Metroscape, Winter 2013

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Metroscape

Published by the Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies, Portland State University

A n A tlas and Mir r or of the P ortland Metropolitan R egion Winter 2013

Exploring the Intertwine: 1,250 miles of parks, trails, and natural areas

INSIDE

Estacada

Native American Housing

Myth of Portlandia


Inside Seeking Sustainability and Affordability

On the Cover: The butterfly is a western tiger swallowtail. In addition to providing a healthy ecosystem for wildlife, The Intertwine offers enriching experiences for humans in the form of recreational opportunities and a connection to the natural world.

Native American Housing in SE Portland An experiment in modular housing. by Leah Gibson Page 8

Michael Wilhelm Photography, www.wilhelmphoto.com

The Myth of Portlandia Portlandia, Grimm, Leverage and us. An interview with urban historian, Carl Abbott, and dramaturg, Karin Magalidi. by Sara Gates Page 24

Exploring the Intertwine

An Atlas and Mirror of the Portland Metropolitan Region

Linking 1,250 miles of parks, trails, and natural areas.

Metroscape ®

Publisher Sheila Martin

Editor-in-Chief Meg Merrick

by Ramona DeNies Page 30

Editor Tracy Dillon Technical Editor Vivek Shandas

Design Meg Merrick Editorial Board Pamela Grace Morgan Nancy Stevens Bill Lang Coordinator/ Researcher Jeremy R. Young

Metroscape® is published by the Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies Nohad A. Toulan School of Urban Studies & Planning Portland State University

Departments Publisher’s Notes

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The Landscape

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Periodic Atlas of the Metroscape: Housing

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Indicators of the Metroscape

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www.pdx.edu/ims Metroscape


Greetings from the Publisher Welcome to the Winter 2013 issue of Metroscape® featuring people and places that make our region remarkable. Our cover story features the Intertwine Alliance—a group of more than 70 public and private organizations dedicated to establishing a set of seamless networks of urban trails and parks. They envision developing a green urban interconnectivity in the Portland-Vancouver metro area. The Atlas previews the Regional Equity Atlas 2.0, a partnership between the Coalition for a Livable Future (CLF) and the Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies (IMS) at Portland State University. Static maps and a web-based tool for uncovering Portland’s ‘geography of opportunity’ reveal three areas that policymakers must focus on: demographics, access to resources and opportunities, and health outcomes. We also address a pressing and troublesome issue facing the metro region today: affordable housing. Among Portland’s communities of color, the housing problem is complicated by discrimination and marginalization. Key members of the Native American Youth & Family (NAYA) Center’s Kah San Chako Haws (Kay-Sahn-Chahko-Hahz) project explain how modular home construction can help meet the Portland Native American community’s increasing need for affordable and sustainable housing. Our Landscape (re) introduces us to Estacada—a city that proclaims itself ‘close to everything, but away from it all.’ Indicators presents some good news given difficult economic conditions over the past several years. Metroscape employment growth averaged 1.1 percent in 2011. Huzzah! Finally, Portland State’s Carl Abbott and Karin Magaldi reveal how recent television and film projects are projecting Portland culture onto the national stage. Our interview discloses their take on the myth of Portlandia. Lights! Camera! Action! Enjoy!

Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies Board of Directors Nancy Stevens Multnomah County Board Chair Pamela Grace Morgan Multnomah County Board Vice Chair Anne Berblinger Gales Meadow Farm Jeff Cogen Commissioner, Multnomah County Chris Coleman Portland Center Stage Rob Drake Beaverton Nick Fish Councilor, City of Portland Alicia Hamilton Clackamas County Mary Hanlon NW Captial Fund Jack Hoffman Mayor, Lake Oswego Tom Hughes President, Metro Council Betsy Johnson State Senator, Columbia County Michael J. Jordan State of Oregon Ginger Metcalf Identity Clark County Jack L. Orchard Ball Janik LLP (Portland) H. Roger Qualman NAI Norris Beggs and Simpson (Vancouver) Alejandro Queral NW Health Foundation William Scott Zipcar Portland

Jason Jurjevich

Acting Director, Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies/ Population Research Center

Connie Seeley OHSU Steve Stuart Commissioner, Clark County Michael Sykes City of Forest Grove Ex Officio Lawrence Wallack, Dr. P.H. Dean, College of Urban and Public Affairs Portland State University

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The Landscape

Estacada by Jeremy R. Young

“Close to everything, but away from it all.”

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hat’s the official motto of this former timber town in Clackamas County, 30 miles southeast of Portland. This “city” of nearly 2,700 is remotely tucked away in pristine wilderness—set against the backdrop of the Mt. Hood National Forest and the Clackamas River Gorge—yet is within reach of Portland’s hustle and bustle. The scenic drive from Portland to Estacada, via OR224, typically takes forty-five minutes. Just over a hundred years ago, however, paved roads didn’t even reach this place. In fact, the town wouldn’t even exist today if it hadn’t been for the construction of the Clackamas River’s first hydroelectric dam, the Cazadero, in 1905. At the turn of the last century, the rapidly growing City of Portland (pop. 90,000) needed electricity to power its streetlights. In 1901, after the successful completion of a hydro power station at Oregon City, the Oregon Water Power and Railway Company acquired property along the Clackamas and built a rail line from Gresham to the new site through the nearby town of Boring. What literally started as a “tent city” for workers building the dam quickly sprouted into a full-fledged community of nearly 400 by October 1904. Before anyone knew it, streets were platted and Estacada was incorporated the following year. Local lore has it that the town’s name, Spanish for “marked with stakes,” was selected at random from a U.S. map

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depicting the Llano Estacado region of Texas. The newly constructed rail line to Estacada almost immediately gave rise to a new lumber industry that would drive the economy of this place for almost a century. The rail line not only transported the abundant natural resource, but also brought multitudes of urbanites from Portland by streetcar to picnic and enjoy the great outdoors. The scenic wonderland surrounding the new town provided a much-needed retreat from the industrial city. For fifty cents, Portlanders could board the Estacada-Cazadero streetcar at the Morrison Bridge and be transported to a forested oasis for the day. For a dollar more, passengers could ride the streetcar plus enjoy dinner at the new Hotel Estacada on Main Street. The line also lured many a fisherman from Portland to the shores of the Clackamas at Estacada, where salmon and steelhead trout were plentiful. As such, the railway quickly became known as the “Trout Route.” Tourism was an important component of Estacada’s early economy, but began to fizzle after the popular streetcar line ended passenger service to the town in the early 1930s. It was ultimately timber, not tourism, which kept Estacada residents and business owners prosperous, however. Legend has it that logging trucks chugged through town at a pace of one

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Camas Washougal

Maywood Park Fairview Wood Village Troutdale

Gresham Portland

waukie

Happy Valley Damascus

Johnson City Gladstone

Sandy

Oregon City

Estacada

Molalla


Estacada Census Profile 2000 and 2010 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0

2000 2010

per minute during big timber’s glory days in the 1950s and 1960s. During this time, one could measure Estacada’s economic pulse by simply counting the logging trucks as they rolled through town rattling downtown storefront windows. For the greater part of a century, most residents of Estacada were employed at the saw mill; one of the metro area’s largest producers of lumber products. Gradually, over time, increased state and federal regulations imposed on the logging industry resulted in its decline, and the town’s economic pulse began to slow dramatically by the 1980s. After holding on for dear life for two decades, the Estacada Saw Mill Co. closed its doors for good in 2007. As


Leading the charge for a renewed civic pride in recent years is a group of local artists who have banded together to transform their community one brush stroke at a time.

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a result, many downtown shops have also shuttered their doors in recent years. “The decline of the timber industry has changed the identity of Estacada. Most of us no longer see Estacada as a lumber town or mill town,” says Mayor-elect Brent Dodrill. Like many other former timber towns throughout the state that are now confronted by an identity crisis, Estacada, too, is struggling to reinvent itself. Despite Estacada’s depressed economy, residents, downtown business owners and local elected officials haven’t lost hope in their town. Leading the charge for a renewed civic pride in recent years is a group of local artists who have banded together to transform their community one brush stroke at a time. Each summer, the ArtBack Artists Cooperative has wowed the community with their “mural-in-a-weekend” event. During this event, a mural depicting a unique aspect of Estacada history or culture is painted on a blank wall in town. Since 1994, murals have been painted portraying the history of the native peoples who occupy the Pacific Northwest; Estacada’s timber heritage; the steam engines and streetcars that once carried dam workers and throngs of city dwellers to this place; the area’s scenic beauty and rich wildlife; recreational opportunities on the Clackamas and in the Mt. Hood National Forest; as well as other themes. The creative class has become a thriving presence in Downtown Estacada. The Spiral Gallery on Broadway Street now attracts arts enthusiasts from around the region on the first Friday of every month. Across the street, another type of innovative “spirit” draws quite the crowd: the craft-brewed beer at Fearless Brewing Co. Estacada’s elected officials have acknowledged the role of the creative class

in helping to market downtown as a destination. It’s quite apparent that more needs to be done to rebuild the city’s economy and attract new industry, however. In April 2011, the state Department of Land Conservation and Development approved the city’s application to annex 130 acres of farmland into its urban growth boundary to create an industrial sanctuary along the city’s western boundary. “We hope to see this [land] developed and bring some great jobs to our area,” Mayor-elect Dodrill explains. In the meantime, while city leaders try to lure new industry over the next few years, officials like Dodrill hope to move forward with two plans adopted by the city in the last five years: The Estacada Downtown Urban Renewal Plan (2007) and the City of Estacada Downtown & Riverside Area Plan (2011). These plans outline goals for Estacada’s historic Downtown core as well as its scenic riverfront. The latter could be a boon for efforts to boost tourism and recreational activities in the area. Dodrill takes office on January 1. When asked about moving forward on the Downtown & Riverside Area Plan, he said, “This plan will begin to pick up speed over the next three to five years and some great changes will be made to the historic downtown area.” About the people who live and work here, Dodrill says this: “The people of Estacada are wonderful, hard-working people who work together for the good of the community. Our new identity is not fully formed yet, but it’s in the process.” M Jeremy R. Young is a Lancaster, PA native and a Master of Urban and Regional Planning student at Portland State University.

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Seeking Sustainability and Affordability: Native American Housing in SE Portland by Leah Gibson

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Imagery courtesy of NAYA

n the early morning of Monday, October 8th, a lone flatbed truck pulled out of a parking lot of a warehouse in Aumsville, Oregon. The air was crisp with the beginning of fall, the sunlight still hidden behind trees as the truck began its trek up I-5. The cargo was the first of nine modular housing units being delivered to a lot at 9707 SE Holgate in Portland, about an hour away. Modular housing construction is an Page 8

alternative method to conventional construction that has been proven to reduce cost and delivery time and increase sustainability and green workforce jobs and training opportunities. For this project, each unit is built in a rectangle box shape, identical in interior and exterior design, and is built to be stackable. The hope, with this specific modular construction style, is that the reduced cost, time, and risk will increase opportunities to build more affordable and sustainable housing in PortMetroscape


land in a way that is less costly and more efficient. While the units were being built in the Blazer Industries Inc. warehouse in Aumsville in August and September, the lot was being prepped and the foundation poured exactly to fit the measurements of the modular apartments. By the time the modular units were ready to leave the manufacturer's warehouse to make the short journey to Portland, the foundation was ready for them to be placed. By the end of the day, the entire first set of three two-bedroom units had been placed and stacked. As each module arrived, a large crane lifted it off the back of the truck and gently set it down into place. By the end of day two, most of the onebedrooms were done; on the final day, the last one-bedroom and the three studios

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were secured. Compared to conventional construction time, weather issues, disruptions, and waste, this project was a breeze. Portland news media outlets proclaimed “Affordable Housing Built in Three Days,” which is misleading. Although the modules were put together and set in the foundation within three days, the total length of time to construct the project from pouring the foundation to finishing the stairs is estimated to take approximately five months. The design time took about four months; it also took about four months to secure the proper permits. With design, permits, and construction time accounted for, the project totals 13 months altogether. Compared to traditional stick-built affordable housing complexes, which normally take about 18 months from design to completion, this amount of time is exemplary. he project, called Kah San Chako Haws (Kay-Sahn-Chahko-Hahz, meaning “East House” in Chinook jargon) is an effort of the Native American Youth & Family Center to create truly affordable housing for Portland urban Indian community members. And with the demand growing for affordable housing and funding becoming less available, this type of project is coming about at the perfect time. The Native American Youth & Family Center, or NAYA (Nay-uh) Family Center, is a social services agency serving the Native American community of Portland with culturally specific programming, activities, and services for Native youth and families. NAYA Family Center’s mission is “…to enhance the diverse strengths of our youth and families in partnership with the community through cultural identity and education.” NAYA is a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization that was established in 1974 by a group of parent volunteers

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NAYA operates from a set of nine core values... respect, balance, pride, giving, community, tradition, kindness, accountability, diversity, leadership

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who were concerned about the futures of their youth. The organization officially attained nonprofit status in 1994 and serves its clients with everything from youth advocacy to emergency clothing, food, and domestic violence support to community economic development services, such as home ownership and financial wellness coaching and microenterprise development. It even operates a private, culturally specific, tuition-free high school, called the Early College Academy. NAYA operates from a set of nine core values that guides the work of its staff and was chosen by Native community members, including youth and elders: respect, balance, pride, giving, community, tradition, kindness, accountability, diversity, and leadership. NAYA has also adopted the Relational Worldview Model, developed by the National Indian Child Welfare Association, and translated it for use in providing social services for the Native community of Portland. This service delivery model ensures that Native community members are being served holistically, rather than only treated with basic needs. For example, if a family comes into NAYA in need of food, they will not only receive a food box, but will also learn about potential job opportunities, go through the NAYA clothing closet for interview clothes, find out how to get free health care for their children, and pick up a flyer for the next community cultural event. he Native American community of Portland is the ninth largest urban Indian community in the nation. Over 380 tribes are represented in this community of over 38,000 Native people, many of which are multi-tribal and/or multi-ethnic. There are twentyeight Native organizations in the Portland area, owned and run by Native people; of

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these organizations, over $50 million in combined revenue goes to the city’s taxes, businesses, and services. The city of Portland rests on old village sites of the Chinook, Multnomah, Clackamas, Kathlamet, and Tualatin Kalapuya, among others. All of these tribes were affected by disease, relocation, assimilation, and termination after non-Native contact. Over 60 Oregon tribes were terminated during the 1950s, including the Klamath, Siletz, and Grand Ronde, which have since fought to have their federally recognized tribal status reinstated. The site that NAYA now operates from at 5135 NE Columbia Blvd.—which used to be the Whitaker Elementary school—is actually a historical Chinook village site, where many Chinook families made their homes along the Columbia Slough. Before NAYA moved in to the new building from their old one on Mississippi Avenue, they asked Chinook tribal representatives for their permission to occupy the site and invited them to a traditional land blessing ceremony to seal the deal. In 2009, NAYA officially purchased the building and land from Portland Public Schools. Over the course of eight years during the move from their old building to the purchase of the new one, NAYA went from a five-person staff and a $215,000 budget to a staff of 100 and a budget of over $8 million. Today, the Native community of Portland still suffers from the affects of termination, assimilation, relocation, boarding schools, and other forms of racism and bias, leading to diaspora, extreme poverty, mental illness, substance abuse, and health issues. However, resiliency is a key quality of this community. Despite the fact that the Native American poverty rate in Multnomah county is 34% compared to 12% in the white community and the unemployment rate is 70% higher for

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Natives than white people, there is much being done on the city, county, and state levels to ensure that Native people receive access to much-needed resources in a culturally appropriate way. Kah San Chako Haws, the leader in affordable, culturally appropriate housing for Native Americans, is one example of efforts to help lead Native families to self-sufficiency and overall well-being. Native people are overrepresented in the total homeless rate in Multnomah County by 350%, making up 9% of the overall rate—a number that has been increasing in the past few years, rather than declining. Of the total Multnomah County residents in poverty, Native people make up 6.8%; however, only half that amount receive public housing and only 4.4% receive tenant vouchers to ensure that they do not end up homeless. Compound these numbers with a lack of affordable housing, discrimination, and other inequities, and the Native community has a major housing crisis. Although Kah San Chako Haws is only nine units, it represents the opportunity that is available to begin seriously addressing Native housing concerns. First of all, it is owned, operated, and constructed by Native Americans. Secondly, modular housing affords the ability to create quicker, cheaper housing options to address the growing numbers of people in need. Third, Kah San proves that it all can be done sustainably. Kah San Chako Haws is one of four housing establishments that NAYA has developed in the past five years. In February of 2008, Sawash LLC was developed by NAYA Family Center and included three housing units—Ceel Ocks, Nelson Court, and Tistilal Village. These affordable housing developments began providing the Native community of Portland Metroscape

with culturally appropriate affordable housing options. Kah San Chako Haws is a continuation of this theme with a focus on modular construction, which promises to house more people in a fraction of the time with fewer costs than conventional construction, with a land acquisition twist for the Portland urban Indian community thrown in. ey España, one of the primary leaders in affordable housing for Native people in Portland, has served as the director of the community development department at NAYA Family Center for over eight years. Prior to NAYA, Rey worked for Multnomah County and has a history in community development in the Los Angeles area. The designer for the Kah San Chako Haws project, Stuart Emmons, coincidentally knows Rey from a string of development projects they worked on together back in Los Angeles in the 80s. The pair goes way back…as far back as 1984 in Santa Monica. Rey was a project manager for the city’s economic development department, and Stuart represented the architect on a project called the Kent Edwards building, a senior center which has since won design awards, and projects like the Daybreak Center for survivors of domestic violence. Every project the pair has pursued has always had a strong human interest factor. What is most unique is their approach is that, during the planning process, they ask, How can we push the limits, how can we make this better than it’s been done before, and how can we really help people? Often, the people who will be living in the buildings that they develop come from hard places. For this reason, Rey and Stuart aim to build dignity into the design and development of the project. With this unique perspective, they have

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Every project [that Epaña and Emmons] have pursued has always had a strong human interest factor.

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...the project... got bogged down over the course of four years by political issues and complications.

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won awards and have been recognized up and down the West Coast for their work. One of the last projects they worked on was once called the Saint Julian, now the Simone Hotel, a 110-unit housing complex for Los Angeles’ homeless. A multimillion dollar endeavor, the project began with absolutely pure intentions and backing from multiple funders, but got bogged down over the course of four years by political issues and complications. What started out as a grand plan to get 1,000 of the city’s homeless off the streets every year for ten years was abandoned after only four years. The Simone Hotel is now the only proof of that endeavor. “The designers, the builders…they were all friends of ours,” says Rey, reminiscing. “We had it all together.” “We had the billionaires behind us,” chimes in Stuart. “And we had the biggest oil company in the country behind us, and still….” “In four years,” continues Rey. “That was the only thing we ever built.” Disappointed by the process, Rey and Stuart felt that there had to be a better, faster, and cheaper way to create housing for low-income people. The seeds for NAYA’s modular housing project were already being sown, and Rey hadn’t even heard of NAYA yet. ot long after the Simone Hotel, Rey left California for greener options—literally. The day that the two opened their last project together— the Kent Edwards Center—Rey had a job interview in Portland. “I just kind of slipped out.” After losing contact with Stuart and his other L.A. friends and colleagues to join the growing movement in economic sustainability in Portland, Rey got connected and began working for Multnomah County.

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One day about five years later, Rey was walking by a building next to his workplace and took note of a very interesting wall. It was slanted. “I said to myself, I don’t know anyone else who would think of something like that,” says Rey. He knew that Stuart had a particular penchant for curved walls and hadn’t seen that specific style of architectural design done by anyone else. A few days later, he was in a Greek deli downtown when he heard a joyful shout and turned to see a familiar face, one he never expected to see again. Stuart, unknowingly, had followed him to the Northwest. “Portland is the last place I would have expected to see Rey,” says Stuart. “He’s an L.A. guy.” After catching up a few moments, Stuart revealed that he was working for SERA Architects in the very building that Rey had noticed a few days earlier. Stuart was the designer of the curved wall. Their reunification seemed destined. The rest is history in the making. Stuart is not a stranger to making history. With a Master of Architecture degree from Harvard University, over 25 years of architectural experience, and 15 years of experience owning his own architecture business, Stuart is well known for his talent in California and in Portland. He’s designed everything from firehouses to beautiful homes to the Deschutes brew pub in the Pearl—and now, modular housing. “I just like to build things,” says Stuart. He remembers his interest in architecture began when his father bought him his first drawing board when he was very young. In fact, Stuart’s earliest inspiration for modular housing occurred when he attended Expo 67, the 1967 International and Universal Expedition, also known as the Category One World’s Fair held in Montreal, Metroscape


Canada. He was 12. What he remembers most was an attraction called Habitat 67, a model construction of modular dwellings made of concrete stacked on top of each other, designed by Moshe Safdie. hat sets Stuart apart from other talented architects is his passion for helping people in need. When he designs a project, he really thinks about the people who will be living there. What are their needs? What are their challenges? During the design process, he aims to get in the heads of the people who will be inhabiting the space, whether it is an elderly widow or a homeless man just getting off the downtown streets. Stuart says that one of his strongest early influences was his first architectural design instructor at the Pratt Institute in New York—the late Harry Simmons, an African American architect in Brooklyn—who opened his eyes to affordable housing and the impact it could make in people’s lives. “He said, it’s not about how cool-looking the kitchen is, it’s about the people,” says Stuart. “I want to make an impact. This is the kind of work that feeds my soul. Rey has been a great influence on my work as well, and his vision, kindness, passions and generosity are truly exceptional. He is a great man, and I am blessed to call him a close friend of mine.” This keen sense of humanity is what has inspired both Stuart and Rey in the implementation and design of Kah San Chako Haws. From the modular style to Stuart’s insistence on including dishwashers and Rey’s passion for energy efficiency—which will cut renters’ utility bills drastically—this project stands out from other housing projects. Both of them stress that, after their experience with the Simone Hotel, the most important thing

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is that they are able to find a way to match up housing and tenants faster. Rather than getting entangled in politics and land acquisition issues, the project is slated to take about 13 months from start to finish, compared to the approximately 18 months of time that housing developments normally take—and Rey says that time can be cut to even 11 months. As of mid-November, the NAYA construction team—made up of Native American community members and staff who are committed to workforce training—was doing workforce training on the siding of the units. Other finishing touches on the project will occur between now and the end of January. The plan is that the apartment complex will be move-in ready January 31, ensuring that more Native community members are helped faster. The complex will serve tenants who are eligible to receive Section 8 housing assistance and meet other eligibility requirements. The housing is being built primarily to serve the Native American community’s elders, single mothers, youth aging out of foster care, and families. Applications are currently being processed. Kah San Chako Haws is the first of its kind in the Pacific Northwest and is one of the first affordable, multi-family, multi-story projects in the nation. Although there have been other modular housing projects, this is the first that is made up of stacked modular units in an apartment style. It is a pilot project, which is intended to be replicated as funding is secured for land and construction. The beauty of modular housing is that a complex can be built as large or as small as the space affords, meaning that if land can only be purchased in parcels, the developers don’t have to wait until they find a big enough space. For example, if two lots can be purchased near each other, but

The housing is being built primarily to serve the Native American community's elders, single mothers, youth aging out of foster care, and families.

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there is a plot of land in between that the landowner doesn’t want to sell, the developers don’t have to find another area to purchase. They can develop on the two available sites and then, if the landowner in the middle changes his or her mind later, great. If not, they can still start developing the available area. In fact, Rey and Stuart have been eyeing a site right across the street from NAYA, where there is a lot for sale that would be perfect for Native community members who also receive—or could potentially receive—extensive services at NAYA, as well. And although there is enough opportunity and funding available for affordable housing projects such as this one, there isn’t much available for land acquisition. In fact, Stuart says that land acquisition funding actually held up Kah San Chako Haws for a year. “With the Portland Development Commission support, and now the Portland Housing Bureau, the money’s really incredibly generous, and we’re really thankful for their contribution,” he says, “but we couldn’t use any of their money to buy the property. We need to get a trust of money that we can use just for land acquisition. This project will fit on individual lots, and that alone will really ease up land acquisition.” Rey has another perspective on land acquisition from the Native worldview. Historically in Native cultures, indigenous people share land rather than owning it individually, whereas other non-Native communities consider land for equity and profit. “Modular construction as a housing type on top of land that could be held in perpetuity is an interesting land trust model,” says Rey. “Modular construction associated with other ways of owning land is a good fit for the Native commuPage 14

nity. For example, we could secure property and put the land in a land trust.” That way, the land would be kept always in the Native community and controlled by the Native community. “The actual housing piece of it could be sold, and then you have a shared equity model.” The project also offers an interesting investment opportunity for potential public and private investors. Modular construction affords the ability for potential investors to do quality construction and reduce costs while, at the same time, cutting construction time in at least half. That way, they can begin filling up the units and collecting rent in a quicker timeframe than traditional stick-built housing projects. While traditional affordable housing complexes normally cost about $200,000 a unit, Kah San Chako Haws units ran about $190,000 each and could be cut down to $150,000 each in the future. It helps that the designs for future units simply need to be tweaked and perfected a little, rather than completely redesigned for each project, which will save time as well as money. ore than just talking the talk, Rey and Stuart are committed to the walk, which leads to more affordable housing in less time, and affordable doesn’t mean that modular housing looks cheap or is made with cheap materials. From the finish on the floor to the drywall finish and the casework, Stuart has taken extra care to design the units to impress. In fact, even City Commissioner Nick Fish was impressed when he visited recently and pointed out the extra light that flooded the rooms through the bigger windows that Stuart designed. Kah San Chako units have big windows that let in extra light and a great cross flow of air; beautiful finishes; energy-efficient ap-

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More than just talking the talk, Rey and Stuart are committed to the walk, which leads to more affordable housing in less time.

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pliances, fixtures, wiring, plumbing, and insulation; extra lighting; and extra attention to the layout so that rooms feel larger and more comfortable. Furthermore, unit cost is reduced by the exchange of bigger windows for decks, the elimination of parking, and scaling down common areas and circulation. Based on recent modular projects in the nation, similar projects could save about 6-to-15% in costs from traditional housing construction projects in the future. The site is located very close to the rest of Portland by the new MAX green line, thereby encouraging public transportation for community members who will inhabit the space. Additionally, there are parks and schools nearby, as well as shopping, healthcare, and workplaces. For these reasons, Kah San Chako Haws is perfect for families and working parents. The modules are 12-to-15-feet wide and 30-to-60-feet long for ease in truck transportation. Studios are 400 square feet; one bedroom units are 711 square feet; and two bedrooms are 875 square feet. The one- and two-bedroom units are made up of two modules each, while studios are constructed of only one module. The reason for the mix of apartment layouts is to show the stability of the module construction for future multi-family housing projects. The units are finished in the warehouse before being transported, including paint, flooring, and all fixtures. Once the modules are connected on site after transportation, they are “touched up,” and stairs, roofing, and siding are constructed. Rey and Stuart hope that, in the future, some of these touch ups can also be done inwarehouse. The studio units are also sized to be pilot designs for very low-income and homeless community members. In addition to the beautiful design and Metroscape

spaciousness of these modular units, the project scores a Gold Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) rating—just twelve points shy of making Platinum. The reason? Heat pumps. While the studio units do have the type of heat pumps required for the Platinum LEED rating, the one and two bedrooms do not. “We were trying to save a little money on heating,” admits Stuart. “For another $20,000, we could have made these way more energy-efficient. But at the time, we had to hit a budget.” Rey and Stuart both plan to make it Platinum next time. ut a Gold rating is still a great step in sustainability. In addition to the heat pumps in the studios, Kah San Chako Haws sports installation materials that were all harvested locally and sustainably, energy-efficient lighting, low-water plumbing fixtures, and Energy Star appliances. The modules were also built without the use of toxic glues. Additionally, the units were built in a sterile environment and away from wet weather, meaning that the opportunity for mold, mildew, and other construction-related issues will not be as common with this project as with traditional construction projects. Kah San Chako Haws’ energy efficiency will end up costing its tenants much less in utility bills and health risks in the long run. In the future, Stuart and Rey hope to tweak the designs of the units to allow for further energy efficiency, while also hoping for a faster time frame. Rey says that they experienced some challenges that won’t be an issue for future projects, such as finding the right manufacturer, perfecting the design, and dealing with transportation-related legal matters and liabilities. Now that they’ve been through the process, the developers can concen-

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trate on streamlining the process to get people housed as quickly as possible. It helps that the manufacturer, Blazer Industries Inc., has had plenty of experience in modular housing already. In addition to Kah San Chako Haws, they’ve constructed modular homes, stores, and schools. They’ve been in business since the 1970s and got their start by building toilets. The project team also includes Walsh Construction, the general contractor; the development consultant, Guardian Affordable Housing Development, LLC; the structural engineer Tornberg Consulting; sustainability, Earth Advantage; and financing, the Portland Housing Bureau, Meyer Memorial Trust, Capital Pacific Bank, State of Oregon, and Home Forward. While NAYA chose to construct the units specifically in SE Portland due to a funding opportunity in the Lents urban renewal area through the Portland Development Commission, it has also been aiming to do more outreach to Native community members who live and work in that area. Southeast Portland, in fact, has the second-largest demographic of Native American community members, after the North Portland/St. John’s area. Rey says, “The Native demographic has shifted to SE Portland, so it all worked out well for us that PDC’s funding concentrated on that area. Therefore, the housing is placed in a well-represented Native community already.” NAYA also recently acquired the former Foster Elementary site in the Lents area and plans to run an early learning center for preschool-aged children and an intergenerational housPage 16

ing project for foster youth modeled after Bridge Meadows in Portsmouth. In the Lents area, more than 12% of the Native community is under age five. So far, Kah San Chako Haws has received awards from the Portland Housing Bureau and the Meyer Memorial Trust, along with additional financing from Capital Pacific Bank. The project is setting a precedent for future affordable housing projects specifically designed for Native American community members and other low-income people in Portland by reducing costs and delivery time while increasing quality and sustainability. Rey and Stuart are just getting started. With this pilot project well underway and near completion, they already have their sights set on potential property to continue building, in addition to the lot across the street from NAYA. The plan is to keep building upon this pilot project to make each subsequent project better, faster, cheaper, and more efficient. What remains the driving motivation is the lack of affordable housing for Native American community members in need. “This has been a personal journey for us since 1988, building shelters and all that, not seeing enough housing built,” says Stuart. “And there are not thirty people on the streets—there are hundreds of people on the street. To break the cycle of poverty, it’s all about housing.” “We’ve proven initially that we can get quality housing for less,” says Rey. “So we’ll see how the community responds… but I think we’re on to an idea.” M

"...there are not thirty people on the streets—there are hundreds of people on the streets."

Leah Gibson (Oflala Lakota) is a freelance writer and a Portland State alum. She holds a master's degree in writing through the Portland State book publishing program. Leah was raised in Portland and has strong roots in the Portland metro area. Metroscape


Periodic Atlas of the Metroscape

The Geography of Home

A preview from the Regional Equity Atlas 2.0

T

by Meg Merrick and Kris Smock

he Coalition for a Livable Future’s (CLF) first Regional Equity Atlas (www.equityatlas.org) received national attention for its groundbreaking exploration of the Portland metro area’s “geography of opportunity”. Published in 2007, the Atlas uses maps to analyze how well different populations and neighborhoods are able to access the resources and opportunities necessary for meeting their basic needs and for advancing their health and well-being. It also provides a visual depiction of how the benefits and burdens of growth and change are distributed geographically and across demographic groups. By illuminating the region’s disparities, the Atlas helped to demonstrate why a focus on equity should occupy the core of our region’s approach to policy and planning. CLF is now working in partnership with Metro and the Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies at Portland State University on the next iteration of the Atlas project. Atlas 2.0 will combine a comprehensive repository of data and a dynamic, web-based mapping tool to enable stakeholders across the region to develop customized maps to display and analyze a wide range of indicators, including: • Demographics: age, household composition, income, race • Access to resources and opportunities: economic opportunity, education, food, health care, healthy environment, housing, parks and nature, public and social services, transportation • Health outcomes: asthma rates, birth outcomes, cardiovascular disease rates, diabetes rates, obesity Metroscape

Almost all of the data will be available at the neighborhood or census tract level. Users will be able to customize the layers of the map to explore the intersection between the different indicators. The resulting maps will enable users to analyze equity conditions across the region at a high level of spatial resolution, providing insights to inform strategic investments, planning, and public policy. This edition of Metroscape® previews several of the Atlas 2.0 maps related to the issue of housing. Access to decent, stable, and affordable housing is a fundamental quality of life issue. The geographic distribution of affordable housing also has a direct effect on residents’ ability to access all of the other resources and opportunities that are essential for health and well being. For these reasons, understanding the “geography of opportunity” related to housing is essential to any analysis of equity issues in the region. THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOME Access to housing is largely determined by two factors: access to financial resources and the availability of suitable housing that is affordable. Other factors, such as institutionalized discrimination, can also play a role. This atlas begins an exploration of access to housing using data compiled for and included in the soon-to-be-released Regional Equity Atlas 2.0 tool. For most of the region’s residents, income is the primary factor in determining the type of housing we inhabit and the level of choice we have in terms of amenities and location. Figure 1 displays

Page 17


Median Household Income 2006-2010Household ACS Estimates Median Income by Census by CensusTracts Tracts

Ridgefiel d�

Battle Ground

Clark County

$14,960.00 - $55,208.00 $55,208.01 - $76,754.00 $76,754.01 - $103,142.00 $103,142.01 - $154,466.00

Washington County

Source: ACS 2006-2010 Vancouver

Banks North Plains

Camas Washougal Forest Grove

Portland

Hillsboro

Cornelius

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton Gaston

Milwaukie

Happy Valley

Tigard

Damascus Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Oregon City Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Clackamas County

Figure 1

Median Rents, 2012 Median Rents (2-bedroom apts)(2-bedroom un by Zip Codes by Zip Code

Ridgefiel d�

Battle Ground

Clark County

$479.00 - $650.00 $650.01 - $779.00 $779.01 - $900.00

Washington County

$900.01 - $1,150.00 $1,150.01 - $1,579.00 Vancouver

Banks

Source: Metro Multifamily Housing Owner Occupied Association, “The Apartment Report Survey”,Renter data collected between Occupied February 7, 2012-March 15 2012

North Plains Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Hillsboro

Portland

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton

Gaston

Milwaukie Tigard King City

Occupied Rental Units per Acre

Damascus Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Renter Occupied

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

0.4 - 3 4-9

Happy Valley

Lake Oswego

Owner Occupied

Oregon City Wilsonville Estacada

10 - 20 21 - 45

Canby Barlow

Clackamas County

46 - 109 Below Regional Median Income

Page 18

Figure 2

Portland-Vancouver MSA, Metroscape 2010 Molalla


ncome

Change in Median Income 2000 to 2006-2010 ACS Estimates Change Median Income by Censusin Tracts

RidgeďŹ el dďż˝

Battle Ground

-55.49% to -15%

Clark County

-14.99% to 0.01% 0.02% to 20% 20.01% to 50%

Washington County

50.01% to 187.92%

Sources: US Census, 2000; ACS 2006-2010

Vancouver

Banks North Plains

Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Portland

Hillsboro

Gresham

Occupied Rental Units per Acre Gaston

0.4 - 3

Milwaukie Tigard

4-9

Happy Valley Damascus

Lake Oswego

King City

10 - 20 21 - 45

Multnomah County

Beaverton

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

46 - 109 Below Regional Median Income

Oregon City

Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Clackamas County

Figure 3

median household incomes for the four-county metro region by Census tracts according to the American Community Survey's (ACS) 2006-2010 estimates. For much of the region, particularly Multnomah, Clackamas, and Washington counties, lower income households tend to be located in neighborhoods far from the downtown core. These neighborhoods include north Portland and the suburban east side of Portland and Gresham, as well as parts of Beaverton, Hillsboro, Cornelius, and Forest Grove on the west side. In Vancouver, Washington, the pattern is reversed, with lower incomes concentrated closer to the city center. Figure 2 shows the median rents in 2012 for 2-bedroom, or family-sized, units by zip code in the region. The median rents in a given neighborhood reflect the purchasing power of the neighborhood’s residents as well as the relative desirability (or lack thereof) of the neighborhood in terms of amenities (such as quality schools, transit, and greenspaces) and proximity to jobs. As might be expected, the patterns in figure 2 Metroscape

resemble the patterns in figure 1, with lower cost units typically located in neighborhoods with lower median incomes. Figure 3 indicates the change in median household income by Census tract between 2000 and the 2006-2010 ACS estimates. What stands out in this map is the decline, and in some cases a pronounced decline (darkest blue on the map), in median household incomes in most of the region. This decline has been accompanied by an increase in the percentage of cost-burdened homeowners and renters in the region. Households spending more than 30 percent of their incomes on housing are considered cost-burdened because their housing costs do not leave enough income to adequately cover the costs of other necessities such as food and medical care. According to the ACS 2006-2010 estimates, 39.9 percent of households (renters and owners) in the region were cost-burdened; by the 2007-2011 ACS estimates, the percentage had risen to 49.4. Page 19


Ridgefiel d�

Single-Parent Households Single-Parent Households in 2010 (per acre) per Acre

Battle Ground

Clark County

0.05 - 1 2-4 5 - 14

Washington County

Source: US Census 2010 Vancouver

Banks North Plains

Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Portland

Hillsboro

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton Gaston

Milwaukie

Happy Valley

Tigard

Damascus Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Oregon City Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Clackamas County

Occupied Rental Units per Acre

Figure 4

0.4 - 3 4-9

Occupied Rental 10 Units - 20 in 2010 (per Rental acre) Occupied 21 - 45Units

Ridgefiel d�

Battle Ground

Clark County

0.4 - 3

46 - 109

4-9

Below Regional Median Inc

10 - 20 21 - 45 46 - 109

Washington County

Source: US Census 2010 Vancouver

Banks North Plains

Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Portland

Hillsboro

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton Gaston

Milwaukie Tigard

Happy Valley Damascus

Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Owner Occupied

Oregon City

Renter Occupied

Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Metroscape

Figure 5

Clackamas County

Page 20


Occupied Rental Units in 2010 (per acre) Occupied Rental Units and Lower Income Census Tracts

Ridgefiel d�

Battle Ground

per Acre

0.4 - 3

Clark County

4-9 10 - 20 21 - 45

Washington County

46 - 109

Below Regional Median LowIncome_Tract_BelowMedian Household Income (2006-2010)

Vancouver

Banks

Source: US Census 2010; ACS 2006-2010

North Plains Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Hillsboro

Portland

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton

Gaston

Occupied Rental Units per Acre 0.4 - 3

Damascus Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

21 - 45 46 - 109

Happy Valley

Lake Oswego

King City

4-9 10 - 20

Milwaukie

Tigard

Oregon City Wilsonville

Below Regional Median Income

Estacada Canby

Barlow

Clackamas County

Figure 6

come

Income and Affordability Since poverty statics from the ACS are unreliable at the sub-municipal level, single-parent households (a Census variable that is available at a high spatial resolution) are often used as a proxy for households in poverty. Census block-level data from 2010 reveal the geographic distribution of these households in detail. Zoom in to figure 4 and notice that these households tend to live in areas away from Portland's central neighborhoods and along major arterials. There are hotspots of single-parent households in north Portland (New Columbia, a large affordable housing project, is easily identifiable), Gresham, parts of Beaverton, and Hillsboro. Because many households in poverty have little choice but to rent, we would expect to see similar hotspots in figure 5, which shows the distribution of occupied rental units in 2010. Figure 6 overlays the distribution of occupied rental units with Census tracts that have median household incomes (according to 2006-2010 ACS estimates) Metroscape

below the regional median. Figure 6 shows that areas with lower income households tend to also have higher densities of households that are renters. But the region’s rental housing stock also includes many higher priced rental units (as demonstrated in figure 2). As a result, while the densest areas in figure 5 include neighborhoods with high concentrations of poverty, they also include areas like the Pearl District, close-in east side neighborhoods such as the Lloyd District, and neighborhoods on the outer west side near the high tech industry. Communities of Color and the Home Ownership Gap Access to home ownership (the single largest asset for most American households) isn't just dependent on income. The ability to purchase a home can also be affected by an individual's credit history and access to capital (typically from family and friends). And, while it is illegal for sellers and lenders to discriminate against potential buyers based on race, the legacy of historic and inPage 21


Ridgefiel d�

Non-White Population Populations of Color in 2010 (per acre) per Acre

Battle Ground

0-1

Clark County

2-5 6 - 20 21 - 30

Washington County

31 - 119

Source: US Census 2010

Vancouver

Banks North Plains

Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Portland

Hillsboro

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton Gaston

Milwaukie

Happy Valley

Tigard

Damascus Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Oregon City Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Clackamas County

Figure 7 Home Ownership Gap

Ridgefiel d�

in 2010Ownership by Census Tract Home Gap Battle Ground

No Gap Clark County

.01 - 3.13 3.14 - 7.5 7.51 - 14.5

Washington County

14.51 - 18.1 > 18.1 No Data

Vancouver

Banks

Source: US Census 2010

North Plains Camas Washougal Forest Grove Cornelius

Portland

Hillsboro

Gresham

Multnomah County

Beaverton Gaston

Milwaukie Tigard

Happy Valley Damascus

Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Oregon City Wilsonville Estacada Canby Barlow

Page 22

Figure 8

Clackamas County

Metroscape


Ridgefiel d�

FHA Loans (Number of Loans, 2011) No. by Applications Census Tract for FHA Loans

Battle Ground

Clark County

1 - 47 48 - 91 Washington County

92 - 150 151 - 300 La Center

Vancouver

Banks

Yacolt

Sources: HMDA; FFIEC Ridgefiel d�

North Plains Camas

Battle Ground

No. of Applications for Conventional Washougal Conventional Loans (Number of Loans,Loans 2011)

Clark County

3 - 201

Forest Grove Cornelius

202 - 390

Portland

Hillsboro

Washington County

391 - 763 764 - 2094 Vancouver

Banks

Gresham

North Plains

Multnomah County

Camas Washougal

Beaverton Forest Grove Cornelius

Gaston

Milwaukie

Gresham

Damascus Gaston

Johnson City

Milwaukie

Happy Valley

Tigard

Sandy

Gladstone

Damascus Lake Oswego

King City

Johnson City

Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

West Linn

Sherwood

Multnomah

Beaverton

Lake Oswego Durham Rivergrove Tualatin

Hillsboro

Happy Valley

Tigard King City

Portland

Sandy

Gladstone West Linn

Sherwood

Oregon City

Oregon City

Figure 10

Wilsonville

Wilsonville Estacada Canby

Estacada

Figure 9

Barlow

Clackamas County

Canby Barlow

stitutionalized racial discrimination continues to impact current home ownership rates. Familiarity with the financial services system may also play a role; recent immigrants, in particular, may find it difficult to navigate through the complexities of financing a home purchase. The combined impact of these factors contributes to a home ownership gap between whites and populations of color in some Census tracts in the region, according to recent data. Figure 7 shows the distribution of the non-white population in 2010. Figure 8 displays the home ownership gap by Census block group in 2010. Gray indicates places where the rate of home ownership by populations of color is equal to or greater than that of the white population. Shades of orange indicate a home ownership gap that increases as the orange color gets darker. It is notable that the gap appears to be greatest in areas with higher minority populations due to a disproportionate number of white home owners in these areas. Access to Home Loans Figure 9 (the number of FHA loans per Census tract in 2011) and figure 10 (the number of conMetroscape

Clackamas County

ventional loans issued per Census tract in 2011) touch on the complex issue of access to mortgage lending. Home ownership typically requires substantial cash assets for a down payment. One key difference between conventional and FHA loans is the minimum down payment required: FHA requires only 3 percent of the purchase price, while most conventional loans require at least 20 percent. For this reason, access to FHA loans can make home ownership more accessible to populations with limited cash assets. Analyzing access to home loans is complex, but the spatial distributions depicted in these maps are striking. The FHA loans tend to be concentrated in areas with lower median incomes, while the conventional loans tend to be concentrated in areas with higher incomes. What these maps do not tell us is how access to FHA loans may or may not play into the minority home ownership gap depicted in the previous maps. The maps discussed here only scratch the surface. The Regional Equity Atlas 2.0 includes these and many other datasets that clarify housing issues in the metroscape. M

Page 23


The Myth of Portlandia Portlandia, Grimm, Leverage An interview with Carl Abbott and Karin Magaldi by Sara Gates

C

arl Abbott is a professor of Urban Studies and Planning at Portland State University and a local expert on the intertwining relationships between the growth, urbanization, and cultural evolutions of cities. Since beginning his tenure at PSU in 1978, Dr. Abbott has published numerous books on Portland itself, as well as the urbanization of the American West; his most recent is Portland in Three Centuries: The Place and the People (2011). Karin Magaldi is the department chair of Theatre & Film at PSU, with extensive experience in teaching screenwriting and production. In addition to directing several PSU departmental productions, she has also worked with local theatre groups including Portland Center Stage, Third Rail Repertory, and Artists Repertory Theatre. Recently, Metroscape writer Sara Gates sat down with Dr. Abbott and Professor Magaldi to discuss a growing influence on Portland culture, both as it is perceived by the rest of the country and changing from within: a trio of television shows that are based and filmed in the metropolitan region. The conversation was edited for length and clarity. Editor's Note: at publication, it was announced that Leverage would not be renewed. For a more analytical approach that explores our region's demography and econcomics and the myth of Portlandia, go to the Metropolitan Knowledge Network at: mkn.research.pdx.edu

Page 24

Metroscape


Sara Gates: Within the last two years, three major television shows have based their productions here in Portland. How do you think the way Grimm, Leverage, and, of course, Portlandia depict the city might affect the way the rest of the country thinks about us? Karin, you're laughing already!

KM: Exactly. It really is the Portland of California. And between the two, I don't see much difference. So when I started watching Portlandia, I thought, yeah, that's Portland, but it's also Santa Cruz. And it's also the Bay Area. There are pockets of these things a lot of places.

Karin Magaldi: Well, I've seen some articles that refer to this, looking at Portland from the outside, and almost all of them talk about Portlandia and the scene from the first episode with the couple ordering chicken at a restaurant! It seems as though all of the stereotypes of Portland are writ large, and they are ridiculous. But, there is always a truth to ridiculousness.

What strikes me...is that only certain aspects of the show are all that Portlandcentric. The feminist bookstore... could be almost any place.

Metroscape

CA: I think what's curious about Portland is that it acts like a university town without the classic university. Not to imply that Portland State isn't a university, but it's not like Cornell in Ithaca, or the University of Wisconsin in Madison, where the university is central to the life and identity of the city. Here, Portland State is not central to the identity of Portland, yet in Portlandia's view we act like a big, overgrown SanCarl Abbott: There certainly is a cult of ta Cruz or Berkeley. And they act pretty local food, and we see it in farmer's mar- funny in Berkeley! kets and food carts, and in the availability of the agriculture that allows people KM: That's true — I went to Berkeley! to really focus on being "locavores." So there is a nugget of truth from which SG: What about within the Portland area? Portlandia can extrapolate a ridiculous Portlandia obviously has been well received, response. Which, of course, is what the with viewing parties in bars. Leverage and show is all about. Grimm haven't had quite the same impact on What strikes me, though, is that only Portlanders. Why do you think that is? certain aspects of the show are all that Portland-centric. The feminist bookstore, KM: We love to laugh at ourselves. And for example, could be almost any place. it's a certain kind of person who gets into It could certainly be in Portland, but it's those parties and laughs at themselves: not so Portland-rooted. Or in the second "Hahaha, we're great!" season, there is a couple who goes on a But, I do love watching Grimm to see all Battlestar Galactica binge, and watches the my friends, because so many local theatre entire series in seven days straight. Sure, actors are involved in Grimm. Some of there's a science fiction and graphic novel them are continuing characters, and lots community in Portland where you can see play bad guys, which is really fun to see. that theme, but there are TV nuts everywhere. People can do that anyplace. SG: Does the theatre community embrace Grimm, and watch it regularly? KM: I used to live in Santa Cruz – KM: I think they watch to see their CA: Ooh! The Portland of California! friends. They watch Grimm and say, "Oh! Page 25


It's so-and-so!" And my students will often say, "I was on Grimm! Watch next week's episode!" I just love the way they portray Portland, its residential streets. I love the way they light houses on Grimm. I love watching it to see all my friends. And they hire our students, too.

this year, it's not only filmed in Portland but set here, too.

SG: Right, now Leverage has even started basing storylines in our local landmarks and history. For instance, they recently did an episode about D.B. Cooper, the hijacker who jumped out of an airplane in the 1970s and was never seen again. What impact do you think this sort of SG: Do you think these three shows filming here local history has on people who think the Pacific over the last few years has changed the way stu- Northwest is just a mysterious little corner of the dents think about working in film? Does it seem country where Bigfoot lives? more feasible to them now? CA: Is there really anything except BigKM: Absolutely. There's no question. We foot? DB Cooper is a kind of Bigfoot. have a brand new film major that started It's in the legend category. I mean, who in 2007 and because of that, we have stu- knows? But the guy jumped out of the dents working in internships behind the plane and died — at least that's what I scenes as grips or in tech roles, well as ac- think happened. That, I think, plays to the tors in front of the camera. They're able mysteriousness of this cold, wet, damp, to network and make connections and it's kind of foggy, mysterious kind of place, lovely in terms of production, the way which is what Grimm does. they can get in. It's exciting for our students. KM: Yes, absolutely. Grimm doesn't skewer, necessarily, what we are here. What I CA: And in economic terms, we're build- find very, very interesting is the fairy tale ing a critical mass of professionals—not and fantasy side of Grimm, and the way only actors—that can provide the lights, they use Portland as the backdrop to the and scout locations, and negotiate with sinister happenings. homeowners to film there. CA: It's like the way The X-Files ambiance KM: People to find these lovely homes came from filming in Vancouver, B.C. and then people to light them! Lots of dark places, lots of mysterious settings. Similarly, that plays on Portland CA: Films have been made here for years, and Oregon as the not-sophisticated. It's but it will be one movie one year, and then not New York. It's not Los Angeles. It's a couple years later another. Gus Van Sant this other place, where Bigfoot walks. himself couldn't support a whole infrastructure. You need lots of filmmakers KM: Where myth is born. There could and TV shows to turn into Vancouver. be legends, and there's something darker underneath the surface. You certainly see KM: And our governors have been sup- that in Grimm where faces go through porting filmmaking. I understand Leverage, transformations and you see the masks which is more interiors and you don't see of its monsters. the outside as much as Grimm, and at first it wasn't situated in Portland. And now CA: And of course the Northwest is full Page 26

Grimm doesn't skewer...what we are here. What I find interesting is the fairy tale and fantasy side of Grimm, and the way they use Portland as the backdrop to the sinister happenings.

Metroscape


of vampires. Forks, Washington [the setting for the vampire saga Twilight] is supposed to be the dampest part of these places, the dampest place in the country that you could find. Whereas Portland has the city and its scenery, but then 20 minutes outside you have some very fairytale-like environments.

characters like that. Portlandia especially is a stand-up comedy routine, and the joke is on Portland. So they don't do gritty social realism.

SG: Has that removed this idea of Portland as a gritty kind of place in the national consciousness? We used to be known as the city where Courtney Love and Kurt Cobain met, and now SG: So these days we are being portrayed quite we're known for making pickles. differently than the darker films Gus Van Sant was making here twenty years ago, where the CA: I don't know a whole lot about the seediness of Portland was central to their edge. current music scene, but there certainly is Now we have Portlandia, which is like visual a long distance between Courtney Love candy, and Grimm is essentially a fairytale. and Colin Meloy of The Decemberists Do you think that reflects the way Portland has writing a children's fantasy novel about changed? Forest Park [2011's Wildwood].

When I think about My Own Private Idaho [Van Sant's 1991 drama]... the underbelly and the youth culture is still here but it's CA: The seedy element is harder to find. KM: Right! It's a very different sensibility. not as visible And the core of a lot of cities has gone It's a good question – what is it that shifts downtown... through that kind of process. It's hard to those perceptions? Is it Portland itself find.

KM: When I think about My Own Private Idaho [Van Sant's 1991 drama], which I use in film classes, the underbelly and the youth culture is still here, but it's not as visible downtown. I think it has shifted to a different place in the city. CA: Scattered, maybe. Although, I read in the paper this morning about a confrontation between street kids and food cart owners. KM: So it's still there, but maybe it's being portrayed in a different way. It seems like a bigger sociological question. CA: It's true. And do you recognize a My Own Private Idaho character or a Drugstore Cowboy character in shows like Leverage or Grimm? KM: No. They definitely don't portray Metroscape

changing, or the national perception just looking for entertainment?

CA: On the gritty side, it's an interesting question. Twenty years ago Ursula Le Guin collaborated with a photographer on a book about Thurman Street, going from the river up to Willamette Heights. It was a very gritty kind of street they were portraying. It was pre-Pearl District, just before that change really began. It's another example of a very different way of perceiving the city. In a sense what Portlandia does is remind people of that‌ in order to satirize the city in this way, there must be something that has changed. Viewers elsewhere are primed to accept that yes, this could be Portland. And you wouldn't have been able to make this twenty years ago. There are probably the same kinds of nutsy people hanging out in Indianapolis but people would say "Indianapolis? Bah! But Portland, yeah, I've heard that about Page 27


Portland." There is sort of a re-affirming cycle. And it's true – all the statistics show – that over the last 20 years Portland has been attracting college-educated young people.

but they're capped at $6 million. For instance, one new TNT drama is based in a Portland hospital, but they're filming in L.A. because the incentive money ran out.

CA: People know that maybe Portland's a place to get into the film and TV industry. Things are happening there, and there can't be too many people there with the same film degree they have from NYU or whatever. They think it'll be easier to break in in Portland than in Los Angeles. Certainly cheaper to live.

KM: Absolutely. It's less expensive to film here, but without incentives, it's hard to convince financiers to base production here.

KM: People from L.A. are moving up here, because it's not as difficult to break into the scene there. It's a smaller pool here, but there are still opportunities. Our film major at Portland State was originally projected in the first five years to have 50 students. We now have over 300. It went through the roof.

KM: I have to speak from what I know, and we keep growing. We're not stopping. And if you couple that with increased tax incentives and the film festivals we keep starting, I see that synergy only promoting more growth. I think a cap of film incentives is the only thing that could stop that.

SG: Do you find many out-of-state students coming for film?

CA: And we have this crop of film majors who will, to be honest, work cheap!

KM: Yeah, we have a lot of out-of-state, and in-state too. And now that films have all gone digital, there is so much that students can do cheaply that they couldn't a long time ago. And they know there are some opportunities here. Just think about all the different film festivals Portland hosts now.

KM: Yes! I mean, I don't want to promote the abuse of interns, but I think it can work really well for all parties because internships provide these amazing connections and introductions for students, and help keep costs down for film crews.

KM: Yes, there's a cap, and the money ran KM: I read one study that said the median out. These three shows have gobbled it age here is about 35. People come here to up. open food carts, be writers, join the music scene, and now we have a film scene be- SG: Do you think raising those incentives makes ginning to happen. sense?

People know that maybe Portland's a place to get into the film and TV industry... They think that it'll be easier to break in in Portland than in Los Angeles.

SG: What about economics? What effect do you think an increasing film industry would have in terms of attracting more industry?

CA: Another thing about Leverage— which I have not watched consistently beSG: What role do you think the tax incentives cause it's not a very good show — is that the state provides to the film industry plays? The to set a show like that in Portland, I think legislature is reviewing them for the next budget, it recognizes that we are a big enough city Page 28

Metroscape


to supply those stories. For instance, if you want a CSI-type of show, it's CSI in Las Vegas, Miami, New York… but CSI Topeka wouldn't be very convincing. So, Portland has to be big enough to have the plausibility. SG: Do you think that would have happened ten years ago?

There are people who knew that there was a big city somewhere out north of San Francisco, and they figured out it was Seattle. They needed something iconic to hold onto...And now, people know that there is a Portland.

CA: In terms of size, yes… but I think it's a change of recognition. Probably in the last 15 years, Portland has started making an impression on people who don't know geography at all. There are people who knew that there was a big city somewhere out north of San Francisco, and they figured out it was Seattle. If you're from New York, you had a hard time holding in your mind that there could be multiple big cities out in this cold, wet part of the country. And you knew it was Seattle because of the Space Needle, or Bill Gates, or knowing they made airplanes. They needed something iconic to hold onto to keep that recognition. And now, people know that there is a Portland. KM: And I think it's fascinating because we've got three very different TV programs. There's Leverage with the big-city feel. And there's Grimm, which keys into the whole fairy-tale aspect. And there's Portlandia, which is a standup comedy routine about all the silliness of Portland. And the city can sustain all three of those images. That's fascinating… we're big enough. SG: You sound proud. KM: Yeah! I am! SG: Most of Portland seems to take a certain pride in all the attention being paid to the city

Metroscape

by television audiences. Do you think the surrounding suburbs and counties that are part of the metro area feel neglected? CA: In general? Probably. In the last election, Clackamas County voters were definitely saying, "We don't want to get Portlandized". And some of it is cultural. There's an idea that "If Portland is really like these Portlandia people, we don't want them out here!" There's always been that city/suburbs idea. Portlandia obviously is focused on the city, because I don't think there's a whole lot of Portlandia fodder in Gresham. But because of their focus, the other shows can be anywhere, and people can identify with them a little easier. There are criminals and bad guys and fraudsters that sometimes hang out in the suburbs! SG: Right — Leverage did an episode recently about sabotaging a big-box retail outlet out in the suburbs to save the local mom-and-pop hardware stores. CA: All right! There's an urban-studies theme! SG: Any other thoughts on Portland and its TV image? CA: Well, we've had this kind of hip, progressive, cool brand, and simultaneously this idea of being a well-planned city with lots of participation: kind of wonky and less cool. I think the show we could host is something about bureaucrats and city planning – kind of an urban Parks and Recreation. KM: We should pitch a spin-off! If you can do all those CSI's, why not a Parks and Rec: Portland? M

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Exploring the Intertwine 1,250 miles of parks, trails, and natural areas by Ramona DeNies

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"We're trying to change the investment paradigm— that a trail is as valid a form of transportation as a street."

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magine commuting by canoe from Estacada to Vancouver. Or trekking trails from Forest Grove to Forest Park. Or biking from a backyard in Battle Ground to Beaverton and back. Imagine a seamless network of urban parks and trails in the Portland/Vancouver metro area—one that connects 32 cities, six counties and two states. One that makes metro-wide non-motorized travel—by water, by foot, by bike—a real alternative to cars, buses, trains. Would you save money? Be healthier? Come to count on that daily dose of ferns and birdsong, along with your morning coffee on the go? Feel even greater pride of place, living within The Intertwine? “More and more, this is a mainstream idea—that cities need nature, that people need nature as part of their daily lives. That's what we're doing,” says Michael Wetter, Executive Director of the Intertwine Alliance. The new Portland-based nonprofit has a vision to enhance, stitch together, and then expand, over 1,250 miles of existing bike and pedestrian trails. The Intertwine—the name Alliance partners gave to the vast network—could ultimately stretch from Canby, Oregon, to Cowlitz County, Washington, defying manmade jurisdictions and redefining regional identity. “We're trying to change the investment paradigm—that a trail is as valid a form of transportation as a street,” Wetter says.

But more than paradigms will need to shift if the Intertwine Alliance is to realize its vision within our lifetimes. According a 2011 letter from Wetter to Intertwine stakeholders, “At current rates of investment, it will take more than 190 years to complete a basic regional trails network.” THE INTERTWINE ALLIANCE Founded in 2009 with a skeleton staff, start-up capital from Metro, and a mandate to “build and protect the region's network of parks, trails and natural areas,” the Intertwine Alliance now counts nearly 70 public and private organizations— from the city of Gresham to KEEN Footwear—as partners in the coalition. “We're in our infancy with the Intertwine Alliance, literally coming out of the birth canal. But we're light years from where we were in 1980, in terms of the public demanding access to nature in the city,” says Mike Houck, a founder of the Intertwine Alliance and Director of the Urban Greenspaces Initiative. Houck is referencing the conservation efforts that he and other locals have supported for years—from our sprawlretarding urban growth boundary, established in 1980, to Metro's 1992 adoption of the Metropolitan Greenspaces Master Plan—a document that later formed the template for the Intertwine Alliance. “The basic philosophy of the urban growth boundary was to protect nature from the city. Now we understand that we Metroscape


Salmon Creek in Clackamas County. Photograph courtesy of Mike Houck

need nature in our urban spaces,” Houck says. Following successful ballot measures spearheaded by Metro in 1995 and 2006 that raised public funds for parkland acquisition, then-Metro Council President David Bragdon called for regional government to support the creation of “the world's greatest system of parks and trails” through an independent nonprofit. “Each campaign required a huge amount of energy. One idea behind the Intertwine Alliance was to keep the energy of those one-offs,” Houck said. Launched with 17 partners in 2009, the coalition now claims 66 partners—and Metroscape

counting—among those actively invested in furthering the vision of the Intertwine. ith a broader base, the Intertwine Alliance is fast gaining resources and leverage. Yet the young organization, say staff, must expand carefully—to accommodate the diverse goals of coalition partners, while achieving results tangible enough that the organization's four-petaled daisy continues to elicit that precious “aha” of recognition from trail users, legislators, and grantmakers. THE VISION As of spring 2011, the Intertwine consisted of 1,250 miles of designated bike

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and pedestrian trails; 12,000 acres of developed parks; and 24,000 acres of publicly-owned natural areas. The Alliance estimated that over the space of that year, 8.3 million users visited the region's parks, trails and natural areas.

Cycling along the Columbia Slough. Photograph courtesy of Mike Houck

"The Intertwine Alliance is the regional table to come up with strategies for making the pie bigger..."

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“We know that we need to acquire more land to create more parks and trails, and we also know that park providers have insufficient money to manage those spaces. The Intertwine Alliance is the regional table to come up with strategies for making the pie bigger, to figure out how to get the resources to manage the system,” Houck said. et growing the pie—securing the federal funding necessary to acquire land, enhance parks, and build trails—might prove more difficult than Houck, David Bragdon and other Intertwine Alliance founders anticipated back in 2007.

Y

“There's the perception that this kind of work can only happen in good economic times,” says board member Judy Bluehorse Skelton, a Portland State University faculty member in Indigenous Nations Studies. Skelton, Houck and Wetter each acknowledge that federal funding for urban trails and natural areas can suffer from political and economic shifts. The Intertwine Alliance's formation during the nation's economic downturn has meant that in addition to rigorous urban planning, strong messaging plays a crucial role. According to Wetter, key to the coalition's ability to flourish is making the case that growing the Intertwine is not only an issue of conservation, but economic necessity—that the bucket in which policymakers should place the work of the Intertwine Alliance is not Forestry, but Transportation. Skelton agrees that a paradigm shift is in order. “The old extraction and exploitation approach has high financial costs down the road. Part of our problem in the past is that we haven't looked far enough down that road. We're very much at a time where regardless of economic highs and lows, we have to invest,” Skelton says. Houck says financial and political uncertainty strengthens rather than hurts the rationale for a non-partisan organization like the Intertwine Alliance. “Government is essential to what we're trying to do. We provide stability over time, a buffer as political winds shift— that's one of the Intertwine Alliance's major functions, as far as I'm concerned,” Houck says.

Metroscape


THE FUTURE OF FOUR PETALS tion Strategy—representing a coordinated To look at the productivity of the Inter- effort between over 130 original contribtwine Alliance since inception, one might utors, from the Audubon Society to the think that federal funding had been plen- Oregon Department of Fish and Wildtiful for the young coalition. life—that canvasses biodiversity over the The enormity Among the highlights from the past nearly 3,000 square miles that comprise of the two years: in 2010, the Intertwine added the Greater Portland-Vancouver Region. to its total mileage the 21-mile BanksThe partners also previewed the IA's [190-year] Vernonia State Trail. Metro gained more pioneering Urban Forestry Strategy that, timeframe has than 750 additional acres of parkland in once adopted, will be the first such strat- the nonprofit Multnomah County, in addition to the egy in the nation. focusing on 1,100 acre Chehalem Ridge acquisition. Such momentum springs hope that, nearer-term In June, the Alliance saw the opening of with continued support, the IA may be goals. the Trolley Trail—a historic streetcar line able to move the needle on Wetter's protransformed to trail, from Gladstone to jection of 190 years to complete the proMilwaukie. posed six-county, bi-state trails system. Organizational visibility is also growThe enormity of that timeframe, reaing—and not just through the prolifera- sonably enough, has the nonprofit focustion of wayfinding and trailhead signage. ing on nearer-term goals in its 2011-2012 A recently relaunched website earned the Annual Report. Planned for the nearer Intertwine Alliance a national award for term are campaigns to grow the partner Education and Communication from base in size and inclusivity, expand the nathe Coalition for Recreational Trails, as well as the President's Award for Tourism from Travel Portland. In July 2012, a collaboration with Portland Monthly Magazine produced a glossy “Intertwine edition,” complete with maps and trail adventure opportunities. Over 300 people attended the Alliance's October 2012 Partners Summit, which featured as keynote speakers Congresswoman Suzanne Bonamici and Mickey Fearn, Deputy Director of the National Park Service. Summit attendees Exploring Oaks Bottom north meadow wetland. Photograph courtesy of Mike Houck witnessed the unveiling of a Regional ConservaMetroscape

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Contemplating the view from Oaks Bottom. Photograph courtesy of Mike Houck

tional visibility of the Intertwine Alliance and its sister coalitions through the Metropolitan Greenspaces Alliance, provide more publications like 2011's Wild in the City: Exploring the Intertwine, and promote Intertwine adventures and contests with partners like KEEN and TriMet. etter would also like to see the state replenish the Urban Trails Fund—a 2009 Oregon Department of Transportation program that, among other projects, disbursed $300,000 to extend Gresham's Springwater Trail Spur. Mike Abbaté, Portland Parks & Recreation Director and an Intertwine Alliance board member, is voting for more interactive website features like smartphone apps, and a hopeful focus on grant seeking, despite the scarcity of federal funds. “What I'd like to see is the IA land a large appropriation or donation that could then be disbursed to the partners to enhance natural areas and trails, as opposed to building a new neighborhood park. It could be land acquisition, improved access, habitat restoration,” Abbaté.says. For Skelton, short-term goals for the

W ...despite the overwhelming timeframe... the original vision is both politically and economically tenable.

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Intertwine Alliance include expanding education opportunities for youth—field guides into the Intertwine, inventories of edible and medicinal native plants— as well as welcoming new partners, like the Native American Youth Association (NAYA), into the fold. But Skelton maintains that despite the overwhelming timeframe projected for the Intertwine's completion, the original vision is both politically and economically tenable. “If you look forward seven generations, it really begins to guide what is the most sustainable approach to economics. Right now you have a group of people that recognize that the cost is too high, that we have to look at a sustainable economy. Part of it is communication, part of it is transitioning from one way,” Skelton says. Seven generations, or approximately 190 years. Yet what if we could really push that paradigm shift—maybe achieve the Intertwine, maybe in time for our children's children? M Ramona DeNies is a Portland area freelance writer. Metroscape


Indicators of the Metroscape

Change in Employment by Elizabeth Morehead

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rior to the current recession, the Portland-Vancouver-Hillsboro, ORWA Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) showed strong employment growth relative to the United States as a whole. Employment growth in the Portland MSA was very strong from mid-2003, as we recovered from the last recession, until May of 2008, when employment peaked before beginning a decline that would last through 2009. The region was hit harder by the recession than similar MSAs. In the past two years, however, employment numbers in the MSA have increased and, in 2011, annual average employment increased by 1.1 percent. Between October 2011 and October 2012, there was positive growth in total non-farm employment in five out of seven

counties in the Portland-Vancouver-Hillsboro, OR-WA MSA. Multnomah County experienced the highest growth at 1.9 percent, followed by Washington County and Clark County, both of which experienced growth of 1.8 percent. Yamhill and Skamania Counties experienced negative growth in total non-farm employment during this period. Just five of the nine core sectors in our MSA experienced growth in the number of employees between October 2012 and October 2012. Manufacturing grew more than any other sector, with an increase of 3.7 percent, followed by retail trade which ncreased 2.4 percent. Health Care and Social Assistance decreased 0.3 percent and Government decreased 1.2 percent.

Percent Change in Total Employment by Industry, Portland MSA

October 2011 to October 2012 Industry Percent Change Computer and electronic product manufacturing 0 Durable goods 2.3 Educational services 0 Government -1.2 Health care and social assistance -0.3 Manufacturing 3.7 Professional and business services 0.4 Retail trade 2.4 Total nonfarm employment 0.9 Source: Oregon Employment Department

These data and more are available at: portlandpulse.org

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MEASURE RESULTS

TAKE OUR PULSE

portlandpulse.org

For information about the project or to sign up for free introductory workshops contact Liza Morehead: more@pdx.edu


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