The Laaltain Magazine - Issue 3 (Summer 2011)

THE LAALTAIN Summer 2011 Issue 3

AN INITIATIVE BY

Citizen Journalism Editorial

1

Bigotry Murders Religion

2

5

Contents Khudi at Work

22

Curfewed Night

40

41

“Spirtuality” Saad Sarfraz Sheikh

Suicide Bomber What am I? But a speck of black, On the immeasurable canvas of life An insignificant one, in 170 million Unnoticed in the larger strife

“Flower of Kaghan” (Haseeb Muhammad)

The Arab World’s Third Way

7

25

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti

Social Media for Change

9

29

Civil Service of Pakistan

42

30

The King’s Speech

44

33

Salckistan

45

My life is meaningless, trivial and cheap Sold in the markets, bargained and bought, No one stays to hear my stories, What colorless battles my soul may have fought My journey has been dull, filled with despair and shame, And the innumerable faces that I could blame.

When I am gone, and amongst you no more, Dismiss me with the words, I was gone because I came.

Waging Non-Voilent Action

13

Graffiti Art

16

News, Views and Satires

“Chalking on the wall of a mosque in KPK” (Abdul Basit Zafar)

My contributions meant little to you, For never was I one to reach for the stars, But I please my haggard and tired conscience, By believing that I did my part I leave now, with my heart aflame, In the same fire that consumed my mind Was I born to be what I became?

A corpse, deaf dumb and blind

Reviving the tradition: This is not a brawl but a scene from street theater

I am made to believe that this is for the greater good, For the paradisiacal idea to which we lay claim So I leave you now, in an unrecognizable state, My life is summarized when I die without a name.

-Kamini Masood “Ignored Existences” (Maryam Azhar)

“Foreigners in Pakistan” (Rab Nawaz)

19

Cricket The Great Equaliser

35

47

21

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

38

48

THE LAALTAIN Summer 2011 Issue 3

AN INITIATIVE BY

Citizen Journalism Editorial

1

Bigotry Murders Religion

2

5

Contents Khudi at Work

22

Curfewed Night

40

41

“Spirtuality” Saad Sarfraz Sheikh

Suicide Bomber What am I? But a speck of black, On the immeasurable canvas of life An insignificant one, in 170 million Unnoticed in the larger strife

“Flower of Kaghan” (Haseeb Muhammad)

The Arab World’s Third Way

7

25

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti

Social Media for Change

9

29

Civil Service of Pakistan

42

30

The King’s Speech

44

33

Salckistan

45

My life is meaningless, trivial and cheap Sold in the markets, bargained and bought, No one stays to hear my stories, What colorless battles my soul may have fought My journey has been dull, filled with despair and shame, And the innumerable faces that I could blame.

When I am gone, and amongst you no more, Dismiss me with the words, I was gone because I came.

Waging Non-Voilent Action

13

Graffiti Art

16

News, Views and Satires

“Chalking on the wall of a mosque in KPK” (Abdul Basit Zafar)

My contributions meant little to you, For never was I one to reach for the stars, But I please my haggard and tired conscience, By believing that I did my part I leave now, with my heart aflame, In the same fire that consumed my mind Was I born to be what I became?

A corpse, deaf dumb and blind

Reviving the tradition: This is not a brawl but a scene from street theater

I am made to believe that this is for the greater good, For the paradisiacal idea to which we lay claim So I leave you now, in an unrecognizable state, My life is summarized when I die without a name.

-Kamini Masood “Ignored Existences” (Maryam Azhar)

“Foreigners in Pakistan” (Rab Nawaz)

19

Cricket The Great Equaliser

35

47

21

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

38

48

Editorial New Faces of Change fter much delay and anticipation, Laaltain's new issue is finally out.

The reasons for this delay lie in the same age-old issues that youth initiatives usually face. However, we are back with a commitment to continue!

A

We are living in strange times indeed. Times that frequently remind us that change is the only constant. From political regimes to our ways of communication, things seem to change before they have made any sense to us. The primary question we need to ask is how we are to understand and be part of this inevitable progression.

Faiz Ahmed Faiz (1911-1984), the great Pakistani poet, spent his life praising and striving for expression and space for the marginalized, powerless and oppressed masses. In one line, he summarises his aspirations:

ÿáã ŸÇÈÒ æÌ æ˜ÏÑÏ ÿÑíã ÿáã ŸÇíÈæ˜?ÔãÇÎ ?Ñíã

The Laaltain Team

THE LAALTAIN

[I wish my sufferings and my silence could have an expression] This year has been declared 'Faiz Year' by the government as a reminder of the long tradition of this struggle. Our forefathers faced so many problems in securing the personal and public space. Today, however, this idea is much more feasible. Due to the information revolution, means of communication are personalised yet far reaching to the extent that our world can be called 'hyperconnected'. These modern tools of communication empower the masses in new ways. They have the potential to bring about new changes, and have already started doing so. The internet and social media have, in fact, played a crucial role in colossal events such as the Arab Spring.

Aside from our permanent sections, our latest issue focuses on traditional as well as modern methods of mass communication and how these methods define our collective identity and shape the public sphere; it also explores what potential new media has for young people to make their voices heard. It considers the continuing relevance of Faiz, the new waves of democratic change in the Arab World, and last but not least, Pakistan's position as it stands at a crossroads of history.

Memories of Vienna International Christian-Islamic Summer University Abeer Javaid

B IGOTRY MURDERS RELIGION

W

e claim to live in a world that is becoming increasingly civilized and well-informed.

While we sometimes attribute this change to the phenomenon of globalization, we often also point to the widespread use of the internet. Although the advancement in communication technology has certainly benefited human lives, one can argue that it is also being extensively exploited nowadays. The reality is that while technology can provide us with 'factual' information, it does not always specify the intentions behind this information. We, the consumers of such information, tend to rely on what we are told by a sensationalist media or by our governments, who usually have their own ulterior motives.

I

was surprised to find that the Christian students were not only very receptive of my views but some had more knowledge of Islam than I had of Christianity.

During our passionate debates, I realized that I should not target people for holding certain views about my way of life when I was doing the very same thing concerning their ways of life.

I learnt that stereotyping goes both ways. The need of the hour was tolerance and understanding. Being open-minded does not necessarily have to imply an endorsement of another person's belief, life choices or ideas. Rather, the things that are most worthwhile to know and learn are the ones that challenge one's convictions. These were all important lessons for me but perhaps the most important discovery was that n our blind quest to be 'right' we bigotry murders religion.

I

have

This direct interaction – made lost sight of the real message of Islam, possible not by modern which is one of enduring peace. technology but through an oldfashioned human encounter – was the very essence of this Summer University. For three magical weeks, I experienced seventeen different cultural backgrounds. Looking back, I feel like I have taken a mini-trip around the world or, as my friend Marsha from Philadelphia put it, lived a mini-life away from our normal life. Together, we laughed, danced, ate, lived, shared, sang, and even argued sometimes – though a walk in the evening would sort everything out. I became friends with people so unlike me, and yet at the same time we connected on so many levels. We discovered that our ways of life may be different but the root of our religions is the same, and the message of both our religions is very clear: peace and justice for humanity.

Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H) and Jesus Christ (SAW) came when social injustice had crossed all boundaries and the values of

Humans have always been afraid of what they do not understand and this lack of understanding, coupled with a lack of communication, has been exploited time and again to pit nations against each other. What our generation lacks is face-to-face

encounters and honest communication in an open and unbiased setting. Of course, this is not an easy task, as centuries of mistrust and bigotry have widened the communication gap between us and those we consider the “other”. The reality is that open-ended dialogue would be the best way to tackle our differences in a peaceful manner. Sadly, we are usually influenced, even in dialogue, by the doubt and suspicion that accompany our historical and emotional baggage.

Thus, when I won a month-long scholarship to the Vienna International Christian-Islamic Summer University, I was not sure of what to expect. I had never traveled halfway around the world on my own and the travel was exhausting. Clichés aside, the Summer University was a revelation to me. For starters, I had never even seen the inside of a monastery, not to mention living and working in one. The Stift Altenburg, where the summer program was hosted, was beautiful and I discovered a new and enchanting part of it on a daily basis. As a house of worship and study, it was also a suitable location for inter-faith dialogue.

I was even more impressed when I met my forty fellow students, who had travelled there from seventeen different countries. Each had a distinctive persona, accent, and culture. Countries that had only been names to me now had faces. Initially, I was a little overwhelmed by the sheer diversity of all the participants. I wondered how I would manage to get to know all of them properly in just three weeks.

However my apprehension faded on the second day, by which time I could recall most of their names without surreptitiously having to look at their nametags and they seemed to remember mine as well. This effort on the part of the students to know their peers was touching and it set the tone for the following weeks.

Coming from a country where religion plays a prominent role in the common citizen's life, I was quite conscious of the religious radicalism that has come to be associated with Pakistan. In 1947, we gained our independence from Britain after a struggle that has been primarily defined in terms of religion. In the decades since, our country has been in the international hat our generation limelight for all the wrong reasons, the most recent being our link with terrorism.

For me, this program was a unique opportunity to explain to my peers that a lacks is face-tomisguided view of Islam on the part of some should not incriminate all the face encounters followers of a religion, or indeed the religion itself. I was surprised to find that and honest the Christian students were not only very receptive of my views but some had communication in an more knowledge of Islam than I had of Christianity. It was heart-warming to see that almost all Christian students signed up for the Islam tutorial. The need to open and unbiased understand each other, to speak, and to listen became paramount. Our setting. discussions would often run into the early hours of the morning!

W

2

W

humanity were being trampled. Both brought a message of justice, peace, and compassion. We need to look into ourselves and to find the humanity that exists within us. But first and foremost, we need to see each other as human beings and not only as Muslim or Christian, Asian or African. “Why bother?” is no longer an option. This experience taught me that, despite all our differences, disputes, and specific histories, we can – if we honestly try – co-exist peacefully. It's time we stop playing the victim or silent bystander to the hate brewing around us.

All the bonds I formed at this program left an indelible print on me. In learning the thoughts and ideas of others, I also discovered a lot about myself. Sadly, my return was dampened by suicide attacks on mosques, shrines and the worship places of Ahmedis. I couldn't help but think that people from different countries, backgrounds, religions, ways of life and even languages, can make an effort to co-exist but Muslims living in the same country and even speaking the same language are finding it hard to tolerate fellow Muslims and people of other religions that live in their midst. In our blind quest to be 'right' we have lost sight of the real message of Islam, which is one of enduring peace.

e need to look into ourselves and to find the humanity that exists within us. But first and foremost, we need to see each other as human beings and not only as Muslim or Christian, Asian or African.

3

Memories of Vienna International Christian-Islamic Summer University Abeer Javaid

B IGOTRY MURDERS RELIGION

W

e claim to live in a world that is becoming increasingly civilized and well-informed.

While we sometimes attribute this change to the phenomenon of globalization, we often also point to the widespread use of the internet. Although the advancement in communication technology has certainly benefited human lives, one can argue that it is also being extensively exploited nowadays. The reality is that while technology can provide us with 'factual' information, it does not always specify the intentions behind this information. We, the consumers of such information, tend to rely on what we are told by a sensationalist media or by our governments, who usually have their own ulterior motives.

I

was surprised to find that the Christian students were not only very receptive of my views but some had more knowledge of Islam than I had of Christianity.

During our passionate debates, I realized that I should not target people for holding certain views about my way of life when I was doing the very same thing concerning their ways of life.

I learnt that stereotyping goes both ways. The need of the hour was tolerance and understanding. Being open-minded does not necessarily have to imply an endorsement of another person's belief, life choices or ideas. Rather, the things that are most worthwhile to know and learn are the ones that challenge one's convictions. These were all important lessons for me but perhaps the most important discovery was that n our blind quest to be 'right' we bigotry murders religion.

I

have

This direct interaction – made lost sight of the real message of Islam, possible not by modern which is one of enduring peace. technology but through an oldfashioned human encounter – was the very essence of this Summer University. For three magical weeks, I experienced seventeen different cultural backgrounds. Looking back, I feel like I have taken a mini-trip around the world or, as my friend Marsha from Philadelphia put it, lived a mini-life away from our normal life. Together, we laughed, danced, ate, lived, shared, sang, and even argued sometimes – though a walk in the evening would sort everything out. I became friends with people so unlike me, and yet at the same time we connected on so many levels. We discovered that our ways of life may be different but the root of our religions is the same, and the message of both our religions is very clear: peace and justice for humanity.

Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H) and Jesus Christ (SAW) came when social injustice had crossed all boundaries and the values of

Humans have always been afraid of what they do not understand and this lack of understanding, coupled with a lack of communication, has been exploited time and again to pit nations against each other. What our generation lacks is face-to-face

encounters and honest communication in an open and unbiased setting. Of course, this is not an easy task, as centuries of mistrust and bigotry have widened the communication gap between us and those we consider the “other”. The reality is that open-ended dialogue would be the best way to tackle our differences in a peaceful manner. Sadly, we are usually influenced, even in dialogue, by the doubt and suspicion that accompany our historical and emotional baggage.

Thus, when I won a month-long scholarship to the Vienna International Christian-Islamic Summer University, I was not sure of what to expect. I had never traveled halfway around the world on my own and the travel was exhausting. Clichés aside, the Summer University was a revelation to me. For starters, I had never even seen the inside of a monastery, not to mention living and working in one. The Stift Altenburg, where the summer program was hosted, was beautiful and I discovered a new and enchanting part of it on a daily basis. As a house of worship and study, it was also a suitable location for inter-faith dialogue.

I was even more impressed when I met my forty fellow students, who had travelled there from seventeen different countries. Each had a distinctive persona, accent, and culture. Countries that had only been names to me now had faces. Initially, I was a little overwhelmed by the sheer diversity of all the participants. I wondered how I would manage to get to know all of them properly in just three weeks.

However my apprehension faded on the second day, by which time I could recall most of their names without surreptitiously having to look at their nametags and they seemed to remember mine as well. This effort on the part of the students to know their peers was touching and it set the tone for the following weeks.

Coming from a country where religion plays a prominent role in the common citizen's life, I was quite conscious of the religious radicalism that has come to be associated with Pakistan. In 1947, we gained our independence from Britain after a struggle that has been primarily defined in terms of religion. In the decades since, our country has been in the international hat our generation limelight for all the wrong reasons, the most recent being our link with terrorism.

For me, this program was a unique opportunity to explain to my peers that a lacks is face-tomisguided view of Islam on the part of some should not incriminate all the face encounters followers of a religion, or indeed the religion itself. I was surprised to find that and honest the Christian students were not only very receptive of my views but some had communication in an more knowledge of Islam than I had of Christianity. It was heart-warming to see that almost all Christian students signed up for the Islam tutorial. The need to open and unbiased understand each other, to speak, and to listen became paramount. Our setting. discussions would often run into the early hours of the morning!

W

2

W

humanity were being trampled. Both brought a message of justice, peace, and compassion. We need to look into ourselves and to find the humanity that exists within us. But first and foremost, we need to see each other as human beings and not only as Muslim or Christian, Asian or African. “Why bother?” is no longer an option. This experience taught me that, despite all our differences, disputes, and specific histories, we can – if we honestly try – co-exist peacefully. It's time we stop playing the victim or silent bystander to the hate brewing around us.

All the bonds I formed at this program left an indelible print on me. In learning the thoughts and ideas of others, I also discovered a lot about myself. Sadly, my return was dampened by suicide attacks on mosques, shrines and the worship places of Ahmedis. I couldn't help but think that people from different countries, backgrounds, religions, ways of life and even languages, can make an effort to co-exist but Muslims living in the same country and even speaking the same language are finding it hard to tolerate fellow Muslims and people of other religions that live in their midst. In our blind quest to be 'right' we have lost sight of the real message of Islam, which is one of enduring peace.

e need to look into ourselves and to find the humanity that exists within us. But first and foremost, we need to see each other as human beings and not only as Muslim or Christian, Asian or African.

3

4

5

4

5

Attiq-ur-Rehman

Between Extremism and Dictatorship:

R

evolutions are seldom peaceful, but the Arab revolutions have been notoriously bloody. More than twenty-four thousand people have lost their lives so far in some of the most brutal scenes of state repression that have been seen in modern times.

The Arab World's Third Way

F

or decades we have seen dictatorial regimes maintain a death grip in the Arab world.

Having started out with charismatic leadership and the promise of Pan-Arabism, they soon became a means through which unelected leaders could exercise absolute authority over their people.

Over the years, with Western powers recognising the potential threat of extremist takeovers, Arab dictators launched programs to torture and repress their people with savage brutality, leading to a wave of criticism and resentment. Opposition to the regimes always existed, but few could have predicted the scale and nature of the changes that would come.

The Tunisian protests were triggered by the public suicide of a 26 year old Tunisian graduate, Mohamed Bouazizi, who burned himself alive in protest against the highhandedness and corruption of the authorities. Soon after, it became evident that a revolution was brewing. State repression only fuelled the uprising, and within a matter of days the power and prestige of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's twenty-three year old regime was destroyed.

Tunisia was one of the most prosperous Arab countries and traditionally Tunisians are perceived as docile and less antagonistic.

However, their initiative inspired other Arabs, as well as instilling a sense of competitiveness among them. Soon people all over the Arab world, including in Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain, Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan, took to the streets demanding that their rights be upheld. Through their determined struggle, the people of these countries not only won the support of the international powers that had been allies of their rulers, but also forced the stubborn autocrats to listen and act according to the people's wishes. Although Egypt was the only other country to overthrow a regime that had held power for three decades, there have been reforms in most of the other countries and the process is ongoing. Currently there is a civil war in Libya, while Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen are experiencing severe crises, and it is yet to be seen what the future holds for their people. This phenomenon is what is widely known as the Arab Spring.

Revolutions are seldom peaceful, but the Arab revolutions have been notoriously bloody. More than twenty-four thousand people have lost their lives so far in some of the most brutal scenes of state repression that have been seen in modern times. Aside from police

6

7

Attiq-ur-Rehman

Between Extremism and Dictatorship:

R

evolutions are seldom peaceful, but the Arab revolutions have been notoriously bloody. More than twenty-four thousand people have lost their lives so far in some of the most brutal scenes of state repression that have been seen in modern times.

The Arab World's Third Way

F

or decades we have seen dictatorial regimes maintain a death grip in the Arab world.

Having started out with charismatic leadership and the promise of Pan-Arabism, they soon became a means through which unelected leaders could exercise absolute authority over their people.

Over the years, with Western powers recognising the potential threat of extremist takeovers, Arab dictators launched programs to torture and repress their people with savage brutality, leading to a wave of criticism and resentment. Opposition to the regimes always existed, but few could have predicted the scale and nature of the changes that would come.

The Tunisian protests were triggered by the public suicide of a 26 year old Tunisian graduate, Mohamed Bouazizi, who burned himself alive in protest against the highhandedness and corruption of the authorities. Soon after, it became evident that a revolution was brewing. State repression only fuelled the uprising, and within a matter of days the power and prestige of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's twenty-three year old regime was destroyed.

Tunisia was one of the most prosperous Arab countries and traditionally Tunisians are perceived as docile and less antagonistic.

However, their initiative inspired other Arabs, as well as instilling a sense of competitiveness among them. Soon people all over the Arab world, including in Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain, Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan, took to the streets demanding that their rights be upheld. Through their determined struggle, the people of these countries not only won the support of the international powers that had been allies of their rulers, but also forced the stubborn autocrats to listen and act according to the people's wishes. Although Egypt was the only other country to overthrow a regime that had held power for three decades, there have been reforms in most of the other countries and the process is ongoing. Currently there is a civil war in Libya, while Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen are experiencing severe crises, and it is yet to be seen what the future holds for their people. This phenomenon is what is widely known as the Arab Spring.

Revolutions are seldom peaceful, but the Arab revolutions have been notoriously bloody. More than twenty-four thousand people have lost their lives so far in some of the most brutal scenes of state repression that have been seen in modern times. Aside from police

6

7

Umair Vahidy brutality, there is also the risk of revolutions being high-jacked by extremist groups.

Despite all of this, those fighting for freedom have continued to set a heroic example in their struggle for democracy.

daily lives, but it is also a revolutionary tool for political mobilisation. These key features of the Arab Spring also mark a general trend of current socio-political movements and those of the near future.

These Arab revolutions are unique for several reasons. First is the fact that members of all parts of society have participated; a well-known video from the Egyptian protests records a bearded protester saying, “We will not be silenced, whether you're a Christian, whether you're a Muslim, whether you're an atheist, you will demand your goddamn rights, and we will have our “We will not be silenced, rights, one way or the other!

WE WILL NEVER BE whether you're a SILENCED!”

However, if the Arab dictators cited extremism as a reason for prolonging their own rule, we should not fall prey to the fallacy of embracing everything that they had opposed when in power. The threat of armed extremist groups still haunts the Arab World. Let's not forget the people and factors behind the assassination of Anwar Saadat, the ruthless massacre of foreign tourists in 1997 and al-Qaeda's active cells in Yemen, to name but a few. However, the comforting truth is that people have rejected extremism; trusting people's will and the democratic process is the only way out.

Secondly, young people have played a leading role in the protests. Youth activism all over the developing world is a matter of concern. However, the Arab Spring has set a precedent that such youths are an advantage rather than a detriment. It has shown that even in times of utmost despair, youths will not necessarily opt for extremist solutions.

Despite all their limitations, these Arab revolutions are undoubtedly the greatest events to happen in the Arab world since its decolonisation. They not only show an Arab revival towards a new and better future, they also join the broken link of the world-wide process of democratisation. A comparable precedent of this sequence of events is the breakup of the USSR and the resulting democratisation of the Communist Bloc. Old presumptions about the unsuitability of democracy have been proven wrong. Now democracy is no longer an alien process to the Arab people. In this age of globalisation people are waking up to new realities. It is now up to governments and the dictators themselves to understand these new realities and act accordingly. The absence of democracy will make the authoritarian leaders unable to manage future challenges. The only option left for them is to accept the democratic system.

Christian, whether you're a Muslim, whether you're an atheist, you will demand your goddamn rights, and we will have our rights, one way or the other! WE WILL NEVER BE SILENCED!”

Social media has also played a vital role. The development of an online world has been seen as creating apathetic individuality, but the Arab Spring has proved that it can also do great things. Now it can be said that social media is not only an essential part of our

T

for Change

he dynamism of our current world is perhaps best exemplified by the Internet, with its seemingly unlimited potential to present the interactions, thoughts, ideas, movements and marvels that this world and its people offer. The 'cyber world' – as it has come to be known – is one of the greatest inventions of our time, where a kind of parallel digital universe has been created to coexist alongside our physical world.

And with this has come a fundamental shift in the way we communicate. Not only have ssocial networking sites, blogs, podcasts, wikis, video sharing sites, web applications and their like transformed our communication landscape, but are now increasingly impacting the social and political dynamics of our countries. In 2009, a series of mass protests in the Eastern European country of Moldova - coordinated through text message, Facebook and Twitter – resulted in a loss of power for the ruling Communist Party. And more recently we have seen how the uprisings in the Middle East have been propelled by social media interaction and youth mobilization. The really amazing thing is that nobody involved in the development of these various social media applications could have foreseen how these inventions would go on to become

such groundbreaking tools for social change.

n taria s repress g i r o Auth rnment n amon Authoritarian o governments gove unicati ecause repress omm itizens b ctly) c c communication re their fear (cor ormed among their citizens d f because they fear they a well-in ordinate n (correctly) that a that etter-co constrai well-informed and b and c would act with better-coordinated i public would publ ability to without constrain their ability their nity and to act with impunity impu ight. and without oversight. s But while such regimes over

are busy trying to curb access to these tools, their influence around the world is only getting stronger. China leads the pack when it comes to restricting the functions of online media through massive firewalls and intrusive software. The Chinese government employs thousands of paid commentators who pose as ordinary web users and infiltrate chat rooms and other online forums to counter any criticism of the government. Known derisively as "50 Cent Party"

Clockwise from top left: Protesters gathering in Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt; Demonstrators marching through Habib Bourguib Avenue in Tunis, Tunisia; Political dissidents in Sana'a, Yemen, demanding the resignation of the president; Thousands of demonstrators in Karrana, Bahrain; Hundreds of Thousands in Hama, Syria; Demonstrators in Al Bayda, Libya.

8

9

Umair Vahidy brutality, there is also the risk of revolutions being high-jacked by extremist groups.

Despite all of this, those fighting for freedom have continued to set a heroic example in their struggle for democracy.

daily lives, but it is also a revolutionary tool for political mobilisation. These key features of the Arab Spring also mark a general trend of current socio-political movements and those of the near future.

These Arab revolutions are unique for several reasons. First is the fact that members of all parts of society have participated; a well-known video from the Egyptian protests records a bearded protester saying, “We will not be silenced, whether you're a Christian, whether you're a Muslim, whether you're an atheist, you will demand your goddamn rights, and we will have our “We will not be silenced, rights, one way or the other!

WE WILL NEVER BE whether you're a SILENCED!”

However, if the Arab dictators cited extremism as a reason for prolonging their own rule, we should not fall prey to the fallacy of embracing everything that they had opposed when in power. The threat of armed extremist groups still haunts the Arab World. Let's not forget the people and factors behind the assassination of Anwar Saadat, the ruthless massacre of foreign tourists in 1997 and al-Qaeda's active cells in Yemen, to name but a few. However, the comforting truth is that people have rejected extremism; trusting people's will and the democratic process is the only way out.

Secondly, young people have played a leading role in the protests. Youth activism all over the developing world is a matter of concern. However, the Arab Spring has set a precedent that such youths are an advantage rather than a detriment. It has shown that even in times of utmost despair, youths will not necessarily opt for extremist solutions.

Despite all their limitations, these Arab revolutions are undoubtedly the greatest events to happen in the Arab world since its decolonisation. They not only show an Arab revival towards a new and better future, they also join the broken link of the world-wide process of democratisation. A comparable precedent of this sequence of events is the breakup of the USSR and the resulting democratisation of the Communist Bloc. Old presumptions about the unsuitability of democracy have been proven wrong. Now democracy is no longer an alien process to the Arab people. In this age of globalisation people are waking up to new realities. It is now up to governments and the dictators themselves to understand these new realities and act accordingly. The absence of democracy will make the authoritarian leaders unable to manage future challenges. The only option left for them is to accept the democratic system.

Christian, whether you're a Muslim, whether you're an atheist, you will demand your goddamn rights, and we will have our rights, one way or the other! WE WILL NEVER BE SILENCED!”

Social media has also played a vital role. The development of an online world has been seen as creating apathetic individuality, but the Arab Spring has proved that it can also do great things. Now it can be said that social media is not only an essential part of our

T

for Change

he dynamism of our current world is perhaps best exemplified by the Internet, with its seemingly unlimited potential to present the interactions, thoughts, ideas, movements and marvels that this world and its people offer. The 'cyber world' – as it has come to be known – is one of the greatest inventions of our time, where a kind of parallel digital universe has been created to coexist alongside our physical world.

And with this has come a fundamental shift in the way we communicate. Not only have ssocial networking sites, blogs, podcasts, wikis, video sharing sites, web applications and their like transformed our communication landscape, but are now increasingly impacting the social and political dynamics of our countries. In 2009, a series of mass protests in the Eastern European country of Moldova - coordinated through text message, Facebook and Twitter – resulted in a loss of power for the ruling Communist Party. And more recently we have seen how the uprisings in the Middle East have been propelled by social media interaction and youth mobilization. The really amazing thing is that nobody involved in the development of these various social media applications could have foreseen how these inventions would go on to become

such groundbreaking tools for social change.

n taria s repress g i r o Auth rnment n amon Authoritarian o governments gove unicati ecause repress omm itizens b ctly) c c communication re their fear (cor ormed among their citizens d f because they fear they a well-in ordinate n (correctly) that a that etter-co constrai well-informed and b and c would act with better-coordinated i public would publ ability to without constrain their ability their nity and to act with impunity impu ight. and without oversight. s But while such regimes over

are busy trying to curb access to these tools, their influence around the world is only getting stronger. China leads the pack when it comes to restricting the functions of online media through massive firewalls and intrusive software. The Chinese government employs thousands of paid commentators who pose as ordinary web users and infiltrate chat rooms and other online forums to counter any criticism of the government. Known derisively as "50 Cent Party"

Clockwise from top left: Protesters gathering in Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt; Demonstrators marching through Habib Bourguib Avenue in Tunis, Tunisia; Political dissidents in Sana'a, Yemen, demanding the resignation of the president; Thousands of demonstrators in Karrana, Bahrain; Hundreds of Thousands in Hama, Syria; Demonstrators in Al Bayda, Libya.

8

9

members (as they are usually paid 50 Chinese “cents” per post) these 'shapers' of public opinion sustain the government's online propaganda efforts.

However, the huge numbers of people recruited into the “50 Cent Party” actually bear testament to the power of social media, showing us that even in the face of strict censorship policies, the government has been unable to put an embargo on online media and has instead had to resort to using the same social media platform to counter criticism. Therefore, regardless of the most stringent of censorship policies, the expression of honest public opinion on the internet cannot be curbed entirely, because social media applications are available in so many different forms and because they are inexpensive and widely accessible.

The explosion of new online media is also transforming journalism. Not only is it empowering media professionals but is also allowing amateur journalists and citizen media to reach out to a large and broad audience without the help of any sophisticated resources. In Tunisia's recent Jasmine Revolution protesters used blogs, Facebook, Twitter, WikiLeaks documents, YouTube and other methods to mobilize and report on what was going on in the face of a media crackdown. The Internet was the largest source of news about the protests, and much of it has been provided by the demonstrators themselves, despite Tunisia's strict internet censorship policies.

A regular teenager today who writes a blog, networks on Facebook, and exchanges thoughts on Twitter, can actually act as a unit for collective change.

Throughout world history, revolutions have broken out and repressive regimes have been challenged by the masses. But these dramatic events did not take place overnight; it usually took years for public opinion to mobilize and enable public action

Regardless of the most stringent of censorship policies, the expression of honest public opinion on the internet cannot be curbed entirely, because social media applications are available in so many different forms and because they are inexpensive and widely accessible.

against oppressio n. Now the dynamics of “change” are changing themselves.

This modern, enhanced capability to communicate,

coordinate and mobilize masses towards a common objective has deeply impacted the collective conscience of nations. A regular teenager today who writes a blog, networks on Facebook, and exchanges thoughts on Twitter, can actually act as a unit for colle ctive cha nge.

Social media has played a huge role in the Egyptian uprising and the successful ouster of the 30 year-old dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak. Facebook pages recording incidents of police torture and other forms of oppression, coupled with tweets and extensive blog coverage, mobilized Egypt's tech-savvy youth into a thoroughly modern form of political action never before witnessed by the world. The reverberations of Egypt's Revolution 2.0 are now being felt in neighboring countries with autocratic regimes, such as Yemen, Bahrain and Libya.

But even before the “Facebook Revolutions” of 2011, social media has been used very effectively to engage the masses in awareness programs and mobilization towards peaceful change. On February 4, 2008 hundreds of thousands of protesters gathered in Columbian cities and around the world to decry the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), an

10

ultra-leftist rebel group. The main source which sparked this uprising was a simple Facebook page called “One Million Voices Against FARC” set up by Oscar Morales, a well-known activist and web developer. Morales also helped mobilize the largestever global anti-terrorism demonstration, with over 12 million participants in 200 cities. In his recent visit to Pakistan for the launch of Khudi, a counter-extremism social movement, Morales told the audience that he can relate to Pakistan's dilemma of being perceived as a dangerous and problem-ridden country but that despite all these issues, Pakistani youth can still voice their opinions very effectively through social media.

During Pakistan's State of Emergency in November-December 2007, President Musharraf cracked down on major news channels such as Geo TV, ARY and even international outlets such as BBC. The ban on traditional media outlets allowed for the rise of social media as a viable alternative for information dissemination and mobilization of protestors. Students turned to the Internet to register their opposition to the Emergency, predominantly using blogs and Facebook to denounce Musharraf's action and to organize flash protests.

It has also been argued that social media can contribute to the spread of negative ideas and hate speech due its inherently uncontrolled and global nature. While regulations and restrictions do exist with regards to hate speech, incitement to violence and targeted attacks on individuals in cyber media, the issue is murkier when it comes to cultural sensitivities. Susan Gordon from Facebook Causes discussed this issue at the International Youth Conference & Festival 2010 in Islamabad, where she argued that censorship won't work in any case. It is important to realize that a policy of free speech in the social media sphere can only lead to a better understanding of different, complex situations. Moreover, the issues related to cultural sensitivities are quite relative in nature and we should never try to streamline such difficult topics through strict, wide-sweeping censorship policies.

Despite the challenges mentioned above, it is clear that the dynamic and resourceful tools of today's online media help us cope with the multifarious challenges of the 21st century. Through the growing popularity of social media, the communication landscape is becoming more participatory: the networked population of today continues to acquire greater access to information, more opportunities to engage in public speech, and an enhanced ability to undertake collective action. It is high time that we, as the youth of a developing country, keep ourselves updated on these new developments which can be used to further empower ourselves.

11

members (as they are usually paid 50 Chinese “cents” per post) these 'shapers' of public opinion sustain the government's online propaganda efforts.

However, the huge numbers of people recruited into the “50 Cent Party” actually bear testament to the power of social media, showing us that even in the face of strict censorship policies, the government has been unable to put an embargo on online media and has instead had to resort to using the same social media platform to counter criticism. Therefore, regardless of the most stringent of censorship policies, the expression of honest public opinion on the internet cannot be curbed entirely, because social media applications are available in so many different forms and because they are inexpensive and widely accessible.

The explosion of new online media is also transforming journalism. Not only is it empowering media professionals but is also allowing amateur journalists and citizen media to reach out to a large and broad audience without the help of any sophisticated resources. In Tunisia's recent Jasmine Revolution protesters used blogs, Facebook, Twitter, WikiLeaks documents, YouTube and other methods to mobilize and report on what was going on in the face of a media crackdown. The Internet was the largest source of news about the protests, and much of it has been provided by the demonstrators themselves, despite Tunisia's strict internet censorship policies.

A regular teenager today who writes a blog, networks on Facebook, and exchanges thoughts on Twitter, can actually act as a unit for collective change.

Throughout world history, revolutions have broken out and repressive regimes have been challenged by the masses. But these dramatic events did not take place overnight; it usually took years for public opinion to mobilize and enable public action

Regardless of the most stringent of censorship policies, the expression of honest public opinion on the internet cannot be curbed entirely, because social media applications are available in so many different forms and because they are inexpensive and widely accessible.

against oppressio n. Now the dynamics of “change” are changing themselves.

This modern, enhanced capability to communicate,

coordinate and mobilize masses towards a common objective has deeply impacted the collective conscience of nations. A regular teenager today who writes a blog, networks on Facebook, and exchanges thoughts on Twitter, can actually act as a unit for colle ctive cha nge.

Social media has played a huge role in the Egyptian uprising and the successful ouster of the 30 year-old dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak. Facebook pages recording incidents of police torture and other forms of oppression, coupled with tweets and extensive blog coverage, mobilized Egypt's tech-savvy youth into a thoroughly modern form of political action never before witnessed by the world. The reverberations of Egypt's Revolution 2.0 are now being felt in neighboring countries with autocratic regimes, such as Yemen, Bahrain and Libya.

But even before the “Facebook Revolutions” of 2011, social media has been used very effectively to engage the masses in awareness programs and mobilization towards peaceful change. On February 4, 2008 hundreds of thousands of protesters gathered in Columbian cities and around the world to decry the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), an

10

ultra-leftist rebel group. The main source which sparked this uprising was a simple Facebook page called “One Million Voices Against FARC” set up by Oscar Morales, a well-known activist and web developer. Morales also helped mobilize the largestever global anti-terrorism demonstration, with over 12 million participants in 200 cities. In his recent visit to Pakistan for the launch of Khudi, a counter-extremism social movement, Morales told the audience that he can relate to Pakistan's dilemma of being perceived as a dangerous and problem-ridden country but that despite all these issues, Pakistani youth can still voice their opinions very effectively through social media.

During Pakistan's State of Emergency in November-December 2007, President Musharraf cracked down on major news channels such as Geo TV, ARY and even international outlets such as BBC. The ban on traditional media outlets allowed for the rise of social media as a viable alternative for information dissemination and mobilization of protestors. Students turned to the Internet to register their opposition to the Emergency, predominantly using blogs and Facebook to denounce Musharraf's action and to organize flash protests.

It has also been argued that social media can contribute to the spread of negative ideas and hate speech due its inherently uncontrolled and global nature. While regulations and restrictions do exist with regards to hate speech, incitement to violence and targeted attacks on individuals in cyber media, the issue is murkier when it comes to cultural sensitivities. Susan Gordon from Facebook Causes discussed this issue at the International Youth Conference & Festival 2010 in Islamabad, where she argued that censorship won't work in any case. It is important to realize that a policy of free speech in the social media sphere can only lead to a better understanding of different, complex situations. Moreover, the issues related to cultural sensitivities are quite relative in nature and we should never try to streamline such difficult topics through strict, wide-sweeping censorship policies.

Despite the challenges mentioned above, it is clear that the dynamic and resourceful tools of today's online media help us cope with the multifarious challenges of the 21st century. Through the growing popularity of social media, the communication landscape is becoming more participatory: the networked population of today continues to acquire greater access to information, more opportunities to engage in public speech, and an enhanced ability to undertake collective action. It is high time that we, as the youth of a developing country, keep ourselves updated on these new developments which can be used to further empower ourselves.

11

Imran Khan

Social Media Tools for Blogging

YOU!

Podcasting

Waging Non-Violent Action in Violent World “Non-violent refusal to co-operate with injustice is the way to defeat it.”

R.M. Gandhi

W

Vlogging Twitter

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic NonViolent Action (June 2124). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

e live in an extremely violent world. States and transnational nonstate actors use violence to achieve their political and strategic objectives, believing that use of violence is the most effective way to do so, notwithstanding that it does not work most of the time. Only the last decade (2001-2011) saw 9/11 terrorist attacks, a protracted and bloody war in Afghanistan, the American invasion of Iraq, Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Palestine, 7/7 bombing in London, terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and so on. Literally hundreds of thousands of people died in these violent conflicts and terrorist attacks. For that matter, the 20th century was perhaps one of the most violent centuries in human history, witnessing two world wars responsible for the deaths of millions of people.

Talking about Pakistan, we are used to violence in this country. In the weeks and months leading up to the creation of Pakistan, the sub-continent witnessed mass killings of both Muslims and Hindus in communal riots. In 64 years of Pakistan's history, we fought four wars against India. We launched at least four military operations against our Baloch brothers because they offended the state elite by asking for their legitimate rights. Although we haven't fought any war against a foreign enemy during the last ten years, more than 35,000 Pakistanis were killed during this period in hundreds of terrorist attacks carried out by fellow Pakistanis led by terrorist organizations.

Even now as I write, Karachi - the biggest city of Pakistan – is burning due to ethniccum-political violence perpetrated by the armed gangs of mainstream political parties.

They use violence in Karachi for their political ends. More than 100 people have died in target killings during the last two weeks. Not long ago, we witnessed the assassination of Salman Taseer, the then-governor of Punjab, at the hands of his own bodyguard for criticizing draconian blasphemy laws. Later, the Federal Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti – the only Christian member of the cabinet – was brutally assassinated under the same pretext. And yes, how can I forget the mysterious abduction and gruesome murder of the journalist, Saleem Shahzad.

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic Non-Violent Action (June 21-24). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I

12

13

Imran Khan

Social Media Tools for Blogging

YOU!

Podcasting

Waging Non-Violent Action in Violent World “Non-violent refusal to co-operate with injustice is the way to defeat it.”

R.M. Gandhi

W

Vlogging Twitter

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic NonViolent Action (June 2124). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

e live in an extremely violent world. States and transnational nonstate actors use violence to achieve their political and strategic objectives, believing that use of violence is the most effective way to do so, notwithstanding that it does not work most of the time. Only the last decade (2001-2011) saw 9/11 terrorist attacks, a protracted and bloody war in Afghanistan, the American invasion of Iraq, Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Palestine, 7/7 bombing in London, terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and so on. Literally hundreds of thousands of people died in these violent conflicts and terrorist attacks. For that matter, the 20th century was perhaps one of the most violent centuries in human history, witnessing two world wars responsible for the deaths of millions of people.

Talking about Pakistan, we are used to violence in this country. In the weeks and months leading up to the creation of Pakistan, the sub-continent witnessed mass killings of both Muslims and Hindus in communal riots. In 64 years of Pakistan's history, we fought four wars against India. We launched at least four military operations against our Baloch brothers because they offended the state elite by asking for their legitimate rights. Although we haven't fought any war against a foreign enemy during the last ten years, more than 35,000 Pakistanis were killed during this period in hundreds of terrorist attacks carried out by fellow Pakistanis led by terrorist organizations.

Even now as I write, Karachi - the biggest city of Pakistan – is burning due to ethniccum-political violence perpetrated by the armed gangs of mainstream political parties.

They use violence in Karachi for their political ends. More than 100 people have died in target killings during the last two weeks. Not long ago, we witnessed the assassination of Salman Taseer, the then-governor of Punjab, at the hands of his own bodyguard for criticizing draconian blasphemy laws. Later, the Federal Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti – the only Christian member of the cabinet – was brutally assassinated under the same pretext. And yes, how can I forget the mysterious abduction and gruesome murder of the journalist, Saleem Shahzad.

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic Non-Violent Action (June 21-24). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I

12

13

Facing the terror of state: A scene from massacre of Tiananmen Square, China

was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

While Dr Ackerman taught us the strategies of non-violent civil resistance, I was thinking about Pakistan. I was relating what he was saying to Pakistan. Our lawyers' movement for the

While I thought that the 20th century was a century of war, bloodshed, suffering and genocide, it was also a century of strategic non-violent action, I was told. A century that witnessed many successful non-violent movements waged in different parts of the world.

restoration of the deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan had all three elements. Different segments of society were united under the leadership of lawyers, who immaculately planned their every move, organizing long marches and using the traditional and digital media very effectively.

Non-violent discipline was also there. No matter how much force Musharraf regime used against peaceful lawyers, civil society and activists, the latter did not respond with violence.

I did not know about the role Gandhi's philosophy of Satyagraha and the civil resistance movement played in the Independence Movement of the Subcontinent. I was not aware of the strategies antiapartheid activists used in South Africa to bring down the brutal and repressive Apartheid regime.

With my class-mates at Fletcher, I studied the strategies which prodemocracy activists used in Chile and Serbia to bring down the ruthless dictatorships of Augusto Pinochet and Slobodan Milosovic respectively. I heard about the non-violent Solidarity Movement against the repressive communist regime in Poland. These stories convinced me that non-violent action as a political strategy has always had better chances of victory than violent action.

Erica Chenoweth, the author of “Why Civil Resistance Works” and an assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, previously a fellow at Harvard University, told us in her talk that empirical evidence from history proved that non-violent movements had twice as much chances of success as violent movements. More than anything else, I was inspired by the great people I met at the Fletcher Summer Institute. People like Reverend James Lawson, a veteran of American Civil Rights Movement and a close associate of Dr Martin Luther King. Dr King once said: “Reverend Lawson is the leading theorist and strategist of nonviolence in the world”. The volunteers Rev. Lawson trained in waging non-violent action launched a desegregation movement in 1960s in Nashville, a city in the US state of Tennessee, which eventually led to the desegregation in other parts of the US. The humble and soft-spoken reverend shared with us his experiences as a leader of civil rights movement.

Huwaida Arraf, Palestinian peace activist and co-founder of the International Solidarity Movement (ISM)

Dr Ackerman told us during his talk that the conditions under which activists work are always difficult and dangerous. However, he said, we witnessed during the Arab Spring that the conditions can be changed by the skills of the activists. Since the activists were successful in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people because of their superior skills and planning, it was no longer as dangerous to protest against the tyrants as it was before. The dictatorial regimes had become weaker, whereas the people had become stronger.

I made many amazing friends at the Fletcher Summer Institute. They are the people whose lives are an epitome of non-violent resistance in the face of oppression and tyranny. My friend Ayman Qwaider is a Palestinian activist, who has witnessed the brutality of the occupiers while working for various humanitarian organizations in Gaza. However, he still strongly believes in non-violent civil resistance. He thinks that brutality against brutality is not the solution. Born, raised and educated in Gaza, Ayman got a scholarship a few years ago to study in Europe.

However, the Israeli Army refused to allow him to leave the strip because of their blockade. An undeterred Ayman launched a personal advocacy campaign through social media, eventually forcing Israel to issue him a permit to leave Gaza. Ayman has now completed his M.A in International Peace, Conflict and Development from a university in Spain and he is planning to continue his peaceful struggle for the liberation of Occupied Territories.

While India and Pakistan are archrivals, the people of these countries do not have innate hatred for each other. Far from that, we have so much in common. This is what I realized when I met Ayushman Jamwal, an Indian student from Cardiff University, at Fletcher. We immediately became friends and spent most of our time together during the course. We discussed the history and politics of Indo-Pak relations. Ayushman criticized the atrocities Indian state has committed against Kashmiris and I castigated Pakistan for supporting non-state actors against India. Thank God neither of us was jingoistic, which made a constructive discussion and friendship possible. We discussed the curriculum taught in Indian and Pakistani schools and realized that both the states were teaching a pack of lies, a perverted and distorted interpretation of history to its future leaders. We concluded that whilst both states might continue their past policies, the people will have to come forward to make South Asia peaceful and prosperous.

It was a very enlightening experience listening to Jack DuVall and Dr Peter Ackerman – the founders of the International Centre on Non-Violent Conflict that hosted the course for us. Both Jack and Dr Martin Luther King (Jr.), Ackerman have devoted their lives to the study and American black rights' leader propagation of knowledge about strategic non-violent action. Identifying the elements required for the success of a movement, Dr Ackerman told us: “A civil resistance movement must unify the wider spectrum of society – young and old, all ethnic groups, religious groups, all economic strata – around a limited set of achievable goals. The second thing that is required is planning. There has to be the capacity for the leadership to look objectively at what its capabilities are, who it can mobilize, what tactics it can use, how to sequence those tactics that it has biggest negative impact on the opponent. The third element is non-violent discipline.” According to Dr Ackerman, these three elements are pre-requisite for the success of any civil resistance movement irrespective of the cultural and political context.

14

15

Facing the terror of state: A scene from massacre of Tiananmen Square, China

was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

While Dr Ackerman taught us the strategies of non-violent civil resistance, I was thinking about Pakistan. I was relating what he was saying to Pakistan. Our lawyers' movement for the

While I thought that the 20th century was a century of war, bloodshed, suffering and genocide, it was also a century of strategic non-violent action, I was told. A century that witnessed many successful non-violent movements waged in different parts of the world.

restoration of the deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan had all three elements. Different segments of society were united under the leadership of lawyers, who immaculately planned their every move, organizing long marches and using the traditional and digital media very effectively.

Non-violent discipline was also there. No matter how much force Musharraf regime used against peaceful lawyers, civil society and activists, the latter did not respond with violence.

I did not know about the role Gandhi's philosophy of Satyagraha and the civil resistance movement played in the Independence Movement of the Subcontinent. I was not aware of the strategies antiapartheid activists used in South Africa to bring down the brutal and repressive Apartheid regime.

With my class-mates at Fletcher, I studied the strategies which prodemocracy activists used in Chile and Serbia to bring down the ruthless dictatorships of Augusto Pinochet and Slobodan Milosovic respectively. I heard about the non-violent Solidarity Movement against the repressive communist regime in Poland. These stories convinced me that non-violent action as a political strategy has always had better chances of victory than violent action.

Erica Chenoweth, the author of “Why Civil Resistance Works” and an assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, previously a fellow at Harvard University, told us in her talk that empirical evidence from history proved that non-violent movements had twice as much chances of success as violent movements. More than anything else, I was inspired by the great people I met at the Fletcher Summer Institute. People like Reverend James Lawson, a veteran of American Civil Rights Movement and a close associate of Dr Martin Luther King. Dr King once said: “Reverend Lawson is the leading theorist and strategist of nonviolence in the world”. The volunteers Rev. Lawson trained in waging non-violent action launched a desegregation movement in 1960s in Nashville, a city in the US state of Tennessee, which eventually led to the desegregation in other parts of the US. The humble and soft-spoken reverend shared with us his experiences as a leader of civil rights movement.

Huwaida Arraf, Palestinian peace activist and co-founder of the International Solidarity Movement (ISM)

Dr Ackerman told us during his talk that the conditions under which activists work are always difficult and dangerous. However, he said, we witnessed during the Arab Spring that the conditions can be changed by the skills of the activists. Since the activists were successful in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people because of their superior skills and planning, it was no longer as dangerous to protest against the tyrants as it was before. The dictatorial regimes had become weaker, whereas the people had become stronger.

I made many amazing friends at the Fletcher Summer Institute. They are the people whose lives are an epitome of non-violent resistance in the face of oppression and tyranny. My friend Ayman Qwaider is a Palestinian activist, who has witnessed the brutality of the occupiers while working for various humanitarian organizations in Gaza. However, he still strongly believes in non-violent civil resistance. He thinks that brutality against brutality is not the solution. Born, raised and educated in Gaza, Ayman got a scholarship a few years ago to study in Europe.

However, the Israeli Army refused to allow him to leave the strip because of their blockade. An undeterred Ayman launched a personal advocacy campaign through social media, eventually forcing Israel to issue him a permit to leave Gaza. Ayman has now completed his M.A in International Peace, Conflict and Development from a university in Spain and he is planning to continue his peaceful struggle for the liberation of Occupied Territories.

While India and Pakistan are archrivals, the people of these countries do not have innate hatred for each other. Far from that, we have so much in common. This is what I realized when I met Ayushman Jamwal, an Indian student from Cardiff University, at Fletcher. We immediately became friends and spent most of our time together during the course. We discussed the history and politics of Indo-Pak relations. Ayushman criticized the atrocities Indian state has committed against Kashmiris and I castigated Pakistan for supporting non-state actors against India. Thank God neither of us was jingoistic, which made a constructive discussion and friendship possible. We discussed the curriculum taught in Indian and Pakistani schools and realized that both the states were teaching a pack of lies, a perverted and distorted interpretation of history to its future leaders. We concluded that whilst both states might continue their past policies, the people will have to come forward to make South Asia peaceful and prosperous.

It was a very enlightening experience listening to Jack DuVall and Dr Peter Ackerman – the founders of the International Centre on Non-Violent Conflict that hosted the course for us. Both Jack and Dr Martin Luther King (Jr.), Ackerman have devoted their lives to the study and American black rights' leader propagation of knowledge about strategic non-violent action. Identifying the elements required for the success of a movement, Dr Ackerman told us: “A civil resistance movement must unify the wider spectrum of society – young and old, all ethnic groups, religious groups, all economic strata – around a limited set of achievable goals. The second thing that is required is planning. There has to be the capacity for the leadership to look objectively at what its capabilities are, who it can mobilize, what tactics it can use, how to sequence those tactics that it has biggest negative impact on the opponent. The third element is non-violent discipline.” According to Dr Ackerman, these three elements are pre-requisite for the success of any civil resistance movement irrespective of the cultural and political context.

14

15

20

21

20

21

Shabbir Bukhari

Our Our Honourable Honourable Hosts Hosts Details of Khudi Workshops:

Here are a few impressions by some of the participants of our workshops:

K

hudi at Work

District

Institute, Venue

Bahawalpur

Islamia University

Faisalabad

Govt. College University

Hyderabad

Center for Peace and Civil Society

Islamabad

Various private locations

Jamshoro

University of Sindh Center of Excellence in Arts and Design, MUET

Lahore

Forman Christian College

Towards Developing Ideational Consensus

T

today there are ambiguities about the future of Pakistan and the viability of its fragile democratic setup as it suffers immensely from a rising tide of extremism and a spate of terrorist attacks. More than 35,000 innocent men, women and children and 5,000 security personnel have lost their lives and our economy has suffered a loss of billions of dollars as a consequence. Pakistan is frequently cited as “the most dangerous place in the world” by the international media. Despite all this, we still lack a consensus on how to respond to this existential threat. Our youth in particular, which now constitutes a staggering 63% of the population, lacks clarity about these overarching issues. As a step towards building such a consensus, the Khudi team has been conducting a number of talks, training workshops and seminars at different educational campuses and other public places across the country. The themes addressed in these events include the concept, history and issues of democracy in Pakistan, the nature and evolution of extremist narratives, the dynamics of contemporary Islamist movements, pluralism and tolerance in Islamic thought and ideas about building progressive youth movements. The main objective is to clarify, sensitize and mobilize youth for a positive transformation in the current situation.From the Federal Capital to smaller districts such as Pakpattan, students, local youth activists and civil society members representing different organizations have attended these workshops. Following is list of some of the workshops conducted so far.

GC University

& Various private locations

“Khudi workshop has helped me in understanding the phenomenon of extremism in great detail and now I am convinced that if Pakistan has to move forward then we must counter the spread of growing extremism in our society.” [ Arslan Farid, GCU Lahore ] “Khudi workshop was great opportunity to have a discussion with fellow students on different issues of social and political relevance Pakistan facing today. Moreover I learned that how important it is for the students to become part of the political process so they can emerge as political leaders of tomorrow.” [ Syed Umar Sherazi, Punjab University Lahore ]

Multan

Neengar Society of Youngsters

“Attending Khudi's workshop was a valuable experience. I

Okara

Govt. Post-Graduate College

appreciate Khdui's efforts in creating a national consensus

Quaid-e-Azam Law College Pakpattan

Virtual University Campus

on the issue of extremism which has destroyed the social fabric of our society. Good luck Khudi team!” [ Zaheer-ul-Hassan, Virtual University Pakpattan ]

Govt. Post-Graduate Faridia College Peshawer

IM Sciences

Sahiwal

Jinnah Public Library

“Khudi is doing great job in promoting a democratic culture among youth. It is only through a democratic culture and pluralist values we can fight the menace of extremism. This workshop has also helped me in understanding the merits of democracy and demerits of dictatorship. I offer my services as volunteer for the cause of Khudi.” [ Nasir Gill , FC College Lahore ]

With youth of varied backgrounds and perspectives in attendance, the discussions have proven to be very engaging and constructive. Although the extremist narrative is deeply entrenched because of a general trend of obscurantism, through our engagements we have come to conclude that young people are ready to listen, learn and act once given the right opportunities and training.

22

23

Shabbir Bukhari

Our Our Honourable Honourable Hosts Hosts Details of Khudi Workshops:

Here are a few impressions by some of the participants of our workshops:

K

hudi at Work

District

Institute, Venue

Bahawalpur

Islamia University

Faisalabad

Govt. College University

Hyderabad

Center for Peace and Civil Society

Islamabad

Various private locations

Jamshoro

University of Sindh Center of Excellence in Arts and Design, MUET

Lahore

Forman Christian College

Towards Developing Ideational Consensus

T

today there are ambiguities about the future of Pakistan and the viability of its fragile democratic setup as it suffers immensely from a rising tide of extremism and a spate of terrorist attacks. More than 35,000 innocent men, women and children and 5,000 security personnel have lost their lives and our economy has suffered a loss of billions of dollars as a consequence. Pakistan is frequently cited as “the most dangerous place in the world” by the international media. Despite all this, we still lack a consensus on how to respond to this existential threat. Our youth in particular, which now constitutes a staggering 63% of the population, lacks clarity about these overarching issues. As a step towards building such a consensus, the Khudi team has been conducting a number of talks, training workshops and seminars at different educational campuses and other public places across the country. The themes addressed in these events include the concept, history and issues of democracy in Pakistan, the nature and evolution of extremist narratives, the dynamics of contemporary Islamist movements, pluralism and tolerance in Islamic thought and ideas about building progressive youth movements. The main objective is to clarify, sensitize and mobilize youth for a positive transformation in the current situation.From the Federal Capital to smaller districts such as Pakpattan, students, local youth activists and civil society members representing different organizations have attended these workshops. Following is list of some of the workshops conducted so far.

GC University

& Various private locations

“Khudi workshop has helped me in understanding the phenomenon of extremism in great detail and now I am convinced that if Pakistan has to move forward then we must counter the spread of growing extremism in our society.” [ Arslan Farid, GCU Lahore ] “Khudi workshop was great opportunity to have a discussion with fellow students on different issues of social and political relevance Pakistan facing today. Moreover I learned that how important it is for the students to become part of the political process so they can emerge as political leaders of tomorrow.” [ Syed Umar Sherazi, Punjab University Lahore ]

Multan

Neengar Society of Youngsters

“Attending Khudi's workshop was a valuable experience. I

Okara

Govt. Post-Graduate College

appreciate Khdui's efforts in creating a national consensus

Quaid-e-Azam Law College Pakpattan

Virtual University Campus

on the issue of extremism which has destroyed the social fabric of our society. Good luck Khudi team!” [ Zaheer-ul-Hassan, Virtual University Pakpattan ]

Govt. Post-Graduate Faridia College Peshawer

IM Sciences

Sahiwal

Jinnah Public Library

“Khudi is doing great job in promoting a democratic culture among youth. It is only through a democratic culture and pluralist values we can fight the menace of extremism. This workshop has also helped me in understanding the merits of democracy and demerits of dictatorship. I offer my services as volunteer for the cause of Khudi.” [ Nasir Gill , FC College Lahore ]

With youth of varied backgrounds and perspectives in attendance, the discussions have proven to be very engaging and constructive. Although the extremist narrative is deeply entrenched because of a general trend of obscurantism, through our engagements we have come to conclude that young people are ready to listen, learn and act once given the right opportunities and training.

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News, Views and Satire

F

asi Zaka is a television host, satirist, political columnist, radio talk show host, music critic, academic and Rhodes Scholar in Pakistan. He is recognized for being one of the few media polymaths in Pakistan with a successful presence in print, television and radio.

He is a public intellectual who employs humor from a political and democratic perspective in his media forays.

Because of this extensive presence, he was declared one of Pakistan's newsmakers of the year in 2006.

Interview with

Fasi Zaka

L

Laaltain: You graduated in education policy but chose to work more in media. How would you relate both these fields?

Fasi: Well, teaching at its most basic level is about communication. And all communications transmit information or understanding so both are entwined. I chose media and communications eventually when I realized I wanted a larger remit to work on, and the media encapsulates that rather than sector specific work in education.

Fasi: It was a mixed bag. I don't look at all parts of my educational history fondly. I did very poorly in my F.Sc. and found life very awkward at that stage. I guess educationally the really positive times I remember was when I was doing my BA from Edwardes College in Peshawar. I had a lot of free time then to read and I discovered my intellectual passions then, plus the friends I made at that stage were great, like me they have slipped from the grind of F.sc into an uncertain future. I enjoyed my time in my MBA at Peshawar University too, some great teachers who really inspired me to do better for myself.

Laaltain: What do you think about the educational curriculum in Pakistan? Does it fulfill the needs of our times?

Fasi: Yes and no. The essence of what is taught is comparable to the rest of the world, but not how it is taught and evaluated. Information reproduction is thought of as the central aim, not thinking and evaluating that information.

Some social science subjects at school level are taught atrociously because they serve to make Pakistanis servile with a false sense of history. One major problem in Pakistan is access to education, it is denied to too many people. But even those who receive one unfortunately do not end up critical thinkers, something we desperately need in these times.

Laaltain: What helped you most to become so creative and productive, and to build such a reputation in media?

Fasi: Well, thanks for putting it that way, but unfortunately I don't think that is true. In Pakistan's media I am but a footnote. But the productivity across different areas is due to my tendency to feel bored and depressed if I have little to do, which is why I work across mediums. I still have a long way to go before I can claim to have legitimate presence.

Laaltain: How did you succeed in winning the Rhodes scholarship and how was the whole experience of studying in Oxford?

Laaltain: You are well aware of developments in the last decade in Pakistan's media, especially that of electronic media.

How do you view it in a broader perspective?

Fasi: I guess the Rhodes scholarship came down to luck.

Many of the people I was in competition with in the interviews were brilliant, and there was little to separate us.

But it was a life changing experience for me. There is no substitute for meeting people of different races and places.

That internationalized some of my perspectives, and also opened up my interest in different areas of academics through the friends I made.

Also, it helped me think of my country in a different way, it removed me from it for the first time so I could reflect on what I wanted as a Pakistani.

Laaltain: When and how did your professional life start?

30

Parwez and I started On the Fringe for Indus Music (later MTV), and from there on radio and writing.

aaltain: Through your writings you have been a source of guidance to the students. How was your own student life?

Fasi: I started teaching at university right after my MBA before I went to Oxford, and

One major problem in Pakistan is access to education, it is denied to too many people. But even those who receive one unfortunately do not end up critical thinkers, something we desperately need in these times. when I finished up I went back to the Institute of Management Sciences

(IMSciences) in Peshawar to teach undergraduate and postgraduate students. It was one of the best parts of my work life. In the media it started by chance when Zeeshan

Fasi: Good and bad. The media has served the interests of the disenfranchised well in some respects; it brings accountability that does not exist sometimes in constituencies between those who vote and the elected. However the good is undone by allowing hate mongers on TV that have reduced it to reproducing uninformed opinion and damaging efforts at populism.

Laaltain: What do you think the circumstances would have been if whatever you have written so far were in Urdu instead of English?

Fasi: Well, I have personally tried. I had an agreement with a newspaper that all my English columns be translated into Urdu, but the editor rejects all my columns saying it will create uproar. I don't think that's as true today as it once was, but people's apprehensions haven't caught up yet with changing circumstances. But yes, if the people read what was being said in English there are chances of reprisals. This linguistic apartheid has helped create two nations in Pakistan, each of whom holds radically different views on the same topics in the news at any moment because the two languages are reporting them differently.

31

News, Views and Satire

F

asi Zaka is a television host, satirist, political columnist, radio talk show host, music critic, academic and Rhodes Scholar in Pakistan. He is recognized for being one of the few media polymaths in Pakistan with a successful presence in print, television and radio.

He is a public intellectual who employs humor from a political and democratic perspective in his media forays.

Because of this extensive presence, he was declared one of Pakistan's newsmakers of the year in 2006.

Interview with

Fasi Zaka

L

Laaltain: You graduated in education policy but chose to work more in media. How would you relate both these fields?

Fasi: Well, teaching at its most basic level is about communication. And all communications transmit information or understanding so both are entwined. I chose media and communications eventually when I realized I wanted a larger remit to work on, and the media encapsulates that rather than sector specific work in education.

Fasi: It was a mixed bag. I don't look at all parts of my educational history fondly. I did very poorly in my F.Sc. and found life very awkward at that stage. I guess educationally the really positive times I remember was when I was doing my BA from Edwardes College in Peshawar. I had a lot of free time then to read and I discovered my intellectual passions then, plus the friends I made at that stage were great, like me they have slipped from the grind of F.sc into an uncertain future. I enjoyed my time in my MBA at Peshawar University too, some great teachers who really inspired me to do better for myself.

Laaltain: What do you think about the educational curriculum in Pakistan? Does it fulfill the needs of our times?

Fasi: Yes and no. The essence of what is taught is comparable to the rest of the world, but not how it is taught and evaluated. Information reproduction is thought of as the central aim, not thinking and evaluating that information.

Some social science subjects at school level are taught atrociously because they serve to make Pakistanis servile with a false sense of history. One major problem in Pakistan is access to education, it is denied to too many people. But even those who receive one unfortunately do not end up critical thinkers, something we desperately need in these times.

Laaltain: What helped you most to become so creative and productive, and to build such a reputation in media?

Fasi: Well, thanks for putting it that way, but unfortunately I don't think that is true. In Pakistan's media I am but a footnote. But the productivity across different areas is due to my tendency to feel bored and depressed if I have little to do, which is why I work across mediums. I still have a long way to go before I can claim to have legitimate presence.

Laaltain: How did you succeed in winning the Rhodes scholarship and how was the whole experience of studying in Oxford?

Laaltain: You are well aware of developments in the last decade in Pakistan's media, especially that of electronic media.

How do you view it in a broader perspective?

Fasi: I guess the Rhodes scholarship came down to luck.

Many of the people I was in competition with in the interviews were brilliant, and there was little to separate us.

But it was a life changing experience for me. There is no substitute for meeting people of different races and places.

That internationalized some of my perspectives, and also opened up my interest in different areas of academics through the friends I made.

Also, it helped me think of my country in a different way, it removed me from it for the first time so I could reflect on what I wanted as a Pakistani.

Laaltain: When and how did your professional life start?

30

Parwez and I started On the Fringe for Indus Music (later MTV), and from there on radio and writing.

aaltain: Through your writings you have been a source of guidance to the students. How was your own student life?

Fasi: I started teaching at university right after my MBA before I went to Oxford, and

One major problem in Pakistan is access to education, it is denied to too many people. But even those who receive one unfortunately do not end up critical thinkers, something we desperately need in these times. when I finished up I went back to the Institute of Management Sciences

(IMSciences) in Peshawar to teach undergraduate and postgraduate students. It was one of the best parts of my work life. In the media it started by chance when Zeeshan

Fasi: Good and bad. The media has served the interests of the disenfranchised well in some respects; it brings accountability that does not exist sometimes in constituencies between those who vote and the elected. However the good is undone by allowing hate mongers on TV that have reduced it to reproducing uninformed opinion and damaging efforts at populism.

Laaltain: What do you think the circumstances would have been if whatever you have written so far were in Urdu instead of English?

Fasi: Well, I have personally tried. I had an agreement with a newspaper that all my English columns be translated into Urdu, but the editor rejects all my columns saying it will create uproar. I don't think that's as true today as it once was, but people's apprehensions haven't caught up yet with changing circumstances. But yes, if the people read what was being said in English there are chances of reprisals. This linguistic apartheid has helped create two nations in Pakistan, each of whom holds radically different views on the same topics in the news at any moment because the two languages are reporting them differently.

31

Laaltain: Your efforts to counter rightist jingoistic narratives in Pakistan have been impressive. How would you measure the level of your success?

Fasi: Not much. I think it's helped open the atmosphere in critiquing the media in some very small way because there are others who are doing the same, but the real power base lies in television now with talk shows, which unfortunately are doing the opposite.

This linguistic apartheid has helped create two nations in Pakistan, each of whom holds radically different views on the same topics in the news at any moment because the two languages are reporting them differently.

Laaltain: What main factors according to you have contributed to the increasing extremist tendencies among Pakistani youth?

Fasi: Primarily it is our unwillingness to address those who hijack religion for political and power purposes. The lack of opportunities and regard for merit creates despondency, and this is all pervasive. When one can't see a future, they start to mythologize a new society they think will come from the ashes of violence. It's a short cut with devastating results.

Laaltain: What is the history of social satire in Pakistan? What place does it command in the current scenario? And what advantages does it have over other styles?

Fasi: Well, the mainstay of great social satire has been PTV in Pakistan's history. It's remarkable that other than their propagandist Khabarnama, the work in entertainment has

32

been of incredibly high quality, it's been art that has stood the test of time with programs like Kaliyaan, 50:50 and others. Since then there have been many, like 'Hum Sub Umeed Say Hain' and '4Man Show' who have done a good job amongst many others. The best part about satire is it is entertainment; a great point can be driven home with the rapt attention of the viewer or reader. While the language is non-serious, the theme certainly isn't. Plus there are a lot of things one cannot say in a mainstream news program that can be easily done via satire.

Primarily it is our unwillingness to address those who hijack religion for political and power purposes. The lack of opportunities and regard for merit creates despondency, and this is all pervasive.

When one can't see a future, they start to mythologize a new Laaltain: What message do you have for youth to society they think contribute positively for will come from the making a better a Pakistan?

Fasi: I would suggest to them ashes of violence. It's that change will not come a short cut with from a radical revolution, but incremental steps. Start with devastating results. cleaning their street, with raising their voice if someone cuts in line, respecting a red traffic light even if there is no traffic. These small things will build the social capital we need to be a more just and effective society. And lastly, accept different points of view.

I would suggest to them that change will not come from a radical revolution, but incremental steps. Start with cleaning their street, with raising their voice if someone cuts in line, respecting a red traffic light even if there is no traffic. These small things will build the social capital we need to be a more just and effective society. And lastly, accept different points of view.

33

Laaltain: Your efforts to counter rightist jingoistic narratives in Pakistan have been impressive. How would you measure the level of your success?

Fasi: Not much. I think it's helped open the atmosphere in critiquing the media in some very small way because there are others who are doing the same, but the real power base lies in television now with talk shows, which unfortunately are doing the opposite.

This linguistic apartheid has helped create two nations in Pakistan, each of whom holds radically different views on the same topics in the news at any moment because the two languages are reporting them differently.

Laaltain: What main factors according to you have contributed to the increasing extremist tendencies among Pakistani youth?

Fasi: Primarily it is our unwillingness to address those who hijack religion for political and power purposes. The lack of opportunities and regard for merit creates despondency, and this is all pervasive. When one can't see a future, they start to mythologize a new society they think will come from the ashes of violence. It's a short cut with devastating results.

Laaltain: What is the history of social satire in Pakistan? What place does it command in the current scenario? And what advantages does it have over other styles?

Fasi: Well, the mainstay of great social satire has been PTV in Pakistan's history. It's remarkable that other than their propagandist Khabarnama, the work in entertainment has

32

been of incredibly high quality, it's been art that has stood the test of time with programs like Kaliyaan, 50:50 and others. Since then there have been many, like 'Hum Sub Umeed Say Hain' and '4Man Show' who have done a good job amongst many others. The best part about satire is it is entertainment; a great point can be driven home with the rapt attention of the viewer or reader. While the language is non-serious, the theme certainly isn't. Plus there are a lot of things one cannot say in a mainstream news program that can be easily done via satire.

Primarily it is our unwillingness to address those who hijack religion for political and power purposes. The lack of opportunities and regard for merit creates despondency, and this is all pervasive.

When one can't see a future, they start to mythologize a new Laaltain: What message do you have for youth to society they think contribute positively for will come from the making a better a Pakistan?

Fasi: I would suggest to them ashes of violence. It's that change will not come a short cut with from a radical revolution, but incremental steps. Start with devastating results. cleaning their street, with raising their voice if someone cuts in line, respecting a red traffic light even if there is no traffic. These small things will build the social capital we need to be a more just and effective society. And lastly, accept different points of view.

I would suggest to them that change will not come from a radical revolution, but incremental steps. Start with cleaning their street, with raising their voice if someone cuts in line, respecting a red traffic light even if there is no traffic. These small things will build the social capital we need to be a more just and effective society. And lastly, accept different points of view.

33

CRICKET Arsalan Daudi

The Great Equaliser

Cricket evolved into one of the few truly egalitarian spaces in Pakistan.

C

ricket is a part of our national identity.

In the 1980's and 90's it overtook hockey and squash as the national sport. There was no need to officially acknowledge this, since everybody involved felt it. Cricket had well and truly become a major galvanising force for Pakistanis everywhere. Up until the 70's, cricket had generally been a sedate affair. Defensive tactics, methodical batting and privately schooled banter precariously tied the various cricketing nations of the time loosely together as a kind of floppy shamianah, gently nesting over cucumber sandwiches and an increasing number of drawn test matches.

Then, everything changed. First, the ODI World Cup was launched in 1975. The West Indies, with all their pomp and class, stream-rolled their way to victory and announced the arrival of exciting one day

34

cricket. Soon after, Kerry Packer introduced the controversial rebel league of World Series cricket, which showcased the talents of several international superstars, including a select group of Pakistanis such as Javed Miandad, Asif Iqbal, Imran Khan and Zaheer Abbas.

This was the dawn of the age of international superstar cricketers capturing the imaginations of entire nations and not just seasoned cricket fans. Cricket in Pakistan blossomed during this period, where squads transitioned from the old guard; private school boys from Lahore and Karachi, to the new blood; young boys from the cult Pakistani tradition of “tape ball cricket� emerging from all the far flung corners of our nation.

In 1987 Pakistan visited the beautiful islands of the West Indies, to face the feared pace attack and towering batsmen that had reigned supreme over test cricket for over a decade, defeating every touring party that came their way. What Pakistan achieved has widely gone down

35

CRICKET Arsalan Daudi

The Great Equaliser

Cricket evolved into one of the few truly egalitarian spaces in Pakistan.

C

ricket is a part of our national identity.

In the 1980's and 90's it overtook hockey and squash as the national sport. There was no need to officially acknowledge this, since everybody involved felt it. Cricket had well and truly become a major galvanising force for Pakistanis everywhere. Up until the 70's, cricket had generally been a sedate affair. Defensive tactics, methodical batting and privately schooled banter precariously tied the various cricketing nations of the time loosely together as a kind of floppy shamianah, gently nesting over cucumber sandwiches and an increasing number of drawn test matches.

Then, everything changed. First, the ODI World Cup was launched in 1975. The West Indies, with all their pomp and class, stream-rolled their way to victory and announced the arrival of exciting one day

34

cricket. Soon after, Kerry Packer introduced the controversial rebel league of World Series cricket, which showcased the talents of several international superstars, including a select group of Pakistanis such as Javed Miandad, Asif Iqbal, Imran Khan and Zaheer Abbas.

This was the dawn of the age of international superstar cricketers capturing the imaginations of entire nations and not just seasoned cricket fans. Cricket in Pakistan blossomed during this period, where squads transitioned from the old guard; private school boys from Lahore and Karachi, to the new blood; young boys from the cult Pakistani tradition of “tape ball cricket� emerging from all the far flung corners of our nation.

In 1987 Pakistan visited the beautiful islands of the West Indies, to face the feared pace attack and towering batsmen that had reigned supreme over test cricket for over a decade, defeating every touring party that came their way. What Pakistan achieved has widely gone down

35

Cricket is a part of our national identity. In the 1980's and 90's it overtook hockey and squash as the national sport.

Recently the vicious face of terrorism has threatened to undo the hard work that the brave and inspiring young cricketers of our country had done.

in cricketing folklore as amongst the best test series ever fought. Under Imran Khan's courageous leadership and sensational display of inswinging yorkers speckled with reverse swinging leg before appeals, Pakistan defied all odds and returned from the Caribbean unbeaten. A year later Pakistan and India met at the Sharjah Cup final, a match that would go down in history as the epitome of this South Asian rivalry that already rivalled the historical Australian and English battles. With 6 needed off the last ball for victory, Chetan Sherma prowled up to the crease hoping to deliver anything but the juicy full toss he offered, which was ferociously walloped by Javed Miandad into the midwicket stands, and into the hearts and minds of nearly every Indian and Pakistani who saw it.

A national love affair with cricket had swept through the nation. International recognition basked the Pakistani public in pride and heroes were born; the young left-arm fast bowling sensation Wasim Akram, the fearless and inspirational leader Imran Khan, and the ultimate hustler and run machine Javed Miandad. What these cricketers gave to Pakistan at that time was exactly the kind of unadulterated and uplifting entertainment that sport is so revered for. They made us feel like winners, they inspired us to compete and push ourselves, to challenge the very best and show results by merit.

Cricket evolved into one of the few truly egalitarian spaces in Pakistan.

We finally had a platform where people from different ethnic backgrounds, varied academic and professional qualifications and wide ranging socio-economic realities could interact on the same field as equals. They were able to put aside factors that had kept them apart in their daily lives and instead, focus on aspects that brought them together. What mattered on the cricket field was how fast you bowled, how much you swung or spun the ball and how far you hit the ball. No one cared how wealthy you were, how well you recited Urdu poetry or wrote English literature or which tribe your family belonged to. It was your talent and skill that earned you respect on the cricket pitch.

Cricket was rapidly becoming the great equaliser for a nation that had struggled to find platforms to unite its dynamic yet divergent people. Watching Inzamam-ul-Haq, a young lad from Multan, and Wasim Akram, a rapidly maturing fast bowler from humble backgrounds in Lahore, dominate opposition

36

bowlers and batsmen in the 1992 World Cup was a clear sign of how anybody could represent Pakistan if they had the goods, and become national heroes. Imran Khan's undying belief in our team saw Pakistan surge to victory in that tournament and allowed us to believe that we as a nation and people could be world champions and succeed in anything.

Over the years, cricket continued to bring our countrymen together from different parts of the country, Younis Khan and Misbah-ul-Haq from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Yasir Hameed from Peshawar, Inzamamul-Haq from Multan, Shoaib Akhter and Waqar Younis from Pindi, Shahid Afridi from the Pathan community of Karachi, Danesh Kaneria from the Hindu community of Karachi, Muhammed Yousuf (formerly Yousuf Youhana) from the Christian community of Lahore, Shoaib Malik from Sialkot, Mohammad Hafeez from Sargodha, and the list went on, a case study in diversity and cultural cohesion.

Recently the vicious face of terrorism has threatened to undo the hard work that the brave and inspiring young cricketers of our country had done. The heinous and unforgivable act of a handful of outlaws against our guests, the Sri Lankan cricket team, stripped Pakistan of the rights to host any international cricket, including the much heralded 2011 World Cup. For the first time in our history, the cricketloving masses of Pakistan were denied the pleasure and joy of watching their heroes host international teams on home grounds.

Cricket was at risk of being taken away from Pakistan.

Having already faced the disgrace, time is right to Sri Lankan Team being attacked by terrorists in Lahore reignite all the hype that has fuelled our love affair with cricket. Let us come together for the revival of international cricket by making Pakistan a peaceful state. Let us reach out to all the beautiful and diverse people of Pakistan, our countrymen, and find a common cause. This is our chance to rise against forces that have threatened to tear away at the fabric of our society and show to them that we will unite and fight for a platform that has always strived to make us equals in our own country.

This is our chance to rise against forces that have threatened to tear away at the fabric of our society and show to them that we will unite and fight for a platform that has always strived to make us equals in our own country.

37

Cricket is a part of our national identity. In the 1980's and 90's it overtook hockey and squash as the national sport.

Recently the vicious face of terrorism has threatened to undo the hard work that the brave and inspiring young cricketers of our country had done.

in cricketing folklore as amongst the best test series ever fought. Under Imran Khan's courageous leadership and sensational display of inswinging yorkers speckled with reverse swinging leg before appeals, Pakistan defied all odds and returned from the Caribbean unbeaten. A year later Pakistan and India met at the Sharjah Cup final, a match that would go down in history as the epitome of this South Asian rivalry that already rivalled the historical Australian and English battles. With 6 needed off the last ball for victory, Chetan Sherma prowled up to the crease hoping to deliver anything but the juicy full toss he offered, which was ferociously walloped by Javed Miandad into the midwicket stands, and into the hearts and minds of nearly every Indian and Pakistani who saw it.

A national love affair with cricket had swept through the nation. International recognition basked the Pakistani public in pride and heroes were born; the young left-arm fast bowling sensation Wasim Akram, the fearless and inspirational leader Imran Khan, and the ultimate hustler and run machine Javed Miandad. What these cricketers gave to Pakistan at that time was exactly the kind of unadulterated and uplifting entertainment that sport is so revered for. They made us feel like winners, they inspired us to compete and push ourselves, to challenge the very best and show results by merit.

Cricket evolved into one of the few truly egalitarian spaces in Pakistan.

We finally had a platform where people from different ethnic backgrounds, varied academic and professional qualifications and wide ranging socio-economic realities could interact on the same field as equals. They were able to put aside factors that had kept them apart in their daily lives and instead, focus on aspects that brought them together. What mattered on the cricket field was how fast you bowled, how much you swung or spun the ball and how far you hit the ball. No one cared how wealthy you were, how well you recited Urdu poetry or wrote English literature or which tribe your family belonged to. It was your talent and skill that earned you respect on the cricket pitch.

Cricket was rapidly becoming the great equaliser for a nation that had struggled to find platforms to unite its dynamic yet divergent people. Watching Inzamam-ul-Haq, a young lad from Multan, and Wasim Akram, a rapidly maturing fast bowler from humble backgrounds in Lahore, dominate opposition

36

bowlers and batsmen in the 1992 World Cup was a clear sign of how anybody could represent Pakistan if they had the goods, and become national heroes. Imran Khan's undying belief in our team saw Pakistan surge to victory in that tournament and allowed us to believe that we as a nation and people could be world champions and succeed in anything.

Over the years, cricket continued to bring our countrymen together from different parts of the country, Younis Khan and Misbah-ul-Haq from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Yasir Hameed from Peshawar, Inzamamul-Haq from Multan, Shoaib Akhter and Waqar Younis from Pindi, Shahid Afridi from the Pathan community of Karachi, Danesh Kaneria from the Hindu community of Karachi, Muhammed Yousuf (formerly Yousuf Youhana) from the Christian community of Lahore, Shoaib Malik from Sialkot, Mohammad Hafeez from Sargodha, and the list went on, a case study in diversity and cultural cohesion.

Recently the vicious face of terrorism has threatened to undo the hard work that the brave and inspiring young cricketers of our country had done. The heinous and unforgivable act of a handful of outlaws against our guests, the Sri Lankan cricket team, stripped Pakistan of the rights to host any international cricket, including the much heralded 2011 World Cup. For the first time in our history, the cricketloving masses of Pakistan were denied the pleasure and joy of watching their heroes host international teams on home grounds.

Cricket was at risk of being taken away from Pakistan.

Having already faced the disgrace, time is right to Sri Lankan Team being attacked by terrorists in Lahore reignite all the hype that has fuelled our love affair with cricket. Let us come together for the revival of international cricket by making Pakistan a peaceful state. Let us reach out to all the beautiful and diverse people of Pakistan, our countrymen, and find a common cause. This is our chance to rise against forces that have threatened to tear away at the fabric of our society and show to them that we will unite and fight for a platform that has always strived to make us equals in our own country.

This is our chance to rise against forces that have threatened to tear away at the fabric of our society and show to them that we will unite and fight for a platform that has always strived to make us equals in our own country.

37

Haniya Mir

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

opportunities for people from different backgrounds, with diverse values and beliefs, to come together and discuss ideas or issues in a collaborative, constructive environment. Literature festivals around the world (such as the Jaipur Literary Festival in India and the Ubud Writers & Readers Festival in Indonesia) are filling this gap. Given the nature of debates broadcast on contemporary television, which tend to deteriorate into screaming, accusatory exchanges, literature festivals have an air of tolerance and empathy, even when the ideas being discussed are on topics fraught with tension. Karen Armstrong's keynote speech on compassion – part of her global tour to promote A Charter of Compassion – underscored the centrality of compassion in religion, and set the tone for the KLF. It is important to note here that the KLF is a free festival, and is thus not just another exclusive event restricted to certain segments of society. Open to anyone who wishes to attend - from young school children to older lovers of literature or those just curious to see what the buzz is all about - the KLF has strived to avoid hierarchy and pomp, preferring to serve as an intellectual space for the wider community where beyond-the-norm conversations can be had.

Talking Through the Issues

W

and in fact, is traditional mehfil generation hasn't

here else can you find talks on the Taliban combined with classical dance and a mushaira? All of this and more was found at the second Karachi Literature Festival on 5 and 6 February 2011, which was by all accounts a memorable experience for those who attended.

With hundreds of blog posts, tweets and extensive media coverage, the KLF has spawned both positive and negative views on the relevance of such events in Pakistan. Critics have argued that the host of pressing problems the country currently faces deserve citizens' attention over the mere 'waffle' of literary and cultural pursuits. However, this line of argument seems to be missing the point; the success of the KLF stands as evidence that a vibrant cultural scene still exists in Pakistan gaining momentum, despite the challenges and tensions of our everyday lives. Where the seems to have all but disappeared from our cultural landscape, the KLF gives hope that our completely lost out on such experiences.

According to Ameena Saiyid OBE, founder of the event and Managing Director of Oxford University Press, “The aim of the Karachi Literature Festival is to promote and project Pakistani writers and to get people reading. Independent writers are the conscience of a nation. The very fact that there are so many prominent writers in Pakistan is a wonderful sign of life, growth, and hope for society.”

Nurturing Intellectual Dialogue Literature festivals are designed to make reading and the love of books and literature a shared experience but such events go beyond being an opportunity for literary figures, enthusiasts and artists to engage with each other. On a broader level, there are increasingly rare

38

This year's festival brought together notable figures from both the Urdu and English literary scene, two groups that we hardly ever get to see on a joint forum in Pakistan. Writers of fiction and non-fiction, poets, artists, playwrights, academics, journalists, musicians, international thinkers, established names with literary pedigree, and young and upcoming local authors all found a platform at the KLF to present their work, network with each other and interact with ordinary citizens. There were Urdu-focused discussions on topics such as “Kiya Urdu parhney waley kam hotey ja rahe hain?” and “A Life in Writing” with acclaimed Urdu writer Intizar Hussain. But even more compelling were forums such as “Literature in the Age of Extremism” which featured eminent Urdu poet, writer and activist Fehmida Riaz, theatre director Madeeha Gauher, Urdu writer and journalist Zaheda Hina and the young English-language novelist, Ali Sethi. This panel represented the spirit of the KLF, allowing multiple voices from different backgrounds to discuss a common theme. Zaheda Hina described how post-1947 Urdu literature depicts the religious fanaticism at the time of Partition, and her words highlighted the ways in which the literature of the past can serve as a record of a particular time and place and the lessons readers of today can learn from it.

Promoting Diversity But perhaps most importantly, the KLF also celebrated those who often go unheard in our society; authors writing in regional languages, marginalized voices and unorthodox perspectives, so often sidelined in the dominant narrative of violence and despair in our country.

By highlighting the multiple threads of our linguistic and cultural traditions, each of us is urged to broaden our horizons and to think beyond the realms of our personal experience. Hearing a particular theme or issue tackled from varied angles allows us to see that nothing can be defined in stark black or white terms. Rather, it is the grey areas, the spaces where people agree and disagree, our overlapping concerns and differing reactions that form the fabric of our society.

And while a Literature Festival may not be able to promise us an overnight revolution or a quick solution to our societal woes, it can certainly help to foster the tolerance we so desperately need in Pakistan today. So let's cheer the KLF and make sure we all make it to the next one in February 2012!

39

Haniya Mir

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

opportunities for people from different backgrounds, with diverse values and beliefs, to come together and discuss ideas or issues in a collaborative, constructive environment. Literature festivals around the world (such as the Jaipur Literary Festival in India and the Ubud Writers & Readers Festival in Indonesia) are filling this gap. Given the nature of debates broadcast on contemporary television, which tend to deteriorate into screaming, accusatory exchanges, literature festivals have an air of tolerance and empathy, even when the ideas being discussed are on topics fraught with tension. Karen Armstrong's keynote speech on compassion – part of her global tour to promote A Charter of Compassion – underscored the centrality of compassion in religion, and set the tone for the KLF. It is important to note here that the KLF is a free festival, and is thus not just another exclusive event restricted to certain segments of society. Open to anyone who wishes to attend - from young school children to older lovers of literature or those just curious to see what the buzz is all about - the KLF has strived to avoid hierarchy and pomp, preferring to serve as an intellectual space for the wider community where beyond-the-norm conversations can be had.

Talking Through the Issues

W

and in fact, is traditional mehfil generation hasn't

here else can you find talks on the Taliban combined with classical dance and a mushaira? All of this and more was found at the second Karachi Literature Festival on 5 and 6 February 2011, which was by all accounts a memorable experience for those who attended.

With hundreds of blog posts, tweets and extensive media coverage, the KLF has spawned both positive and negative views on the relevance of such events in Pakistan. Critics have argued that the host of pressing problems the country currently faces deserve citizens' attention over the mere 'waffle' of literary and cultural pursuits. However, this line of argument seems to be missing the point; the success of the KLF stands as evidence that a vibrant cultural scene still exists in Pakistan gaining momentum, despite the challenges and tensions of our everyday lives. Where the seems to have all but disappeared from our cultural landscape, the KLF gives hope that our completely lost out on such experiences.

According to Ameena Saiyid OBE, founder of the event and Managing Director of Oxford University Press, “The aim of the Karachi Literature Festival is to promote and project Pakistani writers and to get people reading. Independent writers are the conscience of a nation. The very fact that there are so many prominent writers in Pakistan is a wonderful sign of life, growth, and hope for society.”

Nurturing Intellectual Dialogue Literature festivals are designed to make reading and the love of books and literature a shared experience but such events go beyond being an opportunity for literary figures, enthusiasts and artists to engage with each other. On a broader level, there are increasingly rare

38

This year's festival brought together notable figures from both the Urdu and English literary scene, two groups that we hardly ever get to see on a joint forum in Pakistan. Writers of fiction and non-fiction, poets, artists, playwrights, academics, journalists, musicians, international thinkers, established names with literary pedigree, and young and upcoming local authors all found a platform at the KLF to present their work, network with each other and interact with ordinary citizens. There were Urdu-focused discussions on topics such as “Kiya Urdu parhney waley kam hotey ja rahe hain?” and “A Life in Writing” with acclaimed Urdu writer Intizar Hussain. But even more compelling were forums such as “Literature in the Age of Extremism” which featured eminent Urdu poet, writer and activist Fehmida Riaz, theatre director Madeeha Gauher, Urdu writer and journalist Zaheda Hina and the young English-language novelist, Ali Sethi. This panel represented the spirit of the KLF, allowing multiple voices from different backgrounds to discuss a common theme. Zaheda Hina described how post-1947 Urdu literature depicts the religious fanaticism at the time of Partition, and her words highlighted the ways in which the literature of the past can serve as a record of a particular time and place and the lessons readers of today can learn from it.

Promoting Diversity But perhaps most importantly, the KLF also celebrated those who often go unheard in our society; authors writing in regional languages, marginalized voices and unorthodox perspectives, so often sidelined in the dominant narrative of violence and despair in our country.

By highlighting the multiple threads of our linguistic and cultural traditions, each of us is urged to broaden our horizons and to think beyond the realms of our personal experience. Hearing a particular theme or issue tackled from varied angles allows us to see that nothing can be defined in stark black or white terms. Rather, it is the grey areas, the spaces where people agree and disagree, our overlapping concerns and differing reactions that form the fabric of our society.

And while a Literature Festival may not be able to promise us an overnight revolution or a quick solution to our societal woes, it can certainly help to foster the tolerance we so desperately need in Pakistan today. So let's cheer the KLF and make sure we all make it to the next one in February 2012!

39

Book Review

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti Book Review

'Curfewed Night:

AA Frontline Frontline Memoir Memoir of of Life, Life, Love Love and and War War in in Kashmir' Kashmir' by

by Basharat Basharat Peer Peer

K

ashmiri journalist Basharat Peer was born in 1977 in Seer village and grew up during the height of the insurgency that has left about 70,000 Kashmiris dead. Curfewed Night is his memoir of this turbulent period, when the rural, peaceful homeland of his childhood was transformed into a violent hotbed of militancy and state oppression.

A moving and candid narrative, it begins with stories of Peer's “fairy-tale childhood of the eighties” which gave way to “the horror of the nineties”.

Peer was a teenager when the insurgency exploded in Srinagar and writes of how the brutal response by Indian troops radicalized large segments of the population and gave an impetus to militant groups who recruited thousands of frustrated Kashmiri youths. He describes the crushing occupation of the valley and the unending ordeal of checkpoints, arbitrary detentions and disappearances - the ”frisking, crackdown, bunker, search, identity card, arrest and torture”-that Kashmiris have to live with. Kashmiri Islam was Sufi-inspired rather than fundamentalist, and Kashmir was a peaceful home to Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists. Peer reports how he returns to school after the insurgency begins and his schoolroom is half empty, with the Hindu students having fled the village as part of the mass exodus of Pandits from Kashmir.

What makes this book so remarkable is the fact that Peer shares the experiences of ordinary Kashmiris like himself, giving voice to those who have been rendered voiceless, creating a people's narrative of the conflict. The stories told here are deeply touching, whether about his parents narrowly escaping a blast intended to kill his father or about the widespread use of torture by Indian security forces, some of which has caused cases of impotence amongst young Kashmiri men. But Peer does not write the selective story of Kashmiri Muslims alone. He shares with readers the brutality of the Indian troops but also that of the militants and describes how ordinary Kashmiris are caught between the two. Despite the personal nature of the topic, Peer's writing is not accusatory or polemical; he writes with clarity and a dedication to Kashmir and its demand for justice.

Curfewed Night is an extraordinary book, where memoir and reportage seamlessly come together to provide a refreshing account of the Kashmir conflict, from the brave perspective of a young Kashmiri who grew up amidst the political strife and armed conflict that has torn Kashmir apart.

40

A

fter the phenomenal success of 'A Case of Exploding Mangoes', M. Hanif is coming up with another very exciting novel titled 'Our Lady of Alice Bhatti'. According to M. Hanif it is a love story, where there's also a marriage gone bad. But considering the kind of writing Hanif thrived on, it would not be totally correct to say that it is just a love story. The story revolves around the mundane realities of the Christian community in The story revolves around the mundane Pakistan; charged with mysterious realities of Christian community in narrations Pakistan; charged with the mysterious which in turn end up narrations which in turn end up intertwining intertwining different social settings in different an illuminating and complicated mix of social settings in an scenarios, possibilities and thrilling illuminating and developments of characters. complicated mix of scenarios, possibilities and thrilling developments of characters.

M. Hanif worked as the head of BBC Urdu in London and now resides in Karachi. “Being a journalist many a time we come to a point when we know that the kind of information we are seeking is just beyond our reach,” he said, adding that fiction gave him the liberty to imagine the truth behind the story. The story of Alice Bhatti is also based in one of the hospitals of Karachi where Alice works as a junior nurse. Without any proper training Alice proved to be a tremendous assistance for the patients. During that employment an unexpected romance starts building between Alice and Teddy Butt, who is another patient in the hospital and

works in the 'Gentleman Squad' of Karachi Police. With Teddy's further ordeals in the pursuit of a suspect, their romance starts taking several twists and turns leading to Alice’s realization that her love is not going to be eternalized. But Alice with all the imaginative power of faith and determination continues to extend the story and takes it to most exciting levels for the readers. Also the level of eroticism in the narration, a rare feast in Pakistani novels, profoundly embedded in the plot makes it a pleasurable reading.

Being the protagonist, Alice is not a simple character which has been streamlined through her financial and love problems, rather Alice is an epicenter of a community, an individual who portrays all the multiple facets of the society, their hopes, their longings for being identified and their struggle to attain some social status and recognition. Unlike the political satire in his debut novel, Alice Bhatti deals with the story of a community which has been marginalized in the name of religion since the time of independence with a very unique perspective which does not seem an outsider view throughout the novel. But still Hanif has not reduced the intensity of the satire and black humor in the second novel rather this time it is more touching and lively by all the meticulous skills earned writing the Exploding Mangoes.

41

Book Review

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti Book Review

'Curfewed Night:

AA Frontline Frontline Memoir Memoir of of Life, Life, Love Love and and War War in in Kashmir' Kashmir' by

by Basharat Basharat Peer Peer

K

ashmiri journalist Basharat Peer was born in 1977 in Seer village and grew up during the height of the insurgency that has left about 70,000 Kashmiris dead. Curfewed Night is his memoir of this turbulent period, when the rural, peaceful homeland of his childhood was transformed into a violent hotbed of militancy and state oppression.

A moving and candid narrative, it begins with stories of Peer's “fairy-tale childhood of the eighties” which gave way to “the horror of the nineties”.

Peer was a teenager when the insurgency exploded in Srinagar and writes of how the brutal response by Indian troops radicalized large segments of the population and gave an impetus to militant groups who recruited thousands of frustrated Kashmiri youths. He describes the crushing occupation of the valley and the unending ordeal of checkpoints, arbitrary detentions and disappearances - the ”frisking, crackdown, bunker, search, identity card, arrest and torture”-that Kashmiris have to live with. Kashmiri Islam was Sufi-inspired rather than fundamentalist, and Kashmir was a peaceful home to Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists. Peer reports how he returns to school after the insurgency begins and his schoolroom is half empty, with the Hindu students having fled the village as part of the mass exodus of Pandits from Kashmir.

What makes this book so remarkable is the fact that Peer shares the experiences of ordinary Kashmiris like himself, giving voice to those who have been rendered voiceless, creating a people's narrative of the conflict. The stories told here are deeply touching, whether about his parents narrowly escaping a blast intended to kill his father or about the widespread use of torture by Indian security forces, some of which has caused cases of impotence amongst young Kashmiri men. But Peer does not write the selective story of Kashmiri Muslims alone. He shares with readers the brutality of the Indian troops but also that of the militants and describes how ordinary Kashmiris are caught between the two. Despite the personal nature of the topic, Peer's writing is not accusatory or polemical; he writes with clarity and a dedication to Kashmir and its demand for justice.

Curfewed Night is an extraordinary book, where memoir and reportage seamlessly come together to provide a refreshing account of the Kashmir conflict, from the brave perspective of a young Kashmiri who grew up amidst the political strife and armed conflict that has torn Kashmir apart.

40

A

fter the phenomenal success of 'A Case of Exploding Mangoes', M. Hanif is coming up with another very exciting novel titled 'Our Lady of Alice Bhatti'. According to M. Hanif it is a love story, where there's also a marriage gone bad. But considering the kind of writing Hanif thrived on, it would not be totally correct to say that it is just a love story. The story revolves around the mundane realities of the Christian community in The story revolves around the mundane Pakistan; charged with mysterious realities of Christian community in narrations Pakistan; charged with the mysterious which in turn end up narrations which in turn end up intertwining intertwining different social settings in different an illuminating and complicated mix of social settings in an scenarios, possibilities and thrilling illuminating and developments of characters. complicated mix of scenarios, possibilities and thrilling developments of characters.

M. Hanif worked as the head of BBC Urdu in London and now resides in Karachi. “Being a journalist many a time we come to a point when we know that the kind of information we are seeking is just beyond our reach,” he said, adding that fiction gave him the liberty to imagine the truth behind the story. The story of Alice Bhatti is also based in one of the hospitals of Karachi where Alice works as a junior nurse. Without any proper training Alice proved to be a tremendous assistance for the patients. During that employment an unexpected romance starts building between Alice and Teddy Butt, who is another patient in the hospital and

works in the 'Gentleman Squad' of Karachi Police. With Teddy's further ordeals in the pursuit of a suspect, their romance starts taking several twists and turns leading to Alice’s realization that her love is not going to be eternalized. But Alice with all the imaginative power of faith and determination continues to extend the story and takes it to most exciting levels for the readers. Also the level of eroticism in the narration, a rare feast in Pakistani novels, profoundly embedded in the plot makes it a pleasurable reading.

Being the protagonist, Alice is not a simple character which has been streamlined through her financial and love problems, rather Alice is an epicenter of a community, an individual who portrays all the multiple facets of the society, their hopes, their longings for being identified and their struggle to attain some social status and recognition. Unlike the political satire in his debut novel, Alice Bhatti deals with the story of a community which has been marginalized in the name of religion since the time of independence with a very unique perspective which does not seem an outsider view throughout the novel. But still Hanif has not reduced the intensity of the satire and black humor in the second novel rather this time it is more touching and lively by all the meticulous skills earned writing the Exploding Mangoes.

41

Author: Ms. Kiran Khurshid

BOOK REVIEW:

By Qudrat Ullah

A Treatise on the

governance as well. One of the significant components of these packages is the restructuring and the rightsizing of the management and financial services. For instance, billions of rupees were spent on the World Bank funded Devolution Plan which is now being modified. Such policies not only generated a feeling of structural instability and insecurity among civil servants but among their clientele as well, which is generally the public at large.

Civil Service of Pakistan: The Structural- Functional History (1601-2011)

Writing about sensitive issues and doing serious research work is not the usual forte of civil servants in Pakistan. They are mostly known in the public for their wanton arrogance, impassiveness and lust for power. However, after going through “A Treatise on the Civil Service of Pakistan: The Structural- Functional History (1601-2011)� written by Ms. Kiran Khurshid- a young DMG officer of 34th Common Training Program of 2005 - I can now aver that our young entrants to the elite civil service are capable individuals like their colonial predecessors who left countless footprints on the sands of history with their dedicated hard work and public service in the subcontinent. This 446 page book, divided in eight chapters, is an analytical study of the rise of the institution of civil service from the establishment of the East India Company in 1601 to 2011, when decades of mismanagement and institutional decay have made this vital symbol of federation quite incapable of service delivery and governance in Pakistan.

The book covers a span of more than 4 centuries. There are more than 300 pictures, career profiles of eminent civil servants, 45 tables depicting vital statistics, 23 flow charts and hierarchical structures, 12 maps of different territories, multiple charts and histograms developed from the original data as well as special articles in each chapter, relevant to the era, and an indication of the contribution of the eminent civil servants, make it worth reading. The information regarding administrative divisions and logos of various tiers of governments has been collected from original sources.

While civil service is a universally recognized institution; it was Confucius (551BC– 479 BC) in ancient China who proposed to recruit civil servants on merit through examination. In India, it was the British East India Company which established and organized a professional body of imperial civil servants which was later known as the Indian Civil Service. Because of its hard work, dedication and high intellect, it soon reached the zenith of glory and underwent a transformation in the post-colonial period.

On the one hand, memoirs of Indian civil servants portrayed the civil service through rose-tinted glasses, especially 'The Men Who Ruled India' by Philip Woodruff Mason and 'The Indian Civil Service: 1601-1930' by L.S.S O'Malley. The oft referred and widely quoted books on the subject overly romanticized and idealized this institution and the character of its members. On the other hand, the non-service authors reflected a tendency to cut the civil servants to size. Public perception regarding the civil servants, however, remained far from positive. This may be attributed to its evolution under the colonial rule. The colonial regime relied on this 'steel frame of administration' and firmly ruled over more than 25 million people through these civil servants.

After independence, the newly emerged state of Pakistan continued with the previous pattern of recruitment and training of the civil servants. Upon their selection in the civil service of Pakistan, the new recruits were sent to England for training. The first two decades witnessed an

42

unprecedented rise in the authority of civil and military bureaucracy in Pakistan.

This phenomenon can be attributed to a couple of factors; in the absence of a unified and mature political leadership, the British trained military and civil bureaucracy rushed to fill the power vacuum.

There are more than 300 pictures, career profiles of eminent civil servants, 45 tables depicting vital statistics, 23 flow charts and hierarchical structures, 12 maps of different territories, multiple charts and histograms developed from the original data as well as special articles in each chapter, relevant to the era, and an indication of the contribution of the eminent civil servants, make it worth reading.

Currently, the civil service of Pakistan is at a crossroads.

Today, young entrants to the service are bewildered about their role and senior civil servants are disillusioned with what they describe as undue political interference in the executive work, as well as with their posting and transfer which impinges upon their integrity.

Subsequently, an era began which is termed as the military-bureaucratic oligarchy in the history of Pakistan. The collusion of both civil and military bureaucracy for aggrandizement of political power projected their negative image in public and ruined the professional integrity of the institution.

After the secession of East Pakistan in 1971, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in an attempt to overhaul the administration and to put the civil bureaucracy in its rightful place, introduced administrative reforms in 1974. These reforms curtailed the powers of CSPs, which was renamed as the DMG (District Management Group).

It also placed all service groups on an equal footing as well as forbidding the use of service titles such as CSPs, PSPs or FSPs accompanying the names of the officers. An integrated recruitment scheme as well as a post-selection training program was introduced for all occupational groups. The recruitment and training is still done through the same channel proposed under these reforms.

The governance and the civil service are intrinsically linked; neither can be studied in isolation. In recent years, the government of Pakistan has contracted loans with International Financial Institutions such as IMF, ADB and the World Bank. In lieu of aid, these IFIs have shown a proclivity to impose their prescriptions for good

Henry cotton, a famous Indian civil servant dispensing justice in Bengal

Currently, the civil service of Pakistan is at a crossroads. Today, young entrants to the service are bewildered about their role and senior civil servants are disillusioned with what they describe as undue political interference in the executive work, as well as with their posting and transfer which impinges upon their integrity.

The overall socio-economic environment has changed a lot. A plethora of portfolios, autonomous bodies, semi-autonomous institutions, public sector corporations and departments have not only opened new vistas of opportunity for civil servants but have also transformed their roles. However, this growth of the public sector has been challenged by the unprecedented growth of the private sector, which has spillover effects on the roles and responsibilities of civil servants by bringing the public sector into sharp contrast. Besides this, multiple other factors such as population explosion, deteriorating infrastructure and increase in financial liabilities of the state, have adversely affected public service delivery. There is a huge burden on state resources because the growth in population has not witnessed a corresponding increase in the fiscal space.

Rather, the relationship between the two remains inverse. There is one school of thought that strongly advocates the intrusive and assertive role of the state. It is against this backdrop that a civil servant has to carve out a niche for himself between the two extremes.

The collusion of both civil and military bureaucracy for aggrandizement of political power projected their negative image in public and ruined the professional integrity of the institution.

It is hoped that our young civil servants would continue writing on issues of vital importance to help reform this service according to changing needs and requirements.

43

Author: Ms. Kiran Khurshid

BOOK REVIEW:

By Qudrat Ullah

A Treatise on the

governance as well. One of the significant components of these packages is the restructuring and the rightsizing of the management and financial services. For instance, billions of rupees were spent on the World Bank funded Devolution Plan which is now being modified. Such policies not only generated a feeling of structural instability and insecurity among civil servants but among their clientele as well, which is generally the public at large.

Civil Service of Pakistan: The Structural- Functional History (1601-2011)

Writing about sensitive issues and doing serious research work is not the usual forte of civil servants in Pakistan. They are mostly known in the public for their wanton arrogance, impassiveness and lust for power. However, after going through “A Treatise on the Civil Service of Pakistan: The Structural- Functional History (1601-2011)� written by Ms. Kiran Khurshid- a young DMG officer of 34th Common Training Program of 2005 - I can now aver that our young entrants to the elite civil service are capable individuals like their colonial predecessors who left countless footprints on the sands of history with their dedicated hard work and public service in the subcontinent. This 446 page book, divided in eight chapters, is an analytical study of the rise of the institution of civil service from the establishment of the East India Company in 1601 to 2011, when decades of mismanagement and institutional decay have made this vital symbol of federation quite incapable of service delivery and governance in Pakistan.

The book covers a span of more than 4 centuries. There are more than 300 pictures, career profiles of eminent civil servants, 45 tables depicting vital statistics, 23 flow charts and hierarchical structures, 12 maps of different territories, multiple charts and histograms developed from the original data as well as special articles in each chapter, relevant to the era, and an indication of the contribution of the eminent civil servants, make it worth reading. The information regarding administrative divisions and logos of various tiers of governments has been collected from original sources.

While civil service is a universally recognized institution; it was Confucius (551BC– 479 BC) in ancient China who proposed to recruit civil servants on merit through examination. In India, it was the British East India Company which established and organized a professional body of imperial civil servants which was later known as the Indian Civil Service. Because of its hard work, dedication and high intellect, it soon reached the zenith of glory and underwent a transformation in the post-colonial period.

On the one hand, memoirs of Indian civil servants portrayed the civil service through rose-tinted glasses, especially 'The Men Who Ruled India' by Philip Woodruff Mason and 'The Indian Civil Service: 1601-1930' by L.S.S O'Malley. The oft referred and widely quoted books on the subject overly romanticized and idealized this institution and the character of its members. On the other hand, the non-service authors reflected a tendency to cut the civil servants to size. Public perception regarding the civil servants, however, remained far from positive. This may be attributed to its evolution under the colonial rule. The colonial regime relied on this 'steel frame of administration' and firmly ruled over more than 25 million people through these civil servants.

After independence, the newly emerged state of Pakistan continued with the previous pattern of recruitment and training of the civil servants. Upon their selection in the civil service of Pakistan, the new recruits were sent to England for training. The first two decades witnessed an

42

unprecedented rise in the authority of civil and military bureaucracy in Pakistan.

This phenomenon can be attributed to a couple of factors; in the absence of a unified and mature political leadership, the British trained military and civil bureaucracy rushed to fill the power vacuum.

There are more than 300 pictures, career profiles of eminent civil servants, 45 tables depicting vital statistics, 23 flow charts and hierarchical structures, 12 maps of different territories, multiple charts and histograms developed from the original data as well as special articles in each chapter, relevant to the era, and an indication of the contribution of the eminent civil servants, make it worth reading.

Currently, the civil service of Pakistan is at a crossroads.

Today, young entrants to the service are bewildered about their role and senior civil servants are disillusioned with what they describe as undue political interference in the executive work, as well as with their posting and transfer which impinges upon their integrity.

Subsequently, an era began which is termed as the military-bureaucratic oligarchy in the history of Pakistan. The collusion of both civil and military bureaucracy for aggrandizement of political power projected their negative image in public and ruined the professional integrity of the institution.

After the secession of East Pakistan in 1971, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in an attempt to overhaul the administration and to put the civil bureaucracy in its rightful place, introduced administrative reforms in 1974. These reforms curtailed the powers of CSPs, which was renamed as the DMG (District Management Group).

It also placed all service groups on an equal footing as well as forbidding the use of service titles such as CSPs, PSPs or FSPs accompanying the names of the officers. An integrated recruitment scheme as well as a post-selection training program was introduced for all occupational groups. The recruitment and training is still done through the same channel proposed under these reforms.

The governance and the civil service are intrinsically linked; neither can be studied in isolation. In recent years, the government of Pakistan has contracted loans with International Financial Institutions such as IMF, ADB and the World Bank. In lieu of aid, these IFIs have shown a proclivity to impose their prescriptions for good

Henry cotton, a famous Indian civil servant dispensing justice in Bengal

Currently, the civil service of Pakistan is at a crossroads. Today, young entrants to the service are bewildered about their role and senior civil servants are disillusioned with what they describe as undue political interference in the executive work, as well as with their posting and transfer which impinges upon their integrity.

The overall socio-economic environment has changed a lot. A plethora of portfolios, autonomous bodies, semi-autonomous institutions, public sector corporations and departments have not only opened new vistas of opportunity for civil servants but have also transformed their roles. However, this growth of the public sector has been challenged by the unprecedented growth of the private sector, which has spillover effects on the roles and responsibilities of civil servants by bringing the public sector into sharp contrast. Besides this, multiple other factors such as population explosion, deteriorating infrastructure and increase in financial liabilities of the state, have adversely affected public service delivery. There is a huge burden on state resources because the growth in population has not witnessed a corresponding increase in the fiscal space.

Rather, the relationship between the two remains inverse. There is one school of thought that strongly advocates the intrusive and assertive role of the state. It is against this backdrop that a civil servant has to carve out a niche for himself between the two extremes.

The collusion of both civil and military bureaucracy for aggrandizement of political power projected their negative image in public and ruined the professional integrity of the institution.

It is hoped that our young civil servants would continue writing on issues of vital importance to help reform this service according to changing needs and requirements.

43

Film Reviews Director: Hammad Khan Starring: Shahbaz Shigri, Aisha Linnea Akhtar, Ali Rehman Khan and Osman Khalid Butt

Slackistan

Director: Tom Hooper Starring: Colin Firth Geoffrey Rush Helena Bonham Carter

Film Review

The King's Speech The King's Speech, tipped to win big at this year's Oscars, is a rich, absorbing British drama chronicling King George VI's struggle to overcome a stuttering problem that dominates his life and threatens his ability to lead his people. The movie begins in 1925 with the then-Prince Albert (Colin Firth) – father of the present Queen Elizabeth– trying to give his first public speech. Overcome by his speech impediment, his pained pauses fill the stadium. His embarrassment is acutely felt by his wife (superbly played

by Helena Bonham Carter) who forces him to seek a cure through Lionel Logue (Geoffrey Rush), an eccentric speech therapist.

With great comic timing and a well-written screenplay, The King's Speech gives us a unique insight into the hardships that even royalty can face, and the inherent humanity, and ultimate frailty, of those who are glamorised by history.

Unfolding during the Great Depression, the story traces Prince Albert's sessions with Logue against the backdrop of a royal drama, where his brother Edward VIII abdicates the throne to marry an American divorcee. Suddenly Albert, the stammering younger brother who is content to live in the shadows, has become King, with all the public duties that accompany the position. With World War II looming, the need for the King to speak fluently and motivate his people becomes crucial.

Watching Firth stammer his way through a speech, one can physically feel the tension and discomfort that the King must have felt. Firth's performance as the reserved, reluctant King is brilliant and Rush, as the unorthodox Lionel Logue, gives an equally memorable performance. With great comic timing and a well-written screenplay, The King's Speech gives us a unique insight into the hardships that even royalty can face, and the inherent humanity, and ultimate frailty, of those who are glamorised by history. Told through the touching story of a friendship between social unequals, this is a must-watch movie for 2011.

44

S

lackistan, dubbed as Pakistan's first slacker movie, is a low-budget independent flick with an edgy musical soundtrack (from local rapper Adil Omar and punk-rockers The Kominas) which chronicles the lives of Pakistan's young and rich, and their search for meaning and motivation in their sleepy hometown of Islamabad. Although the main protagonists of the film all hail from the 'elite' and are generally disconnected from the wider travails their country is facing, the 'serious' issues – such as class and terrorism - very much form a backdrop to the lives of the characters.

Despite their general aimlessness however, the narrator Hassan (Shigri) and his friends are all likeable types. In particular, Hassan's friends, the smooth-talking Sherry (Khan) and nice guy Saad (Butt), do a great job playing the role of disillusioned young men whose stagnant lives revolve around multiple rounds of coffee, cruising around in their fathers' cars and comparing invitations to weddings.

The movie has been criticized for featuring such an inane topic when there is so much else going on in Pakistan. But that happens to be the beauty of this film: it presents a side of our country that is rarely seen from the outside. As the director Hammad Khan said at a recent film screening in London, there are countless topics in Pakistan that deserve the attention of its filmmakers, but in no way does this movie claim to represent the whole story. In fact, no work of art can ever capture all aspects of a subject. Instead, this movie presents “one slice of the cake”, with its accurate portrayal of the lives of some privileged Pakistanis.

But notwithstanding the feedback from this film, one can certainly find great objection to the decision of our Central Board of Film Censors (CBFC), which has blocked its release in Pakistan. The long list of official reasons cited for this decision include the depiction of alcohol in some scenes and the fact that the word 'Taliban' has been used in the film. The CBFC's decision reflects a sense of denial -as if hearing the word Taliban is something extraordinary for the average Pakistani! - and hypocrisy, considering the content of the countless Lollywood, Hollywood and Bollywood movies approved for cinema release without any censorship at all.

Most viewers of the film testify that it contains very little controversial material; the average talk show in Pakistan could feature worse language and more salacious material. Furthermore, slapping arbitrary bans on such independent projects serves to dishearten those who to take on creative pursuits despite the lack of resources and support available in our country.

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Film Reviews Director: Hammad Khan Starring: Shahbaz Shigri, Aisha Linnea Akhtar, Ali Rehman Khan and Osman Khalid Butt

Slackistan

Director: Tom Hooper Starring: Colin Firth Geoffrey Rush Helena Bonham Carter

Film Review

The King's Speech The King's Speech, tipped to win big at this year's Oscars, is a rich, absorbing British drama chronicling King George VI's struggle to overcome a stuttering problem that dominates his life and threatens his ability to lead his people. The movie begins in 1925 with the then-Prince Albert (Colin Firth) – father of the present Queen Elizabeth– trying to give his first public speech. Overcome by his speech impediment, his pained pauses fill the stadium. His embarrassment is acutely felt by his wife (superbly played

by Helena Bonham Carter) who forces him to seek a cure through Lionel Logue (Geoffrey Rush), an eccentric speech therapist.

With great comic timing and a well-written screenplay, The King's Speech gives us a unique insight into the hardships that even royalty can face, and the inherent humanity, and ultimate frailty, of those who are glamorised by history.

Unfolding during the Great Depression, the story traces Prince Albert's sessions with Logue against the backdrop of a royal drama, where his brother Edward VIII abdicates the throne to marry an American divorcee. Suddenly Albert, the stammering younger brother who is content to live in the shadows, has become King, with all the public duties that accompany the position. With World War II looming, the need for the King to speak fluently and motivate his people becomes crucial.

Watching Firth stammer his way through a speech, one can physically feel the tension and discomfort that the King must have felt. Firth's performance as the reserved, reluctant King is brilliant and Rush, as the unorthodox Lionel Logue, gives an equally memorable performance. With great comic timing and a well-written screenplay, The King's Speech gives us a unique insight into the hardships that even royalty can face, and the inherent humanity, and ultimate frailty, of those who are glamorised by history. Told through the touching story of a friendship between social unequals, this is a must-watch movie for 2011.

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S

lackistan, dubbed as Pakistan's first slacker movie, is a low-budget independent flick with an edgy musical soundtrack (from local rapper Adil Omar and punk-rockers The Kominas) which chronicles the lives of Pakistan's young and rich, and their search for meaning and motivation in their sleepy hometown of Islamabad. Although the main protagonists of the film all hail from the 'elite' and are generally disconnected from the wider travails their country is facing, the 'serious' issues – such as class and terrorism - very much form a backdrop to the lives of the characters.

Despite their general aimlessness however, the narrator Hassan (Shigri) and his friends are all likeable types. In particular, Hassan's friends, the smooth-talking Sherry (Khan) and nice guy Saad (Butt), do a great job playing the role of disillusioned young men whose stagnant lives revolve around multiple rounds of coffee, cruising around in their fathers' cars and comparing invitations to weddings.

The movie has been criticized for featuring such an inane topic when there is so much else going on in Pakistan. But that happens to be the beauty of this film: it presents a side of our country that is rarely seen from the outside. As the director Hammad Khan said at a recent film screening in London, there are countless topics in Pakistan that deserve the attention of its filmmakers, but in no way does this movie claim to represent the whole story. In fact, no work of art can ever capture all aspects of a subject. Instead, this movie presents “one slice of the cake”, with its accurate portrayal of the lives of some privileged Pakistanis.

But notwithstanding the feedback from this film, one can certainly find great objection to the decision of our Central Board of Film Censors (CBFC), which has blocked its release in Pakistan. The long list of official reasons cited for this decision include the depiction of alcohol in some scenes and the fact that the word 'Taliban' has been used in the film. The CBFC's decision reflects a sense of denial -as if hearing the word Taliban is something extraordinary for the average Pakistani! - and hypocrisy, considering the content of the countless Lollywood, Hollywood and Bollywood movies approved for cinema release without any censorship at all.

Most viewers of the film testify that it contains very little controversial material; the average talk show in Pakistan could feature worse language and more salacious material. Furthermore, slapping arbitrary bans on such independent projects serves to dishearten those who to take on creative pursuits despite the lack of resources and support available in our country.

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THE LAALTAIN Summer 2011 Issue 3

AN INITIATIVE BY

Citizen Journalism Editorial

1

Bigotry Murders Religion

2

5

Contents Khudi at Work

22

Curfewed Night

40

41

“Spirtuality” Saad Sarfraz Sheikh

Suicide Bomber What am I? But a speck of black, On the immeasurable canvas of life An insignificant one, in 170 million Unnoticed in the larger strife

“Flower of Kaghan” (Haseeb Muhammad)

The Arab World’s Third Way

7

25

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti

Social Media for Change

9

29

Civil Service of Pakistan

42

30

The King’s Speech

44

33

Salckistan

45

My life is meaningless, trivial and cheap Sold in the markets, bargained and bought, No one stays to hear my stories, What colorless battles my soul may have fought My journey has been dull, filled with despair and shame, And the innumerable faces that I could blame.

When I am gone, and amongst you no more, Dismiss me with the words, I was gone because I came.

Waging Non-Voilent Action

13

Graffiti Art

16

News, Views and Satires

“Chalking on the wall of a mosque in KPK” (Abdul Basit Zafar)

My contributions meant little to you, For never was I one to reach for the stars, But I please my haggard and tired conscience, By believing that I did my part I leave now, with my heart aflame, In the same fire that consumed my mind Was I born to be what I became?

A corpse, deaf dumb and blind

Reviving the tradition: This is not a brawl but a scene from street theater

I am made to believe that this is for the greater good, For the paradisiacal idea to which we lay claim So I leave you now, in an unrecognizable state, My life is summarized when I die without a name.

-Kamini Masood “Ignored Existences” (Maryam Azhar)

“Foreigners in Pakistan” (Rab Nawaz)

19

Cricket The Great Equaliser

35

47

21

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

38

48

THE LAALTAIN Summer 2011 Issue 3

AN INITIATIVE BY

Citizen Journalism Editorial

1

Bigotry Murders Religion

2

5

Contents Khudi at Work

22

Curfewed Night

40

41

“Spirtuality” Saad Sarfraz Sheikh

Suicide Bomber What am I? But a speck of black, On the immeasurable canvas of life An insignificant one, in 170 million Unnoticed in the larger strife

“Flower of Kaghan” (Haseeb Muhammad)

The Arab World’s Third Way

7

25

Our Lady of Alice Bhatti

Social Media for Change

9

29

Civil Service of Pakistan

42

30

The King’s Speech

44

33

Salckistan

45

My life is meaningless, trivial and cheap Sold in the markets, bargained and bought, No one stays to hear my stories, What colorless battles my soul may have fought My journey has been dull, filled with despair and shame, And the innumerable faces that I could blame.

When I am gone, and amongst you no more, Dismiss me with the words, I was gone because I came.

Waging Non-Voilent Action

13

Graffiti Art

16

News, Views and Satires

“Chalking on the wall of a mosque in KPK” (Abdul Basit Zafar)

My contributions meant little to you, For never was I one to reach for the stars, But I please my haggard and tired conscience, By believing that I did my part I leave now, with my heart aflame, In the same fire that consumed my mind Was I born to be what I became?

A corpse, deaf dumb and blind

Reviving the tradition: This is not a brawl but a scene from street theater

I am made to believe that this is for the greater good, For the paradisiacal idea to which we lay claim So I leave you now, in an unrecognizable state, My life is summarized when I die without a name.

-Kamini Masood “Ignored Existences” (Maryam Azhar)

“Foreigners in Pakistan” (Rab Nawaz)

19

Cricket The Great Equaliser

35

47

21

Cheering for the Karachi Literature Festival

38

48