
II

Floraldo
Pontes

385.088

1

431

10,80

28

Ipanema

Igarapé

898.379

1

881

10,02

29

Acapu

Cuniã

514.642

1

557

10,33

30

Miraflores

Três
Marias

558.830

1

77

6,38

31
 32

Vitória
Régia
 Jardim
 Primavera

Lagoinha
 Três
Marias

602.289
 396.092

1
 1

461
 38

6,30
 5,04

‐
 ‐
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
in
 Igarapés
and
common
 areas.
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.
 80%
PAI
 Subdivision
of
lots.

33
 34
 35

Novo
Horizonte
 Park
Uirapuru
 Recanto
 das
 Cerejeiras
 Parque
 Amazônica
 Jardim
Vitória

Cidade
Nova
 Cidade
Nova
 Cidade
Nova

162.220
 260.756
 142.202

ZONE5
 3
 1
 1

369
 81
 190

5,16
 6,33
 6,14

Nova
Esperança

630.344

1

10

‐

Nova
Esperança

104.035

1

200

‐

36
 37

TITLE

NUMBER
OF
 HOUSING

OBSERVATION

Informal
occupation
of
 the
common
areas.

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMPLA,
2000.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 31
 
 The
following
table
synthesizes
the
irregularity
in
Porto
Velho.
It
shows
how
the
phenomenon
is
 presented
in
all
zones
of
the
city.
Zone
4
have
1/3
of
the
total
number
of
irregular
housings.
On
 the
contrary,
Zone
1
presents
the
lowest
occurrence
of
lots
irregularity.

 TABLE
3
QUADRO
CONSOLIDADO
OF
IRREGULAR
AND
CLANDESTINE
SETTLEMENTS
IN
PORTO
VELHO
(2007)
 
 Number
of
Housing

AREA(m2)

ZONE

IRREGULAR

#
Settements

CLANDESTINE

IRREGULAR

CLANDESTINE

IRREGULAR

 CLANDESTINE

1

610.607

938.468

1.024

1.699

5

7

2

4.217.972

1.750.202

2.933

750

6

4

3

2.893.650

2.230.162

3.270

3.751

8

6

4

6.161.390

2.271.242

6.290

3.525

9

4

5

1.299.557

2.559.501

850

5.573

5

4

Total

15.183.176

9.749.575

14.367

15.273

33

25

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMPLA,
2007.

TABLE
4
IRREGULARITY
OF
LOTS
BY
TITLE
 
 IRREGULAR
LOTS

TITLE

AREA
(m )

QUANT.

2

CLANDESTINE
LOTS
 HOUSING
#

QUANT.

AREA
(M )

HOUSING
#

2

Private

31

14.879.930

13.805

2

856.380

1.032

Municipal

‐

‐

‐

14

6.486.299

9.271

State

1

162.220

369

8

2.322.786

4.849

Federal

‐

‐

‐

1

84.110

121

Private
 and
 municipal

1

141.026

193

‐

‐

0

Total

33

15.138.176

14.367

25

9.749.575

15.273

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMPLA,
2007.

OCCUPATION
IN
AREAS
WITH
ENVIROMENTAL
RISK
 The
following
table
shows
a
high
number
of
occupations
of
areas
with
environmental
risk
in
Zone
 1,
 representing
 the
 largest
 concentration
 of
 public
 services
 and
 infrastructure
 in
 the
 city.
 Paradoxically,
 the
 same
 condition
 can
 help
 the
 perpetuation
 of
 this
 dynamic.
 It
 seems
 that
 people
prefer
take
the
risk
than
live
far
from
the
opportunities
of
downtown.
This
explains
why

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

32
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 the
SEMUR
is
searching
for
available
areas
inside
Zone
1
to
relocate
those
currently
in
areas
of
 environmental
risk.
 TABLE
5:
OCCUPATION
IN
AREAS
WITH
ENVIROMENTAL
RISK
BY
ZONE
 
 ZONE

01

02

03

NEIGHBORHOOD

CANAL

Pedrinhas

Igarapé
dos
Milagres

São
Sebastião
 S.
joão
Bosco
 Olaria
 São
Crisóvão
 Liberdade
 Costa
e
Silva
 Centro
 Areal
 Areal
 Areal
 Areal
 Mato
Grosso
 Roque
 Santa
Bárbara
 Mocambo
 Tucumanzal
 Tupi
 Baixa
União
 Baixa
União
 Triângulo
 Arigolândia
 Novo
Estado
 Embratel
 Nova
Porto
Velho
 Agenor
de
Carvalho
 Flodoaldo
Pinto
 Industrial
 Rio
Madeira
 Aeroclube
 Eldorado
 Castanheiras
 COHAB
 COHAB
 Caladinho
 Cidade
Nova
 Cidade
do
Lobo
 Conceição
 Eletronorte
 Novo
Horizonte
 Areia
Branca
 Floresta
 Nova
Floresta
 Nova
Floresta

Igarapé
dos
Milagres
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
do
Centro
 Canal
Santa
Bárbara
 Canal
do
Areal
 Canal
de
S.
Lucas
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
Igarapé
Geral
 Canal
Igarapé
Geral
 Canal
Santa
Bárbara
 Canal
Santa
Bárbara
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
Santa
Bárbara
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 ‐
 ‐
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
Igarapé
da
Penal
 Canal
Igarapé
da
Penal
 Canal
dos
Tanques
 Canal
Igarapé
da
Penal
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Caladinho
 Canal
do
Gurgel
 Canal
do
Caladinho
 Canal
do
Caladinho
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
B.
Estaca
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
Igarapé
Grande
 Canal
do
Gurgel

QUANTITATY
 88
 177
 95
 07
 49
 21
 424
 41
 44
 25
 16
 68
 40
 76
 39
 44
 261
 6
 15
 5
 3
 
 
 71
 212
 31
 242
 26
 88
 27
 21
 233
 18
 106
 84
 156
 24
 78
 341
 35
 20
 82
 93
 51

TOPOGRAPHY
 (<=60)
 
 114
 
 
 
 
 
 4
 2
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12
 21o
 
 323
 4
 64

Font:
Environmental
Risks
Report,
SEMUR,
2007.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 33
 
 
 ZONE

04

05

JK
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tiradentes
 Escola
de
Polícia
 Teixerão
 Lagoinha
 Três
marias
 Aponiã
 Aponiã
 Igarapé
 Esperança
da
Comunidade
 Socialista
 São
Francisco

Canal
Tancredo
Neves
 Canal
Tancredo
Neves
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
Tancredo
Neves
 Canal
Tancredo
Neves
 Canal
Igarapé
da
Penal
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
do
Pantanal
 Canal
Tancredo
Neves
 Canal
Tancredo
Neves

51
 71
 2
 50
 4
 40
 427
 10
 1
 1
 66
 42
 49

TOPOGRAPHY
 (<=60)

Jardim
Santana

Canal
Tancredo
Neves

64

Mariana

Canal
Tancredo
Neves

32

CANAL

NEIGHBORHOOD

QUANTITATY

Font:
Environmental
Risks
Report,
SEMUR,
2007.

SYNTESIS
OF
IRREGULAR
LANDS
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 
 TABLE
6
TOTAL
IRREGULAR
OCCUPATION
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 SITUATION
 NUMBER
OF
AREAS
 NUMBER
OF
HOUSES
 Irregular
and
clandestine
allotments

 58
 29.640
 Canal
areas
 55
 4.493
 Areas
in
COTAS
below
60
 8
 733
 TOTAL
 121
 34.866

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMUR,
2007.

2.3. VACANT
LOTS

 Investigation
 about
 vacant
 lots
 foments
 some
 information
 about
 the
 socio‐economy,
 environment
 and
 urbanization.
 Vacant
 lots
 that
 do
 not
 comply
 with
 its
 social
 function
 can
 potentially
catalyze
urban
development.
 For
 this
 purpose,
 the
 municipal
 Housing
 Policy
 Report
 considers
 only
 vacant
 urban
 lots
 larger
 1.000
m2
and
low‐density
(less
than
50%
occupied)
urban
areas
larger
then
3.000
m2.
This
report
 identifies
 325
 areas
 that
 meet
 these
 criteria.
 Together
 they
 account
 for
 more
 than
 41.500.000
 m2.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

34
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 The
 following
 table
 shows
 the
 197
 lots
 located
 inside
 the
 urban
 perimeter,
 which
 could
 potentially
be
used
by
the
public
administration
in
housing
programs.

 
TABLE
7:
TITLE
AND
DOCUMENTATION
OF
THE
VACANT
URBAN
AREAS 
 TITLE
 DOCUMENTATION
 Private
 CARTA
DE
AFORAMENTO
 Municipal
 POSSE
 State
 Definitive
Title
 UNIAO
 DESMENBRAMENTO
–
CARTA
DE
AFORAMENTO
 NAO
CADASTRADO
 Public
Title
 
 DESMENBRAMENTO
 
 NAO
CADASTRADO

CODE
 1
 2
 3
 4
 5
 6
 7

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMUR,
2007.

NEIGBORHO OD

ID

Areal
 Baixa
União

3
 4

5

6

Costa
e
Silva

7
 8

9

Mato
Grosso

10
 11
 12
 13
 14
 15
 16
 17
 18

B.
Militar

19
 20

Nacional

22

23

N.
Sra.
 Graças

24
 25

26
 27
 28

29
 30
 31
 32

33

34

Table
8:
VACANT
AND
LOW‐DENSITY
URBAN
LOTS
 
 AREA
 TITLE
 DOC
 DESCRIPTION
 2 (m )
 ZONE
1
 8.310
 5
 7
 Unpaved,
unbuilt,
access
by
Sao
Paulo
St.
w/
Teneiro
Aranha
St.
 186.034
 4
 7
 Paved,

Alexandre
Guimarães
St.
w/
Rogério
Weber
St.,
low
 density,
existence
of
canals
 15.134
 4
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Euclides
da
Cunhas
St.
w/
João
Alfredo
St.,
low
 density.
 366.536
 4,5
 7
 Paved,
accesss
by
Rogério
Weber

St.
w/
Stº
Antônio
road,
low
 density,
area
of
canals.
 8.046
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Rio
de
Janeiro
St.
w/
Rogério
Weber
St.,
vacant.
 30.444
 1
 1
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
dos
Imigrantes
w/
Av.
Lauro
Sodré,
low
 density.
 14.781
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Lauro
Sodré
wPaved,
access
by
Av.
dos
 Imigrantes
w/
Av.
Lauro
Sodré,
low
density.
Rua
das
Associações,
 vacant.

 83.475
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Martinica
St.
w/
28
de
Setembro
St.,
vacant.
 38.551
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
by
São
Luís
St.
w/
Maranhão
St.

 4.907
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
bu
Flores
da
Cunha
St.
w/
Jardim
St.,
vacant.
 7.767
 1
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Festejo
St.
w/
Av.
J.
Teixeira,
vacant.
 3.200
 1
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Federaçao
St.
w/
Av.
J
Teixeira,
vacant.
 11.256
 1
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Pedro
St.
w/
Nunes
St.,
low
density.
 2.519
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Amazonas,
w/
Getúlio
Vargas,
low
density.
 2.275
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Jaci
Paraná
St.
w/
Getúlio
Vargas,
low
density.
 12.387
 5
 7
 Unpaved,
access
by
Raimundo
Cantuaria
St.
w/
Getúlio
Vargas,
 vacant,
part
of
area
with
walls.
 7.001
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Brasília
St.
w/
Raimundo
Cantuaria,
vacant.

 1.341.80 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Belmont
road
w/
Anunciação
St.,
vacant,
army
 8
 area.
 263.726
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Belmont
road
w/
Anunciação
St.,
vacant.
 301.346
 3
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Belmont
road
w/
Lauro
Sodré
St.,
whare
hause,
 vacant.
 12.340
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Vespaziano
Ramos
St.
w/
Guanabara
St.,
 vacant.
 2.272
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
João
Goulart
St.
w/
Vespaziano
Ramos
St.,
 vacant.
 5.843
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
7
de
Stembro
w/
João
Goulart
St.,
vacant.
 11.529
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Salgado
Filho
St.
w/
Av.
7
de
Setembro,
vacant.
 24.740
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
José
Camacho
St.
w/
Presidente
Dutra
St.,
 vacan,
Espaço
Flor
do
Maracujá.

 8.818
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Presidente
Dutra
St,.
vacant.
 9.524
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Farquar
w/
Abunã
St.,
vacant.
 7.659
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Santos
Dumont
St.
w/
Hebert
Azevedo,
vacant.
 4.454
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Santos
Dumont
St.
w/
Benjamin
Constant
St.,
 low
density.
 5.667
 4
 3
 Paved,
access
by
Marcos
Aurélio
St.
w/
Presidente
Dutra
St.,
 vacant.
 1.533
 5
 7
 Paved,
access
by
Senador
Álvaro
Maia
St.
w/
Av.
Lauro
Sodré,

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 35
 
 Novo
Estado

35
 36

7.049
 12.501

4
 4

3
 3

Pedrinhas
 
 
 
 Roque

37
 38
 39
 40
 41
 42

7.243
 2.803
 9.098
 13.302
 22.246
 18.798

3
 3
 3
 3
 5
 5

3
 3
 3
 3
 3
 7

S.Cristóvão

43
 44
 45

4.412
 3.362
 5.138

5
 5
 5

7
 3
 3

46
 47
 48

3.000
 6.106
 7.758

5
 5
 5

3
 3
 7

S.
J.
Bosco

49
 50
 51

6.101
 37.762
 24.802

5
 1
 3

7
 3
 1

52

33.556

3

3

Triangulo

53
 54

30.100
 95.907

1
 1
and
5

1
 7

55
 56

38.210
 69.745

1
and
5
 1

7
 3

57
 58

35.897
 29.037

1
 5

3
 7

59

163.508

4

3

Agenor
 de
 Carvalho

61

21.773

1

6

62

18.402

1

6

8.393

1

6

63

64

4.190

1

6

65

4.400

5

4

Embratel

66

4.922

1

1

Flodoaldo
 Pontes
Pinto

67

115.687

1

1

68
 69

96.446
 52.265

1
 2

1
 1

70

77.702

2

7

71

15.201

2
and
5

1

72
 73

4.246
 21.278

2
 2

1
 1

74

5.656

2

1

75
 76

22.324
 10.830

5
 1

1
 1

77

3.926

1

1

78

8.693

1

4

vacant,
surrounded
by
walls.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Beco
Alto
Paraíso,
water
spring,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Rui
Barbosa
St.
w/
Beco
Alto
Paraíso,
vacant,
 surrounded
by
walls.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Pixinguinha
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Leonardo
da
Vinci
St.
w/
Brás
Cuba
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Jamari
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Portugal
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Lauro
Sodré
w/
Sebastião
Barroso
St.,
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364

w/
Rafael
Vaz
e
SIlva
St.,
vacant,
area
 with
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Benjamin
Contant
St.
w/
Brasília
St..
 Paved,
access
by
Álvaro
Maia
St.
w/
Joaquim
Nabuco
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Senador
Álvaro
Maia
St.
w/
Brasília
St.,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Álvaro
Maia
St.
w/
Getúlio
Vargas
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
álvaro
Maia
St.
w/
João
Goulart
St.
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Pinheiro
Machado
w/
Elias
Gorayeb
St.
 vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Hebert
Azevedo
St.
w/
Brasília
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Lauro
Sodré
w/
Migrantes,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Tanajura
St.,
vacant,
common
 services.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Major
Fernando
G.
Brejensk
 St.,
low
density,
common
services.
 Paved,
access
by
Padre
Chiquinho
St.
w/
Brasília
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
between
railway
and
Santo
Antônio
road,
vacant,
area
 with
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Ruth
St.
w/
Santo
Antônio
road,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Travessa
Belizário
Pena
w/
Santo
Antônio
road,
 low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Belizário
St.
w/
Rio
Machado
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Rogério
Weber
St.
w/
Av.
Rio
de
Janeiro,
low
 density.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 Av.
 Prudente
 de
 Moraes
 w/
 Ajuricasa
 St.,
 low
 density.

 ZONE2
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Antônio
V.
Caula,
low
density,
common
 service.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Geraldo
Ferreira
St.
w/
Av.
7
de
Setembro,
 vacant,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Cléa
Merces
St.
w/
Platão
St.,
vacant,
 common
sevice.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Capitão
Natanael
Aguiar
St.
w/
Raimundo
 Mesces
St.,
vacant,
surrounded
by
walls.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Presidente
de
Moreas
w/
Ajuricasa
St.,
low
 density.

 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Duque
de
Caxias
w/
Buenos
Aires
St.,
 vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Penal
road
w/
Contorno
St.,
vacant,
area
with
 many
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Pinheiro
Machado
w/
Civilizaçao
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Adeilada
Feitosa
St.,
vacant,
area
 of
ENDUR.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
St.
w/
Apolo
St.,
low
density,
area
of
 ENDUR.
 Paved,
access
by
Francisco
Sobrinho
St.
w/
Marlos
Nobre
St.,
 vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Malta
St.
w/
Gibim
St.,
vacant,
area
of
ENDUR.
 Paved,
access
by
Moçambique
St.
w/
Silas
Shockness
St.,
low
 density,
area
of
ENDUR.
 Paved,
access
by
Silas
Shockness
St.
w/
Miriam
Shockness
St.,
 vacant,
ENDUR
area.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Guaporé
w/
Ibere
G.
Grosso
St,.
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Cláudio
Santoro
St.
w/
Av.
Guaporé,
low
 density,
area
with
many
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Guaporé
St.,
vacant,
surrounded
 by
walls.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Guaporé
w/
Av.
José
Vieira
Caula,
common

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

36
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

79

4.423

2
and
5

7

80
 81
 82
 83
 84

1.409
 6.813
 9.496
 19.827
 2.507

5
 5
 2
 2
 2

7
 7
 7
 7
 7

Industrial

85
 86

21.453
 24.760

5
 5

7
 7

87

23.663

5

7

88

88.335

5

7

Lagoa

89
 90
 91
 92
 93
 94
 95
 96
 97
 98
 99
 100
 101
 102
 103
 104
 105
 106

53.991
 24.995
 23.924
 21.895
 13.692
 58.190
 10.880
 41.734
 16.813
 834.735
 35.335
 22.897
 59.521
 21.743
 11.905
 3.701
 10.473
 7.584

5
 3
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 5

7
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 7

Nova
 Velho

P.

107

 108

12.451
 10.099

5
 1

7
 1

109

6.739

1

1

Rio
Madeira

110
 111
 112

12.159
 22.471
 22.922

1
 1
 5

1
 1
 1

113

56.657

1

1

114

43.222

1

1

115
 116

136.547
 193.415

1
 1

1
 1

Aero
Clube

118
 119
 120
 121
 122

59.487
 79.180
 595.421
 741.469
 74.094

1
 1
 4
 1
 1

3
 3
 3
 1
 1

Areia
Branca

123

775.919

4

3

Castanheira

124
 125
 126
 127
 128
 129

18.149
 4.082
 12.630
 36.128
 29.147
 23.223

1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1

1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1

130

8.176

1

1

131

60.684

1

1

area
in
process
to
be
occupied.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Alberto
Pesqualini
St.
w/
Coimbra
St.,
low
 density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Pablo
Picasso
St.
w/
Atlântica
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Litorânea
St.
w/
Parecis
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Produção
St.
w/
Coimbra
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Naymaer
St.
w/
Wanda
Esteves,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Fontes
Nova
St.
w/
Wanda
Esteves
St.,
 vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Aparício
Moares
w/
Alto
Madeira
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Benedito
de
Sousa
St.
w/
Alto
Madeira
St.,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Benedito
de
Sousa
St.
w/
B.Natal
St.,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Migrantes
St.
w/
Antonio
Lacerda
St.,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Migrantes
St.
w/
Cipriano
Gurgel,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Migrantes
St.
w/
Av.
J.
Teixeira,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Tiradentes
w/
Av.
J.
Teixeira,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Rio
de
Janeiro
w/
Nicarágua
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Matricha
St.
w/
Tucunaré
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Rio
de
Janeiro
w/
Av.
Jatuarana,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Piraiba
St.
w/
Jaraqui
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Tambaqui
St.
w/
Piramutaba
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Rio
de
Janeiro
w/
Piraiba
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Av.
Guaporé,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Novembro
St.
w/
Xereu
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Xereu
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Tucunaré
St.
w/
Av.
Jutuarana,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Piramutaba,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Surubim
St.
w/
Pirarara
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Jutuarana
St.
w/
Caparari
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Matricha
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Afonso
Pena
St.
w/
Av.
J
Teixeira,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
7
de
Setembro
w/
Av.
J.
Teixeira,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Afondo
Pena
St.
w/
Pedro
da
Rocha
St.,
low
 density.
 Unpaved,
 access
 by
 Av.
 7
 de
 Setembro
 w/
 Panamá
 St.,
 low
 density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Beira
St.
w/
Carauaçú
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Av.
Rio
Madeira
w/
Caparari
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Cel.
Otávio
Reis
St.
w/
Vicente
Randon
St.,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Imigrantes
w/
Eng.
Tácito
Rego
St.,
vacant,
 area
with
many
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Imigrantes
w/
Prof.
Cevanes
Monteiro,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Imigrantes
St.
w/
Av.
Rio
Madeira,
low
density.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 Av.
 Imigrantes
 w/
 Av.
 Guaporé,
 low
 density,
 area
with
many
canals.
 ZONE3
 Paved,
access
by
BR
362
w/
13
de
Setembro,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro,
low
density,
Aeroclube
(FAB).
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
(Aeroclube
backside),
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Jorubatuba
St.
(Aeroclube`s
backside),
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Areia
Branca
road,
vacant,
area
with
 many
canals.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Cupuaçuzeiro
St.
w/
Laranjeiras
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Maracajás
St.
w/
Anari
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Tracajás
St.
w/
Anaris
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.
w/
Brasil
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.
w/
Canal
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.
w/
Canal
St.,
vacant,
 surrounded
by
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.
w/
Primeiro
de
Maio
St.,
 vacant,
area
with
many
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.,
vacant,
surrounded
by

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 37

132

40.953

1

1

Cohab

133
 134
 135

6.925
 10.786
 47.450

1
 1
 3

1
 1
 1

136
 137

33.497
 10.954

3
 3

1
 1

Eldorado

138
 139

22.987
 16.654

1
 1

1
 1

140

4.696

1

1

141
 142

34.771
 41.017

1
 1

1
 1

Eletronorte
 Floresta

143
 144
 146

129.091
 5.717
 131.820

5
 5
 1

7
 7
 1

Nova
 Floresta

147
 148

20.271
 13.554

1
 1

1
 1

149
 150
 151
 152
 153

193.803
 39.800
 5.199
 30.557
 5.839

1
 1
 1
 1
 1

1
 1
 1
 1
 1

154

8.468

1

1

Novo
 Horizonte

155

47.817

1

1

156

51.987

1

1

157

640.495

1

1

158

212.839

1

1

159
 160

48.581
 210.182

1
 1
and
5

1
 1

Aponia

162

30.631

1

1

Igarape

163
 164
 165
 166
 167
 168

2.201
 2.792
 40.531
 10.977
 4.512
 5.841

1
 1
 5
 5
 5
 5

1
 1
 7
 7
 7
 7

169

7.493

5

7

Cunia
 Esc.
 De
 Policia
 Tiradentes

170
 171
 172
 174
 175
 176

6.717
 6.156
 11.657
 7.238
 4.390
 219.016

1
 1
 1
 1
 1
 1

4
 4
 4
 4
 4
 4

177

258.288

1

1

Lagoinha

178
 179

173.845
 27.877

1
 5

1
 7

180
 181

103.865
 7.930

5
 1

7
 1

canals.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Bandonion
St.
w/
Santarém
St.,
vacant,
 surrounded
by
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
Reco
Reco
St.
w/
Bandolim
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
13
de
Setembro
St.
w/
Brasil
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Alfazema
St.
w/
São
Sebastião
St.,
low
density,
 COHAB.
 Paved,
access
by
Tangerina
St.
w/
Pau
Ferro
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Jambo
St.
w/
Murici
St.,
vacant,
common
 service.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Jatuarana
w/
BR
364,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Angelim
St.
w/
Monteiro
Lobato
St.,
low
 density,
common
service.
 Paved,
access
by
Peroba
St.
w/
Pau
Ferro
St.,
vacant,
common
 service.
 Paved,
access
by
Açaí
w/
13
de
Stembro
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
 access
 by
 Araras
 St.
 w/
 Anari
 St.,
 vacant,
 area
 with
 many
canals.
 Paved,
access
by
BR
364
w/
Beco
Cerejeiras
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Três
e
meio
St.
w/
BR
364,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
 access
 by
 Açaí
 St.
 w/
 Taquara
 St.,
 vacant,area
 with
 many
canls.
 Paved,
access
by
Jatuarana
St.
w/
Açaí
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Beco
da
União
St.
w/
Beco
da
Conquista
St.,
 vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Fortuna
St.
w/
Paraná
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Coqueiros
St.
w/
Estância
Velhas
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Urtiga
Vermelha
St.
w/
Av.
Jatuaran
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
La
Coruna
St.
w/
Salinas
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 Av.
 Jatuarana
 w/
 Monte
 Azul
 St.,
 vacant,
 common
service.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 Getúlio
 Siqueira
 St.
 w/
 Angico
 St.,
 vacant,
 common
service.
 Paved,
access
by
J.
Paulo
l
St.
w/
Secundária
St.,
vacant,
area
with
 many
canals.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 J.
 Paulo
 I
 St.
 w/
 Principal
 St.,
 vacantarea
 with
 many
canals.
 Unpaved,
 access
 by
 Principal
 St.
 w/
 Haiti
 St.,
 low
 density,
 poor
 access.
 Paved,
 access
 by
 Estrada
 de
 Areia
 Branca
 St.,
 poor
 access,
 with
 green
area
preservation,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Secundária
St.,
poor
access,
vacant.
 Unpaved,

near
of
Genebra
St.,
vacant.
 ZONE4
 Paved,
access
by
Estrada
da
Penal
St.
w/
Av.
Guaporé,
low
 density.
 Paved,
access
by
Paulo
Fortes
St.
w/
Andréia
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Andréia
St.
w/
Pedro
Albeniz
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Migrantes
w/
Mato
Grosso
St..
 Paved,
access
by
Leda
Freitas
St.
w/
Ananias
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Coimbra
St.
w/
Inglaterra
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Pablo
Picasso
w/
Ananias
F.
Andrade,
low
 density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Santo
Amaro
St.
w/
Ananias
F.
Andrade,
low
 density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Andréia
St.
w/
Fábia
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Maria
de
Lurdes
St.
w/
Andréia
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Janaina
St.
w/
Andréias
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Janaina
St.
w/
Ana
Neria
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Amazonas
St.
w/
Roberto
de
Sousa
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Amazonas
St.
w/
Bandeirantes
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Amazonas
w/
Oliveira
Pontes
St.,
area
with
 clubs
and
associations,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Amazonas
w/
Hibraim
St.,
low
density.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Rio
de
Janeiro
w/
Ananias
F.
de
Andrade,
 vacant.
 Paved,
low
density,
area
occupied
by
OAB.
 Paved,
access
by
Rio
de
Janeiro
St.
w/
Jau
St.,
vacant.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

38
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
 
 Três
Marias

182
 183
 184
 185
 186
 187

9.494
 72.783
 12.570
 141.821
 124.954
 13.070

1
 5
 1
 1
 1
 1

1
 7
 1
 1
 1
 1

Paved,
access
by
Av.
Guaporé
w/
Piaui
St.,
low
density.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Negreiros
St.
w/
Daniela
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Guaporé
w/
Atlanta
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
AAv.
Guaporé
w/
Xereu
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Xereu
St.
w/
Atlas
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Capão
da
Canoa
St.
w/
São
Gabriel
St.,
 vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Capão
da
Canoa
St.
w/
Mal
Tamaturgo,
 common
service,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
America
do
Sul
St.
w/
Beija
Flor
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Av.
Mamoré
w/
Itatiaia
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Caetano
Donizete
St.,
vacant.
 Unpaved,
access
by
Caetano
Donizete
St.
w/
Inferno
Novo
St.,
 vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Mamoré
w/
Assis
Chateaubriand
St.,
vacant.

188

45.284

1

1

Cascalheira
 Planalto

189
 190
 191
 192

305.278
 196.688
 106.162
 275.059

2
 2
 1
 1

1
 7
 7
 7

Esp.
 da
 Comunidade
 
 Teixeirão

193

18.145

1

4

194
 195
 196
 197

18.396
 15.198
 48.790
 319.175

1
 1
and
5
 1
and
5
 1
and
5

4
 5
and
7
 4
and
7
 4
and
7

Paved,
access
by
Av.
José
Vieira
Caula
w/
Pino
Levi
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Caetano
Donizete
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Av.
Calama
w/
Cosmo
St.,
vacant.
 Paved,
access
by
Itamaraty
w/
Ibrahim
Sued
St.,
vacant.

Font:
Annual
Report,
SEMUR,
2007.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 39
 
 2.4. SYNTHESIS
OF
HOUSING
IN
THE
CITY

ZONE
1

FIGURE
5
NACIONAL
NEIGHBORHOOD

 (BY
HOMERO
TOURINHO)

FIGURE
6
NACIONAL
NEIGHBORHOOD
 
(BY
HOMERO
TOURINHO)

The
oldest
zone
in
Porto
Velho,
zone
1,
consists
of
26
neighborhood:
Arigolândia,
Areal,
Baixa
da
 União,
Triângulo,
Militar,
Caiari,
Centro,
Mocambo,
Quilêmetro
Um,
Santa
Bárbara,
Mato
Grosso,
 Nossa
Senhora
das
Graças,
Olaria,
Novo
Estado,
Pedrinhas,
Roque,
São
Cristóvão,
Liberdade,
São
 João
Bosco,
Novo
Estado,
São
Sebastião
I
e
II,
Nacional,
Costa
e
Silva,
Tucumanzal
and
Tupi.
 This
 area
 has
 the
 highest
 availability
 of
 infrastrusture
 (sewer
 system,
 water
 access,
 and
 paved
 roads)
and
public
services
in
the
city
(public
transportation,
plazas,
hospotals
and
schools).
The
 only
exceptions
are
the
neighborhoods
of
Triângulo,
e
Novo
Estado
and
Costa
e
Silva,
having
no
 sewer
system
implemented.
 The
residential
density
is
considered
medium
in
almost
all
neighborhoods
with
two
exceptions:
 Militar
and
Triângulo
,
both
of
them
low
density
areas.
 In
regards
to
income,
this
zone
presents
very
mixed
circumstances.
While
the
popuplation
in
the
 majority
of
the
neighborhoods
have
a
income
between
1
to
3
(NMW),
the
central
part,
such
as
 Calari,
Centro,
Militar,
Nossa
Senhora
das
Graças,
Olaria,
Pedrinhas,
São
Cristóvam
and
São
João
 Bosco
have
a
income
between
5‐10

and
higher
than
10
NMW.
 The
 education
 is
 also
 very
 disparate
 between
 the
 neighbohoods.
 The
 lowest
 percenteges
 of
 illiteracy
were
found
on
its
perifery:
Nacional
(84%),
Costa
e
Silva,
São
Sebastião,
Baixa
União,
 Tucumanzal,
Roque
and
Mato
Grosso
(88%)
.
Some
of
these
neighborhoods
are
located
outside
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
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2009/2010

40
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 the
area
of
influence
of
some
public
schools
which
could
explain
this
percentage,
however,
the
 neighborhood
of
Costa
e
Silva,

being
within
the
area
of
influence
for
regular
public
eduacation

 still
presents
a
high
index
of
13%.
On
the
other
hand,
São
João
Bosco
which
has
a
low
availability
 of
 public
 education
 has
 a
 illeteracy
 percentage
 of
 only
 5%.
 This
 could
 be
 explained
 by
 the
 existence
of
some
private
schools
in
the
neighborhood
which
by
virtue
of
São
João
Bosco
being
a
 high
income
neighborhood
means
that
residents
still
have
access
to
education
which
for
them
is
 more
than
likely
affordable.
 Surrounded
by
the
Madeira
River
and
many
igarapés7,
this
zone
is
situated
within
the
flood
plane
 (várzeas)8
 
 of
 the
 River
 and
 vulnerable
 to
 inundation
 during
 the
 rainy
 season.
 Thus,
 neighborhoods
 of
 Baixa
 União,
 Tucumanzal,
 Mato
 Grosso,
 Santa
 Bárbara,
 Areal
 e
 Roque
 are
 considered
as
environmental
areas
of
risk.
According
with
Defesa
Civil,
special
attention
should
 be
given
to
the
várzea
of
Baixa
União
and
some
of
the
igarapés
in
the
neighborhoods
of
Costa
e
 Silva
I
and
II,
São
Sebastião
I
and
II,
Naciona,l
and
Pedrinhas.

7

”Igarapé”:
it
is
a
narrow
river
or
creek
flowing
from
the
forest
into
one
of
the
larger
rivers.

8

“Várzea”:
 it
 is
 periodically
 flooded
 areas
 by
 white
 water
 rivers.
 It
 is
 the
 most
 common
 of
 all
 types
 of
 flooded
areas
of
the
Amazon.
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 41
 
 ZONE
2

FIGURE
7
AERIAL
VIEW
OF
ZONE
2
(BY
SIMON
RIVER)















FIGURE
8
AERIAL
VIEW
NOVA
PORTO
VELHO

 
































































































































(BY
SIMON
RIVER)

Zone
 2
 consists
 of
 8
 neighborhoods:
 Embratel,
 Nova
 Porto
 Velho,
 Flodoaldo
 Pontes
 Pinto,
 Industrial,
Igarapé,
Agenor
de
Carvalho,
Lagoa
e
Rio
Madeira.
 This
 area
 recently
 received
 improvements
 in
 regards
 to
 the
 sewer
 system
 and
 pavement
 of
 roads,
 which
 had
 increased
 the
 paving
 index
 for
 this
 neighborhood
 to
 70%.
 However,
 other
 neighborhoods,
such
as
Lagoa,
Industrial
and
Rio
Madeira
still
have
most
roads
unpaved.
Public
 transportation
 is
 provided
 along
 the
 main
 corridors.
 Water
 services
 are
 available
 in
 most
 neighborhoods
with
the
exceptions
of
Industrial,
Lagoa
and
Rio
Madeira.
80%
of
Lagoa
and
Rio
 Madeira

curiously
have
sewer
systems
provided.
This
can
be
explained
by
the
high
numbers
of
 closed
communities.
 The
urban
density
is
medium
to
high.
However,
the
neighborhoods
of
Industrial,
Rio
Madeira
and
 Lagoa
are
low
density.
 The
family
income
average
is
1‐3
NMW.
We
can
also
interpret
that
some
areas
possibly
have
an
 income
 between
 0‐3
 NMW.
 However,
 the
 neighborhoods
 of
 Lagoa,
 Flodoaldo
 Pinto
 and
 Rio
 Madeira
have
the
highest
income
in
the
city
(5‐10
NMX).
 Public
 Eduacation
 is
 poorly
 provided
 in
 the
 neighborhoods
 of
 Embratel
 (7%),
 Flodoaldo
 Pontes
 (6%),
Agenor
de
Carvalho
(8%),
Nova
Porto
Velho
(7%),
Rio
Madeira
(2%),
Lagoa(3%).
The
last
2
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
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PLANNING
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2009/2010

42
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 neighborhoods
 have
 a
 low
 percentage
 of
 illiteracy,
 This
 could
 be
 explained
 by
 the
 existence
 of
 some
private
schools
and
the
high
income
in
the
neighborhood,
meaning
that
residents
still
have
 access
to
education
which
for
them
is
more
than
likely
affordable.
 In
regards
to
public
health,
all
neighborhoods
are
located
inside
the
area
of
influence
for
many

 municipal
 and
 state
 hospitals.
 There
 are
 also
 two
 private
 heath
 centers,
 in
 which
 the
 area
 of
 influence
is
located
in
the
neighborhoods
of
Nova
Porto
Velho,
Agenor
de
Carvalho,
Embratel
and
 Flodoaldo
Pontes
Pinto.
 This
zone
is
mostly
flat
without
any
area
of
special
hydrological
concerns.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 43
 
 ZONE
3

FIGURE
9
AERIAL
VIEW
OF
ZONE
3























FIGURE
10
JATUARANA
AVENUE
(BY
AIRAMIRTON)
 






























(BY
ELAINE
SANTOS)

Zone
3
consists
of
11
neighborhoods:
Aero
Clube,
Areia
Branca,
Caladinho,
Castanheira,
Cidade
 do
Lobo,
Cohab,
Eldorado,
Conceição,
Floresta,
Nova
Floresta
e
Novo
Horizonte.

 This
 zone
 presents
 rugged/rough/irregular
 topography
 with
 a
 large
 number
 of
 igarapés,
 delineated
for
environmental
protection
and
hydrological
risk.
 Some
neighborhoods
such
as
Areia
Branca,
Novo
Horizonte
and
Aero
Clube
still
have
most
of
the
 roads
unpaved
and
ineffective
public
transportation.
This
combination
of
irregular
topography,
 igarapés,
 areas
 natural
 springs
 and
 unpaved
 roads
 characterize
 this
 zone
 as
 environmentally
 delicate
demanding
special
attention
during
the
rainy
seasons.
 The
average
of
the
family
income
in
this
area
is
0‐3
NMW.
 Only
 the
 neighborhoods
 of
 Castanheira,
 Cohab,
 Cidade
 Lobo,
 Eletronorte,
 Floresta
 have
 water
 access.
 The
 density
 is
 varying
 diverse.
 While
 there
 is
 Nova
 Floresta
 (>150)
 and
 Cohab
 (100‐150),
 the
 highest
density
in
Porto
Velho,
there
is

also
Aeroclube
(0‐30),
one
of
the
lowest
densities
in
the
 city.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

44
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 In
regards
to
public
health,
all
neighborhoods
are
located
inside
the
area
of
influence
for
many

 municipal
and
state
hospitals.

 The
 percentage
 of
 illiteracy
 is
 between
 19%
 in
 Areia
 Branca
 (one
 of
 the
 highest)
 and
 8%
 in
 Aeroclube.
 The
 area
 with
 more
 availability
 of
 public
 educations
 is
 around
 
 Jatuarana
 Avenue,
 which
is
the
mainly
road
in
the
zone.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 45
 
 ZONE
4

FIGURE
11
AMAZONAS
AVENUE
(BY
UNKNOWN)
















FIGURE
12
JOÃO
STREET
(BY
JULIANA
TERRA)

Zone
4
consists
of
16
neighborhoods:
Aponiã,
Cuniã,
Cascalheira,
Escola
de
Polícia,
JK,
Lagoinha,
 Planalto,
Tancredo
Neves,
Teixerão,
Tiradentes,

Três
Marias,
Esperança,
Pantanal
e
Socialista.
The
 zone
works
as
a
intermidian
zone
between
zones
2
and
5.
 The
average
of
the
family
income
in
this
area
is
0‐3
NMW.
 This
 zone
 is
 mostly
 flat
 without
 any
 areas
 of
 special
 hydrological
 concern.
 Most
 roads
 are
 still
 unpaved
with
public
transportation
only
provided
on
the
main
paved
corridors.
 The
residential
density
varies
between
0‐30
in
Cascalheira
and
Juscelino
Kubitschek
and
75‐100
in
 Apuniã,
Escola
de
Polícia,
Igarapé,
Tancredo
Neves,
Tiradentes.

 Only
half
of
the
zone
has
access
to
water
(Igarapé,
Cuniã,
Tiradentes
and
Lagoinha)
and
the
sewer
 system
is
almost
nonexistent.

 These
neighborhoods
have
the
lowest
percentage
of
illiteracy
in
the
city.
There
is
no
availability
 of
public
education
in
Planalto,
Teixerão
ans
Cascalheira.
 In
 regards
 to
 public
 health,
 all
 neighborhoods
 are
 located
 inside
 the
 area
 of
 influence
 health
 centers
 (Policlinica
 Hamilton
 Raulino
 Godím,
 Centro
 de
 Saúde
 Agenor
 de
 Carvalho,
 Centro
 de
 Saúde
Alfredo
Silva
e
USF
Ernandes
Índio).
The
only
exception
is
the
north
side
of
the
zone.
 There
is
a
high
concentration
of
vacant
lots
in
the
peripheral
neighborhoods
of
Planalto,
 Teixerão,
Cascalheira

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

46
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 47
 
 ZONE
5

FIGURE
13
UNPAVED
ROAD
(BY
UNKNOWN)




















FIGURE
14
IGARAPÉ
IN
NOVA
ESPERAÇA

 






































































































(BY
UNKNOWN)

Zone
5
consists
of
groups
of
neighborhoods
comprising
3
areas
outside
the
urban
perimeter
as
 follows:
 Zone
5a
is
located
on
the
eastside
of
Porto
Velho.
It
consists
of
7
neighborhoods:
Marcos
Freire,
 Ulisses
 Guimarães,
 Ronaldo
 Aragão,
 São
 Francisco,
 Jardim
 Santana,
 Mariana,
 and
 Cidade
 Jardim.
This
zone
is
mostly
flat
without
any
areas
of
special
hydrological
concern.
Most
roads
are
 still
unpaved
and
public
transportation
is
only
provided
on
the
main
paved
corridors.
 Zone
5b
is
located
in
the
north
side
of
Porto
Velho
and
consists
primarily
of
the
neighborhood
of
 Nova
 Esperança.
 It
 is
 characterized
 by
 the
 existence
 of
 many
 vacant
 lots,
 also
 with
 many
 igarapés,
and
consequently
delineated
as
a
protected
area.
Most
roads
are
still
unpaved
and
public
 transportation
is
only
provided
in
the
main
paved
corridors.
 Zone
 5c
 is
 located
 in
 the
 south
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 and
 consists
 primarily
 of
 the
 neighborhood
 of
 Cidade
 Nova.
 It
 presents
 a
 very
 irregular
 topography
 and
 is
 characterized
 by
 the
 presence
 of
 many
small
ranches.
 The
average
density
of
Zone
5
is
30‐50
yet,
in
spite
of
this,

Socialista
Neighborhood
is
between
 100‐150,
one
of
the
highest
in
the
zone.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

48
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 Unfortunately,
since
this
area
is
outside
the
urban
perimeter,
data
collected
about
income
does
 not
exist.
However
considering
the
current
housing
characteristics
in
the
area,
the
family
income
 in
probably
0‐3
minimum
salaries.
 There
 are
 only
 two
 municipal
 health
 centers
 and
 precarious
 availability
 of
 public
 education
 in
 Zone
5.
 Since
 the
 majority
 of
 its
 population
 do
 not
 have
 water
 access,
 the
 index
 of
 diseases
 such
 ad
 diarrhea
is
commonly
identified.

 This
zone
is
mostly
flat
without
any
areas
of
special
hydrological
concern,
with
the
exception
of
 the
 south
 side
 where
 many
 ranches
 are
 located.
 Most
 roads
 are
 still
 unpaved
 with
 public
 transportation
only
provided
on
the
LIMITROFES
roads.
 There
 is
 a
 massive
 vacant
 lot
 with
 more
 than
 2.000.000sqm
 in
 Nova
 Esperança.
 This
 neighborhood
is
located
in
5b,
where
many
Igarapés
are
presented
and
consequently
many
areas
 of
environmental
preservation.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 49
 
 HOUSING
AND
TERRITORY
 A
 strong
 relation
 between
 the
 topography,
 hydrology
 and
 family
 income
 is
 very
 evident.
 The
 low‐income
 families
 are
 located
 in
 the
 floodplane,
 largely
 on
 the
 periphery.
 
 In
 general,
 the
 central
 neighborhoods
 are
 more
 highly
 valued
 because
 of
 their
 flat
 and
 dry
 characteristics;
 however,
low‐income
families
also
occupy
small
pockets
in
these
areas,
which
are
the
exception,
 also
having
high
risk
of
inundation.
 Many
areas
of
igarapé
have
been
deforested
and
are
occupied,
instead
of
having
been
protected.
 Because
of
its
characteristics,
the
population
located
in
these
areas
is
subject
to
many
risks.
 The
 family
 income
 also
 strongly
 relates
 to
 the
 level
 of
 education.
 Areas
 with
 lower
 income
 are
 also
 in
 areas
 with
 a
 high
 percentage
 of
 illiteracy.
 Investments
 in
 education
 could
 revert
 this
 situation.
 Infrastructure
 is
 not
 available
 in
 a
 large
 part
 of
 the
 city.
 This
 is
 mostly
 due
 to
 the
 fact
 that
 the
 capacity
 for
 high
 density
 in
 these
 areas
 today
 was
 not
 considered.
 Urban
 improvements
 have
 become
much
more
difficult
as
the
city
has
become
more
dispersed.
 Partial
conclusions
indicate
that
the
main
obstacle
to
the
improvement
of
the
housing
condition
 in
the
city
is
its
land
regulation.
The
34.866
irregular
units
in
121
identified
areas
are
complex
in
 many
 aspects:
 legal,
 urban
 design,
 social,
 economic,
 and
 environmental.
 This
 elaboration
 of
 a
 Housing
 Program
 is
 necessary
 to
 carefully
 and
 creatively
 resolve
 the
 various
 problems
 facing
 each
 area.
 Therefore,
 it
 is
 urgent
 to
 follow
 current
 indexes
 of
 urbanization
 and
 monitor
 each
 situation
closely.
 The
only
areas
where
land
regularization
is
not
possible
are
the
areas
with
environmental
risks.
In
 this
case,
the
relocation
of
houses
and
families
from
these
areas
will
be
necessary.
 The
majority
of
the
irregular
lots
aren’t
located
in
private
areas;
consequently
they
will
depend
 on
public
initiatives,
which
are
already
in
place.
Many
of
them
are
located
in
Calama,
São
Carlos
 and
Vista
Alegre
do
Abunã,
needing
special
attention.

50
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 Five
aspects
were
considered
and
found
important
for
the
development
of
solutions:
 [a] Vacant
lots
can
guarantee
the
construction
of
social
housing
inside
the
city.
 [b] Different
legal
tools
can
be
applied
in
each
type
of
irregularity
indentified
in
the
city.
 [c] Social
 organization
 needs
 to
 be
 reinforced
 as
 a
 mechanisms
 of
 democratic
 administration
of
the
city
 [d] The
“dead
capital”
found
could
have
high
significance
with
the
valorization
of
land.
It
can
 generate
local
economic
development
and
can
also
be
the
provider
for
the
resources
for
 the
regularization
process
itself.
 Other
 than
 this
 it
 is
 very
 important
 to
 consider
 the
 impact
 of
 the
 Hydroelectric
 Complex
 of
 Madeira
River,
which
will
increase
Porto
Velho’s
population
by
26%9.
These
impacts
can
be
even
 greater
if
the
city
is
not
prepared
to
absorb
the
new
demand
for
housing
and
public
services.
 The
processes
of
regularization
can
also
a
good
opportunity
to
improve
community
organization,
 dissolution
 of
 conflicts,
 environmental
 recuperation
 and,
 consequently,
 promote
 social
 transformation.

9

Environmental
Impacts
Report
of
the
Complex
Hydroelectric
Madeira
River,
June
2006
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 51
 
 2.5. HOUSING
DEFICIT

DEFINITION
 The
housing
deficit
is
the
difference
between
the
quantities
supplied
and
the
quantity
of
housing
 demanded.
 This
 number
 is
 calculated
 in
 many
 different
 ways.
 Most
 commonly,
 the
 deficit
 represents
the
quantity
of
houses
demanded
by
those
that
do
not
meet
the
minimal
condition
to
 enter
 the
 housing
 market.
 This
 establishes
 the
 current
 number
 of
 dwellings
 necessary
 to
 accommodate
all
families
that
live
in
houses
at
risk
or
cohabit
the
same
housing
or
room.

 A
demographic
study
is
necessary
to
determinate
housing
demand,
which
does
not
consist
only
 of
 the
 projected
 growth,
 but
 also
 of
 the
 analysis
 of
 urban
 development
 policies
 and
 city
 expansion.

 Usually,
 the
 housing
 deficit
 does
 not
 take
 in
 consideration
 land
 titles
 or
 construction
 irregularities,
 subsequently
 all
 dwellings
 built
 in
 the
 informal
 market
 are
 also
 considered
 in
 the
 study.
Also,
the
evaluation
of
the
aspects
of
construction
is
not
taken
in
consideration.
Housing
 with
 risky
 infrastructure
 such
 as
 the
 sewer
 system
 or
 electricity
 are
 not
 considered
 part
 of
 a
 housing
 deficit,
 although
 they
 will
 be
 categorized
 as
 inadequate.
 So,
 the
 housing
 demand
 expresses
 only
 the
 number
 of
 families
 in
 need
 of
 shelter
 quantitatively,
 not
 considering
 the
 quality
of
the
current
housing
stock.

 A
definition
that
could
interpret
the
total
quantity
demanded
of
adequate
housing
is
the
housing
 necessity,
 which
 represents
 the
 total
 of
 dwellings
 needed
 to
 fulfill
 the
 deficit
 including
 the
 dwellings
with
some
deficiency,
such
as
infrastructure,
condition
and
quality
of
construction,
or
 land
regularization.
Therefore,
instead
of
a
final
quantity
(as
with
the
housing
deficit)
the
housing
 necessity
 gives
 a
 qualitative
 qualification
 of
 specific
 aspects
 that
 need
 to
 be
 improved
 (basic
 infrastructure,
residences
without
bathroom,
tenure
insecurity,
high
density,
etc.).

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

52
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 PREVIOUS
STUDIES
ABOUT
THE
HOUSING
DEFICIT
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 In
2000,
SEMPLA
estimated
the
housing
deficit
of
Porto
Velho
with
the
following
method:
 (1)
Determine
the
housing
deficit
of
Rondônia
State
in
1991:
 (Cohabitation
+
rustic
dwellings
+
improvised
dwellings
+
CEDIDOS
rooms/
rented)
 14.121+9.055+1.362+3.177=
27.751
 
 (2)
 Subtract
 the
 city
 deficit
 from
 the
 state
 deficit
 by
 using
 the
 proportion
 between
 the
 total
 number
of
dwellings
in
the
city
and
in
the
state:
 Total
number
of
dwellings
in
Porto
Velho/
Total
number
of
dwellings
in
Rondônia
=
26%
 Deficit
of
Porto
Velho=
26%
Deficit
of
Rondônia=
27.751x0.26=
7.206
(in
1991)
 
 (3)
Find
the
proportion
between
the
deficit
with
the
total
number
of
dwellings
in
the
city:
 (Deficit
of
Porto
Velho
in
1991/
Total
of
private
occupied
dwellings
in
1991)
 7.206/66.591=10,82%
 (Deficit
in
2000=
Total
number
of
private
occupied
dwellings
in
2000
x
proportion
of
deficit
in
 1991)
 84.149
x
0.1082
=
9.106

Since
 the
 only
 available
 data
 at
 that
 time
 was
 the
 Census
 from
 2000,
 it
 was
 impossible
 to
 fragment
 it
 into
 important
 components
 or
 analysis
 factors,
 such
 as
 urban/rural
 areas.
 Consequently
 this
 number
 hardly
 expresses
 the
 housing
 dynamic
 and
 cannot
 be
 used
 in
 the
 development
of
housing
policy.
 In
2001,
the
city
administration
of
Porto
Velho
developed
the
Programa
Estratégico
Municipal
de
 Assentamentos
 Subnormais
 (PEMAS),
 or
 the
 Municipal
 Strategic
 Program
 of
 Subnormal
 Settlements.
One
of
the
requirements
was
to
calculate
the
housing
deficit.
Since
there
was
not
 enough
 detailed
 information
 about
 the
 city,
 it
 was
 still
 necessary
 to
 use
 some
 data
 from
 the
 state.
 The
 method
 applied
 was
 based
 on
 the
 studies
 done
 by
 Fundação
 João
 Pinheiro
 (FJP)
 in
 1995:
 The
methodology
used
in
the
study
consists
of
two
large
areas
of
study,
each
one
focusing
in
one
 aspect
 o
 Brazilian
 housing.
 The
 first
 one
 is
 the
 quantitative
 deficit,
 which
 estimates
 how
 many
 dwellings
are
necessary
to
fulfill
the
demand
for
housing.
The
second
one
is
the
qualitative
deficit
 regarding
 inadequate
 dwelling,
 which
 analyzes
 specific
 aspects
 such
 as
 infrastructure
 and
 land
 tenure
security.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 53
 
 Figure
13
shows
all
components
used.
Notice
the
use
of
the
housing
situation
(urban/rural)
and
 the
grouping
of
information
about
family
income.

[1.1]
rus8c
dwellings
 stock
replacement
 [1.2]
dwellings

 deprecia8on

[1]
Housing
Deficit

[1.3]
of
familes
 cohabita8on
 [1.4]
CEDIDOS
room
 [1.2]
improvised
 dwellings

stock
INCREMENTO

excessive
onus
with
 rent

FIGURE
15:
QUANTITATIVE
DEFICIT
COMPONENTS
(FJP)

eletricity

components
not
 considered

sewer
systems
or
septic
tank
 [2.1]
infrastructure
 water
supply
 [2.2]
excessive
ADENSAMENTO
 waste
collec8on
 [2]
Housing
 Deficit

land
regulariza8on

depre8a8on

[2.3]
exclusive
bathroom

FIGURE
16:
QUALITATIVE
DEFICIT
COMPONENTS
(FJP)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

54
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 The
 following
 components
 were
 not
 considered
 due
 to
 complications
 in
 extracting
 some
 information
 from
 the
 2000
 Census
 Report,:
 dwelling
 depreciation,
 excessive
 onus,
 and
 land
 regularization.
Because
of
this
lack
of
information
it
was
renamed
basic
housing
deficit.

 The
 FJP
 housing
 deficit
 methodology
 is
 a
 national
 reference
 for
 public
 administration,
 universities
 and
 research
 centers.
 The
 last
 FJP
 study
 was
 developed
 in
 2005
 called
 the
 Deficit
 Habitational
 do
 Brasil‐
 Municípios
 Selecionados
 e
 Microrregiões
 Geográficas.
 This
 study
 was
 also
 based
in
the
2000
Census
Report.
 One
 of
 the
 larger
 problems
 reported
 in
 this
 analysis
 was
 the
 risk
 of
 double
 count:
 the
 same
 dwelling
can
be
framed
in
more
than
one
category
and
thus
counted
more
the
once.
This
can
be
 limited
with
a
level
of
definition
of
each
component.
 [1]
 Quantitative
 Housing
 Deficit
 consists
 in
 the
 following
 dwellings
 with
 do
 not
 offer/have
 the
minimal
housing
standards:
 [1.1]
 Rustic
 dwellings:
 built
 with
 materials
 that
 need
 replacement
 (neither
 masonry,
 nor
APARELHADA
WOOD,
which
may
be
subjected
to
many
risks.

 [1.2]
Improvised
dwellings:
places
used
as
housing
but
built
for
other
intentions,
such
 as
stores,
containers,
industry,
storage,
etc.
Since
part
of
the
housing
stock
has
a
service
life
 of
50
yeas,
a
percentage
of
all
houses
built
until
1950
were
added
to
this
component.
 [1.3]
 Cohabit
 families:
 more
 than
 one
 family
 (2
 people
 or
 more)
 living
 in
 the
 same
 place
 [1.4]
 Rented/CEDIDOS
 room:
 families
 living
 in
 rented/
 CEDIDOS
 room
 sharing
 the
 same
house
access
and
bathroom.

 [2]
 Qualitative
 Housing
 Deficit
 consists
 in
 the
 following
 dwellings
 which
 do
 not
 offer/meet
 the
minimal
housing
standards:
 
 [2.1]
 Dearth
 of
 infrastructure:
 dwellings
 with
 no
 access
 to
 one
 or
 more
 services,
 such
 as
 electricity,
 water
 supply,
 sewer
 system
 or
 septic
 tank,
 and
 direct
 or
 indirect
 waste
 collection.
 
 [2.2]
 Excessive
 ADENSAMENTO:
 dwelling
 with
 more
 than
 two
 people
 per
 room,
 excluding
cohabiting
families.

[2.3]
No
exclusive
bathroom:
family
with
no
access
to
a
bathroom
inside
the
house.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 55
 
 HOUSING
DEFICIT
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 The
following
analysis
used
the
data
from
a
study
made
in
2001
by
the
Fundação
João
Pinheiro
 [FJP].
All
the
information
refers
to
the
Municipality
of
Porto
Velho.
The
urban
area
considered
is
 not
 only
 the
 principal
 urban
 perimeter
 of
 the
 Municipality
 [District
 Sede]
 but
 also
 other
 urban
 centers.
 TABLE
 9
 STIMATIVED
POPULACTION
 
 MUNICIPIO
 DISTRITO
 SEDE

Total
 Urban
 Rural
 Total
 Urban
 Rural

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

334.661
 273.709
 60.952
 315.653
 262.157
 53.496

342.264
 279.938
 62.326
 322.824
 268.113
 54.711

347.844
 284.502
 63.342
 322.824
 268.113
 54.711

353.961
 289.505
 64.456
 317.646
 263.812
 53.834

380.884
 311.525
 69.359
 307.149
 255
 52.055

373.917
 305.826
 68.091
 297.013
 246.676
 50.337

380.974
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

431.026
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

489.012
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

Font:
Federal
Census
Report,
IBGE,
200o.

RO

[2]

[4]
 [1]

[5]

[3]

[6]
 [7]

FIGURE
17:
MUNICIPALITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO

[1]
District
of

Porto
Velho
 [2]
District
of
Candeias
 [3]
District
of

Itapuã
 [4]
District
of
Cujubim
 [5]
District
of
Nova
Marmoré
 [6]
District
of
Buruti
 [7]
District
of
Campo
Novo

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56
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 QUANTITATIVE
HOUSING
DEFICIT
 Even
 the
 North
 has
 a
 deficit
 of
 24,8%,
 the
 state
 of
 Rondônia
 [RO]
 presents
 a
 deficit
 of
 14,6%,
 which
is
one
of
the
small
housing
deficits
in
comparison
with
other
Brazilian
states.

 Of
Brazilian
municipalities,
Porto
Velho
also
presents
a
high
number
of
vacant
dwellings,
which
 represents
14,7%
[Census
Report,
2000]
of
a
total
number
of
private
permanent
residences.
Even
 if
this
number
is
close
to
the
housing
deficit
[figure
15],
the
vacant
residences
are
not
available
to
 reduce
 the
 housing
 deficit
 because
 of
 incompatibility
 of
 incomes.
 However,
 this
 can
 be
 an
 opportunity
to
push
housing
policies
toward
rent
subsidies
for
low‐income
families.
 
 TABLE
10
HOUSING
DEFICIT
COMPARISON

Brazil
 North
Region
 Rondonia
 Municipallity
of
Porto
Velho

BASIC
HOUSING
DEFICIT
(2000)

TOTAL
 7.222.645
 848.696
 47.895
 13.065

URBAN
 5.469.851
 506.671
 29.477
 10.626

RURAL
 1.752.794
 342.025
 18.418
 2.439

TOTAL
 16,1
 30,2
 13,8
 15,6

PERCENTAGE
(%)
 URBAN
 14,6
 24,8
 12,9
 15,4

Font:
National
Housing
Report,
FJP,
2005.

GRAPHIC
1
PRIVATE
PERMANENT
RESIDENCES
IN
PORTO
VELHO

POLITECNICO
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RURAL
 23,7
 44,6
 15,6
 16,5

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 57

The
 next
 two
 charts
 (Figure
 16
 and
 17)
 compare
 the
 number
 of
 urban
 residences
 with
 income
 class
 distribution.
 It
 illustrates
 that
 even
 the
 majority
 (53%)
 of
 the
 population
 have
 an
 income
 (low)
of
o‐3
minimum
salaries;
the
same
class
absorbs
just
37%
of
the
urban
residences.
It
is
also
 important
to
emphasize
that
the
same
families
have
the
highest
housing
demand
(7.463
units):
 70%
of
the
total
quantitative
deficit.


 These
 numbers
 are
 found
 in
 most
 of
 the
 capitals
 in
 Brazil,
 demonstrating
 the
 necessity
 of
 prioritizing
this
social
class
and
income
range
in
the
national
and
municipal
housing
policy.

GRAPHIC
2
URBAN
RESIDENCES
BY
INCOME
CLASS
IN
PORTO
VELHO
(IN
MINIMUM
SALARIES).
IBGE
2000

GRAPHIC
3
POPULATION
OF
PORTO
VELHO
BY
INCOME
CLASS
(IN
MINIMUM
SALARIES).
IBGE
2000

POLITECNICO
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58
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

GRAPHIC
4
COHABITATING
FAMILIES
AND
IMPROVISED
DWELLINGS
IN
PORTO
VELHO
BY
INCOME
CLASS

 (IN
MINIMUM
SALARIES)
IBGE
2000

The
following
chart
(Figure
19)
shows
the
distribution
of
the
quantitative
deficit
components.
It
 illustrates
 how
 cohabitation
 is
 a
 serious
 issue,
 representing
 a
 typical
 practice
 in
 the
 city.
 The
 second
most
relevant
component
is
renting
or
giving
away
rooms
in
the
house
(23%).
Improvised
 dwelling
represents
a
small
parcel
(2%)
of
the
quantitative
deficit.

GRAPHIC
5
ESTIMATIVE
OF
THE
QUANTITATIVE
DEFICIT
COMPONENTS
IN
PORTO
VELHO.

 (FUNDAÇÃO
JOÃO
PINHEIRO,
2005)

POLITECNICO
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HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 59

QUALITATIVE
DEFICIT
 The
most
serious
issues
concerning
the
qualitative
housing
deficit
in
the
city
are
illegal
land‐use
 and
 irregularity
 and
 availability
 of
 infrastructure.
 There
 are
 47.661
 residences
 of
 68.944
 residences
in
Porto
Velho.
 Significant
 problems
 with
 high
 density,
 a
 common
 characteristic
 of
 favelas
 and
 informal
 occupations,
are
not
characteristic
of
Porto
Velho,
strikingly
different
from
other
Brazilian
cities,
 which
 is
 explained
 by
 the
 physical‐territorial
 characteristics
 of
 a
 flat
 topography,
 relatively
 low
 inclination
and
vast
expanse
of
urban
areas.
 The
following
chart
illustrates
that
14.590
units
do
not
have
an
exclusive
bathroom,
which
is
even
 more
 common
 in
 families
 of
 0‐3
 minimum
 salaries
 income.
 This
 situation
 increases
 the
 incidences
 of
 diseases
 transmittable
 by
 water,
 such
 as
 dengue
 and
 diarrhea.
 It
 is
 high
 recommended
 to
 develop
 of
 housing
 polices
 towards
 the
 construction
 of
 bathrooms
 in
 precarious
houses.
 
 GRAPHIC
6
INADEQUATE
RESIDENCES
IN
PORTO
VELHO
(FUNDAÇÃO
JOÃO
PINHEIRO,
2005)

POLITECNICO
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60
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 The
next
chart
shows
the
distribution
of
inadequate
residences
by
income
class.
It
is
worthy
to
 notice
 that
 this
 situation
 is
 not
 just
 found
 in
 low‐income
 families,
 but
 rather
 affects
 the
 entire
 city.
This
is
a
consequence
of
the
precarious
availability
of
infrastructure
and
the
legal
irregularity
 in
 the
 city.
 Even
 families
 with
 more
 than
 5
 minimum
 salaries
 have
 66%
 of
 its
 residences
 with
 some
inadequacy.
 GRAPHIC
7
URBAN
RESIDENCES
WITH
SOME
LACK
OF
INFRASTRUCTURE
BY
INCOME
CLASS
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 (FUNDAÇÃO
JOÃO
PINHEIRO,
2005)

According
 the
 João
 Pinheiro
 Foundation,
 in
 base
 of
 the
 total
 of
 private
 and
 permanent
 residences
 (68.944),
 the
 next
 chart
 (Figure
 22)
 illustrates
 major
 problems
 with
 infrastructure
 in
 the
city.
It
demonstrates
that
58%
are
not
provided
with
public
water
and
31%
of
the
population
 are
 connected
 to
 the
 sewer
 system
 (also
 including
 private
 septic
 systems).
 This
 consequently
 causes
contamination
of
the
LENÇOL
(ground
water?).
Since
the
majority
of
the
population
have
 direct
 access
 to
 this
 water,
 it
 is
 necessary
 to
 increase
 availability
 to
 the
 public
 sewer
 system,
 which
today
covers
only
9,37%
of
the
population.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 61
 
 GRAPHIC
8
PORCENTAGE
PF
URBAN
RESIDENCES
NOT
PROVIDED
BY
INFRASTRUCTURE
IN
2000
















 (FUNDACAO
JÃO
PINHEIRO,
2005)

Two
 other
 reports
 were
 considered
 in
 this
 study,
 both
 developed
 by
 COBRAP
 (Companhia
 Brasileira
 de
 Projetos
 e
 Empreendimentos).
 The
 first
 report
 discusses
 sanitation
 and
 water
 supply
in
the
52
municipalities
of
Rondônia.
The
second
is
an
extensive
study
about
the
impacts
 of
 the
 Madeira
 Hydrometrical
 Complex,
 which
 considers
 not
 only
 infrastructure
 for
 sanitation,
 but
also
the
watershed
the
Porto
Velho,
road
pavement
and
waste
collection.
 An
important
aspect
presented
to
the
population
and
not
mentioned
in
the
qualitative
study
of
 dwelling
in
Porto
Velho
is
the
condition
of
urban
streets.
Since
rainy
periods
are
common
in
the
 area
this
aspect
is
important
in
the
consideration
of
housing
inequality.

 ESTIMATIVES
OF
THE
DEMOGRAPHIC
DEMAND
 The
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 had
 little
 growth
 between
 1991
 and
 2000
 as
 represented
 in
 the
 demographic
 density
 index.
 However,
 with
 the
 construction
 of
 the
 Madeira
 Hydroelectrical
 Complex,
since
December
2007
this
situation
has
changed.
According
to
an
analysis
coordinated
 by
 the
 POLIS
 Institute,
 the
 migratory
 flux
 can
 be
 between
 20.000
 to
 40.000
 in
 7
 years
 of
 construction,
which
will
generate
pressure
on
existing
public
services
and
city
housing
stock.
 GRAPHIC
9
TOTAL
POPULATION
PROJECTION
OF
PORTO
VELHO







































































 (2000‐2006:
IBGE)
(2008‐2012:
POLIS
REPORT)

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62
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
IDENTIFYING,
QUALIFYING
AND
MONITORING
THE
HOUSING
DEMAND
 The
housing
deficit
presented
in
this
study
identifies
a
demand
based
in
secondary
data,
which
 consequently
 needs
 to
 be
 progressively
 monitored
 in
 order
 to
 identify
 and
 qualify
 the
 real
 demand.
These
are
important
indices
that
will
guide
the
municipal
housing
policy
of
Porto
Velho,
 such
as
prioritizing
areas
with
irregular
occupation
and
environmental
risk.

 This
 identification
 can
 only
 be
 recognized
 with
 a
 specific
 survey
 and
 creation
 of
 a
 database
 of
 prospects,
which
will
permit:
 a. A
real
database
for
the
elaboration
of
Programs
and
Housing
Projects;
 b. Establishment
of
a
criteria
and
priorities
for
attendance;
 c. Dynamic
and
continuous
monitoring;
 d. Obtaining
financing
from
different
institutions,
such
as
CAIXA,
banks,
Ministry
of
City;
 e. Systems
 Integration,
 such
 as
 with
 CADMUT,
 Bolsa
 Família10,
 which
 can
 avoid
 the
 duplication
of
attendance;
 f.

Specific
survey;

Since
 the
 majority
 of
 people
 living
 in
 irregular
 occupation
 do
 not
 have
 tenure
 insecurity,
 the
 COHAB’s
have
observed
that
they
are
not
the
same
demographic
looking
for
housing
solutions.
 Therefore,
the
set
of
records
of
land
irregularities
are
complementary
to
the
prospects
database.
 A
 database
 developed
 by
 the
 City
 Administration
 is
 best
 because
 the
 Municipality
 can
 thus
 detain
 the
 collection,
 systematization
 and
 update
 of
 this
 information.
 Monitoring
 the
 housing
 demand
 through
 secondary
 data
 will
 depend
 on
 the
 institution
 where
 it
 is
 generated,
 of
 projections
that
usually
do
not
have
the
capacity
to
absorb
the
real
dynamic
or
of
incompatible
 methodologies.

10 
 The
Bolsa
Família
is
a
program
of
social
well
being
developed
by
the
Brazilian
federal
government
since
 2003
as
integral
of
the
Hunger
Zero.

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HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 63
 
 2.6. INSTITUTIONAL
STRUCTURES
 This
 section
 is
 based
 in
 a
 report
 developed
 by
 B&B
 Consultoria11.
 It
 was
 observed
 that
 the
 majority
 of
 indentified
 problems
 by
 this
 study
 were
 already
 resolved/corrected
 by
 the
 SEMUR
 itself,
but
some
still
could
have
better
performance,
as
I
will
argue
in
this
chapter.

 Considering
the
recent
creation
of
the
SEMUR
[Secretaria
Municipal
de
Regularização
Fundiária],
 it
 is
 natural
 that
 its
 system
 is
 still
 in
 construction.
 For
 the
 same
 reason,
 its
 fragilities
 can
 be
 managed
and
developed
while
the
Housing
Policy,
the
Municipal
Housing
Program
or
the
Land
 Regularization
Program
is
derived.

 •

Corporative
 Communication:
 there
 is
 some
 difficultly
 in
 the
 vertical
 communication
 between
 employees.
 There
 is
 a
 lack
 of
 participation
 between
 sectors
 and
 exchange
 of
 information
between
who
works
in
the
SEMUR;

•

Interface
 with
 other
 public
 bodies,
 such
 as
 EMDUR
 (Empresa
 Municipal
 de
 Desenvolvimento
Urbano)
and
SEMPLA
(Secretaria
de
Planejamento
Urbano);

•

Human
Resources:
qualitative
and
quantitative
deficiencies.
No
program
currently
exists
 for
capacitating
and
training
current
employees;

•

Planning:
 necessity
 of
 implementation
 of
 a
 better
 administration
 system
 to
 support
 to
 housing
programs
and
land
regularization,
as
well
to
monitor
and
analyze
results;

•

Operational
System:
lack
of
a
better
system
to
assist
the
SEMUR
and
gain
more
agility
in
 the
processes
already
initiated;

It
is
important
to
remember
that
the
SEMUR
has
no
database
of
the
irregular
settlements
in
the
 City
 of
 Porto
 Velho.
 It
 is
 crucial
 to
 determine
 the
 real
 housing
 demand
 and
 to
 improve
 the
 existing
Municipal
Housing
Policy.
 The
 formulation
 of
 an
 Informational
 System
 with
 the
 registration
 of
 and
 data
 about
 the
 families/occupants,
as
well
areas
of
risk
and
irregularities
are
necessary.
It
could
also
support
the
 constant
update
of
information
as
these
factors
change
over
time.

11

Diagnóstico
da
Situação
Atual
da
SEMUR.
B&B
Consultoria
e
Projetos.
August,
2006
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64
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 2.7. PROGRAMS
AND
HOUSING
PROJECTS

The
 programs
 and
 housing
 projects
 from
 the
 last
 10
 years
 [1998‐2009]
 are
 described
 in
 this
 section
[see
next
table].
The
following
information
was
collected
from
the
Housing
Department
 of
SEMUS
and
from
the
regional
office
of
Caixa
Econômica
Federal
in
Porto
Velho.
 A
total
of
5.390
families
are
or
were
part
of
some
public
program,
in
which
1.721
have
an
income
 less
 than
 3
 NMW.
 The
 majority
 of
 the
 programs
 have
 now
 been
 executed,
 with
 only
 172
 to
 families
with
0‐3
NMW.
 The
 majority
 of
 the
 production
 is
 part
 of
 the
 Residential
 Leasing
 Program
 (PAR).
 Caixa
 Econômica
 Federal
 develops
 this
 program
 with
 resources
 from
 FGTS
 (Guarantee
 Fund
 for
 Employees).
 There
 are
 2.085
 units
 of
 families
 with
 an
 income
 of
 4‐6
 NMW,
 located
 in
 the
 east
 and
south
side
of
the
city.
 Another
 1.358
 families
 are
 considered
 urbanization
 projects
 with
 substandard
 settlements
 and
 relocation
(in
need
of
management)
because
they
are
located
in
areas
with
environmental
risk.
 The
first
project
on
this
genre
is
the
São
Sebastião
Neighborhood.
In
2002,
through
the
Programa
 Habitar
Brazil
–
BID,
558
families
were
relocated
to
new
houses
in
Tiradente
Neighborhood.
 The
land
irregularity
of
some
projects
often
times
interferes
with
its
development.
Three
projects
 are
waiting
for
land
donation
processes
from
INCRA
(Brazil's
National
Institute
for
Colonization
 and
Agrarian
Reform)
the
city
government
and
one
was
canceled
because
of
the
impossibility
of
 its
regularization.

 In
 2006
 the
 city
 administration
 elaborated
 on
 some
 Municipal
 Housing
 Programs.
 The
 first
 is
 called
Programa
Assentamento
Orientado
where
30
families
are
to
be
removed
from
areas
of
risk
 and
 relocated
 to
 the
 Lagoinha
 Neighborhood.
 Another,
 called
 Casa
 da
 Gente,
 proposes
 the
 construction
of
413
houses
by
(the
city
government?)
public
servants
with
resources
of
FGTS.
 The
Programa
Crédito
Associativo
is
the
only
program
that
is
applied
to
families
with
an
income
 higher
 than
 10
 NMW.
 More
 than
 172
 units
 were
 built
 in
 the
 Industrial
 and
 Eldorado
 neighborhoods.
Funding
is
one
of
the
largest
obstacles
in
the
application
of
a
Municipal
Housing
 Policy.
 After
 the
 creation
 of
 the
 National
 System
 of
 Housing
 of
 Social
 Interest
 (SNHIS),
 the
 National
Social
Interest
Housing
Fund
(FNHIS)
and
the
CNHIS,
the
city
needs
to
be
institutionally
 structured
(financially,
and
technically)
to
have
access
to
federal
resources
(Table
13).

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
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AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 65

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POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

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TABLE
11
HOUSING
PROJECTS
IN
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO
[SEMUR,2008]

66
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

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POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

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#################################################################### "

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 67
 
 
 TABLE
12
FEDERAL
HOUSING
PROGRAMS
 PROGRAM
 RESOURCE
 FAMILY
INCOME
 Urbanization,
regularization
of
PRECÁRIOS
settlements.
 OGU
 0‐3
NMW
 Housing
support
 FGTS
 until
R$3.900,00
(social
housing)
 R$3.9001,00‐R$4.900,00
(special
operations)
 Support
to
the
city
administration

 OGU
 0‐3
NMW
 CARTA
DE
CREDITO
(individual
or
association)
 FGTS
 R$1500‐R$4.900,00
 Habitar
Brasil
 OGU
 0‐3
NMW
 Pró‐Moradia
 FGTS
 0‐3
NMW
 PSH

 OGU
 until
R$900,00
 Crédito
Solidário
 FDS
 80%(0‐3
NMW)
and
20%(3‐5
NMW)
 PAR
 FAR
 4‐10
NMW

The
 following
 graphics
 are
 from
 research
 produced
 by
 SEMUR
 in
 2006,
 about
 neighborhoods
 with
a
high
index
of
families
located
in
areas
with
risk.
 GRAPHIC
10
INEQUALITY
OF
INFRASTRUCTURE
IN
IRREGULAR
SETTLEMENTS
(2006)

GRAPHIC
11
INCOME
FAMILY
IN
IRREGULAR
OCCUPATIONS

POLITECNICO
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 GRAPHIC
12
DWELLINGS
CARACTERIZATION
IN
IRREGULAR
OCUPATIONS

GRAPHIC
13
SPONTANEOUS
DEMANDS
BY
NEIGHBORHOOD

GRAPHIC
14
SPONTANEOUS
DEMAND/
INCOME
FAMILY

POLITECNICO
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AND
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
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 69
 
 LAND
SITUATION
IN
THE
DISTRICTS
OF
PORTO
VELHO
 This
section
contains
information
obtained
from
INCRA
–
Superintendência
Regional
de
Rondônia
 about
current
conditions
of
land
use
of
each
District
of
the
municipalities
of
Porto
Velho:

São
 Carlos
 District:
 located
 along
 the
 East
 side
 of
 the
 Madeira
 River
 and
 the
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho.
 With
 the
 exception
 of
 the
 lots
 located
 outside
 the
 area
 of
 the
 Ex‐Territory
 of
 Rondônia,
the
entire
land
is
private.
(9
proprietors)
 Nazaré
District:
also
located
along
the
East
side
of
the
Maderia
River
right
after
São
Carlos.
 Its
 territory
 is
 part
 of
 Sector
 “B”[Gleba
 Rio
 Preto]
 and
 since
 1984
 are
 all
 private.
 (2
 proprietors)
 Calama
 District:
 located
 along
 the
 West
 side
 of
 the
 Madeira
 River.
 The
 entire
 district
 is
 private
and
granted
by
the
state
of
Amazonas
in
1917
to
the
Company
Calama
Ltd.
 Jacy
 Paraná
 District:
 located
 along
 the
 BR‐364,
 km85,
 on
 the
 route
 from
 Porto
 Velho
 to
 Rio
 Branco.
 The
 entire
 area
 is
 inside
 the
 Gleba
 Capitão
 Silvio.
 There
 is
 a
 process
 INCRA
 #2.311/81,
where
the
land
will
be
transferred
to
the
City
Administration
of
Porto
Velho.

POLITECNICO
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Fortaleza
 do
 Abunã
 District:
 located
 along
 the
 East
 side
 of
 Abunã
 River.
 Its
 entiree
 area
 is
 inside
the
Gleba
Abunã.
 Vista
 Alegre
 do
 Abunã
 District:
 located
 along
 both
 sides
 the
 BR
 364,
 km256,
 on
 the
 route
 Porto
 Velho‐Rio
 Branco.
 The
 entire
 area
 was
 part
 of
 Gleba
 04
 of
 Gleba
 Marmelo.
 (5
 proprietors)
 Extrema
 District:
 located
 in
 both
 sides
 of
 BR‐364,
 km327,
 on
 the
 route
 Porto
 Velho‐
 Rio
 Branco.
The
area
is
divided
in
2
lots
(#13
and
#14)
of
Gleba
Nova
Califórnia
(Sector
B)
 União
 Bandeirante
 District:
 located
 inside
 the
 Socio‐Economic
 and
 Ecological
 Zone
 [ZSEE
 – Zoneamento
Socio
Econônico
e
Ecológico]
and
for
this
reason,
since
2004,
the
(Federal
Public
 Ministry?)
 MINISTERIO
 PUBLICO
 FEDERAL
 moved
 to
 stop
 all
 the
 activities
 happening
 in
 the
 area.
 The
 land
 under
 the
 domain
 of
 INCRA
 is
 in
 process
 of
 transference
 to
 the
 City
 administration.

POLITECNICO
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 71
 
 2.8. URBAN
LEGISLATION
IN
FORCE

The
 Federal
 Constitution
 guarantees
 the
 right
 of
 property
 if
 in
 accordance
 with
 regulations
 delineating
social
functionality.

Urban
property
complies
with
its
social
function
when
it
attends
 to
 fundamental
 exigencies
 for
 the
 city
 organization,
 which
 are
 expressed
 in
 the
 state
 and
 municipal
 law
 and
 especially
 the
 Compressive
 Plan.
 Thus,
 the
 city
 municipality
 has
 the
 responsibility
 to
 guarantee
 the
 compliance
 of
 the
 urban
 properties
 social
 function
 through
 law
 enforcement,
and
establishing
an
Urban
Development
Policy.

 According
 to
 the
 1988
 Brazil
 Constitution
 [art.182],
 the
 city
 can
 demand
 of
 an
 owner
 of
 a
 not
 built,
 underused
 or
 unused
 urban
 property
 to
 provide
 for
 adequate
 use
 thereof,
 or
 be
 subject,
 successively,
to:

 I
‐
compulsory
parceling
or
construction;
 II
‐
rates
of
urban
property
and
land
tax
that
are
progressive
in
time;
 III
‐
expropriation
with
payment
in
public
debt
bonds
issued
with
the
prior
approval
of
the
Federal
 Senate,
redeemable
within
up
to
ten
years,
in
equal
and
successive
annual
installments,
ensuring
 the
real
value
of
the
compensation
and
the
legal
interest.
 The
 City
 Statute
 ‐
 Federal
 Law
 10.257
 [2001]
 regulates
 the
 original
 chapter
 on
 urban
 policy
 introduced
 by
 the
 1988
 Constitution.
 The
 new
 law
 provides
 consistent
 legal
 support
 to
 those
 municipalities
committed
to
confronting
grave
urban,
social
and
environmental
problems.


 The
City
Statute
has
four
main
dimensions,
namely:
a
conceptual
one,
providing
elements
for
the
 interpretation
of
the
constitutional
principle
of
the
social
functions
of
urban
property
and
of
the
 city;
 the
 regulation
 of
 new
 instruments
 for
 the
 construction
 of
 a
 different
 urban
 order
 by
 the
 municipalities;
 the
 indication
 of
 processes
 for
 the
 democratic
 management
 of
 cities;
 and
 the
 identification
of
legal
instruments
for
the
comprehensive
regularization
of
informal
settlements
 in
private
and
public
urban
areas.
 The
Report
Base
Institucional
do
Planejamento
Urbano12
lists
all
the
necessary
instruments
in
the
 construction
of
this
new
urban
order
through:

12

Consórcio
Cyro/Engefoto/Policentro.
Licitation
process
01‐
0003/2001/CPL‐PV
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 Conservation
Units
(UC’s):
Protected
areas
serving
as
the
most
significant
strategy
adopted
 by
 the
 State
 to
 promote
 the
 maintenance
 of
 biodiversity
 and
 natural
 resources.
 The
 integration
 of
 these
 Units
 into
 the
 dynamics
 of
 the
 territory
 whenever
 necessary
 is
 essential
 so
 that
 the
 objectives
 of
 their
 creation
 are
 met,
 causing
 intervention
 and
 transformation.
 The
 buffering
 zone
 is
 one
 of
 the
 tools
 of
 the
 UCs
 management
 plan,
 which
 is
 responsible
 for
 the
integration
of
a
Unit
into
the
territory.
 Special
 Zones
 of
 Social
 Interest
 
 (ZEIS):
 Areas
 destined,
 with
 priority,
 for
 urban
 recuperation,
 property
 regulation
 and
 production
 of
 Social
 Housing
 (HIS)
 or
 Lower
 Income
 Market
 Housing
 (HMP),
 as
 defined
 in
 clauses
 XIII
 and
 XIV
 of
 art.
 146
 of
 the
 Comprehensive
 Plan,
 including
 recuperation
 of
 rundown
 property,
 installation
 of
 social
 and
 cultural
 equipment,
public
spaces,
local
services,
and
commerce.
 Right
 of
 Preemption:
 Confers
 to
 the
 municipal
 government
 preference
 in
 the
 purchase
 of
 urban
 real
 estate
 subject
 to
 alienation
 at
 cost
 between
 private
 parties.
 The
 right
 to
 preemption
 will
 be
 exercised
 whenever
 the
 government
 needs
 areas
 for:
 regularization
 of
 land
ownership;
 execution
 of
 social
 interest
housing
programs
and
projects;
establishment
of
 a
 land
 reserve;
 ordering
 and
 guidance
 of
 urban
 expansion;
 implantation
 of
 urban
 and
 community
 equipment;
 creation
 of
 public
 spaces
 for
 leisure
 and
 green
 areas;
 creation
 of
 conservation
 districts
 or
 protection
 of
 other
 areas
 of
 environmental
 interest;
 protection
 of
 areas
of
historic;
and
cultural
or
landscape
interest.
 Consociated
 Urban
 Operations
 (OUC):
 A
 strategic
 instrument
 for
 the
 effectiveness
 of
 sustainable
city
rights.
 Development
 Right
 Transfer
 (TDC):
 Municipal
 law,
 based
 on
 the
 master
 plan,
 that
 can
 authorize
 the
 owner
 of
 urban
 real
 estate,
 whether
 public
 or
 private,
 to
 exercise
 in
 another
 location,
or
alienate,
through
public
deed,
the
right
to
build
established
in
the
master
plan
or
 in
 related
 urban
 legislation,
 when
 the
 referred
 to
 property
 is
 considered
 necessary
 for
 purposes.
 These
 purposes
 include:
 the
 implantation
 of
 urban
 and
 community
 equipment;
 preservation
 when
 the
 real
 estate
 considered
 is
 of
 historic,
 environmental,
 landscape,
 social
 or
 cultural
 interest;
 serve
 programs
 for
 land
 ownership
 regularization,
 urbanization
 of
 areas
 occupied
by
low‐income
population
and
social
interest
housing.

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LAND
REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 73
 
 Of
 the
 Sub‐division,
 Building
 or
 Compulsory
 use/
 Progressive
 Property
 Taxes
 (IPTU)/
 For
 Appropriation
with
Payment
in
Bonds:
the
Municipality
can
proceed
to
apply
taxes
over
the
 built
 property
 and
 urban
 land
 (IPTU)
 that
 are
 progressive
 over
 time,
 through
 the
 increase
 of
 the
tax
rate
for
the
period
of
five
consecutive
years.

In
 addition
 to
 the
 instruments
 that
 existed
 prior
 to
 the
 Federal
 Constitution
 of
 1988,
 the
 City
 Statute
 and
 Provisional
 Measure
 2,220/01
 established
 a
 series
 of
 other
 land
 regularization
 instruments.
 Special
 Concession
 for
 Housing
 Purposes:
 used
 for
 regularizing
 areas
 that
 are
 occupied
 by
 low‐income
populations
that
are
the
property
of
the
public
authority.
Residents
must
provide
 for
 evidence
 that:
 they
 live
 on
 an
 urban
 public
 plot
 of
 up
 to
 250
 m2
 for
 over
 5
 years,
 by
 June
 2001;
 they
 use
 it
 exclusively
 as
 living
 quarters;
 and
 that
 they
 do
 not
 own
 any
 other
 urban
 or
 rural
 property.
 Additionally,
 the
 area
 must
 be
 free
 from
 legal
 suits
 by
 the
 public
 authority
 requesting
 its
 inoccupation.
 The
 Special
 Concession
 for
 Housing
 Purposes
 may
 be
 granted
 collectively.
 Special
 Adverse
 Possession
 of
 an
 Urban
 Property:
 used
 only
 for
 urban
 private
 areas
 occupied
 by
 low‐income
 populations.
 Residents
 must:
 live
 in
 the
 urban
 area
 for
 five
 uninterrupted
 years,
 on
 land
 with
 at
 maximum
 250
 m2,
 by
 June
 2001;
 use
 it
 exclusively
 as
 living
 quarters;
 and
 not
 own
 any
 other
 urban
 or
 rural
 property.
 The
 area
 also
 must
 be
 free
 from
legal
suits
by
the
public
authority
requesting
its
inoccupation.
 Special
 Collective
 Adverse
 Possession:
 urban
 areas
 above
 250m2,
 occupied
 by
 low
 income
 populations
 as
 housing,
 for
 five
 uninterrupted
 years
 and
 without
 opposition;
 whenever
 it
 is
 not
 possible
 to
 identify
 the
 land
 occupied
 by
 each
 possessor,
 such
 area
 may
 be
 subject
 to
 collective
adverse
possession.
 The
 Concession
 of
 the
 Real
 Right
 to
 Use
 (CDRU):
 an
 instrument
 established
 by
 Decree
 No.
 271/67
 and
 is
 applicable
 to
 public
 or
 private
 areas
 for
 social
 interest
 for
 land
 tenure
 regularization
 purposes.
 It
 also
 may
 be
 regulated
 by
 means
 of
 state
 or
 municipal
 laws
 and
 may
be
applied
for
urbanization
purposes
and
for
social
interest
buildings.
 A
 Compulsory
 Award:
 takes
 place
 whenever
 the
 resident
 has
 a
 sale
 document
 or
 another
 document
 as
 evidence
 that
 he
 or
 she
 has
 acquired
 and
 has
 paid
 for
 the
 property,
 whenever
 he/she
does
not
have
a
deed.
Based
on
such
evidence,
an
action
at
law
is
proposed
and
the

 POLITECNICO
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74
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REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
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 judge
 decides
 on
 behalf
 of
 the
 compulsory
 award
 and
 the
 registration
 of
 the
 property
 in
 the
 resident’s
name.
 Assignment
 of
 Possession:
 established
 by
 law
 9785/99,
 which
 modified
 Law
 6766/79,
 allowing
 the
 public
 authority,
 state‐owned
 companies
 and
 public
 service
 concessionaires
 to
 assign
the
possession
of
plots
of
land
destined
to
popular
land
parceling,
whenever
there
is
a
 writ
 of
 delivery.
 That
 is,
 whenever
 the
 public
 authority
 does
 not
 hold
 definitive
 possession
 over
the
area.
 Expropriation:
 adopted
 whenever
 the
 public
 authority
 acquires
 a
 private
 property
 for
 land
 tenure
 regularization
 for
 social
 interest
 or
 public
 utility
 purposes.
 The
 public
 authority
 may
 pay
 for
 an
 expropriation
 with
 government
 bonds,
 whenever
 the
 property
 does
 not
 meet
 the
 social
 function
 of
 property
 defined
 under
 the
 master
 plan,
 and
 after
 the
 application
 of
 progressive
IPTU
(land
tax)
and
compulsory
parceling.

POLITECNICO
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HOUSING
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LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 75
 
 MUNICIPAL
LEGISLATION
 According
 to
 the
 Terra
 Nova
 Report
 (2007)
 some
 important
 factors
 to
 take
 into
 consideration
 include:
 [1]
Complementary
Law
097
(1999)
This
law
classifies
city
zoning
and
concerns
Municipal
Land
 Subdivision
Use
and
Occupation.
It
repeats
the
terms
of
the
Federal
Law
6766
(1979)
with
some
 adaptation
for
the
city
of
Porto
Velho.
It
is
also
where
the
ZEIS
and
its
specific
urban
standards
 are
defined.
This
type
of
zone
has
the
particular
purpose
of
social
housing
creation,
which
can
be
 built
into
any
other
type
of
zone.
Its
prerogative
can
initiate
a
questionable
precedent
such
that
 the
new
zoning
can
be
modified
any
time
by
the
executive
power,
if
legally
authorized,
and
since
 these
authorizations
are
not
discussed
in
diverse
sectors
of
the
city
as
the
Comprehensive
Plan,
it
 can
interfere
in
general
planning.
 The
 Municipal
 Land
 Subdivision
 determines
 the
 subdivision
 projects
 of
 the
 following
 percentages
of
the
total
area:
20%
circulation,
10%
green
areas,
10%
institutional
and
does
not
 refer
neither
to
social
housing
nor
to
land
regularization.
Since
irregular
lots
rarely
follow
these
 standards,
this
legislation
has
complicated
the
land
regularization
process.

 Furthermore,
the
social
areas
delimited
by
this
law
are
already
irregularly
occupied
(Canal
Santa
 Bárbara,
Igarapé
Grande,
Canal
dos
Tanques
and
Pedrinha),
showing
that
it
is
crucial
to
review
 and

revise
this
topic.
Consequently,
an
exclusive
law
for
such
special
cases
is
necessary.

 [2]
Complementary
Law
138
(2001)
Also
known
as
Municipal
Environmental
Law,
despite
being
 complete,
 it
 is
 a
 generic
 legislation
 which
 permits
 
 different
 interpretations
 depending
 on
 the
 situation,
 without
 extrapolating
 the
 terms
 defined
 by
 the
 Federal
 Constitution.
 The
 prevalent
 challenge
is
about
its
fiscalization
and
implementation.

 According
to
Art.
53,
collective
housing
constructed
by
the
government
without
attending
to
all
 legal
and
upgradingrequirements

can
be
regularized
in
both
urban
and
legal
spheres
and
then
 registered.
However,
this
is
seen
as
a
provisional
measure
to
alleviate
an
unacceptable
existing
 situation
 and
 does
 not
 release
 the
 government
 from
 later
 bringing
 the
 provisional
 urban
 infrastructure
up
to
standard.
 It
 was
 observed
 that
 in
 many
 situations
 environmental
 licenses
 remain
 conditioned
 by
 some
 special
 project
 or
 service,
 such
 as
 relocation
 of
 families
 or
 the
 implementation
 of
 some
 infrastructure.
 As
 it
 can
 be
 observed
 above:
 when
 it
 is
 considered
 by
 the
 Public
 Power
 as
 “of

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CITY
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PORTO
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 social
 interest
 for
 land
 regularization”,
 it
 can
 be
 licensed
 and
 registered
 separately
 from
 the
 requirements
of
the
Municipal
Law
in
force.
 Since
 the
 legislation
 in
 force
 establishes
 that
 the
 urban
 plan
 needs
 approval
 of
 the
 landowner,
 conflicts
 between
 Federal,
 State
 and
 Municipality
 present
 one
 of
 the
 biggest
 challenges
 of
 the
 regularization
program
in
Porto
Velho.

 In
 1980,
 the
 urban
 perimeter
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 was
 delimited
 for
 the
 first
 time
 and
 the
 majority
 of
the
land
was
donated
to
the
Municipality.
Area
A
is
an
exception.
 
 Area
 A
 is
 delineated
 by
 Presidente
 Dutra
 Avenue,
 Madeira
 River,
 Rio
 de
 Janeiro
 Avenue,
 and
 Costa
 e
 Silva
 Avenue.
 Today,
 this
 area
 is
 densely
 occupied
 where
 the
 Madeira‐Marmoré
 Railroad
storages
are
located.

FIGURE
18:
AREA
A

Before
 1980
 the
 entire
 city
 was
 subject
 to
 federal
 legislation
 until
 given
 to
 the
 municipality
 and
 subject
 to
 municipal
 legislation.
 Situations
 like
 Area
 A
 develop
 into
 an
 administrative
 problem,
 not
 to
 mention
 also
 fostering
 insecurity
 of
 the
 residents,
 since
 these
 areas
 function
 as
 part
 of
 the
 city,
 consequently
 representing
 a
 task
 of
 the
 city,
 yet
 
 are
 technically
 subject
 to
 federal
 law.
 To
 illustrate
 the
 situation,
 the
 following
 records
 show
 some
 of
 the
 efforts
 toward
the
land
regulation
of
Area
A
through
out
the
past
years:
 
  LICENÇA
PRECÁRIA
DE
OCUPAÇÃO
(Precarious
License
of
Occupation)
(by
Railway
Company)
  ALIENAÇÃO
PLENA
DO
IMÓVEL
(Full
Alienation
of
Property)
(by
Federal
Railway
System)
  EXPEDIÇÃO
 DE
 TERMO
 DE
 CONCESSÃO
 ONEROSA
 REAL
 DO
 DIREITO
 DE
 USO
 (Expedition
 of
 Term
 of
Demanding
Real
Concession
from
the
Right
to
Use)
(by
Government
of
Rondônia
Territory)
 (AFORAMENTO
 AND
 INCRIÇÃO
 DE
 OCUPAÇÃO)(Charter
 and
 Inscription
 of
 Ocupation)
 (by
 Federal
 Government)
  LICENÇA
DE
OCUPAÇÃO
(License
of
Occupation)(by
the
Municipality)

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HOUSING
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AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 77
 
 2.9. THE
LAND
REGULARIZATION
PROGRAM

THE
LAND
REGULARIZATION
PROGRAM
IN
PORTO
VELHO
 Despite
 the
 land
 title
 complexity,
 in
 2006
 the
 city
 administration,
 through
 SEMUR,
 started
 the
 Land
Regularization
Program
of
the
Municipality
of
Porto
Velho.

 
 TABLE
13
QUANTITATIVE
RESULTS
OF
THE
LAND
REGULARIZATION
PROGRAM
OF
PORTO
VELHO
(2006/2009)

ID
 01
 02
 03
 04
 05
 06
 07
 08
 09
 10
 11
 12
 13
 14
 15
 16
 17
 18
 19
 20
 21
 22
 23
 24
 25
 26
 27
 28
 29
 30
 31
 32
 33
 34
 35
 36
 37
 38
 39
 40
 41
 42
 43

NEIGHBORHOOD
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tiradentes
 Caladinho
 Conceição
 Espírito
Santo
 São
João
Batista
 Embratel

 Marco
Freire
 Ronaldo
Aragão
 Eletronorte

 JK
 Mato
Grosso
 Loteamento
Luiene
 Fortaleza
 Agenor
de
Carvalho
 União
de
Vitória
 Floresta
 Baixa
União
 Ocupação
Mamoré
 Liberdade
 Feliz
Cidade
2
 Teixeirão
 Veredas
 Airton
Senna

 Flamboyant
I
and
ll
 N.
Sra.

Das
Graças
 Areal
 Calama
 Paraíso
 Ulisses
Guimarães
 Lagoinha
 Cuniã
 Tupy
 São
João
Bosco
 Tucumanzal
 Santa
Bárbara
 Nova
Esperança
 São
Francisco
 Mariana
 Jardim
Santana
 Socialista
 Cidade
Jardim
 Nacional

REGULARIEDSED
LOTS
 2406
 211
 989
 118
 68
 231
 1534
 1562
 601
 208
 240
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐
 ‐

OBSERVATIONS
 Concluded
in
2006
 Concluded
in
2009
 Concluded
in
2008
 Concluded
in
2007
 Concluded
in
2007
 Concluded
in
2008
 Concluded
in
2006
 Concluded
in
2009
 Concluded
in
2009
 Concluded
in
2008
 Concluded
in
2008
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
concluded
in
2010
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011
 To
be
conlcuded
in
2011

POLITECNICO
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78
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 The
 public
 administration
 provides
 the
 entire
 cost
 for
 the
 execution
 of
 the
 program.
 An
 individual
requesting
participation
in
the
program
enters
into
a
process
for
attaining
the
deed
to
 his
or
her
property.
After
the
selection
of
the
land
to
be
regularized
the
DGPF
(Departamento
de
 Gestão
 Pública
 Fundiária)
 formalizes
 the
 process
 and
 sends
 it
 to
 DIFT
 (Departamento
 de
 Planejamento
Físico
Territorial).
The
polygonal
study
is
then
executed
and
sent
to
DIPT
(Divisão
 de
Planejamento
Técnico)
where
the
topography
is
surveyed.
All
these
documents
are
registered
 by
CREA
(Conselho
Regional
de
Engenharia,
Arquitetura
e
Agronomia)
and
then
returned
to
DGPF.
 With
support
from
ASTEC
(Assesoria
Técnica),
a
community
meeting
is
then
organized
in
which
 residents
 are
 called
 and
 a
 group
 created
 to
 receive
 all
 documents
 (tax
 records,
 utility
 bills,
 property
receipt,
etc.)

of
interested
residents.
The
DGPF
sends
a
report
of
information
collected
 in
1
and
2
to
DRF
(Departamento
de
Regularização
Fundiária)
where
the
DFR
(Divisão
de
Registro
 Fundiário)
 will
 transmit
 the
 terms
 of
 the
 division
 (Termo
 de
 Desmembramento).
 With
 this
 document
the
DGPF
remit
the
document
to
the
office
of
public
registry,
which
generates
a
legal
 document
showing
the
quantity
of
subdivisions
in
the
plan,
to
be
sent
to
DIFT
where
the
urban
 plan
is
designed.
The
DGPF
then
registers
the
plan
in
the
CREA
after
which
it
is
brought
to
the
 public
registry
and
the
Certidoes
de
Inteiro
Teor
are
transmitted
and
sent
to
Secretaria
Municipal
 de
 Fazenda.
 The
 preliminary
 deeds
 are
 reviewed
 after
 which
 they
 are
 sent
 to
 Cartório
 de
 Notas
 where
the
final
deeds
(Escrituras
Publicas
Indiciduais)
are
drawn
up
and
delivered
to
the
property
 owners.
 CHALLENGES
 Land
 Regularization
 in
 Porto
 Velho
 still
 experiences
 challenges,
 which
 include
 the
 irregular
 occupation
of
municipal
lots,
such
as
common
spaces,
green
areas
or
areas
designated
for
public
 services.
Since
the
city
administration
does
not
possess
sufficient
resources
to
relocate
families
 residing
 in
 these
 areas,
 it
 becomes
 a
 challenge
 when
 these
 areas
 are
 included
 in
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 yet
 where
 funding
 is
 neither
 available
 for
 relocation
 nor
 advocating
 other
resolutions.

 Another
point
of
discussion
concerns
private
lands
that
are
not
used
or
under‐used.
These
can
be
 utilized
 as
 a
 solution
 for
 the
 city
 to
 reintegrate
 its
 patrimony
 of
 strategic
 areas.
 The
 Comprehensive
 Plan
 does
 not
 integrate
 such
 non‐social
 land
 use
 (art.4th,
 III)
 into
 these
 areas,
 which
ought
to
adjust
the
fundamental
necessities
of
housing,
education,
heath
care
and
leisure
 of
the
city
population.
In
addition,
the
plan
does
not
employ
the
occupation
of
vacant
lots
as
a
 way
to
increase
the
density
of
some
areas.
 POLITECNICO
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 79
 
 Further,
 there
 is
 a
 complete
 lack
 of
 criteria
 for
 the
 implementation
 of
 the
 Program.
 Since
 this
 process
 can
 guarantee
 the
 land
 title
 and
 the
 full
 use/right
 to
 the
 property,
 areas
 that
 were
 considered
“dead”
by
the
market
can
be
incorporated.
The
individual
property
is
able
to
protect
 the
individual
against
forced
eviction/expulsion,
but
it
is
incapable
of
preventing
cooptation
from
 the
housing
market.
When
this
does
occur
land
regularization
functions
instead
as
a
practice
of
 privatization,consequently
denying
the
social
function
of
the
city
and
the
property
thus
negating
 the
intent
of
the
Land
Regularization
Program.
It
could
also
motivate
new
irregular
occupations
 in
the
city.

POLITECNICO
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TORINO
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 81
 
 2.10.

BRIEF
CONCLUSIONS

The
analyses
of
parts
1
and
2
demonstrate
that
the
problem
in
the
city
of
Porto
Velho
is
a
cross
 between
the
deficits
of
the
housing
stock
(quantitatively)
with
the
even
more
apparent
need
for
 better
conditions
of
the
dwellings
(qualitatively)
due
to
factors
summarized
here.
 First,
Urbanization
in
Porto
Velho
has
been
based
particularly
on
numerous
economic
cycles.
It
 was
specifically
during
periods
of
economic
climax
in
each
of
these
cycles
when
individuals
met
 the
financial
conditions
to
fill
pockets
of
investment
and
‘self‐make’
the
city.
In
other
words,
the
 city
of
Porto
Velho
was
built
brick
by
brick
with
the
hands
of
its
residents,
in
a
manner
that
the
 city
 today
 has
 a
 housing
 deficit
 lower
 than
 the
 national
 index.
 However,
 this
 number
 still
 indicates
 low
 public
 investments,
 especially
 for
 families
 with
 low
 income
 that
 represents
 70%
 (7.463)
of
the
housing
deficit.

 Housing
production
since
1998
is
5.240
units,
but
only
2.085
to
low‐income
families
(4‐6
MNW),
 in
other
words,
just
25%
of
its
demand.
This
number
is
going
to
increase
with

this
next
economic
 cycle:
the
construction
of
the
Madeira
River
Hydro‐electrical
Complex,
witch
will
increase
by
26%
 of
 the
 total
 population
 in
 200613.
 This
 will
 represents
 a
 challenge
 for
 the
 local
 authorities
 to
 absorb
its
impacts
in
the
city
and
to
promote
urban
development.
Otherwise
the
city
will
suffer
 as
 it
 has
 in
 the
 past
 with
 other
 economic
 cycles.
 It
 is
 important
 to
 develop
 a
 strategic
 plan
 to
 assimilate
future
changes.
 Second,
 the
 positive
 aspects
 of
 the
 self
 construction
 of
 the
 city
 such
 as
 families
 obtaining
 property
 and
 shelter
 however
 came
 with
 a
 cost,
 which
 today
 residents
 are
 still
 attempting
 to
 adapt
to.
The
consequences
of
sparse
and
patchy
development
has
resulted
today
in
only
3%
of
 the
 population
 being
 provided
 with
 a
 sewer
 system
 and
 70%
 still
 lacking
 appropriate
 infrastructure.
 These
 issues
 affect
 not
 only
 the
 city
 housing
 stock
 but
 also
 the
 social‐economic
 urban
development,
which
creates
other
problems
in
different
sectors.
 If
 the
 quantitative
 housing
 deficit
 does
 not
 seem
 a
 critical
 problem,
 the
 qualitative
 aspects
 surpass
 the
 minimal
 standards
 of
 urban
 living.
 This
 painting
 of
 contrast
 between
 a
 qualified
 minority
 and
 a
 majority
 with
 precarious
 urban
 conditions
 is
 much
 more
 than
 an
 expression
 of
 income
disparity
and
of
social
inequalities:
it
is
the
agent
of
reproduction
of
this
inequality.

 



































































 13

Environmental
Impacts
Study
of
Madeira
River
Hydro‐electrical
Complex.
June
2006
 POLITECNICO
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CITY
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 Third,
Porto
Velho,
developed
as
a
dual
core
city.
As
any
Brazilian
city,
it
was
divided
in
two
cities
 (formal/
informal),
each
one
with
its
own
law
and
dynamic.
Since
this
chaotic
urbanization
was
 perceived
 as
 the
 only
 scheme
 due
 to
 cycles
 of
 economic
 climax
 and
 the
 need
 for
 labor
 to
 construct
the
city
without
sufficient
wages
for
housing,
a
big
part
of
the
city
was
not
considered
 by
 the
 city
 administration.
 The
 urban
 area
 of
 Porto
 Velho,
 according
 the
 IBGE
 (2000
 Census
 Report),
 has
 68.944
 residencies,
 in
 which
 50,57%(34.866)
 is
 located
 in
 irregular
 areas,
 which
 is
 also
 a
 consequence
 of
 a
 lack
 of
 efficiency
 in
 housing
 policy.
 As
 a
 result,
 more
 than
 evoking
 progress
 or
 development,
 it
 came
 to
 reflect
 –
 and
 intensify
 –
 the
 injustices
 and
 inequalities
 of
 society:
high
walls
encircling
houses
to
keep
people
off
of
private
property/electric
fences,
closed
 housing
communities,
polluted
igarapes,
etc.
 Fourth,
regarding
the
universal
right
to
the
city,
the
Brazilian
Constitution
specifies
a
chapter
on
 urban
policy
that
guarantees,
in
the
realm
of
each
municipality,
the
right
to
the
city,
the
defense
 of
the
social
function
of
the
city
and
property,
and
of
democratization
of
urban
management.

 The
necessity
of
delimitating
UC
(units
of
conservation)
and
other
important
instruments
in
the
 application
 of
 an
 efficient
 housing
 policy
 and
 a
 land
 regularization
 program.
 This
 can
 also
 decrease
 the
 necessary
 amount
 of
 resources.
 It
 is
 also
 important
 to
 create
 a
 methodology
 to
 identify
the
population
looking
for
housing,
especially
of
disadvantaged
groups,
in
such
a
way
to
 respond
progressively
to
the
problem.
It
is
also
important
to
give
priority
for
families
located
in
 areas
with
environmental
risk.

 Lastly,
regarding
the
role
of
planning,
this
behavior
is
not
exclusive
to
the
agents
of
the
informal
 market:
the
very
action
of
governments
has
often
reinforced
the
trend
to
expel
the
poor
from
the
 best
 locations,
 to
 the
 degree
 that
 they
 seek
 the
 cheapest
 lands
 at
 the
 periphery
 to
 build
 large
 and
 homogeneous
 housing
 projects.
 (my
 house,
 my
 life;
 relocation
 of
 families
 in
 areas
 of
 risk;
 regularizacao
fundiaria;
urbanization
program)
 That
said,
however,
it
is
neither
the
fault
of
“Planning”
despite
the
blame
for
this
model
of
urban
 expansion
 and
 growth
 has
 been
 identified
 with
 a
 “lack
 of
 planning”.
 According
 to
 this
 understanding,
 the
 cities
 are
 not
 planned,
 and
 for
 this
 reason,
 are
 “imbalanced”
 and
 “chaotic”.
 Nevertheless,
it
is
not
an
absence
of
planning,
but
rather
a
perverse
interaction
between
social‐ economic
 processes,
 planning
 options
 and
 urban
 policies
 and
 political
 practices
 that
 builds
 an
 exclusionary
 model
 in
 which
 the
 low
 income
 population
 only
 has
 the
 possibility
 of
 occupying
 lands
informally–
that
are
much
cheaper
because
in
general
they
have
no
infrastructure
–
and
to
 self‐
construct
their
houses
little
by
little
and
piece
by
piece.

 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
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HOUSING
RIGHT
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LAND
REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 83
 
 Taking
all
of
this
into
consideration,
the
question
remains:
How
is
this
interaction
between
social‐ economic
 processes,
 planning
 options
 and
 urban
 policies
 and
 political
 practices
 able
 to
 generate
 a
 equitable
 urban
 development?
 
 These
 interactions
 can
 be
 analyzed
 as
 a
 tripod
 relation
 where
 equitable
urban
development
happens
when
all
the
three
legs
are
equal
in
measure;
a
minimal
 imbalance
between
them
and
the
tripod
will
fall.

In
other
words,
if
planning
does
not
reach
its
 autonomy
and
work
under
one
or
both
of
the
other
supports,
the
tripod
will
collapse.


 The
 following
 figure
 shows
 this
 urban
 development
 model.
 Using
 the
 tripod
 idea,
 we
 could
 affirm:
 if
 planning
 wants
 to
 generate
 an
 equitable
 urban
 development
 (sustain
 the
 tripod),
 it
 would
 be
 indispensable
 to
 understand
 its
 relation
 with
 the
 other
 two
 aspects:
 
 [AB]
 planning/
 socio‐economic
process
and
[AC]
planning/
political
process.
 Figure
19:
Urban
Development
Model

[C]poli8cal
 process

[A]planning
 op8ons
and
 urban
policies

[B]socio‐
 economic
 process

Since
it
is
impossible
to
set
up
the
tripod
without
knowing
the
measure
of
each
leg,
planning
and
 urban
polices
will
contribute
to
maintain
its
balance
just
when
it
recognizes
each
of
the
other
two
 stands:
 political
 and
 socio‐economic
 process.
 In
 this
 case
 a
 double
 check
 is
 enough:
 if
 A
 has
 the
 same
high
of
B
and
A
has
the
same
high
of
C,
than
the
tripod
is
in
equilibrium.

POLITECNICO
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IN
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 85

3

PART:
QUALITATIVE
RESEARCH
‐
MULTIPLE‐CASE
STUDIES

POLITECNICO
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86
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REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 87
 
 This
study
maintains
that
poor
housing
conditions
impacting
most
of
the
neighborhoods
in
Porto
 Velho
 today
 occur
 not
 just
 because
 of
 a
 lack
 of
 planning
 but
 that
 many
 of
 the
 housing
 deficiencies
 are
 grounded
 in
 the
 political
 and
 socio‐economic
 dynamic.
 Therefore,
 instead
 of
 understanding
 interior
 deficiencies
 in
 planning,
 such
 as
 an
 in‐depth
 analysis
 about
 the
 social
 housing
projects,
comprehensive
plans
or
master
plans
the
solution
should
be
guided
primarily
 by
 an
 investigation
 of
 the
 relationship
 between
 planning
 practices,
 political
 and
 socio‐economic
 processes.

 To
do
so
is
a
complex
task
requiring
an
understanding
of
a
myriad
of
social
and
economic
factors
 out
of
the
scope
of
this
present
work.
I
have
identified,
however,
a
major
factor
contributing
to
 the
disconnection
of
planning
with
these
other
processes
that
has
created
a
gap
in
the
planning
 process,
which
does
not
help
the
city
to
halt
the
reproduction
of
poor
city
development.

 The
gap
bifurcates
two
sides
of
the
planning
process:
on
the
one
side,
the
absence
of
adequate
 housing
 policies
 and
 the
 failure
 of
 the
 land
 market
 to
 offer
 sufficient,
 suitable
 and
 accessible
 housing
 options;
 And
 on
 the
 other
 side
 of
 the
 gap,
 millions
 of
 urban
 poor
 have
 to
 create
 their
 own
 shelter,
 either
 by
 occupying
 private
 or
 public
 land
 or
 by
 buying
 land
 illegally
 and
 constructing
their
own
housing.
What
bridges
these
two
sides
and
promote
a
more
equal
relation
 between
planning
practices
and
socio‐
economic
aspects.
 Even
 though
 this
 gap
 seems
 empty
 and
 the
 city
 administration
 is
 not
 bridging
 this
 gap
 with
 policy
 or
 practice
 in
 reality
 the
 gap
 is
 full
 of
 potential.
 This
 is
 so
 because
 the
 city
 is
 being
 built
 little
 by
 little
 and
 piece‐by‐piece
 within
 its
 own
 loosely
 structured
 and
 semi‐autonomous
 dynamic.
 The
 inclusion
 and/or
 exclusion
 of
 the
 residence
 themselves
 traditionally
 seen
 as
 the
 problem
can
also
be
seen
as
the
solution,
this
is
because
housing
is
not
a
choice
but
a
necessity.
 People
 continue
 building
 and
 developing
 the
 city
 because,
 simply
 put,
 they
 need
 to
 according
 and
 restricted
 by
 their
 socio‐economic
 conditions.
 In
 other
 words,
 houses
 are
 being
 built,
 communities
 are
 gathering,
 and
 people
 are
 living
 their
 lives.
 Structuring
 the
 planning
 process
 therefore
 should
 address
 both
 socio‐economic
 factors
 within
 the
 framework
 of
 a
 participatory
 process
of
the
residence
themselves,
a
bottom‐up
rather
than
top‐down
process.
In
this
way,
a
 more
viable,
meaningful,
effective
and
robust
planning
dynamic
can
evolve
out
of
the
numerous
 variables
occurring
at
the
community
level,
often
and
currently
not
taken
into
consideration.
 This
 loosely
 structured
 process,
 therefore,
 can
 be
 seen
 as
 an
 opportunity
 rather
 than
 a
 constraint.
 If
 planning
 wants
 to
 fill
 this
 gap
 and
 help
 people
 to
 rethink
 this
 bridge,
 working
 towards
 equitable
 development,
 it
 needs
 to
 break
 its
 rigidness
 and
 surpass
 its
 theoretical
 and
 POLITECNICO
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 practical
 limitations
 by
 rethinking
 and
 reorganizing
 itself
 by
 creating
 the
 bridge
 that
 extends
 itself
to
include
residence
in
the
planning
practices
through
their
participation.

 As
mentioned
in
the
first
part,
urban
challenges
goes
beyond
design
of
spaces
and
consequently
 mast
be
urgently
integrated
with
other
aspects,
such
as
culture
and
economy.
Only
flexible
and
 opened
 attitude
 the
 chance
 to
 achieve
 success
 is
 made
 possible.
 In
 a
 democracy,
 the
 government
 does
 not
 have
 the
 task
 to
 do
 “good”
 or
 say
 what
 it
 is.
 Its
 role
 is
 to
 avoid
 the
 transformation
of
the
social
life
into
chaos
or
substandard
living
conditions.
 Outlined
 under
 the
 need
 for
 planning
 to
 adapt
 to
 mutating
 urban
 conditions
 and
 in
 neighborhoods,
the
application
of
urban
theory
and
technique
about
the
urban
shape
becomes
 secondary
 compared
 with
 the
 political
 dimension.
 This
 politic
 not
 only
 has
 direct
 contact
 with
 residents,
but
also
offers,
listens,
proposes
and
negotiates
solutions
of
questions
about
projects.
 Creating
public
debate
about
city
organization
politicizes
urbanism.
 The
third
part
complements
some
of
the
facts
and
figures
of
the
Second
Part
using
qualitative
 methods.
The
field
research
presented
in
this
section
is
disposed
in
two
sections:
an
exploratory
 phase,
 in
 which
 informal
 interviews
 and
 observations
 were
 conducted;
 and
 with
 30
 in‐depth
 interviews,
where
I
developed
a
multiple
case
study
about
the
Land
Regularization
Programs
of
 the
city
of
Porto
Velho.

3.1. EXPLORATORY
PHASE

I
 conduct
 an
 exploratory
 phase
 of
 investigation
 between
 planning
 and
 the
 socio‐economy
 of
 Porto
Velho
justified
on
the
grounds
that
it
is
hard
to
propose
a
planning
that
“works”
without
an
 understanding
of
[evident
in
the
policies
reviewed]
low‐income
groups
and
how
they
construct
 and
 participate
 in
 their
 communities.
 I
 use
 interviews
 to
 explore
 and
 understand
 what
 is
 really
 happening
 at
 a
 scale
 in
 which
 the
 hope
 is
 to
 draw
 upon
 the
 processes
 occurring
 within
 self‐ constructed
 communities
 as
 to
 engage
 a
 participatory
 process,
 one
 in
 which
 centers
 on
 processes
 already
 employed
 within
 Porto
 Velho,
 revealing
 some
 of
 the
 qualities
 sought
 by
 its
 residence.
 The
purpose
of
the
exploratory
phase
is
to
comprehend
the
type
of
urban
development
in
Porto
 Velho
 based
 on
 irregularity
 and
 self‐construction
 to
 further
 understand
 how
 it
 generated
 a
 defragmentation
of
the
social
fabric
and
reinforced
the
poor
quality
of
the
urban
environment.

POLITECNICO
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 By
 an
 exploratory
 phase
 I
 mean
 a
 process
 in
 which
 informal
 interviews
 and
 observations
 were
 conducted
 of
 residences
 in
 neighborhoods
 of
 Porto
 Velho.
 These
 cases
 were
 selected
 on
 the
 basis
of
convenience,
access
and
geographic
proximity.
They
yielded
information
regarding
the
 very
 diverse
 housing
 situation
 related
 with
 the
 family
 income,
 a
 generally
 very
 defragmented
 social
 fabric,
 lack
 of
 community
 associations,
 partnerships,
 friendship
 between
 neighbors,
 self‐ construction
as
a
common
strategy
in
low
class
families,
urban
development
happening
in
mass,
 and
a
history
of
homogeneity
of
urban
development
strategies
in
particular
neighborhoods.
 Even
though
a
thorough
analysis
and
critique
of
these
intricacies
is
needed
to
truly
be
effective,
 the
exploratory
phase
revealed,
again,
the
complexity
of
the
socio‐economic
factors
intricately
 tied
 to
 the
 planning
 process
 of
 the
 neighborhoods
 and
 residencies.
 Because
 of
 that,
 it
 was
 necessary
 to
 frame
 the
 research
 within
 one
 planning
 policy,
 which
 would
 reveal
 some
 of
 the
 ways
in
which
the
gap
between
planning
policy
and
the
socio‐economy
is
exposed,
even
though
 the
goal
of
the
qualitative
research
was
not
to
analyze
interior
deficiencies
of
a
specific
planning
 program.
 This
 grants
 an
 adequate
 scope
 to
 understand
 the
 socio‐economic
 impacts
 on
 the
 planning
 process.
 In
 addition,
 because
 of
 the
 time
 constraint
 and
 scope
 of
 this
 thesis
 it
 is
 necessary
 to
 limit
 a
 specific
 planning
 cycle
 given
 by
 a
 particular
 housing
 program
 in
 order
 to
 identify,
with
the
multiple
case
study,
the
connection
between
this
planning
practice
and
social
 transformations
happening
in
the
city.

 The
Land
Regularization
Program
for
this
purpose
was
chosen
for
the
follow
two
reasons:
 [1] It
 is
 strongly
 related
 to
 the
 political
 and
 social‐economic
 aspects
 of
 distributing
 land
 titles
(deeds)
on
behalf
of
any
political
election
or
implementation
and/or
adaptation
of
 land‐use
on
behalf
of
a
large
private
economic
investment;
 [2] Today
 relevance
 in
 the
 Federal
 Urban
 Policy;
 Porto
 Velho
 detains
 the
 biggest
 Land
 Regularization
Program
in
the
Country;
 After
 choosing
 the
 focus
 of
 the
 multiple
 case
 studies,
 a
 literature
 review
 was
 conducted.
 
 The
 elaboration
 of
 theoretical
 framework
 was
 necessary
 to
 reveal
 gaps
 and
 topics
 of
 interest,
 and
 most
important,
to
generate
the
research
questions.

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 3.2. THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
AND
RESEARCH
QUESTIONS

There
 are
 few,
 if
 any,
 doubts
 about
 the
 legitimacy
 of
 land
 regularization
 programs.
 The
 programs’
 justifications
 are
 various
 combining
 legal,
 moral,
 humanitarian,
 socio‐political,
 religious
and
economic
arguments.
It
leaves
open
the
question
about
how
this
policy
should
be
 structured
 and
 applied.
 There
 are
 already
 a
 number
 of
 national
 laws
 and
 International
 Treaties
 recognizing
 the
 right
 to
 housing
 and
 to
 informal
 settlements
 regularization,
 which
 means
 the
 municipal
governments
no
longer
have
a
choice
to
ignore
the
need
for
land
regularization.
Public
 officials
and
political
administrations
need
to
proceed
urgently
in
the
elaboration
of
urban
policy
 addressing
these
issues.
 The
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 can
 involve
 urban
 regularization
 with
 the
 upgrading
 of
 infrastructures
 and
 public
 services;
 including
 environmental
 regularization;
 economic
 regularization;
social
regularization
with
job
and
income
generation;
as
well
as
legal
regularization
 with
 land
 titling
 [Fernandes,
 2003].
 However,
 during
 the
 past
 decade
 one
 approach
 attained
 more
 attention,
 which
 is
 based
 in
 specificities
 of
 the
 economic
 dynamic
 in
 these
 informal
 settlements,
or
housing
informal
market.
[Pedro
Abramo,
2002:
139‐172]
 Peruvian
 economist
Hernando
 De
 Soto
 is
 one
of
the
most
influential
contemporary
ideologues
 addressing
 this
 complex
 issue.
 His
 ideas
 and
 proposals
 regarding
 large‐scale
 regularization
 programs
have
received
extensive
media
coverage
and
have
raised
the
level
of
public
debate.
His
 influence
can
be
measured
by
the
fact
that
an
increasing
number
of
countries
and
cities,
in
Latin
 America
 and
 elsewhere,
 have
 introduced
 regularization
 policies
 based
 on
 his
 ideas,
 and
 these
 programs
have
already
had
a
significant
impact
on
international
and
institutional
approaches
to
 property
reform
and
good
governance.
In
many
countries,
politicians
who
were
never
particularly
 interested
 in
 urban
 development
 concerns
 have
 now
 become
 vigorous
 defenders
 of
 De
 Soto's
 ideas.
 What
makes
De
Soto's
ideas
so
appealing
is
that
he
has
been
able
to
emphasize
the
economic
 dimension
 and
 implications
 of
 urban
 illegality.
 Most
 of
 the
 academic
 research,
 social
 mobilization
 and
 policy‐making
 on
 the
 matter
 of
 informal
 settlements
 and
 land
 regularization
 have
 been
 supported
 by
 a
 combination
 of
 humanitarian,
 ethical,
 religious,
 sociopolitical
 and
 environmental
 arguments.
 De
 Soto's
 approach,
 in
 contrast,
 has
 stressed
 the
 significant
 impact
 that
comprehensive
regularization
programs
could
have
on
the
overall
urban
economy
by
linking

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 the
 growing
 informal
 extralegal
 economy
 into
 the
 formal
 economy.
 Moreover,
 he
 has
 argued
 that
such
public
policies
can
be
instrumental
in
reducing
social
poverty.
 This
 theory
 defends
 that
 the
 majority
 of
 notions
 involving
 the
 concept
 of
 development
 have
 origin
 in
 the
 incapacity
 of
 people
 to
 take
 advantage
 of
 the
 positive
 effects
 of
 what
 formal
 property
offers:
without
a
deed,
the
“poor
people”
cannot
explore
their
assets
as
current.
In
this
 way,
 housing
 starts
 to
 accomplish
 additional
 economical
 functions
 such
 as
 financial
 credit
 and
 individual
responsibility.
[De
Soto,
2000]
 De
Soto
explains
that
the
poor
possess
many
economic
assets,
but
argues
that
these
assets
are
 “dead
 capital”,
 since
 “wealth”
 exists
 in
 an
 incomplete
 form:
 houses
 are
 built
 on
 land
 without
 formal
ownership
and
enterprises
are
not
registered.
These
assets
cannot
be
used
in
any
formal
 transaction
 and
 so
 cannot
 be
 translated
 into
 capital.
 If
 these
 assets
 were
 formalized,
 people
 would
gain
access
to
formal
credit,
be
able
to
invest
in
home
and
business,
and
thereby
give
a
 positive
boost
to
the
economy
as
a
whole.
 Following
this
logic,
national
and
international
organizations
have
proposed,
and
even
imposed,
 the
full
legalization
of
businesses
and
the
unqualified
recognition
of
individual
freehold
titles
for
 urban
 dwellers
 in
 some
 informal
 settlements
 as
 the
 “radical”
 way
 to
 transform
 decaying
 urban
 economies.
 As
appealing
as
his
ideas
are,
there
are
many
flaws
in
De
Soto’s
arguments
and
since
his
ideas
 had
 a
 significant
 impact
 on
 the
 daily
 lives
 of
 millions
 of
 people,
 De
 Soto’s
 approach
 has
 been
 criticized
by
many
academics.

 According
to
Edésio
Fernandes
[2000]
his
work
has
failed
to
qualify
the
discussion
on
property
 rights,
and
“he
seems
to
assume
that
there
is
a
universal,
a‐historical,
natural
legal
definition
of
 such
 rights”.
 In
 the
 developing
 world,
 the
 state
 has
 treated
 differently
 the
 different
 forms
 of
 property
 rights
 and
 the
 social
 relations
 around
 them,
 allowing
 for
 varying
 degrees
 of
 state
 intervention
 in
 the
 domain
 of
 economic
 property
 relations.
 It
 is
 only
 for
 a
 very
 specific
 form
 of
 property
 rights,
 land
 and
 real
 estate
 that
 the
 state
 has
 failed
 to
 affirm
 the
 notion
 of
 the
 social
 function
 of
 property
 versus
 the
 dominant
 individualistic
 approach
 given
 to
 such
 rights
 by
 obsolete
civil
legislation.

 Another
 critique
 is
 that
 research
 in
 many
 developing
 countries
 has
 indicated
 that,
 given
 a
 combination
 of
 certain
 social,
 political
 and
 institutional
 conditions,
 residents
 in
 informal
 settlements
can
share
an
effective
perception
of
security
of
tenure,
have
access
to
informal/and
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 sometimes
formal
credit
and
public
services,
and
invest
in
housing
improvement,
even
without
 having
 legal
 titles
 [Payne
 2001].
 Existing
 research
 in
 Colombia
 and
 other
 Latin
 American
 countries
 has
 indicated
 that
 the
 poor
 would
 not
 even
 be
 interested
 or
 willing
 to
 obtain
 official
 credit,
given
the
socioeconomic
and
fiscal
implications
of
this
process
[Gilbert,
2001].


 More
important,
research
has
shown
that
while
the
recognition
of
individual
freehold
titles
can
 promote
individual
security
of
legal
tenure
it
does
not
necessarily
entail
socio‐spatial
integration.
 Unless
 titling
 is
 undertaken
 within
 the
 context
 of
 a
 broader
 set
 of
 public
 policies
 that
 address
 urban,
 politico‐institutional
 and
 socioeconomic
 conditions,
 legalization
 programs
 may
 actually
 aggravate
 the
 processes
 of
 exclusion
 and
 segregation.
 As
 a
 result,
 the
 original
 beneficiaries
 of
 the
 programs
 might
 not
 be
 able
 to
 remain
 on
 the
 legalized
 land,
 although
 that
 should
 be
 the
 ultimate
objective
of
regularization
programs,
especially
on
public
land.

 RESEARCH
QUESTIONS
 The
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 is
 an
 opportunity
 to
 analyze
 the
 polemics
 behind
 De
 Soto’s
 ideas.
 Qualitative
 research
 aims
 to
 introduce
 new
 elements
 to
 clarify
 these
 approaches
above
described.
This
understanding
enlightens
relevant
issues
about
the
limits
and
 possibilities
of
the
program,
as
well
opportunities
for
its
improvement.

 Since
 all
 viewpoints
 propose
 keeping
 dwellers
 in
 their
 existing
 settlements
 in
 a
 manner
 to
 upgrade
 existing
 conditions
 rather
 than
 create
 new
 irregular
 conditions,
 I
 propose
 the
 investigation
 be
 directed
 towards
 finding
 situations
 were
 the
 program
 “fails”,
 in
 that
 a
 family
 decides
to
move
and
occupy
land
irregularly.
In
such
a
case
this
means
that
the
program
was
not
 sufficient
 to
 stop
 the
 reproduction
 of
 poor
 city
 development
 .The
 research
 question
 becomes
 centered
 
 on
 this
 variable
 and
 it
 is
 then
 essential
 to
 discover:
 How
 and
 why
 were
 the
 original
 beneficiaries
of
the
land
regularization
program
unable
or
unwilling
to
remain
on
the
legalized
land?

 According
 to
 the
 program,
 security
 of
 tenure:
 [a]
 translates
 into
 a
 degree
 of
 certainty
 that
 can
 motivate
investment
of
own
resources
for
the
purpose
of
improving
shelter
and
services;
[b]
may
 also
 legitimize
 land
 or
 structures
 on
 that
 land
 as
 forms
 of
 collateral
 for
 credit,
 and
 therefore
 investment,
 and
 most
 important;
 [c]
 by
 providing
 occupancy
 rights,
 state
 authorities
 render
 a
 degree
of
urban
citizenship
–
“a
right
to
the
city.”
It
can
not
only
generate
a
sense
of
self‐worth
 and
respect,
but
also
sensitize
them
to
their
rights
and
responsibilities
as
urban
citizens.
 However,
if
the
goal
of
the
program
in
the
City
of
Porto
Velho
is
to
guarantee
tenure
–
to
secure
 land
regularization
through
land
titling
–
and
to
promote
the
right
to
the
city,
then
it
is
necessary
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 to
 supplement
 urban
 and
 social
 regularization,
 such
 as
 urban
 upgrading
 or
 job
 and
 income
 generation.
However,
this
aspect
of
the
program
may
be
lacking.
 I
will
answer
the
research
question
through
an
investigation
about:
 [A] How
 the
 land
 title
 by
 itself
 is
 or
 is
 not
 motivating
 shelter
 improvements,
 guaranteeing
 credit
and
promoting
the
right
to
the
city.

 [B] The
complex
dynamic
of
the
informal
urban
land
market
beyond
this
program
in
order
to
 build
 a
 better
 understanding
 about
 these
 planning
 practices,
 as
 well
 its
 possible
 enhancement.
 The
 research
 aspects
 about
 the
 informal
 dynamic
 studied
 include
 intra‐ urban
migration,
self‐construction
of
houses
and
the
labor
network.
 The
research
question
is
addressed
in
the
remainder
of
this
study
by
deriving
insights
from
the
 detailed
interview
and
survey
case
data
collected
during
this
study.
Before
proceeding
with
the
 exploration
of
these
questions,
the
methodology
implemented
in
the
study
is
briefly
introduced.

3.3. 
METHODOLOGY

The
 methodology
 for
 this
 research
 project
 employs
 multiple
 case
 studies.
 Case
 study
 research
 involves
 the
 examination
 of
 a
 phenomenon
 in
 its
 natural
 setting.
 The
 case
 study
 method
 is
 especially
appropriate
for
research
in
new
topic
areas,
with
a
focus
on
‘‘how’’
or
‘‘why’’
questions
 concerning
a
contemporary
set
of
events
[EISENHARDT,
1989].
The
research
design
can
involve
 single
 or
 multiple
 cases.
 Multiple
 cases
 are
 generally
 regarded
 as
 more
 robust,
 providing
 the
 observation
and
analysis
of
a
phenomenon
in
several
settings.
Case
study
research
that
employs
 multiple
cases
should
follow

replication
logic
[YIN,
1994].
 The
 focus
 of
 this
 study
 is
 on
 the
 understanding
 of
 how
 planning
 practices
 are
 connected
 with
 socio‐economic
 and
 political
 processes
 through
 the
 study
 of
 families
 who
 participated
 of
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program.
 Data
 was
 aggregated
 to
 discern
 patterns
 with
 respect
 to
 who
 in
 this
 Program
 has
 sold
 the
 deed
 after
 receiving
 it
 in
 the
 Program,
 segmented
 according
 to
 the
 nomination
and
selection
protocol
used
for
this
study.

 SELECTION
OF
INTERVIEW
 The
sample
was
constructed
in
three
steps.
First,
I
selected
a
list
of
houses
with
more
than
two
 proprietors
 in
 its
 records,
 which
 were
 located
 in
 neighborhoods
 of
 the
 Program.
 Second,
 using
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 phone
 calls
 this
 list
 was
 reduced
 to
 families
 with
 income
 less
 than
 3
 minimum
 salaries
 [80%
 of
 the
 housing
 deficit].
 Thus,
 interviews
 were
 chosen
 to
 reflect
 diversity
 related
 also
 to
 social
 variability:
families
with
parents
35‐years‐old
or
less
were
considered
‘‘young,’’
and
families
with
 parents
36‐years‐old
or
older
were
considered
‘‘old”.
 Location
selection
for
the
study
sites,
while
reflecting
the
desire
for
geographical
diversity
also
 reflected
research
project
budgetary
limitations.
Interviews
needed
to
fill
out
the
sample
matrix
 were
selected
from
the
list
of
proprietors
located
in
the
geographical
region
composed
of
Areas
 A,
B,
C,
D
and
E
[Figure
21].
Proprietors
who
do
not
live
in
Porto
Velho
were
not
considered.

 The
 progenitors
 of
 grounded
 theory
 in
 qualitative
 research,
 Glaser
 and
 Strauss
 [1967],
 do
 not
 recommend
a
specific
number
of
interviews,
but
say
that
the
researcher
should
continue
until
a
 state
of
theoretical
saturation
is
achieved.
 FIGURE
20
INTERVIEWS
LOCATION

Data
was
collected
through
in‐depth
interviews,
which
were
implemented
on
site.
The
interviews
 followed
a
standard
protocol
—
with
a
common
set
of
open‐ended
questions
designed
to
elicit
a
 discussion
about
selling
their
house.
Interviews
were
taped
for
later
transcription.

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 LIMITATIONS
 Lacking
useful
objective
financial
data
to
characterize
statistical
variability
over
time
of
who
had
 sold
the
deeds
distributed
by
the
city
administration,
the
study
utilizes
interview
data
that
relies
 on
the
memories
and
the
subjective
judgment
of
the
respondents.
Using
multiple
interviewees
 reduces
the
risk
of
a
biased
perspective
that
can
arise
if
only
a
single
individual
is
interviewed
and
 permits
 a
 more
 complete
 picture
 of
 the
 phenomena
 being
 studied
 [EISENHARDT,
 1989;
 Yin,
 1994].
 However,
 given
 the
 inexperience
 with
 the
 execution
 of
 this
 method
 in
 this
 study,
 their
 subjective
judgments
about
the
phenomena
can
be
questioned.

 Finally,
because
of
the
nature
of
the
phenomena
being
studied
and
the
data
that
was
collected,
 the
 insights
 and
 implications
 presented
 depend
 on
 the
 interpretative
 skill
 and
 knowledge
 and
 experience
of
the
researcher.
At
the
same
time,
that
knowledge
and
experience
can
create
a
bias
 in
 the
 way
 questions
 are
 posed
 and
 responses
 interpreted.
 Even
 so,
 following
 the
 recommendations
 of
 Eisenhardt
 [1989]
 and
 Yin
 [1994],
 it
 would
 be
 useful
 to
 conduct
 future
 studies
with
a
team
of
researchers
who
can
bring
different
perspectives
to
the
development
and
 implementation
 of
 the
 research
 protocol
 and
 to
 the
 analysis
 of
 the
 data.
 A
 mix
 of
 different
 perspectives
 can
 increase
the
likelihood
of
discovering
novel
insights.
Convergence
of
opinions
 from
various
researchers
can
enhance
confidence
in
the
findings
and
conflicting
views
can
keep
 the
research
from
premature
closure.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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CITY
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 3.4. ADDRESSING
 THE
 RESEARCH:
 INSIGHTS
 FROM
 THE
 LITERATURE
 AND
 RESULTS
OF
THE
STUDY

Restraining
 the
 interviews
 to
 families
 who
 decided
 to
 transfer
 the
 property
 deed
 leaves
 an
 interesting
situation.
No
matter
the
particular
philosophy
of
how
to
achieve
land
regularization
 all
 points
 of
 view
 agree
 about
 the
 necessity
 to
 keep
 dwellers
 in
 their
 existing
 settlements,
 therefore,
 the
 results
 of
 this
 study
 can
 be
 addressed
 independently
 of
 which
 approach
 is
 right
 about
the
land
regularization.

 The
following
findings
were
drawn
up
from
the
analysis
of
the
30
in‐depth
interviews
conducted
 on
 the
 site.
 They
 are
 divided
 by
 three
 research
 questions
 individuated
 previously
 in
 this
 study
 [Subchapter
3.2].

[A]
 The
first
investigation
concerns
how
the
land
title
by
itself
is
motivating
shelter
improvements,
 guaranteeing
credit
and
promoting
the
right
to
the
city.
The
findings
confirmed
the
theoretical
 hypothesis
that
legalization
is
not
enough
to
promote
the
“right
to
the
city”.

 For
 example,
 land
 regularization
 program
 and
 legalization
 of
 property
 did
 not
 help
 promote
 a
 feeling
 of
 security
 to
 those
 occupying
 land
 illegally.
 In
 fact,
 it
 was
 not
 that
 people
 still
 felt
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 insecure
after
receiving
property
rights
it
is
that
even
without
the
legalization
of
their
land
they
 already
had
a
sense
of
security
that
they
could
live
there
without
threat
of
removal
and
with
the
 security
that
any
investment
in
their
property
would
not
be
fruitless.
Those
occupants
with
the
 ownership
of
their
property
were
still
not
always
in
a
financial
position
to
receive
or
be
granted
 credit
 or
 loans
 from
 financial
 institutions
 or
 public
 and
 private
 banks.
 Lastly,
 those
 occupants
 unable
to
get
fincancial
backing
or
credit
from
legal
sources
such
as
banks
would
get
credit
on
 the
black
market.

 The
following
shows
in
more
detail
other
similiar
findings,
that:

 A1_

Some
 families
 have
 the
 habit
 of
 moving
 around.
 This
 habit
 changes
 depending
 on
 the

type
of
relationship
between
neighbors.
 A2_

Some
families
with
the
necessity
to
make
money
move.
They
sell
their
property
looking

for
 a
 better
 quality
 of
 life,
 which
 they
 do
 not
 get
 in
 their
 original
 location.
 In
 this
 case,
 a
 certification
 or
 property
 deed
 does
 not
 appear
 to
 influence
 the
 decision
 to
 sell.
 Instead,
 improvements
 like
 paving
 the
 road,
 adding
 a
 health
 center
 or
 a
 school
 have
 an
 enormous
 influence.
 A3_

No
 variation
 of
 the
 degrees
 of
 state
 intervention
 in
 the
 domain
 of
 economic
 property

relations
[individualistic]
can
fail
to
affirm
the
notion
of
the
social
function
of
property.

 A4_

The
social
network
is
also
a
strong
motivation
to
move.
Since
there
is
a
lack
of
comfort

and
 security,
 being
 around
 family
 becomes
 an
 important
 strategy
 for
 support.
 This
 reinforcement
in
the
local
network
can
improve
the
quality
of
life.

 A5_

Social
 exclusion
 between
 neighbors
 is
 also
 a
 reason
 for
 moving.
 When
 the

neighborhoods
 begin
 to
 receive
 more
 and
 more
 people
 of
 a
 higher
 social
 class,
 the
 relation
 between
the
individual
and
public
spaces
starts
to
be
a
problem.
 A6_

Since
 most
 irregular
 occupations
 are
 not
 recent,
 they
 are
 not
 being
 perceived
 as
 areas

without
 tenure
 security.
 Even
 without
 a
 property
 deed,
 they
 have
 access
 to
 informal/and
 sometimes
 even
 formal
 credit
 and
 public
 services,
 as
 well
 investment
 in
 improvements
 of
 the
 house.

 A7_

Banks,
official
financial
and
credit
institutions
are
not
prepared
to
give
systematic
credit

to
the
poor.
 A8_

“Right
to
the
city”
has
been
reduced
to
legal
right
to
the
city
and
it
has
not
helped
the

city
to
promote
social
inclusion
in
processes
of
large
decisions
in
the
city.
 However,
I
still
argue
that
because
of
the
range
of
and
access
to
the
program,
legal
support,
the
 amount
 of
 financing
 involved,
 the
 institutional
 structure
 organized,
 and
 the
 scale
 of
 residents
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 mobilized,
the
Land
Regularization
Program
provides
strong
elements
to
make
the
development
 of
a
Lefebvrian
theory
of
rights
possible.

 Lefebvre,
 in
 his
 book
 “The
 Right
 to
 the
 City”,
 encompasses
 the
 ideas
 that
 the
 city
 is
 public—a
 place
of
social
interaction
and
exchange.
Being
public
it
demands
heterogeneity—as
the
city
is
a
 place
where
encounters
with
difference
thrive.
Difference,
however,
creates
struggle
as
people
 compete
 over
 the
 shape
 of
 the
 city,
 in
 terms
 of
 access
 to
 the
 public
 realm,
 or
 the
 right
 to
 citizenship
[Mitchell,
2003].
 Therefore,
the
‘right
to
the
city’
would
basically
consist
of
the
right
of
all
residents
to
fully
enjoy
 urban
life
with
all
of
its
services
and
advantages,
the
right
to
habitation,
as
well
having
the
ability
 of
 urban
 dwellers
 to
 participate
 fully
 in
 the
 many
 opportunities
 of
 the
 city
 and
 the
 right
 to
 participation.
 When
 Lefebvre
 talks
 of
 participation
 he
 is
 concerned
 about
 the
 exclusion
 of
 inhabitants
 from
 those
opportunities.
A
claim
to
participation
therefore
aims
in
part
at
a
more
inclusive
city,
one
 where
opportunity
is
spread
more
equally
across
the
population.
The
right
to
the
city
is
therefore
 not
only
the
right
to
have
the
city
meet
the
needs
of
inhabitants,
but
also
the
right
to
participate
 fully
in
the
production
of
urban
space.
Certainly
inhabitants,
through
their
daily
routines
of
living
 in
 the
 city,
 always
 play
 a
 central
 role
 in
 the
 production
 of
 the
 city
 as
 a
 collective
 product.
 But
 participation
in
this
sense
also
claims
the
right
to
participate
in
the
large
decisions
that
reshape
 the
city.
 [B]
 The
 second
 investigation
 about
 intra‐urban
 migration,
 self‐construction
 of
 houses
 and
 labor
 network
were
fundamental
to
guide
a
discussion
about
how
the
program
can
promote
the
right
 to
the
city
through
the
complex
dynamic
of
the
informal
urban
land
market.
These
include:

 B1_

Two
 frequent
 patterns
 among
 the
 residents
 were
 identified:
 first,
 those
 who
 migrated

from
 rural
 areas
 and
 second,
 young
 families
 whose
 parents
 were
 born
 in
 the
 city.
 Both
 groups
 had
a
different
understanding
and
sentiment
about
housing.
The
contrast
is
that
young
families
 usually
prefer
an
urban
environment,
inside
of
the
city,
not
looking
to
have
a
big
yard,
accepting,
 and
sometimes
preferring,
an
apartment.
However,
both
of
them
dream
of
owning
a
house.
 B2_

Construction
 costs
 and
 labor
 are
 expensive
 and
 therefore
 laborers
 responsible
 for

constructing
houses
are
the
owners
themselves,
usually
with
friends
or
family
members
helping.

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B3_

The
price
of
land
seems
to
be
the
largest
obstacle.
However,
since
houses
are
built
little

by
little,
subsequently,
it
does
not
ask
a
large
amount
of
investment.
 B4_

A
 long
 relation
 of
 trust
 between
 neighbors
 is
 rare.
 The
 social
 network
 is
 more
 related

with
family
and
religion.
Maybe
that
is
one
of
the
reasons
why
common
spaces
are
not
usually
a
 priority.
 B5_

They
 value
 working
 at
 home
 in
 order
 to
 supplement
 their
 income.
 It
 is
 also
 an

opportunity
where
there
exists
a
high
unemployment
index.
 B6_

Children
are
influential
in
respect
to
the
choice
about
where
to
live.
Proximity
to
school

or
being
close
to
someone
who
takes
care
of
them
are
two
main
factors
influencing
this
decision.
 B7_

Environmental
 concerns
 are
 restricted
 to
 the
 private
 sphere,
 such
 as
 private
 gardens

inside
the
house.
In
the
local
sphere,
public
spaces,
it
is
common
to
find
outdoor
waste,
no
front
 yard,
vegetation
or
sidewalk.
High
wall
are
usually
used
to
divide
these
two
levels
of
space.
 B8_

The
house
is
sometimes
a
refuge
of
people
who
has
some
difficult
using
the
city,
which

could
be
physic
come
psychological.

 
 The
 following
 diagram
 is
 proposed
 by
 Mela
 and
 Ciaffi
 [2006],
 an
 emerging
 concept
 in
 sociological
interaction
model
named
“space‐participation
model”.
This
model
aims
to
leave
this
 task
as
open
as
possible,
but
most
important,
it
places
the
research
findings
into
the
city
towards
 an
identification
of
the
territorial
local
system14
Since
the
urban
dynamic
is
materialized
by
how
 the
inhabitants
utilize
the
space,
this
model
is
used
in
this
study
to
structure
all
results
and
guide
 the
discussion
toward
a
democratic
urban
development,
answering
the
question
about
how
the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 could
 promote
 the
 right
 to
 the
 city
 in
 each
 of
 these
 “ecological
 niches”.

14

“a
 group
 of
 reciprocally
 interacting
 bodies
 which,
 as
 a
 function
 of
 their
 specific
 relationships
 witha
 particular
environment
or
local
milieu,
behave,
in
certain
circumstances,
as
a
collective
body.”
(Dematteis
 and
Governa,
2005).
On
this
regard,
the
notion
of
SLOT
(Territorial
Local
Sytem)
formulated
by
Dematteis
 y
Governa
is
the
most
adequate
because
it
lets
to
link
the
sociological
and
environmental
views
through
 the
concept
of
relation
between
“social
capital”
and
“territorial
capital”.
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FIGURE
21
SPACE‐PARTICIPATION
MODEL

This
 model
 explores
 the
 participation
 process
 into
 4
 dimensions
 of
 action:
 communication,
 animation,
 consultation,
 and
 empowerment.
 Those
 dimensions
 are
 organized
 in
 a
 relational
 space
 in
 concentric
 circles:
 the
 inner
 circle
 is
 the
 space
 of
 intimacy
 [private
 space];
 the
 intermediate
circle
is
the
space
of
familiar
relationships
and
friendships
[local
public
space];
and
 the
broad
circle
is
the
rest
of
the
world
[super‐local
public
space].

 The
 concentric
 circles
 are
 configured
 as
 “ecological
 niches”
 because
 the
 relationships
 are
 tangible
 by
 proximity
 ties.
 So,
 the
 inner
 circle,
 or
 private
 space,
 is
 an
 ecological
 niche
 that
 contains
the
home;
the
intermediate
circle,
or
public
local
space,
is
another
ecological
niche
that
 contains
 public
 spaces
 perceived
 as
 familiar
 and
 therefore
 regularly
 frequented
 even
 if
 distant
 from
 house;
 and
 the
 external
 circle,
 the
 super‐local
 space,
 is
 a
 broad
 ecological
 niche
 that
 contains
 well
 known,
 marginally
 known
 or
 unknown
 public
 spaces
 and
 are
 perceived
 as
 non‐ familiar.
[Ciaffi
and
Mela,
2006].
 Since
 the
 participation
 process
 in
 the
 program
 is
 limited
 to
 a
 single
 community
 gathering
 to
 communicate
to
the
residents
about
the
goals
and
the
program
procedures
the
model
was
used
 to
 structure
 the
 research
 finding
 into
 the
 city
 spaces,
 leaving
 the
 social
 dimensions
 [communication,
 animation,
 consultation
 and
 empowerment]
 for
 a
 next
 phase
 in
 which
 the
 various
mechanisms
that
enable
civil
society
to
participate
in
local
decision
making
are
able
to
be
 more
deeply
analyzed.

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 101
 
 THE
PRIVATE
SPACE

The
 existent
 system
 of
 production
 of
 the
 informal
 city
 is
 mostly
 based
 on
 the
 individual;
 each
 person
decides
about
how
he
or
she
will
place
his
or
her
houses,
take
a
tree
out,
use
the
water
 from
the
river,
or
where
to
keep
the
waste.

A
process
of
participation
in
the
private
space
can
 take
advantage
of
the
opportunity
to
work
with
its
inhabitants,
the
embryo
of
the
irregular
city.

 In
addition,
the
dynamic
of
self‐construction
of
houses
is
incredibly
full
of
potential.
As
you
see
in
 the
concentric
circles
in
the
model
[Figure
21],
attention
is
brought
first
to
the
center,
the
private
 sphere,
 and
 than
 to
 the
 next
 level
 beginning
 with
 the
 house
 then
 going
 to
 the
 condominium,
 then
to
the
neighborhood,
and
then
to
the
city
[Mela
and
Ciaffi,
2006;
102:103].
In
other
words,
 the
inhabitants’
relation
with
the
city
is
reflected
at
the
level
of
the
home.
 Even
if
there
is
lack
of
associative
life
in
the
communities,
there
are
also
isolated
cases
where
a
 group
of
people
already
have
meetings
inside
someone’s
house
[religious
meeting,
kids,
family
 events,
and
so
forth].
This
process
could
be
introduced
into
the
planning
of
the
community
and
 city.
As
an
example,
the
only
community
mobilization
group
that
had
some
success
initiated
its
 activity
with
meetings
inside
a
house.

 Following
 this
 idea,
 this
 study
 argues
 that
 the
 land
 regularization
 programs
 can
 explore
 more
 than
 just
 the
 legal
 regularization
 and
 housing
 projects
 and
 more
 than
 physical
 restoration.
 An
 opened
process
at
the
familial
level
can
work
as
a
catalyst
in
the
urban
participation
process
in
 correlation
with
housing
polices
already
in
practice.

 In
Porto
Velho,
the
application
of
this
approach
will
depend
of
the
some
structural
changes
in
the
 government
 and
 the
 creativity
 of
 the
 city
 administration
 to
 incorporate
 these
 innovations
 into
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 the
 traditional
 practices
 some.
 As
 an
 example,
 justified
 by
 the
 social
 function
 of
 the
 property,
 vacant
 lots
 spread
 in
 the
 city
 could
 be
 potentially
 filled
 with
 social
 projects,
 in
 which
 the
 population
 will
 be
 enrolled
 in
 a
 participation
 process.
 Further,
 if
 well
 integrated,
 this
 projects
 could
self‐regenerate
the
urban
fabric.
 Nevertheless,
 the
 gains
 of
 this
 kind
 of
 approach
 are
 numerous.
 The
 city
 can
 help
 ameliorate
 social
exclusion
by
transforming
the
isolated
social
refuge
through
community
activism.
Another
 example
 is
 the
 European
 Development
 Agencies,
 which
 are
 a
 lead
 organization
 for
 sustainable
 urban
development,
holding
a
view
in
which
the
individual
is
represented
as
a
group
interest.

 These
agencies,
which
work
as
nodes
of
the
urban
network,
can
also
be
diversified.
One
example
 is
through
the
principle
of
cooperatives,
where
people
with
the
same
interests
(e.g.,
work,
study,
 etc.)
 get
 together
 to
 increase
 production
 or
 efficiency.
 This
 type
 of
 activity
 can
 also
 attract
 people
who
are
looking
for
work,
helping
the
local
economy
[unemployment]..
 Following
the
same
idea,
there
is
also
an
outside
possibility,
where
the
same
type
of
organization
 could
 be
 executed
 in
 projects
 such
 as
 the
 restoration
 of
 igarape’s,
 the
 construction
 of
 public
 spaces
or
shadow
areas.
All
of
these
options
are
not
just
gathering
places
but
also
help
manage
 part
of
the
process
of
participation.

POLITECNICO
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TORINO
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CITY
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BRAZIL
 103
 
 STRUCTURING
THE
LOCAL
NETWORK
[LOCAL
SPACES]

This
 second
 level
 surrounds
 the
 private
 space
 and
 complements
 it.
 Semi‐public
 spaces
 such
 as
 gardens,
 front
 yards
 or
 sidewalks
 are
 an
 extension
 of
 houses
 and
 fundamental
 to
 create
 the
 urban
environment.
As
more
of
these
spaces
are
shared,
more
of
the
urban
network
is
structured
 and
appropriated
by
its
inhabitants.
The
study
points
out
how
these
spaces
can
be
related
with
 the
high
turnover
of
population
in
Porto
Velho.
 The
 Development
 Agency
 can
 again
 be
 an
 excellent
 strategy.
 The
 diversity
 of
 its
 participant/integrant/user
 and
 its
 management
 can
 be
 helpful
 in
 this
 process
 of
 network
 reinforcement.
 However,
public
spaces
are
not
only
a
place
of
social
interaction.
In
planning
practices
they
are
 mainly
 a
 place
 of
 political
 contention.
 As
 a
 result,
 the
 city
 administration
 is
 more
 concerned
 about
 quantity
 than
 quality.
 The
 city
 argues
 that
 nobody
 can
 be
 excluded,
 and
 because
 the
 demand
is
too
big
they
have
to
reduce
the
quality.
The
products
of
this
urban
policy
can
be
seen
 in
many
situations
in
Porto
Velho.
As
examples,
the
most
distant
and
unstructured
neighborhood
 has
been
paved,
where
 the
quality
of
the
asphalt
and
sidewalks
are
questionable,
and
igarapés
 have
 been
 canalized,
 again
 with
 questionable
 quality.
 The
 results
 of
 the
 interviews
 showed,
 as
 psychologists
 affirm,
 that
 the
 process
 is
 more
 important
 than
 final
 numbers
 “Gli
 psicologi
 rifiutano
di
essere
considerati
erogatori
di
un
servizio:
il
ruolo
non
è
quello
di
dare
una
risposta
a
un
 bisogno
ma
di
aiutare
la
comunita
a
organizarsi.“
[Mela
and
Ciaffi,
2006:113].
Psychologists
refuse
 to
be
considered
as

providing
a
service:
their
role
is
not
to
give
a
response
to
those
in
need,
but
 instead
to
help
the
community
organize
itself.

POLITECNICO
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 Another
argument
against
this
theory
of
quantity
is
the
difference
between
necessity
and
desire.
 The
study
shows
that
the
disuse
or
downgrading
of
urban
space
is
sometimes
because
of
the
lack
 of
appropriate
facilities
or
design
that
cater
to
the
desires
of
the
used.
As
an
example,
because
 kids
were
only
permitted
to
play
inside
the
house,
the
playground
in
the
neighborhood
was
never
 used.
Mela
and
Ciaffi
use
the
expression
“modello
della
competenza”
[model
of
competence],
in
 which
they
argue
that
the
starting
point
of
the
design
process
of
a
public
space
is
not
it
purpose,
 goal,
or
objective,
but
rather
the
understanding
of
the
community
and
its
resources.
[Mela
and
 Ciaffi,
2006:113].

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
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IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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HOUSING
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
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BRAZIL
 105
 
 
 CONNECTIONG/BUILDING
THE
LOCAL
NETWORK
[SUPER‐LOCAL
SPACE]

In
 the
 limit
 or
 boundary
 of
 this
 diagram
 are
 super‐local
 pubic
 spaces.
 While
 the
 first
 level
 is
 important
 in
 the
 identification
 and
 generation
 of
 network
 nodes,
 this
 last
 one
 is
 about
 its
 connection.
 This
 last
 concentric
 circle
 is
 very
 important
 to
 tie
 the
 entire
 model
 together.
 It
 introduces
 the
 network
 prospective
 to
 the
 model
 connecting
 the
 local
 network
 built
 with
 first
 and
second
levels
with
the
urban
network.

 Brazil,
 since
 2001,
 is
 trying
 to
 reinforce
 the
 national
 and
 regional
 network
 through
 the
 organization
of
conferences
to
exchange
experiences
between
the
cities.
Porto
Velho
is
the
base
 of
the
regional
meeting
of
Rondônia
and
organizes
another
annual
gathering
between
the
urban
 centers
 inside
 the
 municipality.
 These
 meetings
 are
 called,
 respectively,
 the
 Cities
 Conference
 and
 Cities
 Council.
 They
 have
 a
 very
 important
 characteristic,
 they
 are
 also
 integrated
 by
 residents,
NGO’s,
associations
and
politicians
to
discuss
the
direction
of
the
urban
development
 and
the
Participatory
budgeting.
 However,
since
they
are
recent
in
the
planning
board,
they
are
still
trying
to
amplify
its
influence
 in
 the
 city
 planning.
 Other
 potentialities
 were
 also
 identified
 in
 this
 study,
 they
 include:
 more
 integration
 with
 other
 cities
 that
 are
 having
 the
 same
 challenges,
 such
 as
 Rio
 Branco,
 which
 is
 developing
interesting
work
about
urban
sustainability
and
Manaus,
with
who
Porto
Velho
has
a
 solid
commercial
rapport.
Manaus
is
the
biggest
city
in
the
Brazilian
Amazon
and
an
example
of
 POLITECNICO
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CITY
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VELHO,
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 the
 many
 aspects
 regarding
 modern
 
 urban
 development.
 This
 learning
 network
 can
 cross
 the
 Northern
boundaries
and
find
cities
that
have
been
model
of
Land
Regularization
Programs,
such
 as
Recife
[PE],
Belo
Horizonte
[MG],
São
Paulo
[SP]
or
Rio
de
Janeiro
[RO].

POLITECNICO
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TORINO
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IN
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HOUSING
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REGULARIZATION:
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 107
 
 3.5.

DISCUSSION
OF
RESULTS

Remembering
the
tripod
of
the
equitable
urban
development,
the
third
part
explored
how
urban
 policy
 can
 help
 with
 the
 equilibrium
 between
 the
 three
lags.
 The
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 was
 chosen
 as
 the
 research
 focus
 because
 of
 its
 strong
 relation
 with
 the
 political
 and
 social‐ economic
aspects
of
distributing
land
titles.
 After
 a
 Literature
 review
 it
 was
 found
 that
 many
 economists,
 planners,
 sociologists
 and
 geographers
 have
 tried
 to
 answer
 this
 question.
 The
 most
 influential
 being
 the
 ideas
 of
 the
 economist
Hernando
Soto,
in
which
the
philosophy
behind
the
Land
Regularization
program
in
 Porto
Velho
most
closely
follows.
 Hernando
 de
 Soto
 is
 right
 when
 he
 questions
 the
 legitimacy
 of
 exclusionary
 legal
 systems.
 To
 guarantee
the
legal
right
to
housing
is
not
just
a
matter
of
paying
a
historical
debt
towards
social
 justice,
 but
 it
 is
 already
 something
 recognized
 by
 the
 Constitution.
 However,
 housing
 rights
 cannot
be
reduced
to
individual
property
rights.
There
are
already
many
innovative
legal‐political
 strategies
 to
 promote
 the
 articulation
 of
 individual
 land
 tenure
 with
 the
 recognition
 of
 social
 housing
 rights
 compatible
 with
 keeping
 dwellers
 in
 their
 existing
 settlements.
 However,
 since
 the
goal
is
the
right
to
the
city,
legal
regularization
is
not
enough.
It
has
to
be
followed
with
an
 urban,
 social,
 economic,
 and
 political
 regularization,
 which
 must
 identify
 and
 understand
 the
 factors
 that
 have
 contributed
 to
 the
 phenomenon
 of
 urban
 illegality.
 Otherwise
 there
 will
 be
 replication
of
social
inequalities,
and
the
benefits
of
public
investment
will
not
be
captured
by
the
 urban
poor,
but
by
traditional
and
new
private
land
developers,
as
has
happened
in
Porto
Velho.

 This
study
illustrated
the
difference
between
housing
rights
and
housing
deficit.
We
need
to
be
 opened
to
learn
with
the
informal
urban
dynamic
to
be
able
to
understand/
rethink
what
are
the
 problems
and
solutions.
Importing
and
applying
standard
solutions
did
not
work
in
the
past.

 The
 city
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 has
 the
 largest
 program
 in
 Brazil,
 expecting
 the
 tenure
 of
 more
 than
 40.000
 families
 before
 2012.
 However,
 the
 correlation
 of
 an
 urban
 participation
 process
 with
 housing,
 the
 housing
 polices
 already
 in
 practice
 is
 almost
 unnoticeable.
 After
 the
 in‐depth
 interviews
 conducted
 on
 site,
 it
 was
 implied
 how
 the
 deeds
 do
 not
 have
 an
 important
 role
 in
 urban
regeneration
of
these
neighborhoods
of
Porto
Velho.
However
seeing
at
the
range,
legal
 support,
 amount
 of
 financing
 involved,
 institutional
 structure
 organized,
 and
 the
 scale
 of
 residents
 mobilized,
 this
 program
 can
 still
 be
 improved,
 reinforcing
 the
 local
 urban
 network,
 improving
the
results
of
the
program
and
poverty
reduction
and
better
the
quality
of
urban
life.
 POLITECNICO
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108
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CITY
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VELHO,
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 Using
 the
 space‐participation
 model,
 the
 results
 were
 analyzed
 in
 three
 levels
 of
 urban
 space.
 Private
spaces
were
identified
as
the
most
potential
level
to
be
developed
in
the
program.

 Instead,
 local
 spaces
 can
 have
 a
 strategic
 role
 in
 the
 program.
 Today
 it
 is
 limited
 to
 a
 single
 meeting
 to
 communicate
 the
 program
 goals
 and
 the
 procedure
 to
 each
 resident
 to
 obtain
 the
 property
 deed.
 This
 study
 suggests
 the
 implementation
 of
 a
 development
 agency
 in
 the


 neighborhoods
 beneficiated
 by
 the
 program,
 which
 will
 not
 just
 promote
 the
 community
 participation,
but
also
it
will
monitor
the
program
results,
as
well
the
living
conditions.

 The
 use
 of
 super‐local
 spaces
 is
 already
 a
 strong
 policy
 of
 the
 federal
 and
 local
 government.
 However,
it
needs
to
be
better
associated
with
the
program.
The
exchange
with
other
cities
in
 Brazil
 could
 also
 help
 the
 city
 to
 improve
 the
 program.
 These
 meetings
 could
 be
 furthermore
 complemented
with
the
Internet,
leaving
the
program
information
available
online,
for
example,
 for
consultation.
 Each
 group
 of
 places
 can
 be
 used
 to
 let
 urban
 poor
 have
 the
 right
 to
 the
 city,
 toward
 a
 democratic
 city
 that
 engages
 its
 residents
 in
 forging
 inclusive
 and
 sustainable
 urban
 development.
The
next
phase
of
this
study
will
be
to
look
deeper
at
the
various
mechanisms
that
 enable
 civil
 society
 to
 participate
 in
 local
 decision
 making
 [time,
 involved
 actors,
 public
 and
 private
 financing]
 and
 how
 this
 participation
 can
 better
 ensure
 equal
 opportunities,
 more
 transparency
and
efficiency
in
urban
management
and
planning.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
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HOUSING
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 109

C

ONCLUSION

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110
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POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
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SCIENCE
IN
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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HOUSING
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 111
 
 Equitable
and
inclusive
urban
development
is
seen
to
be
a
key
to
future
sustainable
habitation.
 To
 arrive
 at
 a
 representative
 definition
 of
 such
 may
 need
 to
 be
 parsed
 to
 define
 what
 a
 meaningful
 and
 consequently
 effective
 urban
 policy
 might
 be.
 It
 is
 fundamental
 to
 understand
 first
 what
 is
 not
 equitable
 and
 what
 does
 need
 to
 be
 included.
 This
 reflection
 came
 into
 sight
 during
 this
 study
 when
 I
 realized
 that
 the
 concept
 of
 poverty
 is
 relative.
 For
 example,
 even
 though
all
of
the
families
interviewed
were
in
the
same
social
class
–
of
0‐3
minimum
salaries
–
 they
did
not
share
the
same
perception
about
poverty.
The
concept
of
poverty
in
this
way
may
 go
 beyond
 physical
 living
 conditions.
 This
 issue
 begs
 future
 attention,
 in
 order
 to
 thoughtfully
 realize
and
verify
the
actual
meaning
and
goals
of
an
urban
policy.
 I
 argue
 that
 in
 order
 for
 equitable
 urban
 development
 to
 be
 realized
 it
 ought
 to
 operate
 coherently
 between
 the
 socio‐economy,
 politics,
 and
 planning
 practices.
 In
 the
 case
 of
 Porto
 Velho
I
identified
that
the
socio‐economic
and
political
environment
were
not
sufficiently
taken
 into
 consideration
 in
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program
 resulting
 in
 insufficient
 urban
 development
 strategies
 where
 standards
 of
 living
 were
 below
 national
 and
 international
 levels
 considered
 acceptable.
 This
 work
 made
 an
 effort
 to
 reestablish
 the
 equilibrium
 between
 these
 three
aspects
of
urban
planning,
identifying
program
deficiencies
as
well
as
potentiality.
 The
 first
 goal
 of
 this
 study
 was
 to
 discern
 and
 present
 an
 understanding
 of
 the
 background
 of
 urban
planning
in
which
the
Land
Regularization
Program
in
Brazil
is
placed.
A
literature
review
 was
conducted
to
explore
historical
and
existing
planning
practices
and
ways
of
improving
them.
 I
summarized
the
elements
for
improvement
need
to
be
merged
in
a
context
of:
a
less
direct
role
 of
 public
 administration;
 decentralization
 of
 the
 public
 administration;
 less
 beaurocracy
 and
 softening
 of
 the
 programs
 structure;
 loss
 of
 models
 of
 reference;
 decline
 of
 planning
 and
 the
 acceptance
of
open
programs;
multiplication
of
actors
in
the
field
of
urban
development;
and
the
 appearance
of
new
specialists.
Facing
this
new
context
this
study
drew
attention
to
3
principles:

 First,
 that
 the
 success
 of
 urban
 space
 goes
 beyond
 its
 beauty.
 Urban
 environments
 need
 to
 be
 designed
 in
 context
 of
 other
 factors,
 such
 as
 the
 local
 culture
 and
 economy.
 Second,
 since
 territories
 are
 becoming
 more
 fluid,
 mutable,
 multiple,
 and
 unpredictable,
 I
 believe
 that
 equitable
 and
 inclusive
 urban
 development
 is
 only
 possible
 with
 a
 flexible
 and
 open
 attitude,
 where
 planning
 incorporates
 a
 process
 of
 moderation
 with
 the
 communities
 under
 its
 jurisdiction.
Lastly,
that
urban
spaces
need
to
be
political
reinforced
to
create
debate
about
the
 city
 and
 local
 organization.
 Without
 local
 input
 and
 refashioning
 of
 global
 knowledge,
 its
 application
can
be
inappropriate,
misconceived
and
perverse.

POLITECNICO
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 My
second
goal
was
then
to
comprehend
these
planning
theories
and
practices
in
the
city,
and
 consequently
 functional/dysfunctional
 aspects
 of
 them.
 Through
 the
 case
 study
 of
 Porto
 Velho
 this
 investigation
 was
 followed
 by
 research
 about
 the
 existing
 housing
 conditions
 using
 the
 method
of
FJP
and
reviewing
reports
and
statistics
of
Porto
Velho.
I
found
that
the
problem
in
 the
city
of
Porto
Velho
is
a
cross
between
the
deficits
of
the
housing
stock
(quantitatively)
with
 the
even
more
apparent
need
for
better
conditions
of
dwellings
(qualitatively).
The
city
of
Porto
 Velho
was
literally
built
brick
by
brick,
with
the
hands
of
its
residents,
in
a
manner
that
the
city
 today
 has
 a
 housing
 deficit
 lower
 than
 the
 national
 index.
 However,
 this
 number
 still
 indicates
 low
public
investments,
especially
for
families
with
low
income
that
represents
70%
(7.463)
of
the
 housing
deficit.
Further,
housing
production
since
1998
is
currently
5.240
units,
but
only
2.085
to
 low‐income
families
(4‐6
MNW)
–
in
other
words,
just
25%
of
its
demand.
This
number
is
going
to
 increase
with
the
construction
of
the
Madeira
River
Hydro‐electrical
Complex,
introducing
a
new
 economic
 cycle,
 which
 will
 increase
 the
 total
 population
 by
 26%
 in
 200615.
 This
 represents
 a
 challenge
 for
 the
 local
 authorities
 to
 absorb
 these
 impacts
 to
 promote
 urban
 development;
 otherwise
the
city
will
suffer
as
it
has
in
the
past
with
previous
economic
cycles
responsible
for
 unmanageable
 land
 use
 and
 irregular
 occupation
 of
 the
 land.
 It
 is
 important
 to
 develop
 a
 strategic
plan
to
assimilate
these
future
and
inevitable
changes.
 However,
 if
 the
 quantitative
 housing
 deficit
 does
 not
 seem
 a
 critical
 problem,
 the
 qualitative
 aspects
surpass
the
minimal
standards
of
urban
living.
This
contrast
between
a
qualified
minority
 and
 a
 majority
 with
 precarious
 urban
 conditions
 is
 much
 more
 than
 an
 expression
 of
 income
 disparity
and
of
social
inequalities:
it
is
the
agent
of
reproduction
of
this
inequality.

 As
any
Brazilian
city,
it
was
divided
in
two
cities
(formal/
informal),
each
one
with
its
own
law
and
 dynamic.
 Since
 this
 chaotic
 urbanization
 was
 perceived
 as
 the
 only
 scheme
 due
 to
 cycles
 of
 economic
 climax
 and
 the
 need
 for
 labor
 to
 construct
 the
 city
 without
 sufficient
 wages
 for
 housing,
a
big
part
of
the
city
was
not
considered
by
the
city
administration.
The
urban
area
of
 Porto
 Velho,
 according
 the
 IBGE
 (2000
 Census
 Report),
 has
 68.944
 residencies,
 in
 which
 50,57%(34.866)
is
located
in
irregular
areas,
which
is
also
a
consequence
of
a
lack
of
efficiency
in
 housing
 policy.
 As
 a
 result,
 more
 than
 evoking
 progress
 or
 development
 it
 came
 to
 reflect
 and
 intensify
the
injustices
and
inequalities
of
society.
These
include,
high
walls
encircling
houses
to
 keep
 people
 off
 of
 private
 property/electric
 fences,
 closed
 housing
 communities
 and
 polluted
 igarapes.
 



































































 15

Environmental
Impacts
Study
of
Madeira
River
Hydro‐electrical
Complex.
June
2006
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
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HOUSING
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CITY
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PORTO
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 113
 
 Regarding
this
part
of
the
study,
It
should
take
into
account
that
lacking
useful
objective
financial
 data
to
characterize
statistical
variability
over
time
of
who
had
sold
the
deeds
distributed
by
the
 city
 administration,
 the
 study
 utilizes
 interview
 data
 that
 relies
 on
 the
 memories
 and
 the
 subjective
judgment
of
the
respondents.
Using
multiple
interviewees
reduces
the
risk
of
a
biased
 perspective
that
can
arise
if
only
a
single
individual
is
interviewed
and
permits
a
more
complete
 picture
of
the
phenomena
being
studied.
However,
given
the
inexperience
with
the
execution
of
 this
method
in
this
study,
their
subjective
judgments
about
the
phenomena
can
be
questioned.
 Lastly,
and
most
importantly,
I
adopted
the
method
of
qualitative
field
research
as
a
means
to
 further
 determine
 possible
 gaps
 between
 theory
 and
 practice,
 accounting
 for
 unanticipated
 or
 undetermined
 community
 practices
 that
 can
 either
 undermine
 or
 enhance
 the
 Land
 Regularization
 Program.
 Since
 all
 viewpoints
 propose
 keeping
 dwellers
 in
 their
 existing
 settlements
 in
 a
 manner
 to
 upgrade
 existing
 conditions
 rather
 than
 create
 new
 irregular
 conditions,
I
propose
the
investigation
be
directed
towards
finding
situations
were
the
program
 “fails”,
 in
 that
 a
 family
 decides
 to
 move
 and
 occupy
 land
 irregularly.
 In
 such
 a
 case
 this
 means
 that
 the
 program
 was
 not
 sufficient
 to
 stop
 the
 reproduction
 of
 poor
 city
 development
 .In
 this
 way
the
research
question
becomes
centered
on
this
variable
and
it
is
then
essential
to
discover
 How
and
why
were
the
original
beneficiaries
of
the
land
regularization
program
unable
or
unwilling
 to
remain
on
the
legalized
land?
 I
answered
this
question
through
an
investigation
about:
[A]
How
the
land
title
by
itself
is
or
is
 not
 motivating
 shelter
 improvements,
guaranteeing
credit
and
promoting
the
right
to
the
 city.
 [B]
 The
 complex
 dynamic
 of
 the
 informal
 urban
 land
 market
 beyond
 this
 program
 in
 order
 to
 build
 a
 better
 understanding
 about
 these
 planning
 practices,
 as
 well
 its
 possible
 enhancement.
 The
 research
 aspects
 about
 the
 informal
 dynamic
 studied
 include
 intra‐urban
 migration,
 self‐construction
of
houses
and
the
labor
network.
 [A]
The
city
of
Porto
Velho
has
the
largest
program
in
Brazil,
expecting
the
tenure
of
more
than
 40.000
 families
 before
 2012.
 However,
 the
 correlation
 of
 an
 urban
 participation
 process
 with
 housing
 and
 the
 housing
 polices
 already
 in
 practice
 is
 almost
 unnoticeable.
 After
 the
 in‐depth
 interviews
conducted
on
site
it
was
implied
that
the
deeds
do
not
have
an
important
role
in
urban
 regeneration
 of
 these
 neighborhoods
 of
 Porto
 Velho.
 However,
 in
 view
 of
 the
 scope
 of
 the
 program,
legal
support,
amount
of
financing
involved,
institutional
structure
organized,
and
the
 scale
 of
 residents
 mobilized,
 this
 program
 can
 still
 be
 improved,
 reinforcing
 the
 local
 urban
 network,
improving
 the
results
 of
the
program
and
poverty
reduction
and
better
the
quality
 of
 urban
life.
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
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OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

114
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 [B]
Using
the
space‐participation
model,
the
results
were
analyzed
in
three
levels
of
urban
space.
 Private
 spaces
 were
 identified
 as
 the
 most
 potential
 level
 to
 be
 developed
 in
 the
 program.

 Instead,
local
spaces
can
have
a
strategic
role
in
the
program,
which
today
it
is
limited
to
a
single
 meeting
 to
 communicate
 the
 program
 goals
 and
 the
 procedure
 to
 each
 resident
 to
 obtain
 the
 property
 deed.
 This
 study
 suggests
 the
 implementation
 of
 a
 development
 agency
 in
 the
 neighborhoods
 beneficiated
 by
 the
 program,
 which
 will
 not
 just
 promote
 community
 participation,
but
will
also
monitor
the
program
results,
as
well
the
living
conditions.
The
use
of
 super‐local
 spaces
 is
 already
 a
 strong
 policy
 of
 the
 federal
 and
 local
 government.
 However,
 it
 could
be
better
associated
with
the
program.
The
exchange
with
other
cities
in
Brazil
could
also
 help
the
city
to
improve
the
program.
These
meetings
could
furthermore
be
complemented
with
 the
Internet,
leaving
the
program
information
available
online,
for
example,
for
consultation.
 Besides,
I
would
emphasize
that
because
of
the
nature
of
the
phenomena
being
studied
and
the
 data
 that
 was
 collected,
 the
 insights
 and
 implications
 presented
 depend
 on
 the
 interpretative
 skill,
 knowledge
 and
 experience
 of
 the
 researcher.
 At
 the
 same
 time,
 that
 knowledge
 and
 experience
can
create
a
bias
in
the
way
questions
are
posed
and
responses
interpreted.
Even
so
it
 would
 be
 useful
 to
 conduct
 future
 studies
 with
 a
 team
 of
 researchers
 who
 can
 bring
 different
 perspectives
 to
 the
 development
 and
 implementation
 of
 the
 research
 protocol
 and
 to
 the
 analysis
of
the
data.
Convergence
of
opinions
from
various
researchers
can
enhance
confidence
 in
the
findings
and
conflicting
views
can
keep
the
research
from
premature
closure.
 However,
it
must
be
made
clear
that
all
these
suggestions
in
themselves
are
necessary
but
not
 sufficient
to
lead
to
real
local
development,
in
which,
decisive
local
conditions
are
not
those
that
 depend
directly
on
external
transformations,
but
ones
that
constitute
the
territorial
milieu,
and
 that
allow
local
system
to
be
formed
and
reproduced.
Those
generate
specific
externality
in
the
 interior
of
the
system.
 Future
 studies
 will
 be
 developed
 concerning
 a
 mental
 construction
 that
 will
 correspondence,
 more
 than
 with
 an
 existing
 reality,
 with
 a
 projectual
 reality.
 This
 will
 be
 defined
 by
 looking
 deeper
 at
 the
 various
 mechanisms
 that
 enable
 civil
 society
 to
 participate
 in
 local
 decision
 making,
 as
 well
 time,
 involved
 actors,
 public
 and
 private
 financing.
 In
 this
 way,
 to
 understand
 how
 this
 capacity
 of
 collective
 organization,
 the
 construction
 of
 coalitions
 and
 partnerships
 orientated
 to
 specific
 goals
 can
 better
 ensure
 equal
 opportunities,
 more
 transparency
 and
 efficiency
in
urban
management
and
planning.

 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

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AND
LAND
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CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
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AND
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 117
 
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[2002]
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B.
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[2007]
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 G.,
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Planet
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[1989]
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 532–550
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[1991]
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 FERNANDES,
E.
[2000]
Law
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the
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illegality:
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 Faundez,
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[2003]
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[2007]
Constructing
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[2009]
Urban
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UNB,
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 GILBERT,
A.
[2001]
On
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What
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Paper
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B.G.
and
STRAUSS,
A.L.

[1967]
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 A.
 [1988]
 Quand
 le
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 un
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 une
 cause.
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 H.,
 KOFMAN,
 E.
 and
 LEBAS
 E.
 [1996].
 Writings
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 MA
 MARICATO,
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 [2000]
 As
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 lugar
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 o
 lugar
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 das
 idéias:
 planejamento
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 no
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 desmanchando
 consensos.Petrópolis,
RJ:
Vozes.
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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2009/2010

118
 HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 MELA,
A.
and
CIAFFI,
D.
[2006]
La
Partecipazione,
Carocci,
Torino.
 MITCHELL,
D.
[2003]
The
Right
to
the
City:
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justice
and
the
fight
for
public
space.
New
York,
 London,
The
Guilford
Press.
 OLIVEIRA,
F.
[1982]
O
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o
urbano
no
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Espaço
e
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n
º
6.
 PACHECO,
C.
A.
[1992]
Urbanização
e
metropolização
no
Estado
de
São
Paulo:
desafios
da
política
 urbana.
 Relatório
 –
 A.
 3
 Urbanização
 e
 reprodução
 social:
 marginalidade
 e
 precarização
 dasestruturas
sociais
no
desenvolvimento
urbano
brasileiro.
NESUR,
IE‐UNICAMP.
 PAYNE,
 G.
 [2001]
 The
 mystery
 of
 capital:
 Why
 capitalism
 triumphs
 in
 the
 west
 and
 fails
 everywhere
else.
Habitat
Debate
(September)
7
(3):23.

 PURCELL,
M.
H.
[2008]
Recapturing
democracy:
neoliberalization
and
the
struggle
for
alternative
 urban
futures.
Routledge,
New
York,
NY.
 SOTO,
 H.,
 [2003]
 Listening
 to
 the
 Barking
 Dogs:
 Property
 law
 against
 Poverty
 in
 the
 non‐West,
 Focaal,
41:
179‐185.
 SOTO,
 H.,
 [2000]
 The
 Mystery
 of
 Capital.
 Why
 Capitalism
 Triumphs
 in
 the
 West
 and
 Fails
 Everywhere
Else.
New
York:
Basic
Books.
 TOPALOV,
 C.
 [1992]
 De
 la
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 à
 Écologie.
 Naisssance
 d’um
 Noveau
 Paradigme
 de
 l’Action
 sur
 la
 Ville
 et
 l’Habitat.
 Speech
 during
 the
 International
 Conference
 about
 Housing
 in
 Montreal.
 UNITED
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 HUMAN
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 The
 challenge
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 slums:
 global
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2003.
UN‐HABITAT.
 YIN,
R.K.
[1994]
Case
study
research,
Sage
Publications,
Thousand
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CA.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
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‐
MASTER
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SCIENCE
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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HOUSING
RIGHT
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CITY
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PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 119
 
 
 APPENDICES

•

INTERVIEWS
SUMMARY
INDEX
AND
NOTES

•

INTERVIEW
PROTOCOL

•

MAPS

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
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IN
TERRITORIAL,
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AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
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HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_01

NOTES
 [1] Mainly
reason
for
moving:
to
change
just
because.
They
don’t
like
to
stay
in
the
same
place
for
 many
years.
Why
that
is
still
a
question.
Is
it
just
a
personal
way
of
life?
Do
they
feel
connect
with
 the
place?
Because
the
answer
was
not
expected
at
that
point
I
did
not
find
a
way
to
develop
it.
 nd

[2 
December]
 [2] They
are
just
one
family
with
young
kids
sharing
the
house.
Is
it
an
important
aspect
to
support.
 nd

[2 
December]
 [3] A
friend
made
all
improvements
is
the
house
as
a
way
of
helping
a
friend
and
paying
less.
Is
it
a
 nd

common
social
pact?
[2 
December]
 nd

[4] Even
 they
 had
 all
 these
animals
in
the
house
they
did
not
show
 much
excitement
 about
it.
 [2 
 December]
 [5] Because
they
have
the
tendency
of
comparing
the
good
aspect
of
the
present
with
the
bad
aspect
 nd

of
the
past
I
should
try
to
bring
them
to
the
past
during
the
interview.
[2 
December]
 nd

[6] 
The
proximity
with
her
kid’s
school
is
a
positive
point
about
the
location
chose.
[2 
December]
 nd

[7] They
miss
being
closer
to
the
commercial
area.
[2 
December]

POLITECNICO
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TORINO
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120

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121

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_01

⊕

ID_01

Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
 years)

Rua
José
Moreira
 69
99543345
 Maria
José
Santana
da
Silva
 32
 Manaus
 3
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults
 Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description

Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
 centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

FAMILY
 Husband

(57
years
old)
 Wife
(interviewed)
(32
years
old)
 Manuela
(9
years
old)
 Rafaela
(8
years
old)
 (0‐3)
Husband
(public
servant);
Wife
(waitress)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 1
dog;
many
birds;
chicken;
one
rabbit;
ornamental
fishes
 
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tiradentes
 Big
kitchen
 Cheaper;
 
 Closer
to
kid’s
school
 
 
 2
rooms;
 3
rooms
 1
bathroom;
 2
bathrooms;
 
 New
ceiling;
 contrapiso;
 
 Ceramic
pavement;
 
 
 
 A
friend
of
them
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 
 Calm/
reserved
street
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Closer
to
the
commercial
area
 Closer
to
a
school
for
her
kids

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_02

NOTES
 [1] Mainly
 reason
 for
 moving:
 work.
 
 They
 sold
 their
 house
 and
 moved
 to
 other
 city
 very
 close
to
Porto
Velho.
[2nd
December]
 [2] Her
dad
made
all
the
improvements
of
their
old
house.
I
noticed
this
social
proximity/
 intimacy
with
the
construction
worker
is
very
common.
[2nd
December]
 [3] Also
constant
improvements.
During
the
interview
her
dad
was
installing
a
new
ceiling
 in
the
house.[2nd
December]
 [4] Her
house
was
also
her
workstation.[2nd
December]
 [5] Her
 sense
 of
 community
 is
 very
 connected
 with
 the
 church.
 She
 told
 me
 about
 the
 community
center
organized
by
a
catholic
church
where
she
worked
for
couple
months.
 nd

[2 
December]

Ob.:
 She
 also
 told
 me
 about
 a
 community
 center
 organized
 by
 a
 Catholic
 Church.
 It
 was
 responsible
for
organize
the
first
occupants
of
the
area.
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

122

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_02

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years

Francisco
de
Assis
Street,
2349
 69
32241344
 Néry
 45
 Rio
Grande
do
Norte
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults
 Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
 public
transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

ID_02

FAMILY
 Néry
(interviewed)
(45
years
old)
 Husband
(
50
years
old)
 none
 (3‐5
minimum
salaries)
Néry
(beautician);
her
husband
(public
servant)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 none

 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Ariquemes
 Did
not
say
too
much
about
it.
 Cheaper;
 
 Big
kitchen;
 Big
backyard;
 
 2
rooms;
 2
rooms
 1
bathroom;
 1
bathrooms;
 
 Everything;
 Nothing
 
 
 
 Her
dad
 Nobody
 
 Also
worked
as
her
salon.
 Also
worked
as
her
salon.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Did
not
say
too
much
about
it.
 Good
neighbors
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Closer
to
the
commercial
area

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

123

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_03

NOTES
 [1] Second
 young
 couple
 that
 likes
 moving.
 She
 was
 telling
 me
 that
 they
 are
 already
 thinking
about
moving
again.
They
“got
sick”
of
the
place
already.
 [2] The
next
place
will
be
closer
to
her
kid’s
school.
 [3] Everything
 in
 the
 house
 seems
 temporary
 and
 improvised,
 which
 is
 a
 consequence
 of
 this
nonattachment.
 [4] She
 misses
 the
 big
 plazas
 in
 downtown
 and
 do
 not
 like
 the
 small
 ones
 around
 her
 current
house.
 [5] Her
favorite
part
in
the
house:
the
TV.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

124

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

125

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_03

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Fabia
Street,
7286
 69
92171716
 Maria
 26
 Porto
Velho
 3
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults
 Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

ID_03

FAMILY
 Maria
(interviewed)
(26
years
old)
 Husband
(
30
years
old)
 Ray
(8
years
old)
 (0‐3minimum
salaries)
her
husband
(construction
worker)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 One
bird;
chicken;
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Olaria
 Tancredo
Neves
 Did
not
feel
socially
comfortable;
 Different
 
 
 
 1
rooms;
 1
rooms
 1
bathroom;
 1
bathrooms;
 
 Everything;
 Nothing
 
 
 
 Nobody
 Nobody
 
 Do
not
care
too
much
about
her
house;
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Did
not
say
too
much
about
it.
 Good
neighbors
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 More
 activities.
 Everything
 was
 close.
 Very
peaceful.

 (Walk
distant)
 Around
“poor
people
like
 
 her”(Maria)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_04

NOTES
 [1] Mainly
reason
for
selling
was
to
make
money.
Her
ex‐husband
left
them
and
he
was
the
 big
responsible
for
the
family
income.
Now
they
are
living
in
a
small
house
in
the
same
 street.
They
are
still
sad
about
it.
The
old
house
was
everything
for
them.
 [2] They
all
leave
now
with
the
grandmother
retirement
payment,
which
means
a
very
low
 income.
Francisca
used
to
be
an
informal
seller.
After
they
sold
the
house
she
start
her
 business
riding
a
bike,
but
she
got
sick
and
now
she
is
not
able
to
do
that
anymore.
 [3] It
seams
more
like
an
exception
typology.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

126

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

127

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_04

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Marmoré
Avenue,
3991
 69
32243389
 Francisca
Jovelina
 52
 Manaus
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_04

FAMILY
 Mother
(interviewed)
(52
years
old)
 Grandmother
(69
years
old)
 Rafaela
(15
years
old)
 
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 1
cat;
1
bird;
chicken;

 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tancredo
Neves
 Big
kitchen;
 Cheaper;
 Big
backyard;
 
 Three
rooms;
 
 
 
 3
rooms;
 2
rooms
 2
bathroom;
 1
bathrooms;
 
 everything;
 contrapiso;
 
 Ceramic
pavement;
 
 
 Ex‐husband
 A
friend
of
them
 
 A
little
store
where
she
used
to
sell
clothes
 
 in
general.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 principal
road,
good
for
her
business/
 calm/
reserved
street.
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 same
neighborhood

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_05

NOTES
 [1] Since
 nobody
 moved
 from
 the
 house
 I
 could
 say
 that
 theoretically
 they
 didn’t
 transfer
 the
document.
 [2] Instead,
it
is
a
perfect
example
of
a
family
that
obtained
success
moving
to
Porto
Velho
 from
a
small
city
in
Maranhão.

 [3] It
 is
 curios
 to
 observe
 the
 strong
 connection
 with
 the
 neighborhood.
 All
 friends
 and
 family
live
in
the
area.
They
neither
mind
of
taking
two
buses
to
bring
the
kind
to
school.

 [4] The
 sense
 of
 community
 is
 always
 religious
 related:
 talking
 about
 neighbors,
 public
 places,
and
community
center.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

128

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

129

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_05

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Aruba
Street,
8148
 69
32142396
 Diana
Chavier
 31
 Maranhão
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_05

FAMILY
 Mother
(interviewed)
(31
years
old)
 Mother’s
Sister
(29
years
old)
 Daniel
(9
years
old)
 (5‐10
minimum
salaries)
Mother
and
sister
(school
teachers),
Husband
(public
servant)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 2
dogs;

 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Same
 Tancredo
Neves
 She
passed
the
document
to
her
 The
start
from
a
small
wood
house
to
be
 sister
because
of
a
financial
 where
they
are
now:
two
brick
 agreement.
 constructions.
 
 A
house
in
the
back
and
a
two
floors
 
 building
in
the
front
(store+apartment)
 
 
 Same
 Back
house
(2
rooms
+
1
bathroom)
 
 Front
(1
store
+
1
room
+
2
bathrooms)
 
 Everything;
 With
the
bank
credit
they
are
building
 
 another
house
in
the
neighborhood.
 
 
 Same
 A
friend
came
from
Maranhão
to
work
in
 
 the
construction.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Same
 close
to
the
biggest
commercial
street
in
the
 
 neighborhood
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_06

NOTES
 [1] They
 did
 not
 sell
 the
 house.
 Instead,
 they
 are
 vey
 proud
 of
 it
 and
 do
 not
 think
 about
 moving.
Their
age
sound
one
of
the
biggest
causes.
Messias
said:
“I
am
too
old
to
start
 over”.
 [2] The
back
yard
is
not
organized.
A
lot
of
garbage,
chickens
and
a
fruit
tree.
They
prefer
to
 use
the
space
in
the
side,
where
the
water
container
is
located.
A
better
use
of
the
open
 spaces
 (back
 and
 front
 yards)
 in
 the
 property
 could
 improve
 a
 lot
 the
 urban
 environment.
 [3] They
 are
 very
 excited
 about
 the
 new
 salon
 built
 in
 the
 front
 of
 their
 property.
 Even
 before
 the
 inauguration
 it
 was
 already
 used
 couple
 times
 during
 its
 construction.
 A
 commercial
space
is
also
very
common.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

130

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

131

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_06

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids

Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Rua
Antonio
Fraga
Moreira,
3449
 69
33478863
 Messias
 62
 Maranhão
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_07

FAMILY
 Messias
(interviewed)
(62
years
old)
 Wife
(52
years
old)
 Gulherme
(4
years
old)
 Roberta
(5
years
old)
 Mariana
(17
years
old)
 Claudio
(29
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Wife
(hair
stylist),
Husband
(retired)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 1
dogs;
chickens;
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Same
 Tancredo
Neves
 She
passed
the
document
to
her
sister
because
 The
start
from
a
small
wood
house
to
be
 of
a
financial
agreement.
 where
they
are
now:
two
brick
 
 constructions.
 
 
 
 
 Same
 Back
house
(3
rooms
+
1
bathroom)
 
 Front
(1
store
)
 
 Everything;
 They
are
now
finishing
a
solon
in
the
 
 front
of
the
house.
 
 Next
step
will
be
a
ceramic
pavement.
 A
friend
 A
friend
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Same
 Close
to
the
biggest
commercial
street
in
 
 the
neighborhood
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 
 ID_07

NOTES
 [1] They
have
a
small
wood
house.
She
is
the
only
one
working.
She
wants
to
build
a
brick
 house
but
with
her
salary
it
is
going
to
be
a
very
hard
path.
 [2] Even
with
a
very
low
salary
she
had
9
kids.
One
died
with
malaria,
six
others
have
already
 their
own
families
and
Patrick,
the
youngest,
still
lives
with
here.
She
is
very
proud
of
her
 house.
 I
 can
 understand
 why:
 even
 the
 construction
 conditions
 need
 a
 lot
 of
 improvements;
her
house
is
full
of
life.
 [3] She
loves
natural
medicine;
during
the
past
years
she
cultivated
a
rare
botanic
collection.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

132

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

133

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_07

⊕

ID_07

Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)
 
 
 Adults

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Teodoro
Vilela
Street,
7950
 none
 Olivia
 60
 Mato
Grosso
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)
 
 FAMILY
 Olivia
(interviewed)
(62
years
old)
 Dad
(52
years
old)
 Maria
(17
years
old)
 Patrick
(10
years
old)
 Bruno
(2
years
old)
 Mariana
(4
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Wife
(house
kipper),
Dad
(retired)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 1
dogs;
2
cats;
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Nova
Porto
Velho

 JK
 Rented
 The
start
from
a
small
wood
house
and
 
 expanded
it
with
a
brick
bathroom
and
a
 
 small
brick
house
in
the
back
 
 
 
 ‐
 Back
house
(1
room)
 
 Front
(1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 ‐
 They
just
finished
the
room
in
the
back.
 
 Her
dream
is
to
build
a
brick
house.
 
 ‐
 Friends
+
Olivia
+
Her
sister
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 Close
to
the
biggest
commercial
street
in
 
 the
neighborhood,
vary
peaceful,
nice
 
 neighbors.
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same
 Everything
is
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_08

NOTES
 [1] The
house
has
sold.
The
new
proprietor
lives
miles
away:
in
Recife.
It
is
current
rented
to
 these
 two
 families:
 two
 kids
 each.
 I
 may
 be
 vary
 common:
 people
 from
 other
 cities
 investing
in
land
in
Porto
Velho
because
its
growth.

 [2] Two
young
couple
moving
around.
They
pay
rent
now
and
save
money
to
buy
land
in
the
 periphery
of
the
city.
 [3] Even
the
renting
situation
was
not
expected.
It
made
me
think
about
the
different
needs
 of
each
generation.

The
land
regularization
does
not
respond
to
this
class
directly
since
 they
 do
 not
 have
 a
 house
 to
 be
 regularized.
 But
 it
 could
 indirectly
 offer
 renting
 apartment
buildings
(PPPP).
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

134

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

135

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_08

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids

Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
8124
 none
 Elisabete
 23
 Amazonas
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_08

FAMILY
 Elisabete
(interviewed)
(23
years
old)
 Husband
(28
years
old)
 Maria
(28
years
old)
 Husband
(29
years
old)
 Caio
(4
years
old)
 Henrique
(4
years
old)
 Elisa
(7
years
old)
 Patricia
(6
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Wife
(babysitter),
Husbands
(car
washer)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Parent’s
House
in
Pantanal
Neighborhood
 JK
 ‐
 Cheap
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 The
house
needs
a
little
of
everything.
 
 Since
it
is
rented
they
do
not
want
to
 
 make
any
improvement.
And
since
it
is
 rented
for
a
low
price
the
owner
do
 not
make
them
too.
 ‐
 Workers
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_09

NOTES
 [1] He
 was
 forced
 to
 move
 by
 the
 City
 Administration.
 As
 an
 exchange
 he
 gave
 his
 lots
 located
in
Liberdade
Neighborhood
and
got
couple
in
the
area
he
is
living
now.
Before
he
 went
back
in
1988,
he
gave
his
land
maintaining
just
one
for
him.
Back
again
in
1990
to
 Porto
Velho
he
moved
to
his
only
lot
and
since
that
he
lives
in
the
same
wood
house.
(8th
 December)
 [2] In
 the
 same
 lot
 he
 has
 a
 brick
 house,
 which
 is
 rented
 right
 now.
 He
 is
 thinking
 about
 renting
it
for
a
family,
so
he
will
have
more
people
living
around.
(8th
December)
 [3] He
does
not
want
to
move
again.
He
is
feels
fine
there.

It
is
not
the
first
time
that
I
hear
 this,
which
made
me
decides
that
I
have
to
find
who
will
be
the
first
one
to
move
when
 the
 housing
 market
 decides
 to
 push
 them
 out.
 Who
 is
 part
 of
 this
 group
 can
 be
 easily
 identified
by
one
thing:
“VENDE‐SE”
signs.
(8th
December)
 [4] He
showed
the
desired
to
improve
his
house,
but
because
his
age
and
low
salary
it
does
 not
seems
possible.
He
is
thinking
about
getting
credit
in
the
bank
to
buy
a
car
and
make
 money
with
transportation.
It
can
be
now
possible
with
the
deed.
(8th
December)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

136

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

137

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_09

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Ibirapuã,
1321
 none
 Moisés
 61
 Rio
Grande
do
Norte
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_09

FAMILY
 Moisés
(interviewed)
(61
years
old)
 Marcelo
(28
years
old)
 None
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Moisés
just
receives
a
social
help
from
the
federal
government
 because
his
disease.
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Liberdade
 Tancredo
Neves
 Relocated
by
the
City
Administration
 Closer
to
his
“olaria”
 
 
 
 
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 He
wants
to
elevate
the
roof
 
 
 Old
employees
 Old
employees
 
 He
regrets
about
selling
his
old
house
located
in
a
 He
regrets
did
not
build
something
 vary
center
area
in
the
city.
 less
temporary
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐Calm
and
safe
street.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 ‐Everything
is
provided
according
 
 with
him

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_10

NOTES
 [1] They
spent
the
last
10
years
building
their
house
and
it
is
still
far
of
been
done.
Since
they
 do
not
know
any
construction
worker
(it
makes
everything
much
more
expensive)
they
 are
 still
 using
 the
 wood
 house
 as
 kitchen
 and
 closet.
 The
 brick
 house
 is
 used
 as
 living
 room
and
two
bedrooms.

(8th
December)
 [2] The
house
is
very
humid,
especially
in
the
rainy
season:
very
common
aspect
of
the
lots
 in
Porto
Velho.
(8th
December)
 [3] Another
aspect
very
common
is
the
washing
clothes
area.
It
is
a
very
important
space
in
 the
house.
It
is
always
vary
comfortable
and
close
to
the
water
container.
(8th
December)
 [4] Another
reoccurred
characteristic:
she
stopped
working
because
health
issues.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

138

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_10

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids

Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
8124
 none
 Elisabete
 23
 Amazonas
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_03

FAMILY
 Elisabete
(interviewed)
(23
years
old)
 Husband
(28
years
old)
 Maria
(28
years
old)
 Husband
(29
years
old)
 Caio
(4
years
old)
 Henrique
(4
years
old)
 Elisa
(7
years
old)
 Patricia
(6
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Wife
(babysitter),
Husbands
(car
washer)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Parent’s
House
in
Pantanal
Neighborhood
 JK
 ‐
 Cheap
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 The
house
needs
a
little
of
everything.
 
 Since
it
is
rented
they
do
not
want
to
 
 make
any
improvement.
And
since
it
 is
rented
for
a
low
price
the
owner
do
 not
make
them
too.
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

139

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_11

NOTES
 [1] Her
 house
 is
 thoughtfully
 decorated.
 
 A
 beautiful
 garden
 with
 many
 different
 types
 of
 flower.
 It
 shows
 her
 attachment
 with
 the
 place.
 She
 does
 not
 think
 about
 leaving.
 (8th
 December)
 [2] She
is
getting
old
and
alone
her
income
is
not
enough
to
make
improvements
in
the
 house.
 It
 is
 seems
 a
 common
 situation
 were
 the
 owner
 is
 not
 young
 anymore.
 (8th
 December)
 [3] She
 has
 a
 hard
 time
 paying
 the
 energy
 and
 water
 bill.
 Even
 she
 is
 alone
 and
 do
 not
 have
any
expensive
electronic.
(8th
December)
 [4] Her
talent
with
arts
and
crafts
could
be
better
explored.
Makes
me
remember
of
those
 kinds
of
women
cooperation
in
the
production
of
some
specific
product.
(8th
December)
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

140

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

141

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_11

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Aruba
Street,
9125
 none
 Maria
Lurdes
 56
 Amazonas
 1
house
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults
 Kids
 Income

ID_11

FAMILY
 Maria
Lurdes
(interviewed)
(56
years
old)
 None
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Maria
(art
crafts
and
beauty
products
seller)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 2
cats
and
a
flower
garden
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Came
from
Manaus
because
his
husband
was
 Tancredo
Nevers

 from
Porto
Velho
 ‐
 His
husband
had
already
this
house.
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 The
house
needs
important
structural
 
 restoration.
There
are
many
cracks.
 
 ‐
 Friends
of
the
family
and
his
husband
 
 before
he
left
home.
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 She
does
not
have
many
friends
 
 there.
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 It
was
very
violent
years
ago.
Now
it
 
 seams
fine.
Very
peaceful
and
all
the
 
 public
services
are
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_12

NOTES
 [1] They
 made
 many
 improvements
 in
 the
 past
 years.
 His
 wife
 start
 working
 again
 to
 increase
 the
 family
 income.
 They
 are
 a
 young
 couple
 and
 the
 very
 concern
 about
 their
 home.
 It
 made
 me
 think
 why
 some
 families
 are
 more
 preoccupied
 with
 their
 house
 than
others.
Is
it
related
with
education
level?
Cultural
aspects?
(9th
December)
 [2] They
have
a
big
table
in
the
backyard
and
a
work
place
for
him,
which
shows
how
they
 really
use
it.
(9th
December)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

142

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

143

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_12

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
2188
 none
 Carlos
 35
 Porto
Velho
 2
houses
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_12

FAMILY
 Carlos
(interviewed)
(35
years
old)
 Wife
(28
years
old)
 Caio
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Wife
(gas
station
cashier),
Husbands
(electrics)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Santana
 Tancredo
Neves
 Got
married.
 Bigger
and
better
located.
 
 
 
 
 
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 Electrical
installation;
 They
just
changed
the
colors
of
the
 
 wall,
rebuilt
the
water
tank
structure
 
 and
installed
an
air‐condition
air.
 
 Next
improvements
will
be
the
roof
of
 the
washing
area.
In
the
future
they
 want
to
build
a
big
kitchen
in
the
back
 yard.
 Himself
 Himself
and
friends;
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 They
do
not
want
to
know
they
 
 neighbors.
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Same
 Everything
is
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_13

NOTES
 [1] They
 have
 meeting
 with
 people
 from
 the
 neighborhood
 (who
 frequents
 the
 same
 church).
This
kind
of
association
could
be
helpful
in
the
neighborhood
organization.
(9th
 December)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

144

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

145

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_13

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Moura
Street,
1499
 none
 Lourdes
 53
 Amazonas
 1
house
(all
in
Porto
Velho)

Adults

ID_13

FAMILY
 Louders
(interviewed)
(53
years
old)
 Daughter
(26
years
old)
 Granddaughter
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Lourdes
(retired),
Daughter
(hair
stylist)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Parent’s
House
in
Manaus
 Tancredo
Neves
 ‐
 Received
by
the
City
Administration
22
 
 years
ago.
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 The
house
was
build
little
by
little.
They
 
 want
to
change
the
roof
for
ceramic
and
 
 install
a
better
ceiling.
The
money
for
 improvements
comes
from
yogurt
selling.
 ‐
 Her
Husband
and
friends.
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 They
have
a
strong
relationship
with
the
 
 church
in
the
street.
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 Everything
is
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_14

NOTES
 [1] Even
it
is
very
precarious,
they
feel
satisfied
with
the
public
services.
For
someone
who
 had
nothing,
a
little
is
already
more
than
enough.

Their
comparison
is
with
the
past
and
 the
present
is
much
better.
(9th
December)
 [2] She
seems
tired.
When
I
asked
about
improvements
she
did
not
show
excitement.
Unlike
 her
young
brother
shows
very
excited
about
new
improvements.
It
made
me
think
about
 this
new
generation
in
this
new
city
that
have
their
standards
higher
than
old
generation.
 (9th
December)
 [3] 
The
space
in
the
front
yard
with
“redes”
is
also
a
great
idea.
The
kids
prefer
stay
there
 than
inside.
One
of
the
adults
sleep
the
over
night.
So
far
two
spaces
seem
interesting
to
 me:
the
“clothes
washing
area”
and
this
resting
area”.
(9th
December)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

146

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

147

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_14

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Pinheiro
Street,
1399
 none
 Marlene
 38
 Porto
Velho
 1
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

ID_14

FAMILY
 Marlene
(interviewed)
(38
years
old)
 Mother
(62
years
old)
 Brother
(28
years
old)
 Brother’s
Wife
(29
years
old)
 Son
(22
years
old)
 Friend
(39
years
old)
 Friend’s
Husband
(42
years
old)
 Son
(4
years
old)
 Daughter
(7years
old)
 Brother’s
son
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Marlene
(housekeeper),
Mother
(rural
retirement),
friends
(public
 servants)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Santana
 Good
offer.
The
church
in
the
lot
close
to
them
 Cheaper
 was
looking
for
expansion
and
offered
them
to
 
 buy
their
property.
 
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (3
room
+
2
bathroom)
 
 
 Everything.
They
started
from
a
wood
house
 It
is
a
very
precarious
house:
missing
 until
the
current
brick
house.
It
was
messing
still
 be
paved,
ceiling
and

“reboco”.
The
 the
ceiling.
 backyard
has
only
the
original
 
 vegetation.
She
wants
to
build
a
 
 garden
there.
 Husband
and
friends
 Brother
and
friends
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 The
new
street
is
much
more
violent
 
 than
the
old
one.
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 Even
many
of
the
pubic
services
are
 
 not
provided
in
the
new
 
 neighborhood,
they
still
feel
satisfied.
 
 The
only
complaining
is
about
the
 
 security.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_15

NOTES
 [1] 
This
is
the
house
sold
by
Maurício’s
family.
It
was
built
little
by
little
by
them.
The
front
 store
were
one
of
the
last
improvements.
(10th
December)
 [2] After
this
interview
I
realized
that
I
should
give
more
attention
for
the
direct
relation
with
 the
 street.
 It
 can
 be
 representative
 of
 the
 relation
 of
 each
 family
 with
 the
 city.
 (10th
 December)
 [3] His
wife
who
decorated
the
house
for
Christmas.
Since
it
is
Christmas’
time,
this
became
 a
 good
 way
 of
 understanding
 the
 personal
 connection/
 relation
 with
 the
 house.
 (10th
 December)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

148

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

149

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_15

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Alexandre
Pinheiro,
2899
 none
 Maurício
 62
 Ceará
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

ID_15

FAMILY
 Maurício
(interviewed)
(62
years
old)
 His
wife
(59
years
old)
 Doughter
(28
years
old)
 Son
(26
years
old)
 
 Daughter
‘kid
(8
years
old)
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Mauricio
(retired),
Wife
(Hair
stylist),
son
(car
washer),
daughter
 (student)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Esperança
da
Comunidade
 To
buy
a
truck.
After
he
retired
it
became
more
 Cheaper
 complicate
to
find
a
job.
So
he
decided
to
buy
a
 
 truck
to
work
with
products
transportation.

 
 
 
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom+1
store)
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 Everything
 New
ceiling,
a
new
washing
area
 
 
 Construction
servants

 Construction
servants

 
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Commercial
 street,
 which
 was
 great
 for
 his
 wife’s
 More
residential.

 store.
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Bus
 stop
 close
 to
 the
 house,
 water
 access,
 paved
 Bus
stop
far
from
the
house,
water
 road.
 access,
unpaved
road
and
no
 Commercial
area
around.
 commercial
area
around.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_16

NOTES
 [1] They
are
a
young
couple
leaving
in
apartments
until
they
have
money
to
start
a
house.
It
 seams
 very
 common.
 So
 right
 now
 they
 are
 more
 worried
 about
 buying
 furniture
 and
 electronics.
(11th
December)
 [2] The
husband
works
in
an
engineer
firm
and
the
wife
stay
at
home
taking
care
of
the
kids.
 Even
if
some
times
can
be
the
husband
or
a
grandmother,
there
is
always
some
one
with
 the
kids
at
home.
(11th
December)
 [3] The
 only
 friendship
 that
 they
 have
 in
 neighborhood
 is
 from
 work.
 Their
 kids
 play
 together
 at
 house.
 This
 way
 they
 have
 more
 time
 to
 work
 with
 something
 else.
 (11th
 December)
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

150

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

151

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_16

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Raimunto
Cantuária
St.,
1299
 none
 Maria
da
Silva
Garcia
 28
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_16

FAMILY
 Maria
(interviewed)
(28
years
old)
 Husband
(
36
years
old]
 Daughter
[9years
old]
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Maria
(housekeeper),
Husband
(contruction]
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 ‐
 Tancredo
Neves
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_17

NOTES
 [1] They
are
a
young
couple
living
in
a
house
built
by
them.
The
occupied
this
lot
3
years
ago.
 They
heard
from
neighbors
that
the
proprietor
(11th
December)
 [2] The
next
improvement
will
be
the
washing
area.
With
the
rainy
period,
it
becomes
even
 more
necessary.
(11th
December)
 [3] They
 want
 to
 open
 a
 bar
 in
 the
 house.
 The
 wife
 is
 a
 very
 outgoing
 person
 and
 likes
 to
 work
at
home.
The
husband
works
with
constructions.
(11th
December)
 [4] They
are
selling
part
of
lot
to
get
some
money
and
because
they
believe
it
is
too
big
for
 both
of
them.(11th
December)
 [5] They
moved
a
lot.
They
came
back
to
Porto
Velho
with
almost
nothing
and
started
over.
 She
told
me
a
crazy
story
about
how
they
left
Mato
Grosso
after
someone
put
fire
in
they
 property.
(business
reson)
(11th
December)
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

152

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

153

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_17

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Ana
Caucaia
Street,
1322
 none
 Letícia
 32
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults
 Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description

Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

ID_17

FAMILY
 Letícia
(interviewed)
(32
years
old)
 Husband
(36
years
old]

 ‐
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Letícia
(unemployed),
Husband
(construction]
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tancredo
Neves
 money
 big
lot,
which
was
possible
to
 
 subdivided.
 
 
 ‐
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 They
built
the
entire
house.
 
 Next
step
is
the
washing
area.
 
 ‐
 Her
husband
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Same
street
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 Because
 they
 want
 to
 open
 a
 bar,
 
 they
 chose
 a
 neighborhood
 with
 
 more
 services
 and
 consequently
 
 more
movement.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_18

NOTES
 [1] Very
friendly
person.

Very
talent
with
art
crafts.
You
can
find
her
work
everywhere
(12th
 December).

 [2] She
lives
now
alone
after
her
husband
died.(12th
December).

 [3] His
husband
built
her
house.
He
did
also
all
the
improvements.
Now
she
does
not
think
 about
changing
it
anymore.
(12th
December).

 [4] Her
back
year
is
full
of
plants.
She
knows
the
name
of
all
of
them
and
uses
it
as
medicine
 and
for
cooking.
(12th
December)
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

154

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

155

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_18

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:

Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

FAMILY
 Francisca
(interviewed)
(65
years
old)
 
 ‐
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Francisca
(husband’s
pensão)
+
retirement

 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 A
cat
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Tancredo
Neves
 Tancredo
Neves
 She
was
feeling
too
alone.
 closer
to
her
son
 
 Family
house
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 Her
husband
 ‐

Comparing

more
quiet

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Modelo
St.,
1399
 none
 Francisca
 65
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_18

‐
 ‐

She
misses
the
old
garden.

 
 STREET
 many
young
people
around
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 Very
close
to
the
hospital
and
a
 supermarket.
 The
road
is
unpaved
 She
did
not
complain
about
safety
 Close
to
the
commercial
area

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_19

NOTES
 [1] She
has
a
very
simple
and
cute
house,
well
finished.
Very
colorful
and
full
of
details.
(12th
 December).

 [2] Her
 garden
 is
 very
 important
 to
 her.
 She
 does
 not
 take
 medicine,
 only
 plants.
 She
 learned
in
the
church
how
to
use
the
plants.
(12th
December).

 [3] She
lives
with
her
daughter
a
now
she
is
not
working.
She
gets
the
money
from
her
last
 husband
and
selling
religious
t‐shirts.
(12th
December).

 [4] She
 does
 not
 like
 her
 house
 that
 much.
 She
 thinks
 it
 is
 too
 small
 and
 that
 is
 why
 she
 wants
to
build
another
one
in
the
back.
(12th
December).

 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

156

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

157

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_19

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:

Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:

FAMILY
 Beatriz
(interviewed)
41
years
old)
 Daughter
[
22
years
old]
 ‐
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Beatriz
(pensão)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 2
cats
and
1
dog
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Nova
Esperança
 Tancredo
Neves
 Got
divorced
 Cheap
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 They
built
the
house
 they
made
a
lot
of
improvements
with
 
 the
money
they
got
from
the
old
house.
 Next
step
is
a
little
workstation
in
the
 back.
 Her
husband
 Contracted

Comparing

Very
unsafe
at
night

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Oliveira
Fontes
Street,
1399
 none
 Beatriz
 41
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_19

‐

She
complained
about
the
quality
of
the
 construction
 
 STREET
 Calm
and
safe

NEIGHBORHOOD
 Closer
to
the
church.
 Commercial
area
 Unpaved
road
 Close
to
the
bus
stop

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_20

NOTES
 [1] It
 is
 a
 small
 house
 full
 of
 people.
 Six
 people
 living
 in
 one
 room
 house.
 She
 wants
 to
 expand
it,
but
she
is
not
that
serious
about
it.
(13th
December).

 [2] They
do
not
seam
to
care
that
much
about
future.
Even
the
young
girl,
19
years
old
and
 already
with
a
kid.
She
is
not
studying
and
do
not
want
to.
(13th
December).

 [3] Her
mother
works
cleaning
houses
in
other
neighborhood
in
the
city.
(13th
December).

 [4] The
first
one
who
occupied
the
lot,
the
mother,
gave
a
portion
of
it
to
each
of
her
kids.
 There
are
other
two
little
houses
in
which
more
7
people
live.
(13th
December).

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

158

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

159

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_20

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing
 
 
 (Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Cascavel
Street,
1399
 none
 Claudia
 52
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_20

FAMILY
 Claudia
(interviewed)
[52
years
old)
 Boyfriend
[32
years
old]
 Daughter
{26
years
old}
 Daughter
[19
years
old]
 Houghter
husband
{29
years
old}
 Inquilino
{61
years
old}
 Daughter’s
son
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Claudia
(housekeeper),
Daughter
(secretary),
boyfriend
(car
 washer]

 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 1
dog
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 ‐
 Tancredo
Neves
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_21

NOTES
 [1] Girl’s
House.
There
are
four
generations
of
women
in
this
house.
They
are
very
close
to
 each
other
and
do
not
want
to
leave
a
part
each
other.
[14th
December]
 [2] They
are
very
proud
of
their
neighborhood.
All
the
houses
in
the
street
were
restructured
 and
now
are
bigger
and
more
expensive.
Their
site
is
now
very
expensive,
but
they
prefer
 stay
there
than
to
move
to
other
neighborhood
to
a
better
house.
(14th
December).

 [3] The
 improvements
 done
 in
 their
 house
 was
 just
 the
 replacement
 of
 old
 wood.
 (14th
 December)
 [4] They
are
located
in
a
water
land
area.
All
the
other
houses
are
elevated
now.
They
still
 have
many
problems
in
the
rainy
period.
(14th
December)
 [5] One
of
the
girls
[28]
was
able
to
build
a
brick
house
in
the
back.
The
other
three
still
live
 in
the
wood
house
built
by
their
father.
(14th
December)

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

160

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

161

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_21

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Buenos
Aires
St.,
1099
 none
 Francisca
 62
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_21

FAMILY
 Francisca
(interviewed)
(62
years
old)
 Daughter
(45
years
old)
 Daughter
(38
years
old)
 Daughter’s
Husband
(45
years
old)
 
 Grandchild
(5
years
old)
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Francisca
(retirement),
Daughter

(public
servant)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 2
cats,
chicken
and
a
rabbit
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Esperança
da
Comunidade
 Embratel
 Bad
location
 Good
location
 
 
 1
room
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 wood
house
 also
was
build
by
them
in
wood
 
 
 The
husband
 The
husband
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 No
public
services
around
 Recently
the
neighborhood
got
a
lot
 
 investments
and
today,
all
public
 
 services
are
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_22

NOTES
 [1] Her
husband
died
and
now
she
lives
in
the
house
with
her
daughter
her
son.
The
back
of
 her
 house
 is
 all
 occupied
 by
 little
 apartments,
 which
 are
 rented
 to
 other
 families.
 [14th
 December]
 [2] She
made
many
improvements
in
her
house
in
the
past
years.
They
started
with
a
wood
 house
 and
 now
 their
 have
 a
 four
 bedrooms
 house
 more
 6
 apartments
 to
 rent.
 But
 she
 thinks
it
is
enough.
She
does
not
want
to
change
anything
else.
[14th
December]
 [3] There
 are
 not
 so
 many
 old
 residents.
 She
 told
 me
 that
 it
 was
 one
 of
 the
 first
 neighborhood
having
paved
roads.
[14th
December]
 [4] The
house
nor
the
apartments
do
not
have
ventilation
and
are
very
small.
The
roof
is
not
 appropriate
either.
.
[14th
December]
 [5] There
is
no
fancy
in
the
front.
Actually,
it
is
the
next
and
urgent
improvement.
They
want
 to
hide
their
house,
as
they
said.
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

162

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

163

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_22

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Venezuela
St.,
1399
 none
 Maria
das
Graças
 61
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_22

FAMILY
 Maria
das
Graças
(interviewed)
(51
years
old)
 Daughter
(32
years
old)
 
 Grandchild
(9
years
old)
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Maria
das
Graças
(retirement],
Daughter
[housekipper]
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Nacional
 Embratel
 Bad
location
 Good
location
 
 
 1
room
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 wood
house
 Possibility
to
build
other
rooms
for
 
 renting
 
 The
husband
 The
husband
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 No
public
services
around
 Recently
the
neighborhood
got
a
lot
 
 investments
and
today,
all
public
services
 
 are
available.

ID_23

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

NOTES
 [1] In
this
lot
live
three
families,
3
sisters.
They
lost
their
parents
when
they
were
still
young.
 [14th
December]
 [2] They
are
very
concern
about
security.
It
was
not
that
easy
to
start
a
conversation.
I
had
 to
show
all
my
documents.
One
of
the
sisters
was
sexually
abused
last
year
and
now
they
 are
more
careful
walking
around.
[14th
December]
 [3] When
their
parents
died
they
had
just
the
house
in
the
back,
now
they
were
able
to
build
 two
more.
Each
sister
has
one
bedroom
apartment
to
the
family.
[14th
December]
 [4] They
do
not
feel
excited
about
improving
neither
the
garden
nor
the
front
yard.
Sounds
 like
it
is
connect
with
the
filling
about
the
neighborhood
and
insecurity.
[14th
December]
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

164

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

165

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_23

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Nicaragua
Street,
1399
 none
 Roberta
 28
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_23

FAMILY
 Roberta
(interviewed)
(28
years
old)
 Siter
(33
years
old)
 Brother
(28
years
old)
 Brother’s
Wife
(27
years
old)
 Sister’s
Husband(38
years
old)
 
 Son
(12
years
old)
 Daughter
(8years
old)
 Brother’s
son
(4
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Roberta
(housekeeper),
Sister’s
Husband
(construction),
Brother
 (public
servants)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Nacional
 Embratel
 Bad
location
 Good
location
 
 
 1
room
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 Wood
house
 They
built
two
more
houses
this
year
.
 
 The
houses
are
unfinished.
Next
step
will
 
 be
the
floor.
 Her
father
 Her
father
and
brother
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 Almost
rural
they
said
 The
past
years
many
services
became
 
 available.

 
 They
maintain
the
gate
always
close
for
 security
reason.
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 No
public
services
around
 Recently
the
neighborhood
got
lot
 
 investments
and
today,
all
public
 
 services
are
available.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_24

NOTES
 [1] They
 also
 lost
 their
 parents.
 The
 two
 brothers
 and
 their
 families
 live
 there.
 [15th
 December]
 [2] Both
have
jobs
and
now
they
are
building
the
wall
around
the
house,
which
also
build
by
 their
father.
The
labor
work
[dad
and
son]
was
contracted
by
them.
[15th
December]
 [3] They
 are
 not
 sure
 about
 staying
 in
 the
 house
 or
 selling
 it
 to
 buy
 two
 houses.
 One
 two
 each
brother.
[15th
December]
 [4] 
There
is
no
ventilation
in
the
house,
only
the
windows
in
the
front.
[15th
December]
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

166

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

167

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_24

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

México
St.,
1994
 none
 Kátia
 27
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_24

FAMILY
 Kátia
(interviewed)
(27
years
old)
 Husband
(33
years
old)
 Brother
(38
years
old)
 Brother’s
Wife
(35
years
old)
 
 ‐
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Kátia
(public
servants),
her
husband
(construction],
brother
(public
 servants]
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Liberdade
 Embratel
 Their
parents
died.
 A
friend
was
selling
it.
 
 
 [3
rooms+1
bathroom]
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 Wood
house
 Finishing
the
external
wall
 
 Their
father
 Brother
+
friend
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 more
residential,
calm
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 Recently
the
neighborhood
got
lot
 
 investments
and
today,
all
public
 
 services
are
available.

ID_25

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

NOTES
 [1] This
was
a
very
interesting
case:
this.
The
woman
in
this
family
organized
a
meeting
to
 fight
for
housing.
This
group
after
2
years
trying
finally
got
a
house.
[15th
December]
 [2] A
 big
 construction
 company
 built
 the
 houses.
 The
 quality
 of
 the
 house
 is
 very
 questionable
 [ventilation,
 finishing
 details
 and
 quality
 of
 material
 used],
 which
 was
 the
 mainly
reason
why
they
sold
the
house.
[15th
December]
 [3] She
 told
 me
 about
 the
 difficulties
 of
 this
 organization
 for
 better
 living
 condition.
 [15th
 December]
 [4] They
 seam
 very
 disappointed
 with
 the
 politics
 and
 planning
 structure.
 Even
 they
 recognize
many
good
people
in
it.
[15th
December]
 [5] They
bought
a
house
in
a
neighborhood
that
is
still
irregular.
Since
it
is
a
old
settlement
 they
are
not
worry
about
the
tenure
security.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

168

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

169

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_25

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Equador
Street,
102
 none
 Aparecida
 38
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_25

FAMILY
 Aparecida
(interviewed)
(38
years
old)
 Daughter
(20
years
old)
 
 Grandchild
[3
years
old]
 Grandchild
[1
years
old]
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Aparecida
(housekeeper
and

custureira)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 One
dog
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Embratel
 Teixerão
 Money
 Cheaper
 
 
 
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 Everything
 They
just
finished
the
roof,
next
step
 
 will
be
the
washing
area
 Father
 Contracted
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 More
alive/
more
people
 More
insecurity
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 All
services
are
available.
 Just
a
school

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_26

NOTES
 [1] This
was
also
a
very
interesting
case:
this.
The
woman
in
this
family
also
was
part
of
the
 same
housing
organization.
[15th
December]
 [2] She
lives
alone
and
also
bought
a
house
close
to
Rose’s,
they
became
a
She
works
with
 clothes
at
home.
That
a
house
is
essential
for
her.
[15th
December]
 [3] Her
garden,
even
if
not
curate,
has
many
different
species.
She
uses
the
garden
also
to
 cook
and
create
chicken.
[15th
December]
 [4] She
is
studying
and
looking
for
some
changes
in
her
life,
which
I
found
very
uncommon.
 It
makes
sense
when
I
heard
from
her
about
this
housing
organization.
[15th
December]
 [5] She
 knows
 a
 lot
 about
 community
 activism,
 specially
 her
 community.
 She
 could
 be
 a
 great
person
for
future
research.
[15th
December]
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

170

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

171

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_26

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Petrolina
Street,
1399
 none
 Márcio
 32
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_26

FAMILY
 Márcio
(interviewed)
(32
years
old)
 Wife
(27
years
old)
 Son
(4
years
old)
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Márcio
(construction),
Wife
(housekeeper).
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Marcos
Freire
 Ronaldo
Aragão
 
 Better
house
and
bigger
site
 
 
 
 
 [
1
room
+
1
bathroom]
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 Everything
 Next:
washing
area.
 
 They
installed
a
ceiling,
pavement,
and
 painted
the
inside
walls
 ‐
 Márcio
and
a
friend
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 A
little
more
safe
 Unsafe
 paved
 paved
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 The
only
public
service
is
one
school.

 Public
transportation
is
not
available

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_27

NOTES
 [1] This
 is
 a
 multifunctional
 house.
 He
 fabricates
 grills,
 has
 a
 little
 bar
 and
 fix
 cars.
 [16th
 December].
 [2] He
sold
the
old
house
to
have
more
money
to
invest.
He
bought
a
site
and
builds
a
little
 house
in
a
commercial
road,
still
irregular.
[16th
December].
 [3] He
 is
 looking
 for
 a
 lot
 of
 improvements
 in
 his
 new
 house.
 He
 wants
 to
 stay
 there
 for
 a
 while.
Which
do
not
mean
that
he
does
not
think
about
selling
it
in
couple
years.
 [4] He
is
married
and
his
wife
stays
at
home
taking
care
of
their
kid.
She
does
not
work.
 
 
 
 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

172

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

173

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_27

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
1399
 none
 Alberto
 48
 Porto
Velho
 3
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_27

FAMILY
 Alberto
(interviewed)
(48
years
old)
 Wife
(42
years
old)
 Brother
‘s
Wife
(28
years
old)
 
 
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Alberto
(housekeeper),
Wife
(public
servant)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 One
dog,
chicken
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Marcos
Freire
 Marcos
Freire
 
 Commercial
Location
 
 
 
 
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 Everything
 A
front
store
and
a
bathroom
outside.
 
 
 
 Alberto
 Contracted
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 The
only
public
service
is
one
school.

 Public
transportation
is
not
available

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_28

NOTES
 [1] She
 used
 to
 live
 in
 the
 house
 with
 a
 daughter.
 They
 sold
 the
 old
 house
 because
 they
 could
not
live
together
anymore.
[16th
December]
 [2] She
has
many
heath
issues
and
it
is
been
a
problem
to
live
alone.
This
situation
is
very
 common
too:
old
people
having
a
hard
time
living
by
themselves.
[16th
December]
 [3] She
is
very
creative.
She
already
taught
art
crafts
at
her
house
and
sold
her
art
in
the
city.
 Now
she
is
feeling
to
sick
and
tired.
[16th
December]
 [4] Her
road
is
been
paved
and
she
is
thinking
about
selling
her
house
again.
She
wants
to
by
 somewhere
with
a
bigger
yard.
[16th
December]

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

174

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

175

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_28

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Lumieri
Street,
1399
 none
 Mariano
 29
 Porto
Velho
 2
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_28

FAMILY
 Mariano(interviewed)
(29
years
old)
 Wife
(27
years
old)
 Brother
[30
years
old]
 Brother’wife
[
28
years
old]

 Son
(2
years
old)
 Daughter
(1
years
old)
 Brother’s
son
(5
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Mariano
(car
washer),
wife
(housekeeper),
brother
 (construction]
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 Marcos
Freire
 Marcos
Freire
 Too
small
 To
live
with
his
brother
 
 
 
 
 (1
room
+
1
bathroom)
 (2
room
+
2
bathroom)
 
 
 Just
the
washing
area
 One
more
bathroom
 
 
 Contracted
 Brother
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 The
only
public
service
is
one
school.

 Public
transportation
is
not
available

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 ID_29

NOTES
 [1] They
moved
to
this
house
2
years
ago.
The
occupied
a
house
in
a
social
housing
program
 of
 the
 public
 administration,
 which
 were
 unfinished
 and
 not
 used
 for
 couple
 months.
 They
divided
the
money
between
the
three
brothers.[17th
December].

 [2] They
have
a
little
store
in
the
front.
They
sell
fruit,
candies,
bread
and
soda
to
the
houses
 around.
[17th
December].

 [3] They
 are
 finishing
 the
 house
 little
 by
 little.
 The
 next
 step
 will
 be
 the
 ceiling.[17th
 December].


 [4] They
complain
about
the
size
of
the
lot.
They
would
like
a
bigger
garden.
This
is
also
an
 important
 subject.
 Not
 everyone
 does,
 but
 especially
 how
 had
 more
 contact
 with
 the
 rural
life
miss
a
big
yard.
[17th
December].

 [5] They
have
some
health
issues,
which
have
brought
them
to
the
hospital
frequently.[17th
 December].

 
 
 POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

176

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

177

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_29

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
1399
 none
 Marlene
 38
 Porto
Velho
 1
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_29

FAMILY
 Marlene
(interviewed)
(38
years
old)
 Mother
(62
years
old)
 Brother
(28
years
old)
 Brother’s
Wife
(29
years
old)
 Son
(22
years
old)
 Friend
(39
years
old)
 Friend’s
Husband
(42
years
old)
 Son
(4
years
old)
 Daughter
(7years
old)
 Brother’s
son
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Marlene
(housekeeper),
Mother
(rural
retirement),
friends
(public
 servants)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 ‐
 Tancredo
Neves
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

178

ID_30

NOTES
 [1] She
 lives
 now
 in
 a
 rented
 apartment.
 The
 got
 divorced
 and
 they
 decided
 to
 sell
 the
 house.
I
could
not
understand
what
she
did
with
the
money.
 [2] She
 misses
 the
 old
 neighborhood,
 where
 she
 had
 more
 option
 in
 public
 services
 and
 supply
stores.
 [3] She
is
having
problems
with
her
health
and
told
me
that
is
the
biggest
reason
for
being
 unemployed.

 [4] She
is
trying
to
finish
school
too,
but
again
her
health
is
an
obstacle.

 [5] Her
family
lives
in
the
interior,
where
she
was
born
but
do
not
want
to
come
back.
She
 prefers
the
city.
Next
step
is
to
find
a
better
apartment
and
in
the
future
to
build
a
house.

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

179

SUMMARY
INDEX



ID_30

⊕ Address
 Contact
number
 Full
Name
 Age
 Birthplace
 #Houses
in
past
10
years)

Kids
 Income
 
 
 Description
 
 
 Location
 Reasons
for
 (not)
selling/
buying:
 Descriptions:
 (Bathroom/room)
 Improvements:
 Human
Labor

 
(+designer)
 Other
Comparing:
 
 
 Comparing

(Schools,
heath
centers,
public
 transportations)
 Security
 Commerce
 Community
Center

Pinheiro
Street,
1399
 none
 Marlene
 38
 Porto
Velho
 1
house
in
Porto
Velho.

Adults

ID_30

FAMILY
 Marlene
(interviewed)
(38
years
old)
 Mother
(62
years
old)
 Brother
(28
years
old)
 Brother’s
Wife
(29
years
old)
 Son
(22
years
old)
 Friend
(39
years
old)
 Friend’s
Husband
(42
years
old)
 Son
(4
years
old)
 Daughter
(7years
old)
 Brother’s
son
(2
years
old)
 (0‐3
minimum
salaries)
Marlene
(housekeeper),
Mother
(rural
retirement),
friends
(public
 servants)
 
 ANIMALS/
PLANTS
 None
 
 HOUSES
 OLD
HOUSE
 NEW
HOUSE
 ‐
 Tancredo
Neves
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 ‐
 (2
room
+
1
bathroom)
 
 
 ‐
 
 
 
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 STREET
 ‐
 ‐
 
 
 
 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD
 ‐
 ‐

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

180

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 
 PROTOCOLLO
DI
DOMANDE
(PROTOCOL
OF
QUESTIONS):

 
 •

ICEBREAKERS
:

1. 2. 3.

Da
poco
che
Lei
abita
qua,
vero?
 Mela
fa
vedere
un
po’
della
sua
casa?
 Fa
sempre
caldo
così
in
questa
città?
Sei
già
abituata?

•

TRANSIZIONE:

1. 2. 3.

È
un
problema
se
registro
su
nastro
la
nostra
conversazione?
 Melo
può
raccontare
un
po’
della
sua
istoria?
Della
sua
casa?
 Melo
può
raccontare
cosa
pensi
sul
Programma
Land
Regolarization?

•

DOMANDE
‐
CHIAVE:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Perché
ha
venduto
la
sua
l’ultima
casa?
 Perché
ha
scelto
questa
casa?
Gliela
piace?
 Ha
la
scrittura
definitiva
di
questa
casa?
Voleva
averla?
 Che
cosa
vuole
ancora
cambiare?
 Chi
ha
fato
l’ultima
sistemazione
della
casa?
È
stato
sempre
lui?
 Chi
ha
scelto
questo
(dettaglio:
ceramica,
colore,
mobile,
tipi
di
finestra)?
Chi
è
stato
il
”designer”?
 Quanti
sono
i
bagni
e
le
camere?
 Ti
piace
questo
quartiere?
Perché?
Meglio
che
quella
di
prima?
 Ti
piace
questa
via?
Perché?
Meglio
che
quello
di
prima?

POLITECNICO
DI
TORINO
‐
MASTER
OF
SCIENCE
IN
TERRITORIAL,
URBAN
AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
PLANNING
–
2009/2010

181

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 182

A1_ TRANSPORTATION
SYSTEM

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 183

A2_ VACANT
LOTS

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 184

A3_ZONNING

Zoneamento

10

Z R1

ZP Z R1

Z R2

Z R2

ZE1

ZCE ZCT ZC B1

ZCT

ZCH

Z EIS

Z EIS

ZA

Z R2 Z e3 ZC B2

ZI

Z R1

ZE2 Z EIS ZI

Z R1

LEGENDA ZCE - Zona Central Especial

ZR1 - Zona Residencial Baixa Densidade

ZE1- Zona de Uso Especial 1

APA do Rio Madeira

ZCB - Zona Centro de Bairro

ZP - Zona Portuária

ZE2 - Zona de Uso Especial 2

Corredor Especial

ZCT - Zona Central

ZI - Zona Industrial

ZE3 - Zona de Uso Especial 3

ZEIS - Zona Especial de Interesse Social

ZA - Zona Atacadista

SE - Setor Especial

ZR2 - Zona Residencial Média Densidade

ZCH - Zona do Centro Histórico

Área de Expansão Urbana

Corredor de Grandes Equipamentos Perímetro Urbano

PLANO DIRETOR DE PORTO VELHO |2007 FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 185

A4_GREEN
AREAS

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 186

A5_HEAVY
TRAFFIC

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 187

A6_IPTU

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 188

A7_CORRIDORS

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 189

A8_AREA
OF
INFLUENCE
OF
PUBLIC
SCHOOLS
(STATE)

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 190

A9_AREA
OF
INFLUENCE
OF
PUBLIC
SCHOOLS
(MUNICIPAL)

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 191

A10_AREA
OF
INFLUENCE
OF
PUBLIC
HEALTH
CENTER

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

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RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 192

A11_AREA
OF
INFLUENCE
OF
PUBLIC
HOSPITALS

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

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RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 193

A12_DRAINAGE

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 194

A13_SEWER
SYSTEM

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

HOUSING
RIGHT
AND
LAND
REGULARIZATION:
THE
CITY
OF
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
BRAZIL
 195

A14_WATER
DISTRIBUTION

NORTE

Legenda SISTEMAS INDEPENDENTES SISTEMA CR I SISTEMA CR II REDE PROJETADA - implantação imediata

FONT.:
PLANO
DIRETOR
DO
MUNICÍCIO
DE
PORTO
VELHO.
PORTO
VELHO,
RO
[2007]

PLANO DIRETOR DE PORTO VELHO |200

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