Empathy in Architecture
Mumbai in Retrospect
Kimaya Santosh Tendulkar
Fifth Year Semester IX (Part 1)
Guide: Ar. Mridula Pillai Gudekar
L. S. Raheja School of Architecture
Affiliated to Mumbai University
2022 - 2023
Mumbai in Retrospect
Kimaya Santosh Tendulkar
Fifth Year Semester IX (Part 1)
Guide: Ar. Mridula Pillai Gudekar
L. S. Raheja School of Architecture
Affiliated to Mumbai University
2022 - 2023
This is to certify that Kimaya Santosh Tendulkar has successfully completed his/her design dissertation (part 1) on the topic ‘Empathy in Architecture: Mumbai in Retrospect’ under the guidance of Ar. Mridula Pillai Gudekar.
The dissertation is undertaken as a part of the academic study based on the curriculum for Bachelors of Architecture program conducted by the University of Mumbai, through L.S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai.
SEAT NUMBER:
Thesis Guide: Ar. Mridula Pillai Gudekar.
L. S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai
Principal: Ar. Mandar Parab.
L. S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai
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External Juror 2:
I hereby declare that this written submission entitled “Empathy In Architecture: Mumbai in Retrospect” represents my ideas in my own words and has not been taken from the work of others (as from books, articles, essays, dissertations, other media and online); and where others’ ideas or words have been included, I have adequately cited and referenced the original sources. Direct quotations from books, journal articles, internet sources, other texts, or any other source whatsoever are acknowledged and the source cited are identified in the dissertation references.
No material other than that cited and listed has been used.
I have read and know the meaning of plagiarism* and I understand that plagiarism, collusion, and copying are grave and serious offences in the university and accept the consequences should I engage in plagiarism, collusion or copying.
I also declare that I have adhered to all principles of academic honesty and integrity and have not misrepresented or fabricated or falsified any idea/data/fact source in my submission.
This work, or any part of it, has not been previously submitted by me or any other person for assessment on this or any other course of study.
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Name of the Student: Kimaya Santosh Tendulkar
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Date: 19/11/2022 Place: Mumbai
*The following defines plagiarism: “Plagiarism” occurs when a student misrepresents, as his/her own work, the work, written or otherwise, of any other person (including another student) or of any institution. Examples of forms of plagiarism include:
• the verbatim (word for word) copying of another’s work without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement;
• the close paraphrasing of another’s work by simply changing a few words or altering the order of presentation, without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement;
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Plagerism quantity: 6%
This research has been nothing less than a process of multiple days of self-doubts, requisitioning the thought process, and a constant drive to search answers to the questions that I started with. The success of this research required constant guidance and support which I am fortunate to have received from many people throughout the research.
I would like to take this opportunity to express my immense gratitude to my thesis guide, my mentor Ar. Mridula Pillai Gudekar. With no initial academic interaction or any idea of my capabilities, she stood by me right from validating the questions that I had at the beginning of this research to helping and encouraging me find the answers to them. I cannot thank you enough for tolerating my panic attacks and late evening phone calls. This wouldn’t have been possible without your expertise and constant motivation.
I would also like to thank all the other faculties of L.S.Raheja S.O.A Mumbai who guided me at different stages of my research and the college in specific for giving us students this opportunity and such well-versed faculties to learn from.
I would like to extend my gratitude to my family, my parents and my grandparents who have stood by me like four strong pillars while all they got from me was an insomniac, cranky child and my brother for always checking on me no matter how busy he was.
This research would not have been possible without my best audiences- Vibhu- for just being there around for so long, you are nowhere less than a family to me, Shruti- for being utterly honest with me, from our random talks of endless analysis to us wanting to do everything together, this process would have been the same without you being a part of it, and Shreya- this friendship has seen its own share of drama and hurdles but what we have now is extremely precious to me, so thank you for being an absolute toddler to one of the most intellectual people I have ever met. Thank you all of you for listening to all my monologues regarding my research no matter how vague or irrelevant or never ending it got. I cannot thank you people enough for it.
Lastly, I would like to thank all my peers for their valuable suggestions and ideas that indeed helped me in the completion of my research.
As we walk down the street, today we find ourselves surrounded by shopfronts labeled DMarts, OneStop grocery stores, vegetable and fruit marts, and whatnot. But ever wondered, what happened to the sabziwala bhaiya who used to stand right outside that shop before it turned into a mart?
Footpaths get cleared to make way for parking areas. Where did the trees, that once shadowed that path go?
Sunday begins with us accompanying our father to the nearby fish market. Ever visited these fishermen’s narrow streets bounded by colorful houses? The koliwadas. Do they still exist? Or are these clusters with no setbacks seem to be lost beneath the sky touching, set far apart buildings?
Just behind your building complex, on the edge of the road, you see these low-height roofs, men waiting for work and wages, and children playing inside pipes. Ever imagined how it is to be living in these margins?
Just outside your village, you spot the villagers working to build some huge exhibition center from the mud, soil, and artisans available in your village. Ever wondered who will use it?
No more cow dung walls and plinths. Houses around you are now of concrete. Buildings getting build on the boundaries. What about the ones who don’t want to and don’t want the, change?
Different spaces. Different scenarios. Different lenses.
I say I belong to Mumbai, but before March 2022, I was unaware of the 36 Koliwadas that Mumbai has its natives from. For one of my articles in my internship, I understood the community structure of Charkop Koliwada, their living patterns, problems, occupations, and culture, and ended with stories of Kandivali that I never heard. Overshadowed by the development around, these natives have their neighborhood only in memories. They denied converting their colorful houses into sky-touching buildings which is why this cluster with no setbacks, trying to save their roots seems to be lost beneath the set far-apart buildings around. The developments around did not cater to the community’s needs.
These observations continued when I visited the Juhu Gaothan near my office. The majority of natives there had lost their jobs as the hotel industry developed in the city. The hotel industry with growth demanded better staff and people who worked there, which resulted in getting these people replaced. While some families could cope with the change, many could not, leaving them with no option but to become vendors and hawkers in the church street market. One might find families of three selling vegetables, an older woman selling breakfast and tiffin food, to earn living.
This made me think that in a country where diversity is valued, origins are preserved, and a contextual approach was practiced, is currently fading away. Yes, we are changing, but is it at the cost of losing our humanity?
“Certainly, architecture is concerned with much more than just its physical attributes. It is a many-layered thing. Beneath and beyond the strata of function and structure, materials and texture, lie the deepest and most compulsive layers of all.”
— Charles CorreaThe core of this research starts with understanding the very beginning of mankind and all the emotions evolved with it. Parallely, this chapter aims to establish that Architecture is considered to be one of the most impactful tools to converge people’s minds towards a revolution unsaid. It narrates its own story as it is believed to be made for a cause, a solution to a need. The field emerged as a very sensitive practice and has somewhere lost its authenticity in the due process. This chapter sets a pretext for a transitional shift of lens to relook at Mumbai from a observationally developed empathetic lens.
1.1
In order to develop an understanding of empathy, inferring from the already existing becomes crucial. This would cover critically analysing various theories, approaches, and opinions that emerged out of diverse contexts and subjects. Having a cohesive knowledge of various understandings of empathy as a phenomenon before establishing a perception would be a mandatory step.
“A process of humanising objects, of reading or feeling ourselves into them,” is how Edward B. Titchener defined empathy in 1909.
He carved empathy from the word Einfiihlung, which means “humans’ spontaneous projection of real and psychic feeling into the people and things they perceive”, as stated by Robert Vischer in 1873.
Empathic design strives to comprehend what is significant to people and why, and use that understanding to inform design decisions, the creation of products, services, and systems, as well as the creation of new, alternative, and meaningful futures.
Psychologists assert that empathy, defined as recognizing and sharing others’ emotional states, is complex and concerns a difficult interpersonal and intrapersonal experience (Preston, 2007).
When working with people, including extreme users and other stakeholders, interpersonal
experiences are verbal, nonverbal, and physical acts or expressions that require designers to exhibit empathy and sensitivity.
The empathic formation compass provides designers with a vocabulary that helps them understand what kind of key dimensions and elements influence empathic formation in codesign and how that informs designers’ role and design decisions.
The empathic formation compass also aspires to go beyond merely relying on methodologies to facilitate reflection and evaluate co-design initiatives. By controlling and including their own emotions and experiences (from the first-person perspective), designers can make empathic design a deliberate activity and lessen empathetic bias. The impact of designers’ subjective, objective, and reflective responsibilities on the people and context they create for and with needs to be more fully understood (in).
I believe empathy to be an approach, a lens. It may not always be feeling pity or remorse regarding something or someone, but would rather mean to step into their shoes and build a more holistic perspective. It would be a conscious approach to help de-layer our complex society having its varied layers placed in juxtaposition to each other. It means to be more cautious with what you do, what you change, add or subtract. Empathy involves bringing back the humanly approach to the commercially growing world today.
“Life is architecture, and architecture is the mirror of life”
-I.M Pei.
Source: Author 1.1
Fig:1In terms of duration and complexity, the history of architecture is comparable to that of humanity. The Neolithic period, roughly 10 000 BC, or simply the time when humans stopped living in caves and began deciding how they wanted their homes to feel and look, might be considered the precise beginning of architecture. Hence, the need then was shelter.
One of life’s most basic needs is shelter, which implies that having a place to live becomes essential. But architecture involves realising that a house is not a standalone item but rather a component of a community that must adapt to the different demands that its surroundings place on it. Architecture offers much more than just a means of bringing aesthetic sensibility to an utilitarian component. It is a method of how we make it possible for people to connect, engage with one another, and live in a way that simplifies and enriches their lives.
As an ecosystem, we face numerous socioeconomic dangers and hazards in the 21st century. Although individualistic thinking should be the starting point for solutions, substantial change and progress require much larger-scale actions. Architecture as a phenomena can come up with creative, expansive solutions that inevitably contribute to raising living standards. The types and varieties of homes we construct are insufficient to preserve equilibrium in a
population that is expanding. As a result, the architecture gives us the chance to implement concepts like co-living areas, collaborative communities that give the environment room to breathe, and the capacity to use resources efficiently.
A building’s architecture can respond to numerous aspects of its surroundings, including its history, understanding of its cultural sensibility and evolution, topography, its position, accessibility, transportation, weather & climate, and many others. Understanding this finally leads to a structure with personality and the durability to last for decades to come. Since it is the foundational component of any civilisation, architecture is essential to development and evolution.
Architecture has a way of successfully addressing the requirement to make people feel a part of the community, which is a key component of civilization. The Indus valley civilization, one of India’s most well-known civilizations, became renowned for its architectural innovations and for creating a community that was a very significant part of evolution.
In the discipline of architecture, considerations of the past, present, and future are all equally important. It is a field in which we comprehend the history of the environment and offer a feature that manifests everything now available to create something that aids in the maintenance of a sustainable environment in the future.
Building construction is not the focus of architecture; rather, it is building design. It makes the most of cutting-edge components inside a structure to help it manage resources and use energy as efficiently as possible.
Architecture is aware of the fact that people are a component of the ecosystem. generates an ecology as a result that is balanced for all life.
One of the most prominent reflections of culture is architecture. Buildings have always provided us with insight into the traditions and way of life of those who lived in certain places.
Take Egypt’s pyramids and Sphinx as examples. These systems help us to understand how prehistoric societies perceived the land, their kings, and their religion. The Sphinx protected graves and temples, demonstrating the importance of honouring the memory and safety of former rulers.
The gothic style is a primary sign of the Middle Ages, according to historians. Throughout Europe, a bleak time of instability is marked by pointed arches and complex brickwork. Architects developed flying buttresses for greater stability and construction. As well as providing greater light in cathedrals, these architectural features supported soaring roofs.
One of the oldest occupations in human history is architecture. It emerged from the human need for shelter to shield himself from the elements and outside dangers. It initially developed as a result of means, such as the available building materials and skills, and requirements, such as those for shelter, security, and places of worship. Building evolved into a craft as human cultures advanced, and eventually the codified form of that art, which is now practised by trained professionals, is known as “architecture.”
The transformation of these peoples— the Aryans, the Turks, and the Arabs—from nomads to settlements was aided by the advent of agriculture made possible by a more stable environment. The so-called “new stone age” people of the Neolithic era were the first to cultivate their own food and establish settlements.
Because people were better fed and hence healthier thanks to agriculture, their odds of surviving were considerably improved. Cities as well as towns and villages grew in these populated areas. According to academics, Jericho was the first Neolithic settlement in modern-day Israel where the environment permitted inhabitants to produce wheat and barley.
The advent of cities started to transform human life once more into a more complicated social environment. Cities had a reputation for being the hubs of human progress and culture, as is still true today. People started to participate in the arts, and specialised work became commonplace. A more stratified civilization where specialisation determined one’s position in the social hierarchy was brought about by these new skills.
As individuals moved into communities, especially the bigger ones defined as cities, complex social structures started to emerge. Cities became the centre of political and economic power from this earliest of times. As a result, social classes and a patriarchal culture also emerged.
An interest in comprehending how environmental systems functioned, how they might be managed, and how they could be forecast arose from a fresh understanding of the natural world and how it could determine one’s chances of life or death. Military organisations also developed in Indo-European cultures. For groups like the Aryans of modern-day northern India, the domestication of horses was essential for their military organisation.
The idea of belonging to a location and a group of people who needed protection from strangers who endangered their well-being would only be strengthened by the presence of the military.
After settling, the Aryans, Turks, and Arabs’ worldviews in terms of the significance of their lives, their beliefs, and their value systems started to alter.
The growth of Aryan, Turkish, and Arab settlements made it possible for human civilization to advance concurrently not just in that huge region but also in locations like Mesoamerica and China, which benefited from the lush regions there. It is possible to crossreference cultures to show that the basis of human habitation and development has much to do with climatic change and the circumstances required for farming.
People were encouraged to settle down and claim a location as their own as a result of the practise of farming and a newfound awareness and understanding of land ownership.
With a more robust diet, these early people eventually became physically stronger as a result of the introduction of animals, and the world’s population exploded.
People’s minds began to be occupied by cultural pursuits, artistic endeavours, and educational pursuits as they no longer had to worry about where their next meal would come from. These activities eventually gave rise to the diverse cultures, religions, and traditions we have today, some of which were developed as a result of these early settlements.
Man is such a large, multifaceted, diverse, and varied being that any definition offered is insufficient to capture its complexity.
But for man to coexist as a species, he subconsciously hunts for a mutual sense of belonging. When a man perceives himself as a constituent of a larger existence, he begins to think of himself within a larger context. He seeks a space to breathe and develop. A space in this case becomes a notion that is shaped and sculpted by the human context.
Because man views that location as an extension of himself, it serves as an anchor for him, luring him there again and time again.
Any living species looks for comfort to be able to live in a particular space. In order to positively correlate, a man adjusts and adds tangible attributes to that space. That said, what seems to be comfortable for one person may not be for another. For some, it can be a sense of security, for others, a place that liberates them, and for yet others, it may serve as a sacred core. Either way, the space becomes a part of them—a part they feel familiar with.
The concept of feeling familiar, feeling a sense of space thus becomes a cohesion of the physical alterations made to it while respecting the already existing and the attachment that it evokes in its users.
Place attachment is defined as the development of affective bond or link between people or individuals and specific places.
(Hidalgo
M. C. & and Hernandez, B, 2001)Furthermore, functional connection between people and spaces within a place they are associated with, essentially referred to as place dependence could also become a way to delayer place attachment. In this case, when a place within a space can reflect a user’s functional demands and suffice his cognitive and behavioural needs effectively in comparison to a known alternative, it becomes well-identified and significant in their perceptions, building their attachment towards it. This attachment strengthens
over the period when the man as mentioned before acquaints with the already existing or adds tangible components to the space which includes biographical context, the socio-cultural activities infused and the architecture that exists and develops over time, making it his place.
These attributes essentially create a desire in the user to occupy that space as it essentially evokes an integral feeling within them. In this process, the space and its user shapes an organic identity of each other which stands interdependent since they both are in constant association.
In the case of an urban precinct, the identity of a place is embodied in the peculiarities of its physical forms and interactions that influence how users perceive its location. Those integrate the characteristics of being distinctive, different, unique, dominant, easily recognisable, memorable and identifiable by the people.
(Lynch, 1960)
While doing this, as a person explores and experiments within that particular spatial boundaries, they tend to develop a ‘place’ within that space which is distinctive in nature from the places around.
Here, the identity of a community is in constant juxtaposition with its members and the context, the modifications in which might result in the loss of relevance over the time.
That said, to a productive extent, change and additions are worth the risk over suppressive continuity for a community. This also tests and advances the adaptivity of the community’s place.
Familiarity and place attachment are correlated with respect to familiarity being a major outcome of the process of growing an attachment towards a place. Subsequently, familiarity as an emotion could be understood in depth with respect to two different stagesassociation and purpose. While association refers to when a person is repeatedly exposed to a space, purpose means when he is bound to visit that space for a certain function it caters to. Both of these act as driving forces that lead to the development of a deep, contextual familiarity between the user and the spatial environment.
Familiarity, grown through this process hence establishes a particular place within a space, a core that constantly draws its users towards it.
Space over time isn’t the same. As man ages, so does his space.
With a sense of familiarity comes a feeling of fear of losing the place they feel attached to. This makes one claim his rights regarding that place. A man, with a fear of having to let go of the familiarity, tries establishing an ownership inorder to secure the place for him and his peers.
Once an authority is in place, it absorbs and replaces the original origins for its establishment while yet remaining dependent on them. When force is utilised, authority has failed; it is not permitted to use external means of coercion. On the other hand, persuasion, which is based on equality and involves arguments, is incompatible with authority since it assumes equality.
Having faith in a source outside of politics gives one’s actions the appearance of legitimacy, which is what authority is.
Authority as a liberal theory is based on the primacy of freedom. When a sense of authority is established in a human’s mind, his sense of being, he becomes more human about that space. His feeling of satisfaction about the place indulges him into a sense of control over it as an entity which pushes him to use it and occupy it freely.
ancient ones. Based on the scope of power connected with the nature of the authority that goes with these various roles, each person in that chain has a certain power-over or capacity to give commands. Authority is a type of power that typically comes with a title or position and also implies some level of agreement on the part of the person who has been given the authority, based on a sense of legitimacy anchored in a particular justification for a particular course of action. This claim is grounded upon empirical sociology.
From a sociological point of view, authority could be looked at as a legitimate power of a person or a body over the others. Conceptually, authority becomes an emotion that helps one feel secure of the feeling of losing his or her association with a commodity due to the hindrance of any foreign claims. But in this due process, the place within a space which was initially his identity, man starts looking at it as a mere property which needs to be won for it to be called his own. As a result, man loses his affection towards it while establishing his command on it.
Authority can be personal, such as the control a parent has over a kid. However, power typically refers to a particular position or office that is a part of a complicated chain of command in complex societies, including
The idea of considering ourselves as a smaller aspect within a space transforms into the man becoming a bigger picture while the space now becoming a part of his story. Where he was first considerate about the space’s naturally existing features and attributes, man now treats it as per his perception and what he considers that space to exist as. The originality of the space faces a fear of getting compromised or even lost as man now becomes a foreign hindrance for it.
With the rapid pace at which the cities and urban contexts at large are growing, globalisation, standardisation of production generalising the urban environments and capitalising the development approach has weakened the sense of familiarity today.
Memory of a space is the harmony between absence and presence in places that formerly carried significance and where an energetic resonance may still be felt.
Memory is a form of navigation in mental space that evolved from, and relies on, a certain association of a man regarding a space and the attributes it houses.
Initially religious structures invoked memories and the spirit were first rooms where memory and the spirit were held, eloquently and permanently in architecture. Secular spaces currently serve this important purpose as religion has been reassessed and most designs have been marginalised.
landscape, ecosystems and creating a sense of disintegration, a feeling of absence.
The feeling of familiarity is now evoked from the memory that has stayed in the minds of the ones displaced by an external force having a greater social and capital position in power.
The identity of that space is now understood through its people’s narratives and the space now becomes a part of the past history.
Considering a space as a certain piece of land, a body with a larger capital, resources and viability tries to seize it without being considerate about its native living culture to be a part of the larger race of global economy and further for his own benefit.
This shift of lens from a conscious to a selfish perspective has led to the loss of authenticity towards urban attributes like history, local
The familiarity evoked towards a place serves as a purpose for a man to settle and dwell there. He, with his inherent trait of living as a gregorian being, eventually starts growing into a group of people who associate a similar familiarity towards that place. How this particular clan of people occupy that place becomes distinctive and idiosyncratic to that particular set. That said, as the place is a part of the larger urban space, its influence spreads over the entire city’s radius. These groups of people eventually develop a pattern of living which gets passed on to their further generations as a practice making them a community of a certain type.
“ Community is, first, a place, and second, a configuration as a way of life, both as how people do things and what they want, to say, their institutions and goals”.
(Kaufman in Bell & Newby, 1973, pg. 30)
The distinctive spread of a community differentiates it from the others, making it authentic and rooted. Hence,to interpret the growth and development of a community, identifying and delayering its system of occupying and utilising a place stands crucial for the outcome to empower the community.
Varying two masses placed on a scale with the fulcrum more towards the heavier, and emphasised mass but the other mass still playing a significant role.
Similar to the steelyard about the emphasised mass being the core, here circle is where lies the heart of the composition. It may or may not be a focal point.
As the name suggests, maintaining equality and a constant rhythm between masses is the key for this compositional success.
The process here is organic, changes with an hindrance and continues to flow while being considerate towards the interferences.
Two masses may not work as in harmony and won’t create unity as three would. The three masses as minimum, depend on each other and make complete sense only when understood together.
Aiming to achieve unity and harmony, the approach is to collaborate varied masses into one group.
Totally dependent on a feeling of unity and integration, here organic approach is valued over reliance. There is a major consideration to ingenuity and a subconscious urge for harmony.
A main path is set and no sorts of interference or overlap is avoided while parallel attributes exist in alliance with the main mass.
The structure with a triangular composition aims to achieve stability, consistency and permanence.
The Point of Interest stands at the intersection of the two lines while the rest orient themselves around these two main axes.
The two kinds of masses in this case, are dependent on a perpendicular process.
Similar to a circle, there is a focal point but there is another dimension involved. The convergence is directed towards the other side of the tunnel.
Bringing together varied masses to establish a datum that gives a larger picture. It shifts the focus from individual masses to the holistic context.
Two equal masses processing in perpendicular directions with a common origin, similar to the ‘L’ shape configuration.
The one that brings in Point of Focus, which lies at the near centre or at the converging end of varied directions emerging from it. The directions need not necessarily be direct, unbroken or regular, highlighting the eventual growth.
How this particular clan of people occupy that place becomes distinctive and idiosyncratic to that particular set. That said, as the place is a part of the larger urban space, its influence spreads over the entire city’s radius. These groups of people eventually develop a pattern of living which gets passed on to their further generations as a practice making them a community of a certain type.
Culturally rich, Mio is a ethenic group of people best known for their embroidery. This skill of the community dates back to the time when the community lacked a linguistic tool to record their history. If narratives are to be believed, the skill was a way of recording history of this group adopted by a young female Miao warrior who embroidered on clothing as a way of preserving the community’s history as it escaped against the enemy invasions. From landmarks as colourful threads to landscape filled sewed all around, covering her entire dress as the journey ended.
Till date, as a mark of honouring this heritage, a Miao bride’s dress is embroidered similarly.
With a culture so rich and emphasised, what gets overshadowed is their way of valuing nature they reside beneath. As a religion, they believe that every element of nature holds a spirit that needs to be valued and respected.
Flourished several dynasties ago, the Miao had their own way of cherishing the place and the context they lived in by not disturbing its natural being.
The larger core of the community lies in its occupation of embroidery which also forms a major aspect of their culture and heritage. That said, there also exists another side to the community’s being. Miao, an industrious community, emphasises on the women practising relatively more independence and liberation. The women on a relatively larger scale as compared to the men are the flag bearers of the cultural heritage as the girls from the age of fifteen are taught to practise their way of embroidery.
A community that flourished in an era when women were restricted to the four internal walls of the house and were not considered anything more than a gender serving the superior one, it is relieving to see how sensitive and conscious the people have been towards their people. Which is why, the community has not one but two anchors that hold it together in harmony till date.
Though the embroidery might stand as the face of the community, the roots are definitely its socially literate way of living.
Guarded by the Guaviare and Inirida rivers on either side, on the fringes of the Amazon Basin live a dying nomadic community called the Nukak-Maku. The nature, the context, the geography and the resources available in abundance was the reason for the community to settle. The occupations grew to be hunting, fishing, gathering and shifting horticulture, all conscious of the nature around.
The community dwells as aminists since their occupation and spiritual customs and beliefs revolve around nature in the forest of Amazon. They even hunt specific species which according to them do not belong to the origins same as that of the human species. As a territory, they have been safe guarding their togetherness as it is the prime way of association that they feel. The Nukak tribes have oriented themselves without disturbing the habitat around and carefully have infused themselves into the eco-system thereby causing very little change to the already existing.
As a larger clan, they have divided themselves into ten to twelve territories performing various tasks like harvesting, gathering with respect to the seasonal weather conditions. The community was able to safe-guard itself from any kinds of invasions till the 1981s and were also stated as uncontacted people.
In 1981, with the hindrance of the New Tribes Mission and other invasive contacts, the population started diminishing when struck by diseases like malaria, measles and pulmonary ones. Today foreign powers and authorities which include the Columbian army have invaded their lands. In the near history, in 2006, a group of these tribes displaced themselves in order to save their culture. The community is so determined to save their rudiments, one of their leaders and speakers preferred commiting suicide over comprimisng on his community living and identity. These tribes as a community don’t mind joining the whites but not on the cost of losing their indigeneous roots.
As a settlement, the growth is very organic, authentic and responsive. The community has not disturbed the ecosystem but has tried to get added to the pyramid of survival. There is a constant driving force of staying gated, staying united for the community’s sanity which is very evidently identifiable. The responses of the people towards a seasonal shift have been very spontaneous. The community has kept their unity over being invaded but at the same time has shown interest in getting converted provided their culture is preserved. This reflects the community’s impulse and spontaneity of going on to the harmonious path.
The creek and forest hill on the boundaries of this land drew the attention of the original residents of this island on Hong Kong island. These natives developed farming as their main occupation as the geographical conditions stood favourable. The village started with 20 odd households with a common occupation in the beginning of the 17th century.
The village faced an influx of refugees who came here to be saved from the harsh turmoil of mainland China in the late 17th century during the Kangxi period. Later, post the end of WW2, the village faced a second set of influx from China again. The village which was made of a few 20 odd households sprawled into 100 households. The green fields got converted into residencies.
Paralelly, the village faced a shift of occupation post the development of the Dairy Farm Group in the precinct around to provide milk to Hong Kong. What continues to still exist is the community’s still practised and celebrated tradition- the Fire Dragon Dance.
The festival celebrated in the mid-autumn unites the whole community to come together to celebrate the village’s culture. The festival has an influence of the Chinese traditions infused as the generations proceeded post the influxes.
and oriented themselves and their occupation. The community opened their arms to the ones who came here seeking homage.
The community thrives on its three driving forces- geography, occupation and tradition. The geography of the place was once a major source of income for the residents here, and even though there is a shift of profession, the community still feels resonated with the geographical context there. The community has been flexible towards a shift of occupation in the need of survival or better economic wellbeing but the unity within them still remains.
The community choice’s its occupation on a village level and passes it to the generation, which was initially farming and now as a part of the dairy group. The tradition, the festival is what integrates them together.
It reflects the community’s culture, its Chinese inspiration marks its cultural growth and furthermore highlights the community’s inclusivity. The culmination and co-existence of these three attributes of the community is what keeps it intact till date, as far as its way of living is concerned.
The community grew in accordance with the nature and geographical conditions around
The native occupation would have not flourished without the context’s geography which would have then never lead to a culture that makes this group of people a gated community in the developing urban context of Hong Kong.
Pokfulam is now an urban village that has survived from Hong Kong’s past. But in today’s urban conditions of the region, it has made it tough for this village to survive with more and more urban redevelopment plans trying to privatise and supposedly revham this community’s system. There is a lack of awareness and sensitivity towards traditional diversity in Hong Kong which is reflected in their policies where the Stringent squatter
control policies are restricting the dwellings of the village to be maintained by not allowing them to use the latest materials, instead forcing them to use the materials that were used when the village survey was recorded, somewhere back in the 1980s. By putting a bar on this community by not letting them grow with technology, the village is finding it difficult to survive in its organic configuration which has put their future and authenticity at stake.
Acivilization is a sophisticated human culture that often consists of several cities and has through specific stages of cultural and technological development. Early civilizations began to emerge in many areas of the world as people started to assemble in urban settlements. But even among modern anthropologists, there is fierce debate over what constitutes a civilization and which societies fit that description.
The Latin word “civitas,” which means “city,” is related to the word “civilization.” Because of this, the simplest definition of “civilization” is “a society composed primarily of cities.” However, anthropologists and others used the terms “civilization” and “civilised society”
in the early days of the term’s development to distinguish between societies they believed to be culturally superior (of which they were frequently a part) and those they believed to be inferior (which they referred to as “savage” or “barbaric” cultures).
However, the majority of anthropologists concur on a few standards for classifying a society as a civilization. Although it possessed highly developed architecture and a richness of art, it had no written language.
Because of this, the term “civilization” is elusive, but it nonetheless provides a useful framework for understanding how people interact with one another to create societies.
Additionally, several of these traits contributed to the emergence of early civilizations.
Image- (Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author)
There is no documented culture that did not engage in religious activity. There were monotheistic and polytheistic civilizations. The former category includes civilizations like Islamic culture that held to the doctrine of a single God.
These latter cultures practised ancestral worship and held multiple gods in high regard. They also held superstitious beliefs. The majority of cultures were polytheistic. For instance, they thought that unstoppable forces were responsible for causing natural calamities like
floods, earthquakes, volcanoes, etc. Religion has always been important in people’s lives because it offers explanations for the biggest
questions about life, the cosmos, and everything, despite the disparities between civilizations in terms of beliefs and practices.
One of the characteristics that set one culture of a civilisation apart from others is its worldview. A civilization’s worldview is the collection of ideas that underlie and shape all of a particular nation’s or community’s perception, thought, knowledge, and action. It is the overarching lens through which a nation’s or community’s citizens view and understand the world. The term “world” here refers to all that surrounds a person, including the invisible. Another aspect of a worldview is man.
and God, the individual and society, the rights and obligations of parents and children, husband and wife, the individual and society, and nature and God, is one of a civilization’s worldview’s functions. A civilization’s worldview can be influenced by a variety of elements, including religion and culture. Accordingly, one may characterise a civilization’s worldview as the cultural-religious ideas that a people or community holds to explain the enigmas of the world. The worldview of a civilization evolved alongside that culture.
Explaining the mysteries of the world, such as birth, illness, and death, as well as the relationship between God and man, man
Many ancient worldviews have changed as a result of science and technology, which are the cornerstones of contemporary civilization.
Dynamism in this context refers to “evolution and progress.” Civilizations change over time. They are dynamic, which means they are constantly evolving, taking on new elements like culture and religion, and moving forward in time. This is the same as claiming that man and civilization are analogous. He experiences childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age. Another aspect that makes civilisation hard to characterise is its volatility. It also puts the preservation of a civilization’s identity in jeopardy.
It is amazing how some civilizations merge with other big civilizations and lose their individuality. It is also remarkable that a civilization that loses its uniqueness may either become indistinct or the progeny of another civilization, or it may simply perish after having passed the initial stage of birth. Loss of fundamental cultural characteristics is simply loss of identity.
Due to cultural globalisation, we are currently seeing a trend where numerous civilizations are descended from Western civilisation. The Latin term globus, which means “ball,” is where the word “globalisation” originates. It means something that is relevant to the entire planet or Earth. Globalisation of culture results in the domination of Western culture. As a result, it can be considered a modern type of colonialism.
The term “civilizations” refers to urban societies with various, diversified macrocultures that are closely held together by networks of intensive, habitual interactions, especially political, military, and economic. They are also multicultural, multireligious, and multiethnic.
The advantages of civilisation “cannot be restricted to few persons or be limited to particular groups,” according to this statement. They represent “the entire society working together.”
Humans vary from other species in that they interact with individuals of different races, cultures, and nations: “A civilisation is the highest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of cultural identification.”
As a result, one aspect of civilization is the sharing of cultural and economic ideas. Every culture owes thanks to other civilizations because none of them can survive without them.
The two components of every civilisation are the material and the spiritual, regardless of the religion used to describe it: “civilization denotes both material and moral ideals” or “infrastructure (material) and superstructure (spiritual)”: A civilised society is a stage of societal development where the people’s education, spirituality, and physical growth are completely supported, with technical breakthroughs that are in line with people’s needs and that improve society. The connection
The relationship between civilization’s material and spiritual dimensions is like the two sides of a coin; one cannot exist without the other.
There has never been a great civilization without a spiritual component.
The physical side of civilization includes a vast range of objects and living things, including buildings, cities, parks, works of art, tools, and machines. It includes everything that has a shape or physical form. They show the growth and advancement of humanity. In a nutshell, they represent the expansion of knowledge and are the results of either human creativity or knowledge.
The purpose of civilization is to meet human wants. It is important to remember that all races, ethnicities, cultures, and religions can benefit from civilization. They benefit all people.
The study proves that the birth of human civilizations began with a need to survive together for a longer living span.
Architecture evolved as an effective tool for them to survive against the nature that blankets them.
Organically, the ways and means adopted by human beings were sensitive towards the nature they were guarded by. Its coliving with the space it occupies evoked a feeling of association between the two. This makes the man think before altering or changing the space around.
This sense of association, consciousness and authentic choices towards a space I believe develops an empathetic lens.
1.5
Fig:39.1
Image- (Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author)
Serpentine Gallery Pavilion 2011 Peter Zumthor Fig: 40Adesign that emphasises visitors to take a moment to unwind, observe, and then maybe start talking again. The design underlines the senses and emotions evoked by nature playing a crucial role in the experience of architecture.
This temporary Pavilion’s design is based on the hortus conclusus, a space for contemplation, a garden within a garden.
The structure serves as a stage, a backdrop for the floral and illuminated inner garden. One enters the building from the lawn and begins the journey into the central garden through darkness and shade. This internal space is a haven apart from the world of noise, traffic, and the scents of London, where one may sit, walk, and take in the flowers. The materials themselves, which are rich in memory and time, will also be intense and memorable.
The built architecture here takes a back seat while it lets nature take over. The garden here is used as an Eden amidst chaos for the visitors who come here. One is made to feel the presence of nature around them as a larger constant context and is allowed to grow in its own organic manner making it an authentic experience for the audience.
A constant connection with nature is a vital way of transitioning people into the experiences that the design aims to evoke.
The Kanchanjunga Apartments are a direct reaction to contemporary society, accelerating urbanisation, and Mumbai’s climatic circumstances. For the greatest views of the city and to take advantage of the prevailing sea breezes in Mumbai, a structure must be orientated east-west. Unfortunately, these are also where the blazing sun and intense monsoon rains will be coming from. The ancient bungalows provided the occupants with two lines of defence against the elements by enclosing the main living rooms in a protective layer of verandas. The distinction between the inside elevated living volumes and the outward earth-filled terraces was made possible in this work by the use of smaller level displacements.
Correa Sir was able to properly protect these high-rise units from the sun’s and monsoon rains’ damaging impacts thanks to these small changes. This was mostly accomplished by adding somewhat deep, hanging garden verandas to the tower. The concrete construction and substantial portions of white panels strongly resemble contemporary apartment complexes in the West. The veranda, a component of the conventional Indian bungalow, is modernised in the garden terraces.
For a housing project in this city, it becomes difficult to achieve both, comfort living and climate sufficiency. The project manages to achieve innovation in terms of spaces, volumes, while responding effectively to the challenging humidity of Mumbai.
Image-
For the majority of LGBTQIA+ persons, it is an unfortunate reality that they have incidentally been a victim of hostility when they were seen acting contrary to the “heteronormative standards” of public places. Even if social layers outside of the planned space are the source of violence, it is still important to consider projects that can combine the physical world and provide a symbolic or representational element to engage and inform its residents. In this circumstance, Homomonument has served as a platform for queer celebration and protest in the centre of Amsterdam for more than three decades. The 1987 initiative was the first in the world to honour gay and lesbian people who were persecuted for their sexual orientation during the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands.
The monument offers a comprehensive diversity of possibilities and occupations based on the design of urban features and representations of the LGBTQIA+ community. As a result, it establishes a symbolic location in the city that not only acts as a focal point for the Amsterdam Gay Parade but also as an urban platform where the causes of the entire community may be honoured, celebrated, and made known.
This structure acts as an urban insert which tries to articulate architecture, memory and heritage together. It has proven to be relevant in every changed time, era and generations. It has served to be a functional space for evolved mankind and its perspectives.
Fig: 43
Image- Source: https://charlescorreafoundation.org/2022/02/23/gandhi-smarak-sangrahalaya/, edited by:Author
This is a project that serves as an illustration of how to incorporate the Hindu Architectural and cosmological idea of isotropy with Modernist functional planning. Similar to fractals, the term “isotropy” describes an infinitely scalable structure present in the repetition and manipulation of decorative components found in Hindu temples.
The modular pavilion unit was created to allow for future expansion and to emphasise the idea of a single component creating a whole, single plinth.
Correa’s asymmetrical grid concept included five clearly programmed interior spaces. The layout of the museum has additionally been linked to Indian villages in the Banni region.
The homes are made out of five huts, each serving a different purpose, encircling a courtyard rather than being one large volume. The locals stroll back and forth across the outside space to use the different rooms.
The single plinth, local materials and the blurred edges of the inside and the outside welcomes people from every creed, background and stature to access this space as equal- in terms of experience. Though the structure was made to mark the contribution of one martyr, the structure empowers coexistence and sensitivity towards humans as one species.
Fig: 44
Image- Source: https://architizer.com/blog/projects/the-rajkumari-ratnavati-girls-school/, edited by:Author
More than 400 girls, ranging in age from kindergarten to class 10, who live in Jaisalmer, Rajasthan, India’s mystic Thar Desert region and are below the poverty line—where female literacy rates barely reach 32%—will attend this girl’s school.
The school will be the first of three structures that together make up the GYAAN Center. The other two are The Medha, a performance and exhibition space with a library and museum, and the GYAAN Center.
The GYAAN Center will educate and empower women, assisting them in achieving financial independence for their communities, families, and themselves.
Because this structure was made by a woman for women, the architect looked at feminine symbols from numerous cultures when she started the design process. She opted on a structure of three ovals to symbolise the power of womanhood and infinity and to resemble the planes of the sand-dunes in the Jaisalmer region after focusing on symbols of power.
Making a structure for the community by the community was a very crucial way of involving people to build their own architecture. Using local materials, techniques like jalis and incorporating a function so essential added to the familiarity of this structure towards the community it was primarily intended for.
Fig: 45
Image- Source: https://archeyes.com/jawahar-kala-kendra-charles-correa/, edited by:Author
The Rajasthani government commissioned this arts centre in 1986 to keep Rajasthani arts and Crafts alive. The original city design of Jaipur, which featured nine squares and an open central square, was the inspiration for this one. The centre is an adaptation of Jaipur’s original city design, which was created in the middle of the 17th century by the Maharaja, Jai Singh the Second, a learned man, mathematician, and astronomer.
The ancient Vedic mandala of nine squares or dwellings, representing the nine planets, including two hypothetical ones: Ketu and Rahu, served as the foundation for his city plan, which was dictated by the Shipla Shastras. The palace was built on the site of two squares that were combined and one square that was moved to the east due to the hill’s presence.
The movement through the building’s celestial divisions and the journey therein are characterised by a variety of spatial densities in accordance to the city’s culture. The museum experience revisits the very act of cultural display- right from its planning to its volumes. The design suggests that heritage is a matter of chance meeting and discovery, a process that depends on a person travelling through space, between the walls that serve as a stage set, past reproduced episodes, and rituals of art and craft. An architecture of wit and whimsy, as distinctively playful in its design as it is particular to the functions required of it, may be found inside the nine squares environment.
The museum, which is located in the nearly entirely ruined city of Cologne, Germany, displays the Roman Catholic Archdiocese’s extensive collection of artwork that spans more than a thousand years. A late-Gothic church’s remains are gently risen by Zumthor’s design, maintaining the history and character of the location. This project came into being both inside out and from the place’s history.
Grey brick was used to join the site’s demolished pieces while constantly paying attention to how the materials were used and, more precisely, how they were built. The remaining remains of the Gothic church, stone remnants from the Roman and mediaeval eras, and the chapel built in 1950 by German architect Gottfried Böhm for the “Madonna of the Ruins” are among these fragments.
The grey brick exterior combines the ruins of the church’s facade with a fresh appearance for the modern museum. The museum’s brickwork is articulated with perforations that let diffused light flood particular areas. The “mottled light shifts and plays across the ruins” as the seasons change, fostering a tranquil environment that is constantly shifting.
The structure is an effective example of respecting the ruins of history with the present requirements and architecture for a well aware future. The history gets identified through every brick and arch of the structure.
The residence depicts an atmosphere that is an oxymoron in nature -peaceful and cosy, with minimalist decors, while still being bold and wild in style.
The main challenge we faced was the site’s low-lying terrain, which had concerns with water logging. The main goal was to make sure that the structure wasn’t obstructing the flow of water. The firm wanted to make sure that the water could percolate into the ground and be harvested because Kerala is a state with frequent rainfall.
In order to keep water on the site and improve the spatial quality, Vinu Sir was forced to come up with an alternate and sustainable solution—a pond at the land’s lowest point. This solution also adds to the home’s authentic feel.
The residence hugs and stays close to the environment of peace around it and the outgoing and cordial vibe within the four walls of the residence.
In terms of the terrain, design, and materials, the construction has a strong connection to nature. The firm took the low-raised land as a challenge to develop the site in accordance with it which made it a site-responsive design with effective architectural exploration.
Some of the most coveted spots to live and work are along the coast. In addition, they are frequently alluring from a livelihood or advantageous environmental conditions. Therefore, this Alibag structure takes into account the fact that when construction activity is conducted, it should build resilience to a dynamic future. Furthermore, it should build techniques and supplies that have little effect on the ecosystems’ delicate balance. The structure seeks to establish itself as a haven from the strenuous physical and mental demands of the world’s metropolis. Due to the site’s sporadic flooding and low soil bearing capacity, the building is raised off the ground by a light, nimble steel structure. The columns are supported by large stone boulders that were used in a nearby building project. The columns are fastened to the basalt stones using a steel rod. The building can be disassembled and put back together using this style of construction if needed.
This design is intended to be a gathering place for the community. It invites people from varied backgrounds together to express themselves creatively and critically through a variety of artistic mediums. The room will convey the idea of “coming together.” It also seeks to stimulate contemplation, peace, creativity, and a sense of community. The shifting roofs, the zig-zag patterned bamboo rafters designed to tackle bamboo’s material nature, the openable skylight and other techniques incorporated add a new dimension to the sustainability of the project.
The memorial consists of a number of different elements, such as a garden, four sculptural groupings, explanation texts, and quotations, as well as a building that resembles a temple and has hanging rectangular boxes made of corten steel.
Before entering the lengthy main entrance hallway, visitors first see the Peace and Justice Memorial Garden.
The garden is meant to be a place for reflection as well as a place to appreciate the structure.
You start on level ground inside the memorial structure, your body parallel to the coffin-like structures. If you like, you can lean against the monument and run your finger over the letters’ cutouts or feel the uneven surface.
The corten steel boxes soar far above you as you enter the memorial, suspended in the air and outside of your physical location. These rusting monuments bring to mind pictures of black people strung from trees.
Through play of heights and proportions, the memorial aimed to make a visitor feel the injustice and pressure of this unfortunate past and eventually opened to a scale beyond reachthe sky which symbolises a bright future.
Arestroom is a distinct type of public restroom that serves a specific purpose. The Restrooms go beyond the obvious toilet blocks to give ladies a private social place, which is typical of Indian cities.
Two factors led to the conceptualization of the restroom’s layout around a tree. One that embodies the notion of incorporating nature and context into the architectural form and utilising its attributes to safeguard the garden below from the elements. Due to this intervention, the box is illuminated by natural light during the day that filters through the trees and by the box at night.
The women’s restrooms as a whole attempt to convey a coherent plan that engages with the city.
We should consider people and events in cities as architects and planners. A city’s history is not determined by how it seems; rather, it is determined by what occurs there, particularly in gathering areas. Because of this, public areas in a city are crucial gathering places for people. New ideas are created in this setting of mental interaction.
Moreover, for a fundamental space like restrooms which is way more than just a place to refresh, but is a place to pause and feel comfort amidst the chaos of our busy life. The space offers comfort to every user through various functions incorporated.
The MASS team visited the prospective Maternity Waiting Village, which will be built next to Kasungu’s district hospital, where expectant mothers from nearby villages would travel to give birth, before starting their design work. A design associate in MASS’ Rwanda office was astonished to see these women in the rain and without cover during his first site visit. Others slept outside under the trees while some slept in tents.
The design aims to make this a special place for these mothers to give birth, as well as a special place for people to alter their mentality about not necessarily giving birth at home or in their communities.
The team discovered this by studying the layout of typical Malawian villages: even as younger generations start their own children, they all remain in the same neighbourhood, close to the homes of their parents and grandparents. Family life is freely extended.
Pregnancy outside the village was a concept new to everyone there. This design hence was a very conscious insert to make the sensitive time of pregnancy more safe and secure for the women and their families. It aimed for a futuristic design for the vicinity there that gave the community a safer space to keep their women into which was well equipped with the crucial facilities, hygiene and care required.
This project made use of a unique technique developed by Ray Meeker of Golden Bridge Pottery, which involves baking a mud house in place after it has been created. A fired home, also known as a fire-established mud house, is essentially a mud house made of mud bricks and mud mortar that is cooked after construction is complete to give it bricklike firmness. The structure’s inside is filled with additional mud bricks or other ceramic goods, such tiles, and baked as though it were a kiln. Normally, the walls of kilns absorb 40% of the heat produced. The home serves as the kiln in this method, and the “heat loss” is intended to burn the house and stabilise it against water damage.
The items within are significantly responsible for the gasoline expense. The piece of mud would theoretically have the strength of a brick. Additionally, the mortar mixture would no longer require the cement.
This method nearly entirely relies on labour, with very little money spent on “bought” materials. As a result, the money spent benefits the local economy.
The project tries to aim high in terms of technological exploration and innovation for a cause so holy. Technology is very wisely used as a boon through this initiative with a function so crucial. Also the usage of technology is thought through with very less wastage and usage of locally available concepts, fundamentals and labour.
Quarter of the world’s population currently resides in cities with a population of one million or more, and this percentage is rising faster than the global population. While growth has not always been easy, it is now unstoppable. The environments and biodiversity required for foraging and hunting have long since disappeared and could never support the current level of world population. We cannot ignore either urban life or agriculture. Indeed, it is challenging to envision a human future that is not more urban than our own, unless it is a dystopian society built.
In cities’ complicated three-dimensional terrain, people may travel about with ease. We combine a sense of local territory (our homes, our neighbourhoods) with a capacity for exploring and mapping new spaces that is far superior to that of our closest animal relatives. We are also adept at forming social groups with strangers as well as family members, tolerant of the new (and frequently nutritionally impoverished) diets that cities impose on their residents, and capable of building social groups with strangers as well as family members. We could have been bred to live in urban areas.
Of course, modern cities are much more complex. Few ancient cities had a population of greater than 100,000. There are currently around 30 cities with a population of above 10 million. We’ve learnt to build our dwellings up higher and denser in our nests. The pathways through which food and water enter the nest and waste
is evacuated from it—the neurological and circulatory systems (electricity, gas, the internet) of modern cities—have improved in importance.
Fast transportation is essential to the modern megacity since it enables residents to dwell far from their places of employment. Although these technologies differ from those used in Alexandria, Baghdad, and Tenochtitlan, their underlying concepts are the same.
Our major infrastructures were created for urban populations, and for the previous few thousand years, most of our societies have been governed from cities. This situation is extremely promising for both humans and the environment. City living is the most environmentally beneficial way to live when done properly. Cities are easier to manage than rural areas when it comes to waste management, sanitation, and recycling.
The use of private vehicles that are fueled by fossil fuels will disappear in our generation. Already, a large portion of city people travel primarily by public transportation. Both electric vehicles and buses are environmentally and city-friendly.
But the cities today are driven towards capitalist driven growth. In a world changing with every sun down, mankind has deviated towards practising in a bubble, only for individual benefits, comfortably protecting
himself from not seeing the pain of the marginalised, the ones affected with our growth.
Architecture has proven to be an organically born and grown practice. But in these capitalistic cities today, it has extensively been used as a medium to establish power, to claim a space, to stand ahead in the race. People prefer their own future over a cohesive development. The cities that began with the root thought of development and globalised associations have now become centres of greedy means calling haphazard sprawls of people. These cities running faster with every moment, the people have lost the connection that binds mankind as one species and has influenced it to stomp over the ones not able to match their ways, eventually resulting in a =n evident loss of empathy.
Co-existence has been a proven truth of life on earth. From a food-chain to the entire ecosystem, dependency has been the way life exists and continues to grow till today. Having said that, survival of the fittest has been a thumb rule for generations, pushing the mankind into a rat race. A race that constantly demands growth and development from its competitors. The race did start to be one that aims for a cohesive win, but has now become majorly about mankind’s selfish needs. A species that emerged from civilizations that certainly didn’t prefer growing in isolation, has today subconsciously become a population that aims for personal benefits and achievements, marginalizing everything else that surrounds them in metropolises.
As the Indian metropolises continue to develop according to global approaches, an evident isolation of context that formed their distinct identity is observed. Furthermore, Mumbai as a metropolitan has been a city built by migrants. Diverse communities embodying strong and varied cultures moved to this port to earn a better living. Different communities through similar occupations, customs, routines, and social statuses began co-existing here making it a familiar space for their next generations. Hence, mapping this influx over the years and evolution to understand the current conditions of Mumbai becomes crucial.
2.1
With poverty seen right on its streets, homeless making pavements their beds, entwined traffic that defines its flyovers and bridges, slums growing in number and facilities every day while congested skyscrapers continue to touch new heights, Mumbai is sadly a city famous for all the wrong reasons today. Who would have thought that Mumbai was once the most important natural harbour- the only one to provide 75 square miles of deep water? Back then, it was known for its geographically rich existence and subsequently for its economic prosperity.
“Mumbai was never an agricultural settlement even in the loosest sense, much of her eventual land surface went straight from semi wilderness to suburban occupation.
...A city was envisaged from the first...A concsious creation and furthermore an urban creation almost from the beginning”
~Gillian TindallThe Greek traveller Ptolemy described Mumbai as a group of seven islands when he visited India in the third century AD, which is perhaps the earliest known name for the metropolis. On the west coast of India, a promontory 12 miles long that is encircled by the Arabian Sea was formerly an archipelago of marshy islands. If theories are to be believed, the number of islands was five with salt water creeks flowing through them. It is during high tides that the water rushed in increasing the number to seven distinct
islands namely- Mahim, Worli, Parel, Mazagaon, Isle of Bombay, Little Colaba (Old Woman’s Island), and Colaba, which were handed over to the Britishers as dowry in history.
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos_category/old-maps/page/2/, edited by: Author
Before two and a half centuries of reclamation, Mumbai was a fragmented group of seven islands that was eventually united into a single landmass.
These seven islands of Bombay are depicted on this map by renowned French geographer Jacques-Nicolas Bellin (1703-1772).
The map signifies the era when Bombay was looked at as a land to be planned and developed by foreign invaders. Bombay was looked at precariously as a potential set of islands then.
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos_category/old-maps/page/2/, edited by: Author
Salsette, Bandora, also known as Bandra, Tannah, also known as Thane, Kurla, or Kourla, Trombay, Mahim, and Colaba are the important areas. Bombay, also known as Mumbai, was made up of seven interconnected islands: Bombay Island, Little Colaba, Mahim, Parel, Worli, and Mazagaon.
The seven islands were combined into one landmass by the British over the course of several years of reclamations. joined in the north by the island of Salsette. Unquestionably a modern engineering masterpiece.
This 1893 map makes it clear that Mumbai’s reclamation was not yet finished.
It was interesting to note that various locations, such Mulund, Ghatkopar, and others, were either completely drowned, uninhabited, or neither existed.
This map shows two black railway lines: the B.B. & C.I. (Western Railway) and the G.I.P Railways (Central Railway).
Fig: 68
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos_category/old-maps/page/2/, edited by: Author
Up until 1937, it was governed by British Indians, and from that point on, it was a British colony until 1963. Both land and maritime routes were used to travel from England to India before the Suez Canal opened in 1869. Passengers from England entered the Mediterranean Sea through Gibraltar and disembarked in Alexandria (Egypt), which was developed by the East India Company until 1858. As a result, until 1947, the entire nation was governed directly by the English Crown. Three significant Indian cities are shown on the map, and intriguingly, one of them is a foreign city. During the 19th century, the British were at the height of their dominance and reach. Aden also enjoyed a prime location alongside a shipping route linking Europe with India and the far east. They took control of Aden and made it a major port for the passage of steamers and a coaling station.
The map identifies the 3 major port cities of India. They were the ones facing the most influx during and post this era of growing haphazard developments here. All of these cities faced influxes of people at varied periods of time due to the opportunities they brought to the table.
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos_ category/old-maps/page/2/, edited by: Author
This old map from 1924 shows places like Bombay Fort, Colaba, Malabar Hill, Girgaum, Byculla, and more. These were Bombay’s main centres during the British India era; Bombay is now known as Mumbai were a collection of seven islands that was combined into a single landmass through reclamation. Key landmarks like Malabar Hill, Girgaum (Girgaon), Kambala (Cumballa), Colaba, the Fort district, Victoria Dock, and others are noticeable.
The location of the Government House at the top of Malabar Hill is also apparent. The Government House is currently referred to as the Raj Bhavan. Bombay Castle’s location is also indicated on the map. Up until the middle of the nineteenth century, the castle served as the British government’s administrative centre in western India. The map was published by “John Murray, London.”
By this time, Bombay was the chosen one among the port cities in India for the most significant amount of development.
The existence of growing vicinities like Malabar Hill, Girgaon, Colaba signify the increasing influx in the city for various reasons studying which becomes crucial and interesting among the three port cities.
The nomadic life of the human species developed into civilizations with an emphasis on practising co-existence. The civilizations were born out of like-minded people strongly influenced by nature - right from considering it as their God, to using it for shelter and food. It could thus be believed that the oldest native community who settled and grew in Mumbai were the Kolis - an animist community that worshipped and used nature for their survival. Their dialect was Marathi and their occupation was the fishery.
But a naval officer K. R. U. Todd, when travelling to the city during the early 1930s, recovered microlithic implements in Versova, Manori, and Pali Hill, establishing a much earlier existence of human habitation in the region. Now known as Nalasopara, that piece of land was traced to be a busy port for trade with Mesopotamia and Egypt in the 2nd century BCE, which became the primary reason to attract Emperor Ashoka of the Mauryan Empire to the region, making Mumbai a cultural and religious centre for Buddhists.
These Buddhist relics are still visible in the form of inscriptions and sculptures in the caves of Kanheri and Mahakali.
These caves in certain regions have currently been encroached by the people of Mumbai, as seen in the Magathane complex of Borivali where people actually lived in caves, and were stated too late to be recovered by the Archeological Survey of India. The growth of the city has resulted in leaving the city with one cave less from its history.
Raja Bhim from Gujarat who is believed to have arrived on these islands (where he settled his capital in the region called Mahim, today) in the 13th century BCE found potential in the soils here and hence encouraged the cultivation of coconut palms and several fruit-bearing species on the islands. As a result, he contributed to the diversity of settlers here as the cultivation opportunities invited the Kunbis and Bhandaris, Yajurvedi Brahmins, and Pathare Prabhus to the islands ( main occupation- farmer or landlords).
Destroying Bhima’s capital, came in the Muslim invaders and missionaries from the Middle East in the 14th century who conquered over the entire North Konkan region.
Various regions here, including the set of islands, turned into a battlefield for the Hindus and the invading Muslims. They demolished old, native temples in Mumbadevi and Walkeshwar and churches, persecuting the local population there. Defeating the Hindu ruler there, the Sultan of Delhi won Mahim with an intention of maintaining Mahim as a military outpost. The Haji Ali Dargah was built in this era, specifically in 1431 AD which even today stands as a prominent landmark in South Mumbai.
The Konkani Muslims (Naitias) came from the Konkan coast to Mahim in this period and settled prominently in the Fort area.
But they had to get displaced to the Nagpada, Crawford Market area, and later to Pydhonie in order to stay protected from the political arrest of Tippu Sultan.
In 1498, when the Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama discovered a sea route to India via the Cape of Good Hope, the history of this Archipelago was about to change its course. After colonising Goa (which became their headquarters), the Portuguese aimed to conquer Diu. In this process, they enforced military pressure on Sultan Bahadur Shah when they visited Mahim. After being helped by the Portuguese military, Sultan handed over the seven islands of Bombay and the mainland of Bassein (now known as Vasai) through a treaty to them in 1534.
At this time, there were very few people living in Bombay.
Few of the prominent Occupational Communities then
Avital component of Mumbai, the Koli community has a long history and rich tradition. The Koli people of Mumbai first appear in written records in the 12th century. They were a coastal tribe who relied on the sea and creeks for their livelihood for millennia. The Kolis typically resided in “Koliwadas,” or “homes that open to the sea.” A sizable fish market is frequently found directly at the entrance to these communities.
The Koli community in Versova annually celebrates the event on a grand scale. This community has a rich cultural heritage. They invite the entire community to sample their traditional foods and learn about their culture by hosting a weekend seafood festival.
Many people have a bad picture of Koli people as an aggressive, unrepentant community that thrives on hostility because of the frequent interactions. However, the Koli community of indigenous fishermen has a long history. They were originally from the Indian states of Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Rajasthan.
They now only exist in a few isolated areas, primarily Mumbai and Navsari in northwestern Maharashtra and southern Gujarat.
The Kholi community is extremely concerned about the rise in cyclone frequency and intensity that occurs in Mumbai every year. Without a question, now is a crucial time for the Koli fishing community’s existence.
Future success will depend on how it responds to and develops from the macro and micro variables affecting it in the rapidly changing world of today.
But in recent years, pollution and climate change have begun to alter the way of life for Mumbai’s long-standing fishing community.
Mumbai is home to the ethnic group known as the Agri. During Raja Bhimdev’s rule in the 13th century, they relocated to Mumbai. Agar, a salt-pan, is whence the word Agri (pronounced “agari”) originates.
Women as well as men contribute to providing for daily needs. Women control both the domestic and business affairs in their homes. This is a key factor in why this group does not use a dowry system.
The sage Agasti is said to have given birth to two sons, Agla and Mangla, according to a tradition. The former evolved into the Agris’ ancestor, while the latter gave rise to the Mangelas (fishermen).
The first was instructed to sustain himself by making sea salt, while the latter was instructed to do so by fishing. The goddesses Agri and Mangela intervened to stop the god Parashuram from throwing back the sea.
He agreed to throw it back only 27 miles at their request, and the resulting strip of coastal land became known as the Konkan. Currently, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and Delhi are where you can find Agri. The Kharpatil and Agri dialects of Maharashtra are related.
Agri people are focused on doing business. People own large amounts of real estate that was once utilised for farming. They love gold, and Agri women often wear gold jewellery.
The main industries in this community are rice cultivation, fishing, and salt production. Their everyday meal consists of rice bread and steaming rice with meat and fish.
The community today faces a fear of encroachment with the saltpans becoming a gold mine for real estate.
The map, entitled Demonstração da Fortaleza de Mombaim, features many of the aforestated features of the urban infrastructure. The map is titled and labelled in Portuguese proving it to be made by the colonists back then. At first sight, the map is bright and colourful with images and symbols. However, this map paints a picture of insensitive colonialism imposed by the Portuguese in the near and back future, at that point in time.
Fig: 78
Map Source: https://hum54-15.omeka.fas.harvard.edu/exhibits/show/bombaim/introduction
Certain reports state that half the population of Bombay and Salsette were converted into Roman Catholicism by the Portuguese and these were majorly the Kolis, the Parvaris, the Mahar, and the Kunbis (agriculturists).
The Portuguese also initiated and supported mixed marriages between Portuguese settlers and local women. This resulted in having a Catholic local population following the Portuguese Empire by their very roots, culture, and religion. The ones who had entered India with an intention of trade and spice were infusing their culture in various parts of the country.
The Goanese in India is one such Catholic Community that still dwells in Goa, Mangalore,
and Bombay. Forced and volunteered conversions, a rapid growth of certain religioncentric structures, and conflicts, the Portuguese brought with them an era largely of religious friction.
But the Portuguese never entered Bombay with an intention to build it which is why their contribution to Bombay stayed limited to churches, few settlements and the Manor House (home of the Portuguese Marrano doctor Garcia da Orta) ruins of which are still seen within the INS Angre establishment next to Naval Dockyard in Colaba.
It seemed like Bombay was left for the British to build over.
Presented in the form of dowry, Bombay in 1662, was gifted to the East India Company by the Portuguese in the form of a marriage treaty. But back then, till 1665, Bombay was just a set of islands making the Britishers just a group of adventurers attracted by the “good trade prospects” that its West Coast location offered. But what changed the fate of Bombay was when Gerald Aungier, the president of the East India Company (then in Surat), took Bombay from the British Crown, and eventually shifted its Headquarters from Surat to Bombay.
Aungier made some significant additions to the city which changed the image of Bombay. Some of which include -
1. Authorising the Court of Justice under the English law.
2. Construction of the SIon and Mahim forts.
3. Winning the confidence of the local population then, by sorting out the ill-recorded claims of the landowners and giving it a fresh start on the basis of their claims.
4. Establishing Bombay Police by involving around 600 Bhandaris Militia men. They were monitored by 100 main landowners of Bombay then and their headquarters were formed with the Subhedars at Mahim, Sewree and Sion.
Fig: 87, Image Source- https://121clicks.com/inspirations/50-old-and-vintage-bombay-mumbai-photos, edited by: Author
5. Introducing the Panchayat System to the local communities of Bombay to solve their community conflicts and issues.
6. Inviting the Gujarati, Banias and other communities like the Parsees to settle and practise their religion in Bombay, freely. Furthermore, for their next 20 years, taxes were exempted for their ease in the city.
Fig: 88, Image Source- https://121clicks.com/inspirations/50-old-and-vintage-bombay-mumbai-photos, edited by: Author
(Mole Station, 1925)
Fig: 89, Image Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos-items/ballard-pier-mole-station-bombay-old-postcard-1925/, edited by: Author
Fig 90: Image Source- https://oldphotosbombay.blogspot.com/2010/07/blog-post_6609.html, edited by: Author
9. Purchasing land for the company, today known as Colaba and Fort.
Fig: 91, Image Source- https://railmantri.in/, edited by: Author (Colaba Sea-Face)
(Fort area, 1870)
Fig: 92, Image Source- https://www.past-india.com/photos-items/mumbai-fort-19th-century-old-photo-1870/, edited by: Author
Very rightly known as the Founding Father of Bombay, Aungier gave Bombay its new phase of history. Aungier’s contributions resulted in a massive growth of population in Bombay.
Trade flourished.
The growth of Bombay as envisioned by Britishers could be essentially proven through following factors:
With the help of technological development, all seven of Bombay’s islands were connected by the Hornby Vellard causeway, enabling the city to expand and become a single parcel of land, geographically ( island to be precise).
Civic Factor-
Defeated after the three AngloMaratha wars ( 1810-1818), the Britishers won the whole of Bombay from the Marathas (especially the Central Bombay), which helped them to develop the island city at peace.
The demand of Indian cotton increased in the British Cotton Mills post the American Civil War (1861-65) boosting the need of developing a cotton textile industry in Bombay. The city weaved its own cotton through mills which brought in prosperity and worker influx. Bombay also had a massive opium trade run majorly by Jews and Parsees which included exporting opium from Malwa ( Madhya Pradesh) to China. The two trades existed with 30% and 42% shares respectively.
The East India Company, who encouraged and monitored these trades till the 1833s. Post the revolt of the Indians against the oppressive company, the British state formally took over the governance over India from the company. This resulted in opening doors to international trade and brought back the vision of Aungier for Bombay, of it being a city where people could trade and live with safety and freedom.
The opening of Suez Canal in 1869 made a way for the European ships to have a direct access to the Bombay port formulating it as one of the major ports of India.
3 4
Cotton Mills of Bombay and the Bombay Port grew to become the major industries that boosted the city’s economy and drawed a massive influx of migrants from the Konkan Coast and the Deccan region to work in the textile mills, docks, railway workshops and trading businesses and warehouses in this city.
The increasing demand of cotton looms stimulated the need of the cotton textile industry within the Indian entrepreneurs. With Bombay Spinning Mill being the first mill to be started in the city by Cowaji Nanabhai Davar, the second phase of Bombay commenced.
According to estimates, Mumbai had 130 mills, which by the 20th century were crucial to the city’s economy. The sole relics of its mill culture and history are these mill remnants, some of which have been transformed into new structures and others of which are in ruins and covered in moss.
In a little more than a century, these about 100 cotton mills arrived and vanished.
The growth in the mills invited migrants from all parts of the country but primarily the Marathi speaking men. It went on to a number where, almost 83 mills were recorded in the city within a span of 61 years. However, the count actually goes to almost 130 mills in the Central region of Bombay.
Today, Mumbai’s mills are in a precarious position, which reflects both the city’s changing landscape and its residents’ shifting priorities.
Even as historical and cultural traces, the mills’ worth has drastically decreased while the value of the land they stand on has increased dramatically.
These former mill sites have been purchased and transformed into glitzy shopping malls and commercial buildings today.
You can take a stroll around Lower Parel and view Phoenix Mills, Kamala Mills, Todi Mills, and many other shopping centres lined up with upscale retailers, studios, restaurants, and cafes. It is difficult to believe that the same location has been the site of arduous labour for countless members of the working class for more than a century. A place where many dreams were pursued but also met their fate.
The cotton mill business required additional workforce due to the rising demand for
Indian cotton, which caused an enormous influx of labourers moving to the city in search of improved employment possibilities.
Even the labourers here referred to this area of the city’s centre as Girangaon (literally, mill village). Initially, only the men of the families relocated to the city in search of employment while the rest of the family remained in their respective villages. Their location of employment was the city. They stayed in hostels close to the mills. Later, when the workers invited their families to dwell in the city, Bombay’s chawl system developed.
(Phoenix Mill today)
The socio-economic dynamics of the mills and its workers gave rise to the chawl system- a prominent housing typology in Bombay habited by the escalated surge of middle-class worker communities in Bombay.
The acute need for housing for the rapidly and haphazardly expanding population at that time was met by the chawls.
Chawl neighbourhoods first appeared in the “native” section of the colonial city, near to the white town, at a time of rapid urban economic change. Although only housing a small portion of colonial residents, the white portion of the colonial town was noticeably larger than the native portion; this dynamic shaped the city’s later growth.
For the first time, migrant workers from the Konkan coast and the Deccan region migrated to the city to work in textile mills, docks, warehouses, and railway workshops.
The labourers quickly spread out of the local community and sadly towards the swampy reclaimed fields.
In the later part of the 19th century, as textile mills expanded, an astonishing rise in the migrant population was seen.
Chawls were typically two- to four-story structures with a shared bathroom on each floor and two exits on either side. Each floor typically featured 10x12 single occupancy rooms next to one another.
The majority of chawls had a courtyard inside that the floors were built around. Each story was divided into a series of rooms and a large balcony that resembled a gallery.
The “chawl” typology shared several fundamental traits, but there were some architectural differences as well. For example, some of them were much smaller and had only two stories, resembling more the larger types of bungalows; these were known as baithi chawls. The design varied depending on the region, the community that resided in the chawl, and the residents’ kind of work.
plots were owned by varied groups of people, which included the ones living in wadas.
The boom in the textile industry encouraged these communities to sell their lands to Jains and Baniyas or participated in the trade by forming alliances with the colonial government. Due to the city’s increasing instability and the housing shortage, people began to fill the streets.
The chawls played a vital role in shaping the kind of society that was born out of this neighbourhood which contributed in defining the city’s major population in the 1800 and 1900s.
The chawls of Mumbai served as more than just housing for the migrant workers who came to the city to work in the textile mills; they also brought with them a way of life and cultural forms, such as folk theatre, music, and dance, which were recreated by the various communities who lived in the chawls.
While the mills continued to grow in the Parel and Byculla regions majorly in the 1900s, the workers started developing in the adjoining marshy reclaimed within thatched huts, tin sheds, barracks and increasing chawl settlements. Before chawls grew in the Girgaon and Girangaon regions, these land
To address this, the mill owners tried to create private chawls for workers. Ultimately, the colonial authority was compelled to assist due to this growing need.This gave rise to the BIT and BDD chawls in Bombay.
The colonial government then became the landlords for the two chawls and the workers who were bought by the mill owners to suffice the growing need of workmen with the growing demand of cotton.
The chawls hence became a medium for the migrant workers to settle in the cities for a better future for them and their families.
But the chawls were primarily made to accommodate the influx and were designed as the most affordable solution.
As a consequence, these one-room tenements were constructed using low-quality materials and lacked modern amenities. The lack of basic utilities like electricity, water, and sanitation resulted in individuals having substantial living circumstances over an extended period of time, mobilizing these chawl dwellers to stand up and demand their rights.
The chawls, which were originally built to give accommodation for those who appeared to work for the city’s trade-related revenue creation, eventually turned into uninhabitable quarters.
As mentioned before, the conditions of mills today are either large plots of land undergoing redevelopment thereby encumbering an already overburdened infrastructure or isolated forlorn dilapidated structures with moss grown all over as mere remnants of what was a glorious past. To name some, the Kamala City Business Park in Lower Parel was once Kamala Mills, the Phoenix Mall was initially the Phoenix Mill till 1905 and the Palais Royale residence at Worli was once the Shree Ram Mills. To name some more dilapidated mills would be the Mukesh Mills in Colaba and the Indian United Mills which was situated in Byculla.
Subsequently, the BDD and Bit chawls have become the prime targets for private redevelopment and profit oriented residential projects in Mumbai today due to their poor structural conditions.
So with the workers’s strike in 1982 and the end of the American Civil Wars, this ‘financial bubble’ ( as described by Gillian Tindall in her book, City of Gold: The Biography of Bombay, bursted.
With the growth of the cotton demand and textile industry in Bombay, the need for better dock infrastructure became selfexplanatory. With this, another reason would be the Suez Canal that opened in 1869 also stood as a major reason for the development of maritime trade in this port city. So with the mills grew the maritime arena of Bombay.
Since the British seized control of the island city from the Portuguese in the 1660s, Mumbai Harbour has served as the entrance to the rest of the globe for trade and travel.
However, the Portuguese, the first Europeans to set foot on these islands, gave the group of seven islands the name “Bombay.”
Francis Almeida, a Portuguese trader and adventurer, docked his ship at the island’s deep natural harbour in 1508. The Portuguese gave it the name Bom Bahia after being pleased by the favourable geographical and marine conditions (Good Bay). Thus, this natural landmark gave the city of “Bombay” its name. Since the British established their presence in Mumbai during the last quarter of the seventeenth century, the harbour and the city have gained international recognition.
The Princess Dock, built in 1885, the Victoria Dock, built in 1891, and the Alexandra Dock (Indira Dock), finished in 1914 makeup Mumbai’s natural harbour. These docks handle both international imports and export cargo.
A dry dock connected to the Mumbai harbour is called Mazgaon Dock. The Mazgaon Dock performs shipbuilding, ship repairs, and production of offshore structures. The yard has the potential to construct commerce ships, battleships, and submarines. The Indian Coast Guard also receives Off-shore Patrol Vessels from it. These multifunctional vessels will be used for patrolling, law enforcement, and search and rescue missions in India’s Exclusive Economic Zone. In addition to this, the Mazgaon Dock also constructs jack up rigs and offshore platforms for oil exploration. Since it was established in the later half of the 19th century, India’s marine infrastructure has benefited greatly from the presence of the Mumbai Port.
The port is stretched out across a very large area, totaling 4,63,000 square metres, and has a natural harbour that can cover up to 400 square kilometres.
The Mumbai Port, which has a pier length of around 8,000 km, has a great road transportation network of more than 125 km and rail connectivity with both of the city’s rail networks. As a result, the port has excellent transportation connectivity to the entire city, which reduces the amount of time spent travelling.
Run majorly by the Koli community living in various Koliwadas of Bombay, docks like one of the oldest ones- Sassoon docks cover almost the entire coast of the city.
Along this harbour coastline live one of the initial communities of Mumbai, the Kolis. Mumbai houses around 30 odd Koliwadas spanned around the coastal areas of the city- from Cuffe Parade to Versova and Worli. As described earlier, this animist community practised artisanal fishing- a method that took into account the ocean’s natural environment. But with time, trade expansion and economic inflation, their traditional method was replaced by commercial fishing practices.
Kolis as a community have been a close knit system where their occupation, language and culture binds them together. Bright coloured houses, narrow streets, open verandas is what defines these native localities of Bombay.
But with the city developing at a rapid pace, there is an evident shift of image for the city.
Even while the Kolis have so far managed to thrive as a community in the city, the tall buildings around them are making it difficult for them to breathe.
The majority of Koliwadas are in enviable locations with lovely open areas, thus they would fetch high real estate prices. Therefore, they might have been the target of interested parties in the city.
Kolis have faced numerous obstacles in these years. Prior to that, it was outsiders who entered their koli-only fish vending company that greatly disrupted their operations.
The Arabian Sea is becoming more polluted as a result of rising sewage levels, which pushes fishermen to travel farther offshore to capture their catch.
Together, these issues greatly increase the cost of their transportation, and the increase in gasoline prices has only made matters worse.
Lack of analysis of how infrastructure projects along the coast affect society has left the Kolis with uncertain employment prospects.
Kolis are currently having trouble keeping up with the city’s growing urban expansion.
Indigenous villages are replaced with industry as a result of the recent demolition of the fish markets in Crawford and Dadar, which was justified by traffic and unsafe building conditions.
The fish merchants at both markets were asked to move to Airoli, but the established vendors in the neighbourhood rejected this since they saw it as a struggle for survival.
The community has been prey to some fairly unjust politically influenced decisions that include proclaiming some of these precincts as slums thereby pushing them under rehabilitation programs. One of the vital reasons for the negligence towards the original inhabitants of Mumbai would be its current reality.
The city has a sizable immigrant population that has no direct connection to the sea. Their landbased policies and methods also reflect this gap. The community’s needs are not being met by the policies and initiatives created. As a result, the fishing community has been marginalised and stigmatised as the city expands
The fisher-folk have been consistently revolting against some prominent on-going projects in Mumbai which include the Coastal Road and the Mumbai Trans Harbour Link as they visibly impact their livelihood.
Bazaar areas emerged as the heart of South Bombay regions of the city around the year 1835. These regions included Bhuleshwar, Kalbadevi and Girgau, where there was a massive growth of residential, occupational, social and religious systems within the city. Bhuleshwar derives its name from the 150 years old Bhuleshwar Mahadev mandir, which is apparently the main male deity of the city. Its shrine is trapped between three water bodies- CP Tank, Bhuleshwar Tank and Bhatia Bhagitathi Tank.
The deity from whom the city is believed to have got its name today- Mumbai, the Mumbadevi temple is also located in this region.
Colonised population grew in these regions which include Hindu settlers from Kutch, Kathiawar and Marwar in large numbers during the 17th and 18th centuries, justifying the reason behind many temples built in Gujarat and Rajasthan style of architecture.
While a part of the region houses temples like the two mentioned above and others which include the Laxmi Narayan Temple, the Digambar Jain Temple Sumudri mata Temple, and other various smaller ones, there is another side to this heart of the city. This region houses some of the oldest and the most prominent bazaars of the city. From the Chor Bazaar selling antiques and furniture products, to zaveri bazaar known for its jewellery while the Dhabu street was known for its leather, the markets here had it all.
Known for its hustle-bustle and chaotic routine, this bazaar was originally named Shor Bazaar (noisy market) and unfortunately is now called “chor” which is how the Britishers pronounced it. Located on Mutton Street near Mohammad Ali road in South Bombay, this market initially was known for selling stolen goods and products during the British rule but is known for its antiques in the current times.
Since the British ruled India, the Chor Bazaar in Mumbai has grown to become one of the country’s oldest markets for used items. It is stated that nowadays, used products rather than stolen things are sold most frequently. The market is currently well known for its vintage and antique goods.
Old Bollywood posters are offered for sale in a store named Mini Market. Others sell genuine Victorian furniture, car replacement components, etc. Although deals might occasionally be astounding, haggling is expected. This is essentially a “organised” flea market where one must sift through trash to locate what they’re looking for.
110, Image Source: https://exploringed.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/18-DSC_0264-Crawford-Market-Overview.jpg, edited by: Author
Prevalent as the best wholesale market in Bombay till 1966, this market is still famous for its Flemish and Norwan style of architecture. Founded in 1871, this was originally called the Mahatma Jyotirao Phule Market and was renamed after the Commissioner of Bombay- Arthur Crawford. The market was made with an idea of being able to sell hordes of goods from one place.
The market was created by British architect William Emerson and marked an early attempt to meld indigenous elements with Victorian Gothic architecture. [1] The market has a total area of 22,471 square metres (2,41,877 square feet), of which the building itself takes up 5,515 square metres (59,363 square feet). Kurla stone from Bassein, which is a coarse buff colour, was used to build the edifice. It has a 15-meter-high skylight awning that lets sunshine illuminate the market.
This heart of South Bombay today has become a run-down, dilapidated warehouse. The low-lying structures are in their worst condition, their maintenance is a must as the city is on the verge of losing its heritage. The residential conditions here lack sanitation, awareness and basic amenities as the areas around them are redeveloping, these spaces are getting overshadowed and ignored.
By striving to keep up with the times by offering goods that the markets need at the moment, bazaars have lost their unique identity.
https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2014/08/falkland-road-prostitutes-bombay-hard-hitting-account-life-brothels/, edited by: Author
The 19th century was an era of British supremacy. Bombay was getting its new image, sculpted by the Britishers. They were establishing their economy, infrastructure, administration and military.
The completion of Hornby Vellard in 1784 united the seven islands of Bombay, resulting in several low-lying marshy areas of Mumbai Flats which include Byculla, Tardeo, Mahalaxmi and Kamathipura opening up for inhabitation.
Drawn by the growing occupational opportunities and the need of the labour force in the city, the Kamathis ( workers) from Andhra Pradesh came here to work in various
construction sites, industries who settled here giving Kamathipura its name.
Till 1860s, census proves that prostitution as a practice was found more in areas of Bombay like Girgaum (1,044), Phanaswadi (1,323) and Oomburkharee (1,583) as compared with Kamathipura (601) and other .
Post 1864, a large number of women and girls were trafficked from India and from Europe and Japan to Kamathipura after recognising possible homosexual interactions between the soldiers in the military.
This gave Bombay its largest red light area of that time- Kamathipura, a brothel started with
an intent of engaging soldiers into apparently ‘safe hetrosexual relations’ and also serving Indian local men. The terrible requirement for a brothel for the city’s troops was also due to the imperial goal of establishing dominion through sexual control of Indian women. It was bounded by Bellasis Road on the north, by Grant Road on the south and the main road across, Falkland Road making it easy to access exotic consorts for the financially superior.
Like other societies of the city, this secluded core of Bombay also faced social stratification to a level where a designated street ( Safed Galli) was owned by the European prostitutes during the British rule.
It is disheartening that a profession that was established to provide “comfort” to the society’s elites lacks a revered reputation.
The salt pans of the city span out from Wadala to Mahul, Kanjurmarg to Vikhroli, and Goregaon to Bhayander. The British had constructed a narrow-gauge railway on the eastern side between Mahul and Wadala as well as from Vikhroli towards Thane to gather and transport salt. Some locations can still be seen where these tracks were.
Many places in Mumbai were the scene of the civil disobedience movement during Gandhi’s salt satyagraha in 1930, but the Wadala salt pan satyagraha was the most notable.
Thousands of satyagrahis would congregate around the Wadala salt pans and frequently endure severe lathi charges.
They are integral to the city’s environment, and a whole culture has developed around them. A variety of bird and insect species thrive on salt pans. They aid in flood management because of their huge water-holding capacity.
The people who live and work on salt pans have their own songs that are inspired by them.
Mumbai’s 1,781-acre (721-hectare) salt pans will soon be made available for development. The area is almost twice as large as Mumbai’s most important commercial complex, Bandra-Kurla Complex (BKC), which spans 914 acres and has a current market value of over 53,000 crore.
According to a 2016 Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority assessment, salt pans are essential to Mumbai’s environment because they protect the city from flooding as mentioned before.
But as soon as the Centre receives the state’s approval to include salt pans in Schedule VII of the Constitution’s concurrent list, the state will be entitled to create its own legislation for their usage and development. Currently, the Union Ministry of Commerce and Industry is responsible for handling all matters relating to salt pans.
There are over 13,000 acres of salt pans in Maharashtra, with 5,300 acres in Mumbai, 2,000 acres in Vasai, and 2,000 acres in Palghar.
Mumbai’s Development Plan (DP) 2034 unfortunately permits the development of 1,781 acres out of the city’s total 5,300 acres. The state may only open up a portion of the 1,781 acres for construction; this is not yet known.
The salt pans are just a few of the last surviving land parcels in Mumbai, a city that is perpetually land-scarce.
The NDA government has placed a strong priority on the low-cost housing project ever since it initially took office in 2014. The Prime Minister had reaffirmed his pledge to provide affordable housing in the coming years even during the 2019 election campaign.
The government has been looking into prospective pieces of property that may be made available for development across the nation.
There is an unfortunate lack of awareness about salt pans amongst the city’s people and a visible negligence towards it from the governing bodies. With the government’s efforts to use the salt pans for affordable, low-cost housing projects, they now face a threat of extinction.
These parcels of environmentally vulnerable property have been subject to stringent Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) regulations that limit development. The BJP’s substantial majority at the federal level and in Maharashtra, however, may cause this to change.
In the 1890s, when Bombay was at its peak of development and was facing a humongous influx of people wanting to serve the city to better their own economic conditions, came in a clan of 50 washerwomen to form a commune.
Its location and systematically streamlined process helped it to find a mark on the map of Bombay.
The largest human-powered washing machine in Mumbai is this 140-year-old dhobi ghat, where thousands of pounds of filthy Mumbai clothing and linen are scrubbed clean each day in 1026 open-air troughs by hundreds of people.
The bridge above the railroad lines next to Mahalaxmi train station offers the best sight.
The Mumbai (formerly Bombay) dhobi ghat was extremely useful and effective in terms of workflow. The British began construction after being inspired by and motivated to build another useful dhobi ghat in India. Finally, a second Dhobi Ghat was established and began operation in Kolkata in 1902. (then Calcutta)
Over a quarter of a century has passed without it experiencing a shutdown. As the primary source of revenue for a sizable population, it is steadily but surely solidifying its position until it is as firm as its own washing pens.
Many people have inhabited this area, supported themselves, and flourished there.
In order to protect the minimum wages/rates of dhobis or washers, there is a single, central body that serves as their representative. Additionally, this group ensures that its members abide by a code of conduct and are shielded from unfair prosecution and united against discrimination. The cooperative society is known as Dhobi Kalyan & Audhyogik Vikas.
The system here still stands intact and continues to serve massive parts of the hotel, medical and commercial industries.
It’s unfortunate to see the dilapidated living conditions of this Asia’s Largest Open Laundry today.
The unkempt, decrepit habitable conditions here deviates people from looking at its organically grown occupation to looking down upon its current conditions.
This further raises a threat for this organic settlement as it makes it a degrading site drawing attention of capital oriented redevelopment projects which are rapidly faceshifting the city’s facade.
The industrial boost in Bombay opened doors for auxiliary occupational opportunities in the city. Founded in the 1890s, Dabbawalas were back then and still continue to be a group of men dressed in all white with Gandhi topi cycling and travelling throughout the city to serve people home cooked food from one nook and cranny of the city.
A service born out of sheer need of people belonging from varied communities coming together in the city of dreams and with no fast food culture then, it became crucial for a food service system to exist.
This system of service started with a group of illiterate workers who travelled to the city in search of work after their agricultural occupation back in their native didn’t sustain their home.
Due to the lack of a formal education needed for the position of desk clerk in British offices, the concept of home-cooked meals delivered outside the home was developed.
Started with the wish of a Parsi man wanting to eat home cooked food, empowered as a business by Mahadeo Havaji Bacche, Dabbawala Delivery system grew to become a significant asset for the city. But Covid-19 handed these men in white a severe blow for a system so reliant on the city’s economic sector.
It left many with no choice but to return to their native homes because it became difficult for them to survive at work. The few others had to make do with charity rations because they couldn’t use the local train services. Covid also brought with it a surge of internet restaurant access making their survival in the city further difficult.
But the system has shown resilience in the past by striking back after calamities like floods and railway strikes. The Dabbawala system also launched a phone application to keep up with the growing technological shift. The system and its people have proven till date, that sometimes in this world of complex systems, efficiency could be achieved through something so simple.
https://www.rediff.com/news/slide-show/slide-show-1-katherine-boo-beyond-the-beautiful-forevers/20120228.
Created by the workers who worked for it, Annawadi is a slum development grown beside the Mumbai Airport. This halfacre slum appeared in 1991 while Mumbai airport runway repairs were being made. The labourers, who were from Tamil Nadu, chose to remain in the area in the hopes of finding further construction work. Tamil’s “Anna” means “elder brother,” and Annawadi is the locale of the Annas. They tried to pack dry earth into muddy spots to make the swampy region inhabitable.
The initial houses were constructed from bamboo poles and discarded cement bags. Annawadi had 3,000 residents by 2008.
Three types of locations were home to these residents:
1. A region of modest, one-room cottages, frequently with shared walls. It was constructed next to a lagoon that was fed by public restrooms.
2. Dalits, members of the untouchable caste in India, established homes in a different location with worse accommodation.
3. The poorest of the impoverished would sleep on top of bags of trash they had chosen to prevent them from being taken on a road where there was no shelter.
Garbage and pollution clogged the sewage lagoon of the slum. Additionally, rubbish was deposited there by airport construction workers in the middle of the night. Also, once, something in the lake caused animals that slept near its borders to have blue bellies due to something in the water.
Some residents of the slum earned so little money that they were forced to supplement their meals by catching mice and frogs that lived around the lagoon or by eating the grass that grew at its boundaries.
Asthma and other disorders, brought on by air pollution, were also experienced by people.
The main entrance to the airport’s international terminal was separated from the slum by a tall concrete wall. The wall was covered with lively advertisements for the “overcity,” or upper classes, selling luxury goods which overshadowed and apparently cover the slums behind till date from the eyes of the “developers” of the city.
India’s “economic liberalisation” period, which started in 1991, eventually helped 100 million people escape poverty. However, Annawadi was established in the same year and remained.
https://www.thestar.com/news/world/2013/07/06/life_in_the_slums_of_india.html, edited by: Author
Many people have sought sanctuary in Mumbai’s slums as a result of the city’s land constraint and increasing real estate prices.
Dharavi, a city inside a city, is one such infamous Mumbai slum area that traces its origins to 1884. When the marsh filled, the area that had been occupied by fisherfolk when it was only creeks and wetlands became a good place for the South Bombay migrant population.
After decades of urban expansion under the British Raj and the East India Company, the city’s population surpassed 500,000 in the 1850s. At that time, the urban area largely encompassed the southern portion of the
Bombay peninsula, and its population density was over ten times greater than that of London.
Tanneries were the most polluting enterprises, and the first one relocated from peninsular Bombay to Dharavi in 1887. People from the lowest Hindu castes and Indian Muslims who worked with leather moved into Dharavi. The Kumbhars, a sizable Gujarati group of potters, were among the other early settlers. They received a 99-year land lease from the colonial government in 1895.
As a result of the influx of rural migrants looking for work, Bombay’s population surpassed 1 million.
There was no government effort to design or invest in any infrastructure in or around Dharavi, despite the fact that these enterprises generated jobs and labour moved there.
Without enough sanitation, sewers, safe drinking water, roads, or other essential amenities, the habitations and small factories proliferated haphazardly.
However, some of the ethnic, caste, and religious groups that had moved to Dharavi
at the time contributed to its development by establishing organisations and political parties, erecting schools and temples, and building homes, factories, and other buildings.
The destitute Rural Indians who travelled to the city of dreams in search of work but were unable to locate a legal place to live gradually began to occupy this tax-free region. Today, it is Asia’s biggest slum.
The cosmopolitan is witnessing its history changing at a rapid pace, leading to possibilities where the chawl seen today turns into a skyscraper tomorrow. This section attempts studying the driving forces leading to a haphazard development in the metropolis.
Fig: 124, Source: AuthorUr·ban·i·sa·tion
The process by which large numbers of people become permanently concentrated in relatively small areas, forming cities.
An urban area can be defined as a composite of cells, neighbourhoods, or communities where people work together for the common good (Gallion, 2003, pg. 03).
As opposed to a rural region, an urban setting allows and welcomes variation because it ultimately thrives on diversity. Varied levels of approaches and perspectives coming together to work for the development of
the city is what an urban area is essentially described as. Drawn by these opportunities of unity in diversity, over the course of several centuries, there has been a noticeable mass movement from rural to urban areas due to the increasing urbanisation of the cities. Literally speaking, urbanisation refers to a significant population transfer from rural to urban areas, which concentrates people in urban areas.
What has changed is the factors that lure them to these metropolitans.
The transition point between the two fabrics of human settlement has been significantly impacted by this migration, and with the dawn of urbanisation, the impact has been an anti-climax.
Urban contexts are now transforming into places with like minds deviating towards capitalistic goals aiming to boost the economy of the city but in isolation.
The cultural community aspect is overshadowed and replaced by economically viable classes of people.
Urbanisation has resulted in setting generic goals for a city without giving enough consideration to the diversity that it was initially catering to.
Since ancient times, Mumbai’s haphazardly expanding population has been drawn in by the steadily expanding employment prospects that are purported to be a path to improved economic living.
to impose and assert their authority over the city. People continue to move to the city in large numbers, enticed by these capitalist opportunities.
As an outcome, the metropolitan area is constantly perceived to be under construction to suffice population growth.
Since the founding of the East India Company, Mumbai has had a large influx of immigrants from all conceivable regions of the nation looking for a place to fit in and a way to pursue their own growth.
People who have financial resources nonetheless tend to use a variety of tactics
The growing interdependence of the world’s economies, cultures, and populations, brought about by crossborder trade in goods and services, technology, and flows of investment, people, and information.
Despite not being used until the second part of the 20th century, the term “globalisation” has a longer history.
After it was established that the earth was spherical, the noun “globe” in the English language started to refer to “the planet” many hundred years ago. In addition to its original meaning of “spherical,” the adjective “global” started to denote “world size” in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The word “globalism” and the verb “globalise” first appeared in the 1940s. The term “globalisation” first appeared in an American English dictionary in 1961.
Can new vocabulary just be written off as a fad when it obtains such widespread usage
across continents and cultures? Or does the novel word signal a fundamental shift in the state of affairs, necessitating the development of new language to express altered circumstances? For instance, when Jeremy Bentham first used the term “international” in the 1780s, it resonated with a developing trend of the time, notably the emergence of nation-states and cross-border trade between them.
Additionally, it doesn’t seem likely that the current increase in global conversation is a coincidence. The term’s prevalence may be a reflection of the common perception that social ties in the modern day have taken on a significant new aspect. The difficulty—indeed, the pressing need—lies in getting beyond the trendy phrase to a focused idea.
As a purposefully designed analytical tool, concepts of the global began to emerge in a number of academic disciplines around the turn of the 1980s, nearly simultaneously and separately.
For instance, Theodore Levitt of the Harvard Business School wrote about “the globalisation of markets” at this time.
Some researchers in international relations also shifted their attention to “global interconnectedness” during these years.
The term “globalisation” is now used across academic fields, geographical regions, theoretical schools of thought, and political ideologies.
Numerous academicians have hurried to seize the day’s cliche. The issue is currently covered in a wide range of academic programmes, textbooks, and research centres.
Since 2000, a number of fresh professional associations for global studies have also emerged. Even some theorists have offered globalisation as the focal point for an alternative paradigm of social enquiry.
Yet, the more prevalent the word is the more elusive its ideas and concepts.
Hence, understanding its interpretations and approaches as comparatives could become crucial in the process.
When the term “globalisation” is used in the context of “internationalisation,” it alludes to a rise in international trade and interdependence.
According to this viewpoint, a more globalised world is one in which more information, concepts, products, capital, investments, and people move across boundaries between national-state-territorial entities.
Ideas of internationalisation as a result of globalisation are appealing inasmuch as they need the least amount of intellectual and political adaptation. The consoling message of globalisation as internationalisation is that the new can be completely comprehended in terms of the familiar.
However, the very affirmations of familiarity and historical recurrence provide convincing evidence against the notion of globalisation as internationalisation.
Why bother learning new vocabulary if globality is nothing more than internationality, possibly in greater quantities?
In this context, the term “globalisation” refers to the process of reducing official limits on resource transfers between nations in order to foster an “open” and “borderless” global economy.
According to this interpretation, globalisation happens as government regulatory measures including trade barriers, foreign exchange controls, capital controls, and visa requirements are reduced or eliminated.
In the past 25 years, globalisation and widespread economic liberalisation have existed concurrently.
Furthermore, this wave of neoliberalism has frequently contributed significantly (though not always) to modern globalisation.
To combine the two ideas such that globalisation and liberalisation are one and the same thing, however, is quite another thing.
A further questionable - and even damaging - conclusion of such an equation is that neoliberalism is the only available political system for an increasingly interconnected globe.
The idea of globalisation was not necessary to explain earlier experiences of greater international connection and interdependence, proving this approach to be redundant in the current times.
In this instance, the term “globalisation” is used to refer to the process of making diverse goods and experiences available to individuals in all populated areas of the world. “Global” here refers to “worldwide” and “everywhere,” respectively. Globalisation as universalization is sometimes taken to mean homogeneity with global convergence in cultural, economic, legal, and political contexts.
However, this perspective also does not provide any fresh or original insight. There have undoubtedly been some remarkable universalizations in recent history. Moreover, massive cultural destruction in recent years has seemed to support the homogeneity concept (although, as will be elaborated later, the dynamics of globalisation are actually more complex).
Universalization, however, has long been a part of world history. For a million years, people have migrated across continents to expand their species. For millennia, various groups of people have practised what are accurately called “global religions,” and a number of these groups have openly claimed to be universalist. Throughout the last millennium, transoceanic trade has transported a variety of items over great distances numerous times. In former times, there was no idea of globalisation to define universalization, and today there is no need to develop new terminology to study this time-honoured process.
As such, globalisation is seen as a specific kind of universalization in which the social structures of modernity (such as capitalism, industrialism, rationalism, urbanism, etc.) are dispersed over the world, eradicating pre-existing cultures and local self-determination in the process.
This approach of globalisation is frequently used to describe colonisation, Americanization, “westoxification,” and the imperialism of McDonald’s and CNN.
However, claiming that globalisation and westernisation have interacted is one thing, and equating the two trends is quite another.
Because, aside from the current state of globalisation, modernity and western civilization have taken many other forms. Moreover, globalisation might theoretically go in nonWestern directions (such as Buddhist, Islamic, or potential post-modern globalizations).
Furthermore, it is far from certain that globalisation is inherently imperialist given the existence of both emancipatory and exploitative transworld actors and processes as well as social movements.
In any event, the histories of colonisation, modernisation, and westernisation are considerably older than those of current globalisation. It is possible to study current forms of globality as a specific facet, stage, and subset of modernity.
According to this interpretation, a definition of globalisation would have to outline the unique characteristics of global modernity.
However, westernisation and globalisation are not synonymous in this perspective.
In conclusion, much of the discussion about globalisation has been analytically redundant. In fact, a well-crafted understanding of globalisation could provide important insight on these issues in the context of today.
However, treating globalisation as the same as internationalisation, liberalisation, universalization, or westernisation is not practical. Although internationalisation, liberalisation, universalization, and westernisation are related to and overlap with globalisation, they are not the same as any of these earlier ideas or movements.
But what these comparisons essentially open us to are the various ways in which globalisation is supposedly mis-perceived today.
Rather than using it as atool to blur boundaries, through these “alternative” approaches, globalisation is perceived as a generic way of development. What globalisation could essentially mean is an approach that stands for a more conscious, holistic growth as we inhabit this planet Earth as one large enclosed arena.
By doing this, we not only merely repeat previously known information, but we also miss a significant opportunity to understand and respond to certain important contemporary circumstances.
The process of neighbourhood change, usually resulting from an influx of relatively wealthy residents to a neighbourhood.
The phenomenon gets its word derived from the word “gentry” which historically refers to the people of an elevated social status.
When a city’s land is getting rapidly consumed, what seems to become an issue for the investing bodies is the scrasity of places for them to develop on. In this case, what begins is a hunt to identify the already occupied, poorly encroached precincts of the city. Under this lens, come the native regions habited by the gated communities struggling to cope up with the growing economy of the city.
Taking advantage of their supposedly substantial conditions when compared to the changed vicinities around, these urban pockets are declared mis-fit, at times even illegal. The bodies with dominant capital power intervene in their space and by convincing them to get better survival conditions, these communities are replaced and displaced either by choice or by force.
Gentrification, in this context, could be understood as a process where formerly deteriorated and depreciated urban neighbourhoods are identified and reoccupied by comparatively rich and supposedly sophisticated residents.
Bombay has been a witness to varied kinds of colonies, riots and communities sculpting the identity of the city at different points in time.
While some stayed as architectural ruins today, the others became a part of the people’s narratives, either ways Bombay has ages and layers of history that needs to be maintained as the city’s and its people’s heritage.
That said, for a city that contributes almost 50 per cent of the total revenue from metros of India in the case of income tax and excise duty , its growth and development stands inevitable and crucial too.
This highlights one of the reasons behind the influx of financially viable communities finding opportunities and a place to stay in Mumbai today.
But this isn’t the first time that the city has become a centre of financial and developmental growth opportunities.
Back then, with the establishment of the East India Company, Bombay then had been a witness to a huge haphazard influx of opportunists arriving from all corners of the country.
existing occupational settlements are bound to face difficulties to survive with this unplanned, sudden growth in the economic boom of the city.
In order to survive, they either have to diverge to other occupational options or succumb to the new ones trying to claim the city today.
It’s taken them years of determination to find a sense of familiarity in this city which was initially a mere place of work for them.
With the city now having a face shift, a second wave of massive development, the already
Apollo, Madhusudan, Bharat, and several other sizable cotton textile factories originally occupied the Sitaram Yadav Marg in Parel. In exchange for low rent, the migrants who worked here lived in chawls that were located close to the mills. The development of neoliberal policies and the mill owners’ greed for quick profits from the mills led to strikes by mill workers and an eventual closure in the 1990s, as Dwiparna Chatterjee noted in her paper on “Gentrification in the mill land areas of Mumbai City” presented at the International RC21 Conference 2013.
The employees were made to retire. The deindustrialization wave referred to the chawl
settlements as outdated, decaying buildings.
The neighbourhood started to lose its industrial identity and transitioned into a post-industrial district. Wealthy arrivals in this area gave avarice to some of the legal tenants of the chawls to shift and let in the new for residency, while many fled the city without a choice and emigrated.
Unemployed mill employees, including widows, looked for domestic labour to continue to make ends meet in the city. This place, which was formerly a gated community, changed into a space of disputes as a result of the people choosing various survival strategies.
The exteriors of places like Dadar, Parel, and Matunga have been replaced by sky-touching structures on tiny, claustrophobic plots with glossy glass windows.
In the Dadar neighbourhood of Mumbai with pedestrian-friendly walkway, that once had ventilated balconies opening in has been replaced by intimidating concrete buildings
The Hindu Colony in Dadar has lost its distinctive local architectural character, as Fiona Fernandez accurately noted in her article for the Mid-day published on September 27, 2021.
Now that the balconies that originally faced the streets have vanished, all that is left to be seen are closed windows, deserted streets, and a lack of social interaction. The result has been the loss of local historicity, which authentically belongs to the city of Mumbai, and the weakening of social fabric as a result of suburban redevelopment based on global notions.
Thousands are being cleared out and relocated. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) evacuated thousands of impoverished residents living in slums along the Tansa pipeline to the outskirts of Mumbai for security and health grounds in order to make room for the migration of wealthier residents. Mahul, a former fishing community, is where these 30,000 displaced people are left to fend for themselves, according to Puja Changoiwala’s piece that appeared in The Guardian on February 26, 2018.
These families are pushed away from the city by the high concrete walls that house them. For the locals, necessities like electricity and
water are luxury items. There are no nearby schools, colleges, offices, or transportation amenities.
These Mumbai residents were lured away with empty promises and are now left to fend for themselves in a province which lacks the supply of basic amenities and hygiene.
Gentrification, if thought about, could very well become a way of engaging a city and its people into new interactions where the already existing are celebrated and made to feel included by the new ones joining in as they find ways to boost the city’s economy together.
But unfortunately, what the city is facing today is the loss of its local heritage.
The natives are getting deeper in debt while trying to cope with the economic standards that would let them live where they live and feel a sense of belonging, a home away from home.
These natives of the city, are its living heritage and real identity. They are the contributors of its metropolitan status and stature today. Mills back then, commercial districts today, who knows what the future holds. But what stays constant are the workforce behind it.
It is the people who the city needs to not just keep going but to keep growing.
Hence, taking care of the ones who contributed at some potential time is the responsibility of the city. But a city like Mumbai, which was always planned to serve as a significant financial asset for the country, has a tendency to grow and become a land of opportunities for people.
But are we letting go of our very own in this process?
Many have become deprived of their homes to make homes for many others. Their necessities have transformed to become their challenges now. If not retrospected and redirected, the development of the city today, the chances of us being the next in line to be deprived of our right to have a corner of our own in the city can not be denied.
The city has been aiming to adopt globally set infrastructural developments, peeling their historically matured skin in due process and overshadowing the ones not wanting to shed their skin. Hence, identifying these marginalised communities within the metropolis struggling to survive through gentrification and understanding the reasons behind their current conditions to relook at them with an empathetic lens, to help them develop at their own pace and in accordance with their own need (if needed).
Furthermore, analysing which precinct calls for architectural interference.
Fig:“Migration is an expression of the human aspiration for dignity, safety and a better future. It is part of the social fabric, part of our very make-up as a human family.”
- Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General (2007-2016), United Nations, at the 2013 High-level Dialogue on International Migration and Development.
With movements occurring both within countries and across borders worldwide, migration is a genuinely global problem.
More than 1 billion people, or one-seventh of the world’s population, are migrants.
Mumbai is India’s largest city by demography and generates 33% of the nation’s income taxes, 60% of its customs duties, 20% of its federal excise taxes, and 40% of its foreign commerce (Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai 2009).
For many Indians who have a great fascination with Bollywood, it is also the city of their dreams.
The name change from Bombay to Mumbai in 1995 symbolises the evolving political structure and philosophy in Mumbai. Over time, Mumbai’s economy and population have grown at an unbridled rate.
The population and migration issue has been central to planning and governance throughout the development of the metropolis.
a variety of facets of Mumbai’s populace. Zachariah’s (1968) Bombay migration research examined several aspects of migrants in terms of trends and characteristics based on special migration tabulations from the 1961 census.
The study discovered that, in terms of demographic, social, and economic features, the longer migrants have been exposed to city life, the more they resemble non-migrants and the less they resemble people from their home countries.
According to the 2011 Census, 12.47 million people live in Mumbai city (MCGM), which spans a region of 603 square kilometres. 20,692 people per square kilometre, or an extremely high population density, characterises the entire city.
The population (and density) of Island City has remained fairly constant over the past few decades, hovering about 20 to 21 thousand people per square kilometre, whereas the density of the suburbs has increased from 11,119 people per square kilometre in 1981 to 20,924 people in 2011.
Numerous research on Mumbai’s population’s traits, migratory pattern, and behaviour have been conducted over the past few decades.
The research by Lakdawala (1963), arguably one of the more thorough ones on Mumbai in the early 1960s, sought to comprehend
The suburbs of Mumbai MCGM are administratively defined as suburban districts even though they are very much a part of the city and are not suburbs in the traditional sense. There are 24 wards in Mumbai, some of which are the size of a million-person metropolis.
Mumbai (MCGM) reached the millionperson mark in 1911, according to the history of population increase. The Census Commissioner J.H. Hutton ascribed the large fall in Mumbai’s population between 1921 and 1931 to the influence of the economic slump on the migration of migrants back to their homeland (Hutton 1986:16).
Mumbai, on the other hand, had rapid growth during the decade of independence (1941–51), averaging over 5% per year, and then continued to do so until 1981, averaging over 3% annually.
The growth rate then slowed to below 2 percent between 1981 and 1991 and 1991 to 2001 before crashing to less than 0.5 percent from 2001 and 2011.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Mumbai underwent a substantial economic transformation. The shutdown of the textile mills and the protracted textile worker strikes that followed have had a significant impact on this transformation. In the MMR, there was afterwards a significant movement of the engineering, chemical, and pharmaceutical sectors. Mumbai saw such a pronounced deindustrialization in the 1980s
and 1990s that it became a service metropolis (Bombay Metropolitan Region Development Authority 1995; MCGM 2009; 51). This appears to have been reflected in the city’s diminishing population growth, which fell to far below 2% annually during the 1980s and 1990s.
Although there was some continuity with previously observable trends - a roughly unchanging population size in the island city, a stagnation that has now lasted for four decades - and ongoing growth in the suburban areas to the north - the dramatic decline in the rate of population growth in the core during the past decade appears to signal a new era in the history of the Mumbai mega-urban region.
However, the remarkable fall in population growth in the suburbs of the core region from around 2.3 percent per year in the decade 1991–2001 to 0.8 percent per year during the decade 2001–2011 was the notable development during this time period. The centre of population growth has completely left the main area.
Mumbai became India’s largest commercial and industrial hub as a result of its port infrastructure and large-scale industries like its cotton textile mills, which began operating around 1850.
Beginning in the early 20th century, Mumbai developed itself as a significant industrial hub, with the textile sector controlling its economy.
In Central Mumbai, the industry grew outside of the then-populated neighbourhoods. With the expansion of the chemical and pharmaceutical sectors, as well as a sizable number of businesses producing consumer goods and engineering goods, Mumbai’s industrial base was diversified throughout the post-Independence era.
Numerous reasons, including those listed below, contributed to Mumbai’s deindustrialization:
(Nijman, 2000; Soman, 2001; D’Monte, 2002; Whitehead, 2008; Sharma, 2010)
1. The government’s industrial policy, which promoted the construction and growth of enterprises in underdeveloped areas and the relocation of polluting industries to peripheral areas as a result of environmental and pollution control regulations
2. Favouritism in the government’s taxation and other policies toward the organised sector,
3. Relatively high input costs for things like power, water, and transportation;
4. The 1980s labour movement’s militancy; and
5. Exorbitant property values in the city.
While these particular reasons undoubtedly had an impact on Mumbai’s deindustrialization, it’s possible that this process was unavoidable even though it could have been slowed down.
In Central Mumbai, where a number of textile factories have “fallen ill,” the collapse of manufacturing is particularly pronounced.
Right now, a few haphazard attempts at gentrification have led to huge towers growing next to the slums. In fact, bowling alleys, shopping arcades, and other upscale constructions have entered the centre of the textile district.
Moving from one location in the world to another is known as human migration. Human migration patterns, which affect the cultural landscapes of both the places people depart and the places they settle, are a reflection of the circumstances of a changing world.
Today’s migration is mostly influenced by economic trends. People are constantly looking for improved job prospects.
International migration has become a reality that affects practically every area of the globe today, and it is a global process that is growing. Many people relocate to other countries in search of better economic possibilities than on their own.
There are various systems that could be used to categorise international migrants, who are divided into nine groups: temporary workers, irregular, illegal, or undocumented immigrants, more skilled and business migrants, refugees, people fleeing persecution, people migrating for forced reasons, family members returning home, and long-term, low-skilled migrants.
The pattern of internal migration can be broken down into two categories: intra-state movement, which refers to movement inside the state, and inter-state movement, which refers to migration over state borders and establishment in a different state.
In India, there are basically two categories of internal migration: Long-term migration that results in the relocation of a person or family.
Back and forth travel between a source and a destination is a short-term migration.
According to the 2011 Census, people who moved from one rural area to another made up more than half of all internal migrants (53.84%), while migration from rural to urban and urban to urban made up around 20% of each.
Political, demographic, socioeconomic, and environmental factors are among the “macrofactors” that have a significant impact on migration. These are the main causes of forced migration, whether it be domestic or international, and they are largely outside the control of the individual.
Over the years, migration has helped Mumbai flourish, although the trend and pattern of migration has changed significantly. People born outside of Mumbai made up the majority of Mumbai’s population in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. At the beginning of the 20th century, the percentage of migrants based on place of birth was as high as 80%, but it gradually decreased to 43% by 2001.
On the other side, throughout the same time period, the proportion of migrants from Gujarat and Goa consistently decreased, from 16.9% to 9.6% and from 3% to 0.6%, respectively.
An increase in interstate migration, primarily from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, was accompanied by a decline in intrastate migration.
Additionally, migration has been migrating to Mumbai’s outskirts.
Migration is frequently associated with the expansion of slums in Mumbai. The Mumbai Metropolitan Region has a sizable slum population, which is mainly centred in the Core, or the MCGM area. Mumbai is home to more than 2000 slum communities that are tucked in between commercial centres and middle- and upper-class neighbourhoods (Sharma, 2010).
As a result, Mumbai’s social fabric emerged for not having rich and poor districts segregated but rather coexisting, in contrast to many European and American cities. That said, the rich continue to grow richer while the poor struggle to survive.
The biggest shift over the past fifty years was the sharp rise in the proportion of immigrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, which went from 0.2% and 3.5% respectively in 1961 to 24.5% and 24.5% in 2001, respectively.
According to the 2001 Census in Mumbai City (MCGM), the slum population made up 54 percent of the total population. In 2011 (unpublished data acquired by the first author), that percentage dropped to 52.5 percent (6.5 million). There are numerous slum pockets scattered around the city, but they are more numerous in the western and eastern suburbs under the control of Mumbai MCGM along the railroad tracks.
Slums have expanded due to migration, but they have also expanded naturally.
Nearly two-fifths of the city’s adult population (ages 15 to 49) in 2005–06 was made up of migrants, including roughly 45% of men and 53% of women (International Institute for Population Sciences, 2009:90).
Housing for their employees was once offered by cotton textile and factory owners, railroads, and the Bombay Improvement
Trust near the workplaces (Bhowmik, 2011) . These apartment buildings were referred to as chawl.
However, since the early 1980s, the migrant workers have been compelled to find their own housing due to the decrease in the formal sector and the quickly expanding informal sector.
Although migrants gave the city cheap labour, they were unable to purchase housing because of its exorbitant costs relative to their income levels. These conditions push them to encroach the city’s land, then become slums.
One of the main causes of the city of Mumbai’s (MCGM) population gradually moving to the outer and inner zones was the city’s housing shortage. However, the majority of the population of Mumbai still resides in slums despite an increase in the percentage of the people living in the periphery (MCGM).
The future of Mumbai and its development planning has been the subject of intense discussion during the past ten years. Politicians, elites, and those in the inner sanctum of power all find great appeal in the notion that Mumbai should turn into Shanghai or Singapore.
This is a problem that affects the slum inhabitants’ sustainability, security, and ability to support themselves in addition to their access to shelter. The bulk of the migrating population is living in appalling conditions, and needs better premises to survive.
In Mumbai, however, urban planning procedures have often been disregarded over the years. Mumbai’s primary difficulty is to offer cheap accommodation to the majority of its residents who earn very little money and live in uninviting slums.
Cities are becoming more characterised by social segregation, poverty, violence, and environmental degradation, which presents enormous issues related to the speed and size of urbanisation.
Unplanned urban growth may have a negative impact on people’s economic and social wellbeing by causing traffic jams, subpar housing, strain on the government’s already stretched resources, and air and water pollution.
Urban governance is the process by which stakeholders, including local, regional, and national governments, choose how to plan, finance, and manage urban regions. The distribution of social and material resources as well as political authority is constantly negotiated and contested. As a result, it is intensely political, influenced by the development and functioning of political institutions, the ability of the government to make and carry out choices, and the degree to which those decisions take into account and act in the interests of the poor. It includes a wide range of institutions, relationships, and economic and social forces.
demands; determines the quantity, quality, and effectiveness of local services;
3. determines how resources are shared among different groups; and plays a crucial role in shaping the physical and social character of urban regions.
One of the major issues facing society in the twenty-first century is how to manage cities and urban expansion. Cities can be growthpromoting forces if they are properly run, giving residents better access to jobs, healthcare, housing, safety, and social development. Cities can also help a country expand by generating more cash, maintaining political stability, and aiding in post-conflict peacemaking. On the other hand, cities that are poorly designed, run, and controlled can develop into hotbeds of inequity, strife, and poverty.
But with a democratic practice, comes the play of claim and power. There comes a shift from focusing on the city’s well-being to proving domination and power.
1. affects residents’ access to local government and participation in decision-making,
2. influences affects local government accountability and responsiveness to citizen
These conflicts debar people from their actual needs from the city as they get pushed deeper away from the system and its benefits. What they get access to is a corrupt, altered version of their resources.
rize-winning images have been inspired by the inequality in Mumbai. Who can forget the cliched image of a jetliner coming in to land over squalor-filled slums? Films that won awards were inspired by it. To mention one, consider Slumdog Millionaire.
It is a reality that wealth disparity has sharply increased in cities all across the world. The benefits of this prosperity are highly unequally distributed, despite the fact that economic globalisation has greatly increased wealth. While wages for the service jobs that have replaced manufacturing jobs lost to globalisation have stagnated or decreased, wealth has increased at the very top of the income spectrum.
The notion that global cities are beneficial to the majority of their citizens faces a fundamental challenge if this expanding disparity is both destructive to urban residents and an unavoidable component of the global city.
This approach of framing the inequality issue invites two possible solutions. The first is that, despite being inevitable, inequality in big cities is not bad. The second is that inequality is not inevitable, despite the fact that it is bad.
must confront them if they are to avoid losing the vitality that makes them so appealing.
Numerous study papers and dissertations, including those from top overseas colleges, have used inequality as their foundation. It has given rise to a small industry of victimisation, blaming, and name-calling.
However, inequality has never been discussed at the one place where it belongs: the high table of political and administrative decision-making, where ambitious plans and vision statements to turn the city into a world metropolis are signed.
Even in that situation, it is clear that the issues of inequality are exceedingly challenging to solve because the first response is less persuasive than the second. However, cities
When planners and urban designers employ a long number of criteria to create alternative plans for Mumbai, it is frequently not even stated by name. How extreme and widespread is inequality in Mumbai? In the absence of a thorough and reliable investigation, it continues to be a matter of forecasts, superimposing competing data sets, and anecdotal evidence. Simply put, inequality is when many people struggle daily to get access to basic amenities while a small group of people live extravagantly wealthy lives. However, there are physical, sociological, and topographical components to the urban divide. According to the Billionaires Census 2014 conducted by multinational wealth research and advisory businesses, Mumbai is home to 28 of the 100 billionaires in India and was placed fourth among the top 10 Asian cities in terms of its billionaire population in October 2014.
Mumbai residents’ average annual income was estimated to be Rs3.54 lakh last year by Forbes, the magazine that presents its list of billionaires annually.
But inequality goes beyond a disparity between the richest and poorest earners.
It is the difference between waiting in line for water at the neighbourhood tap at 3.30 in the morning and washing an SUV with 50 litres of water. Or a five-person household taking up 60,000 square feet while the vast majority of families are content with 100 or, at most, 1,000 square feet. Or exploding in a night of revelry that cost so much money that it would cover hundreds of families’ monthly food expenses. or local schools closing as others around the world open.
There are extreme contrasts in living conditions that cannot be seen elsewhere in the nation. It’s as though there are two separate cities inside of one.
City planners and decision-makers should be concerned about inequality because it affects opportunity and mobility, particularly for the poorest, in a manner that other issues in urban environments do not. It has the potential to cause social unrest and, in the long run, urban decay. Additionally, it is ethically abhorrent.
or her opportunities in life. Mumbai’s decisionmakers can only ignore this relationship at the risk of the city’s future because it is now so clear how inequality, poverty, location, and opportunity are related in a city.
Violence in cities is predictable; it tends to concentrate in particular locations, among particular populations, and at very precise times. This indicates that crime is concentrated in “hot spot” neighbourhoods and blocks and is hyperlocal.
Victimisation by violence in cities is influenced by various and interrelated types of inequality. For instance, victims are more likely to be individuals in the lower income and wealth quintiles than those in the upper income categories. Although poverty and income inequality have decreased nationally in Mexico, communities with larger economic disparity report higher rates of violent crime. Limited natural surveillance, residential disadvantage (poor income, high unemployment, low education), and neighbourhood instability are frequently seen in the most afflicted neighbourhoods (high levels of mobility and single-headed households).
There is a tonne of international literature on topics like how inequality is eroding cities and how a child’s neighbourhood influences his
Similar to how gender and racial disparities can contribute to economic inequality, they are also associated with greater rates of violent exposure. Higher levels of safety are directly correlated with labour force participation, academic attainment, reproductive health, and political representation.
Governments, corporations, and civil society organisations must begin by focusing on crime hotspots, especially in deprived regions, in order to reverse inequality and reduce crime in cities. It is crucial to implement comprehensive solutions that combine better environmental design, datadriven policing, targeted service delivery, and smarter infrastructure with increased security over property ownership.
Urban inequality is a reflection of where people of different skill levels choose to dwell. While skill inequality itself can be explained by past schooling trends and immigration, it can also account for around one-third of the variation in city-level income inequality.
The industrial makeup of cities may also be a contributing element. The degree to which cities specialise in these various industries could help to explain cross-city variation in the amount of skilled people and the demand for them. Varied industries have different skill intensities. Additionally, big business services industries like accountancy or legal firms might be found in locations with a high proportion of qualified individuals.
Whether measured in terms of income, wealth, welfare, or endowments, inequality has a significant impact on everything from life expectancy to social cohesion and social mobility.
Thus, one of the most effective methods to decrease violence is to eliminate inequality and concentrated disadvantage in violent cities and neighbourhoods.
Unemployment is a given, according to economists. It most certainly is in a marketbased economy. In order to envision inclusion and integration as they plan for Mumbai, planners must look beyond these assumptions. It would be unwise to fail to do so.
Programs that increase community engagement, empowerment, and access to employment opportunities are also essential.
When these regulations are in place, they can produce immediate and long-lasting effects. In the long run, lowering inequality is a down payment on lowering violence.
The city of Mumbai, often known as Bombay, is a last city to take into account while arguing that global cities have been an urban phenomenon not limited to the past century. The Portuguese took possession of Mumbai in the late fifteenth century after it had been initially ruled by native Indian tribes, and they went on to make the city a significant role in their commercial empire. Similar to how Bombay was a strategic commerce port under English rule due to its location on the western coast of India. Today, Mumbai serves as India’s financial hub. This metropolis, which was inefficiently spread out over seven islands, seemed to have been destined to become a global power from the moment the Portuguese arrived and brought it into the world stage.
However, Mumbai’s evident socio-economic disparities are arguably the best justification for it to be regarded as a global city.
The degree of spatial and socioeconomic inequality present in these cities is being exacerbated by the increase in high-level professionals and highly lucrative specialised service businesses.
Portuguese maps of the city and its surroundings reveals a concentration on the subcontinent’s coasts. Cities along the coast undoubtedly offer a platform for extending into the world market, therefore the Portuguese focused mainly on areas where they stood to gain economically. The opulent Portuguese settlements in the coastal cities flourish but the surrounding territories are stripped of their resources because maps created during this era flagrantly overlook interior India, creating a divide between the beaches and the hinterlands.
Therefore, there are little differences between Portuguese Mumbai and contemporary Mumbai. In both versions of the city, the affluent minority benefits financially while fostering significant socioeconomic gaps at the expense of the poor majority. Additionally, it seems absurd to not consider Mumbai to have been a global city even during the time of Portuguese rule given the disconnection from hinterlands and the usefulness of Mumbai as a platform to enter the global market, two tenets we have already established to be essential to the term “global city.”
Sadly, Mumbai’s slums border some of the richest areas in the city, as can be seen by looking at a map of the area.
The disparity in socioeconomic justice in Mumbai dates at least to the time that Portugal ruled the city; a close examination of
Numerous negative effects on society result from this enormous economic gap between the wealthy and the poor. On the one hand, wealthy people have access to the most pricey lifestyle indulgences since they have access to large sums of money.
On the other side, poor people battle to make ends meet throughout their lives. Many factors affect how a country develops, including the large economic divide. If given a fair chance, the impoverished may have a lot of intellectual potential as well as hidden qualities and skills that, when combined, can easily surpass those of the wealthy. These human resources, which have the potential to greatly advance a country, are untapped.
In addition, those who make sincere efforts to improve their living conditions become demoralised when they realise the disparity between their living conditions and those of wealthy people, which increases the crime rate. They come to the idea that using dishonest and unlawful methods is the only way to become affluent.
The government must take appropriate action to address the severe issues brought on by poverty. The wealthy must also demonstrate a desire to distribute their money to the less fortunate. The government should identify the impoverished and assist them in raising their standard of living by providing them with free or discounted food, health care, and education. The wealthy should be made aware of the grave disadvantages that the
nation’s uneven distribution of wealth among its citizens has on the country as a whole. To provide the poor a chance to make a good living, the wealthy should be encouraged to voluntarily pay money to government programmes.
In order to maintain ongoing growth and development of a country, it is crucial to close the economic gap between the rich and the poor. Long-term gains from efforts made in this direction will raise a country’s position in the world.
The city continues to be a study in stark contrasts. The majority of people living in the city do not have a legal right to the land they are on. The city’s 1.25 million slum dwellers were estimated in 1971.
People leave the challenging and diminishing agricultural sector as it gets more efficient and instead pursue positions in metropolitan manufacturing or services. This has been happening for a while.
Researchers agree that the globe will get more crowded in the future decades, despite the fact that it is impossible to anticipate population levels with any degree of accuracy.
More than half of the city’s 9 million residents, according to data gathered in 1985, lived in slums, but they only took up 2000 of the 43000 hectares of land that the city covered.
There were 10,000 hectares of undeveloped land at the time, the most of which belonged to governmental agencies, particularly the Bombay Port Trust. More than half of the unoccupied property held by private builders was owned by about 90 landlords. On 6% of Bombay’s area, more than half the population resides.
rent. The state has attempted to redistribute land through legislation, particularly the Urban Land Ceiling and Regulation Act, but the outcomes have fallen short of expectations.
The amount of land that could be used to build houses for the lower and middle classes rose, yet the majority of the poor still reside in slums or are homeless.
Many people are huddled together in close-knit communities of one-room huts. Others must work hard to locate and then hold onto vacant areas along railroad tracks, on rooftops, or even under bridges.
Many people lack access to safe drinking water and waste disposal facilities.
The slums’ housing is claustrophobic, congested, and poorly ventilated. The average slum resident has access to about 50 square feet of space. Due to the lack of available land, even slums have a variety of socioeconomic levels.
Housing for the less fortunate is often a small area surrounded on two sides by tarpaulin, a few wooden rods, old plastic sheets, long strips of cloth, sometimes saris, gunny sacks, and other materials.
Inequities in land and housing are reinforced by ownership concentration.
Additionally, it enabled speculation, fake scarcity, and capital accumulation through
Residents of Bombay lack access to clean water in large numbers. The majority of slums lack sanitary systems for excreta, sewage, and silage disposal. One of the city’s largest health risks is this. 174 slums in Bombay’s 619 registered slums reported having no toilets during a census. Both literally and conceptually, the majority of Mumbai employees are marginalised.
Their job is unpredictable, unprotected, and uncontrolled in informalized ways of manufacturing and services. Their lives are ruled by instability and privation.
Although they have severed their ties to the village, they have not assimilated into the urban, industrial culture.
Their existence is still limited to crowded, dense locations where they must constantly fight to survive and procreate both physically and culturally.
In these conditions, little slum communities of regional, ethnic, and religious groupings act as a reflection of the community. Consciousness is dominated by regional identification.
The poor and the disadvantaged in the city have suffered adverse effects from the unequal institutionalisation of the new economies. Along with widening social and geographic disparities, it has also linked and linked up a sizable element of the underclass with a chauvinist and vigilante movement.
Mumbai is indeed a city made extensively by its people. The people, migrants, communities that run the city are the only constants in the evolving times of Mumbai. But these people who have made the city what it is today are on a therhold of extinction. They are struggling to retain their space in Mumbai due to its capitalist shift of visions.
There is an evident loss of empathy in this due process as people are okay to replace their own species in a vicnity they find profit in. The city is changing but is losing its own in this process.
Mumbai houses a diverse variety of communities who came to this land at varied different periods of development there. With the changed economic conditions and benchmarks here, a number of these communities are facing threats of displacement, power and extinction.
On the basis of the concepts deciphered, approaches understood and the inferences made, this chapter involves identifying endangered indigenious communities of the city who need architectural assistance to guide a phase 2 for their life in the city and continue to make them feel relevant in the city.
Hence, to rightly identify these communities, the criteria would broadly be:
1. An evident commonality in terms of occupational practice, culture, social practices and way of living.
2. Its significance in Mumbai’s history at a given point in time.
3. The community volunteering to maintain their endangered current conditions in order to revive their authentic living.
Based on the inferences and the mentioned site requirements, 4 sites are shortlisted from within the city.
In the 16th century, Kandivali was made up of a variety of villages, including Charkop, BunderPakhadi koliwada, and Kandivali (also known as Kandol). The other historic Kandivali villages were inhabited by the East Indian, Bhandari, Koli, and SKP populations, who are still present in Kandivali and are known as the original native inhabitants of Mumbai. The area around Kandivali was populated throughout the Stone Age, according to artefacts discovered there. The Fonseca’s from Bandra migrated to Kandivali during the 1900s plagues. They
initially made their home at Akurli to the east of Kandivali before moving to Poisar to the west. They flourished here, and a few families still live there now. In Poisar, there are shrines for each of the three main communities.
In the North Mumbai neighbourhood of Kandivali (West), there is a place called Charkop. The ancient name of Charkop was “Char Khop” (), which is Marathi for “a site of four huts’’ or “a little village with four dwellings.” The Koli people, often known as
the fishermen, are thought to be the original inhabitants of Charkop. British records draw attention to a fact that is not supported by the rest of the article. We have Kandolee Valley and Kandivali because the place names that finish in “vali ‘’ refer to the actual valleys to the nearby little hills.
Atypical day at the fish market here is crowded with customers coming from nearby and distant communities to buy fish from the Koli women selling fish in baskets outside under the sun. It is possible to access the start of a small community of Charkop Koliwada by way of a little route that runs through this marketplace. Doors that open onto the street are common, as are guys reading newspapers on chairs outdoors while having a discussion with the other four people who are walking by. These vibrant homes are located in the shadows of the recently constructed skyscrapers. The locals saw this as an opportunity to earn extra money, so they had tiny communities with residents from Jalna and Aurangabad erected on portions of the marshy ground on the other side of the talav. Here, the women take on domestic cleaning and cooking duties while the men work as wage earners. The Koliwada’s rooms (kholis) are similarly close together. A thin stream of light from the jali between two roofs illuminates the dim, confined spaces.
The hutments that presently make up the new border of the marshy terrain are located beyond these two belts. Families that cannot afford the rent in the societies are the majority of those who live in kaccha dwellings.
The koliwada employs indigenous fishing methods and plays a significant role in providing fish to the surrounding community. As a result, the community’s upkeep and genuine development become vital. Additionally, the property will be impacted by the construction of the Coastal Road and may perhaps be washed away. Therefore, it would take work to provide pertinent solutions in line with urban initiatives and to rethink them as well.
While the cluster housing plan contributes to the culture of the neighbourhood, it also gives rise to unfavourable drainage and other services that the neighbourhood requires to survive. A better, more organised,
and hygienic drainage system is required. The residents of Charkop Koliwada make enough money to either invest in improving living conditions or ensure their future. This further exposes the site to risk since, as in the past, it has the funds but not the best use for them.
The homes in the Koliwada area are in good shape, but additional lighting is needed in the public areas. Better care and space are required for the market area, which is the focus of their business. Before they are subjected to large, dismal buildings, the encroachments beyond the Koliwada need a better standard of living. For the Koliwada to continue to be its own entity, they need a more carefully planned development.
Sharing a boundary with the Mahalaxmi railway station, located at the saat rasta roundabout, when taken a seat back from Mumbai’s daily rigmarole, what one could identify are the whites, the greens, the reds and the yellows beneath the sky blues. If followed, these colours lead you down to the largest open laundry of Asia- The Mahalaxmi Dhobi Ghat. Though not by the Municipal Corporation, but by the people there, the occupation here is very well organised. It is insane to know that an occupation that began in the Victorian Era
almost 140 years ago with just 50 washermen has grown to become a recognised landmark for the Mahalaxmi area.
This laundromat came to Bombay when the city was facing an industrial and commercial boom. It took over the entire laundry service of all the worker classes working for the hospitals, docks, mills, and all the other East India Company’s commercial sectors in the city. Till the 1890s the people here had two bifurcated systems adopted in their
occupational arenas, one being washing and the other soaking. People and the workforce were divided as per these two procedures. But as population in the city and in this industry increased by 1895, all the washer men and women learnt to do everything to suffice the service needed.
Today, the dhobis with better economic viabilities are open to technological advancements as one might find machinery taking over certain hand washed methods practised.
With Dabbawala at the top, the Dhobi Kalyan and Audyogik Vikas Cooperative Society stands as the second most known essential labour organisation in Mumbai to date.
By declaring the precinct as a slum, the development of this region comes under SRA. A community thriving on its occupation, living in and around it, surrounding itself by the processes involved, would be curbed into tall buildings and dark corridors of SRA if not treated differently.
The site has urban relevance because the majority of commercial sectors, hotels and restaurants, and other important occupational sectors still rely on this system for their cleaned clothes or uniforms. However, considering the location’s present status and poor condition, it’s feasible that a building complex will emerge there in a few years. Therefore, for the Dhobi Ghat to maintain its identity, social relevance, and significance, a phase-wise interference at the urban level would be beneficial. Due to the badly maintained service channels, the entire site is always submerged in water to some extent. Waste and garbage have been poured into the reservoirs. Also prohibited were the channels.
The website requires a system that works well. The residents of Dhobi Ghat make enough money to invest in a higher quality of life or to ensure their future. This makes the website even more vulnerable because they have the funds but not the right use for them. Since the system is already in place and only requires sanitization, development, and service administration, housing for the local population takes centre stage in the designing process. The dhobis and their family are also housed in the ghat. Since the residences are where they live and work, they do require upkeep and improved spatial exploration. However, because the location is part of ASI Group II-B, it must maintain and preserve a sizable portion of the property in order to preserve its heritage.
Juhu was a long, thin sand bar that was an island in the nineteenth century. It was located off the west coast of Salsette and rose a few metres above sea level.
It might be accessible by crossing the tidal inlet during low tide.
The Portuguese called Juhu “Juvem”. The village of Juhu, home to Bhandaris (toddy tappers), Agris (salt traders), and Kunbis (cultivators), was located at its northernmost
tip, and a tiny community of fishermen and cultivators dwelt opposite Bandra island at its southernmost point (Koliwada).
There were primarily Kolis and a small number of Goans living in Juhu.
The Portuguese constructed the Church of St. Joseph in 1853. Since almost a century, Mumbai’s well-heeled and wealthiest residents have been drawn to the open beaches of Juhu.
Jamsetji Tata bought land on Juhu in the 1890s and erected a home there. In Juhu Tara, he intended to build 1,200 acres (4.9 km2).
Only 25 metres separate Moragoan from the high tide line, which is located on J K Mahatre Road in Juhu. The locals had to struggle because a builder was trying to construct multi-story flats while simultaneously breaking CRZ restrictions under the pretence of redeveloping a slum.
The Moragaon Kohli Samaj Seva
Sangh wrote letters to the then Chief Minister Manohar Joshi in 1996 regarding illegal construction and land filling by Messrs Privincial Housing and Private Ltd.
Moragaon’s timeline over the years.
1996:
Violation of rights by Sanghai builders. Huge boulders dumped to expand land area. 250 houses demolished. Temporary 2 storeyed structure built. Builders vacating the plot by persuasion and force. Money being paid to families to vacate. No transit accommodation provided. Builders concealing information from localsSecurity guards teasing women, not allowing fishermen to spread their nets or access the sea.
1997:
20th March 1997- Letter to SRA to cancel builders application and inform what will be FSI if we develop on our own.
16th April 1997- Fishermen fight to save their village, Bogus names creep into slum schemes.
1998:
MOEF New Delhi allows construction of landward side of imaginary line drawn along the existing authorized structures in CRA II. Send us a copy of letter dated 27th March 1998 so that exact text of modification is brought to our knowledge.
2000:
Exclusion of slum dwellers from present going census. Builder influencing survey officers, population has adequate proof including pre 95 and 91 voters list request to record all pre 95 slum dwellers.
Avillage that began as a koliwada is in danger of being declared a slum for all time. It must be saved before the entire gaon that formerly covered Juhu washes away because some of it is ruined.
Due to the badly maintained service channels, the entire site is always submerged in water to some extent. Waste and garbage have been poured into the reservoirs. Also prohibited were the channels. The website requires a system that works well.
Despite the appalling conditions in which the locals live, the Koli samaj has been striving
to ensure their survival. Therefore, it would be wise to channel their zeal toward defending their validity.
The main reason for classifying these areas as slums is the poor quality of the dwellings. Therefore, improving their living circumstances will be a key component of the design intent.
By improving and updating diverse locations inside the borders, Koliwada’s original spirit is being brought back to life in the village today.
3.4
There are communities that not many people are aware of in the Madh Island region, which has what may be the city’s most undeveloped shoreline. Erangal and Bhati, which are ghost villages during the monsoon when the fishing season is over, are connected by the Erangal-Bhati beach, which is close to the INS Hamla. Both Maharashtrians and East Indians are natives of the village of Erangal. The homes, on the other hand, have an East Indian flair thanks to their large verandahs. The style of living hasn’t changed despite the modernization
of their appliances. They fish all year long and seek cover from the monsoons.
The fishermen’s society building in the village’s centre continues to be in charge and ensures that everything functions well. The beach, which is where the village opens up, is the only playground for the children of the two communities. Several tourists stay in Erangal and Bhati villages during the first four months of the year, and the beach becomes a popular location for parties.
The village’s periphery is also home to new construction, including cottages, due to its remote location.
Two historic forts and the well-known St. Bonaventure Church, a 16th-century Portuguese masterpiece, are also located in Erangal. The extravagant “Feast Day” of St. Bonaventure is one of the primary causes of the heightened visitor traffic in January. The majority of the locals work as fishermen, while only a small number of Erangal residents also farm.
One of Mumbai’s original agricultural communities is Erangal Village. It was renovated in the 1950s after World War II and dates back to the 1530s.
The precinct was constructed organically. However, there has been a considerable change in the structures.
Both Maharashtrians and East Indians are natives of the village of Erangal. The homes, on the other hand, have an East Indian flair thanks to their large verandahs.
The building has two functional wells, pockets of the local community, and well-known sights like Erangal Beach, Danapani Beach, St. Bonaventure Church, Bastion, etc.
Seawater has been seeping into the community due to builders’ uncontrolled mangrove cutting.
The village is one of Mumbai’s original agrarian settlements. Although there have been generations of residents, the area is still potentially suitable for real estate development. Except for the main road, all of the site’s drains are open and visible. Since the area experiences tremendous rainfall during the monsoon, they require care and a civilised system.
The Bhandari Samaj has been active in the community and may be involved in the growth of the neighbourhood.
Additionally, due to people splitting away, the agricultural occupation is in danger of
disappearing altogether. A key first step would be to revive that occupation.
The goal of the design is to improve the few remaining traditional, run-down homes in order to better preserve the gaothan culture.
The gaothan features a variety of flow out and community areas that, in light of their current relevance and significance to the local community, require further care and upliftment.
The nearby wells have long been important culturally, but due to current conditions, they may soon cease to exist.
Mumbai is indeed a city made extensively by its people. The people, migrants, communities that run the city are the only constants in the evolving times of Mumbai. But these people who have made the city what it is today are on a therhold of extinction. They are struggling to retain their space in Mumbai due to its capitalist shift of visions.
There is an evident loss of empathy in this due process as people are okay to replace their own species in a vicnity they find profit in. The city is changing but is losing its own in this process.
Fig:1
Source: Author
Fig: 2
Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig: 3
Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig:4
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Fig: 5
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Fig: 6
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Fig: 7
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Fig: 8-22- 15 Types of Compositions
Source: https://www.muddycolors. com/2021/04/15-types-of-composition/
edited by: Author
Fig:23- Miao Community of China
Image- Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig: 26
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Fig: 27-35- Attributes of Ancient & Modern Civilizations
Source: Author
Fig:36-38- Driving Forces of Civilizations
Image- Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig:39, 39.1
Image- Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig: 40- Serpentine Gallery Pavilion 2011
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily.
com/146392/serpentine-gallery-pavilion-2011-peter-zumthor
edited by: Author
Fig: 41- Kanchanjanga Apartments
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily. com/151844/ad-classics-kanchanjunga-apartments-charles-correa
edited by: Author
Fig: 42- Homomonument
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily. com/984342/homomonument-the-importance-of-a-representative-space-in-the-city
edited by:Author
Fig:24- Nukak-Maku Community of Columbia
Image- Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig:25- Pokfulam Village in Hong Kong
Image- Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig: 43- Sabarmati Ashram
Image- Source: https://charlescorreafoundation.org/2022/02/23/gandhi-smarak-sangrahalaya/
edited by:Author
Fig: 44- The Rajkumari Ratnavati Girl’s School
Image- Source: https://architizer.com/ blog/projects/the-rajkumari-ratnavati-girls-school/
edited by:Author
Fig: 45- Jawahar Kala Kendra
Image- Source: https://archeyes.com/jawahar-kala-kendra-charles-correa/ edited by:Author
Fig: 46- Kolumba Museum
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily. com/72192/kolumba-musuem-peter-zumthor
edited by:Author
Fig: 47- IHA Residence
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily. com/917075/iha-residence-wallmakers
edited by:Author
Fig: 48- Mumbai Artist Retreat
Image- Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 49- Poignant Memorial for Victims of Lynching
Image-Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 50- The Light Box
Image- Source: https://www.archdaily. com/792129/the-light-box-rohan-chavan
edited by:Author
Fig: 51- The Kasungu Maternity Village
Image- Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 52- Volontariat Homes
Image- Source: Pinterest , edited by:Author
Fig: 53- Mumbai City
Image- Source: Pinterest , edited by:Author
Fig: 54-59
Image Source: Pinterest, edited by: Author
Fig: 60-63
Image Source: Author
Fig: 64- The Seven Islands of Bombay
Map Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 65: Mumbai
Image- Source: Pinterest
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Fig: 66- Bombay 1764
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/photos_category/old-maps/page/2/
edited by: Author
Fig: 67- Bombay 1893
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/ photos_category/old-maps/page/2/
edited by: Author
Fig: 68- Aden, Bombay, Madras & Calcutta
1910
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/ photos_category/old-maps/page/2/
edited by: Author
Fig: 69- Bombay Fort, Colaba, Malabar Hill
1924
Map Source: https://www.past-india.com/ photos_category/old-maps/page/2/
edited by: Author
Fig: 70- The Koli women of Bombay
Image- Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 71,72: Caves then & now
Image- Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 73- Pathare Prabhu family
Image- Source: Pinterest
edited by:Author
Fig: 74- Pydhonie then
Source: Pinterest, edited by Author
Fig: 76- Koli woman in the fish market
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 77- Agri man
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 78- Demonstracao da Fortaleza de Mombaim
Map Source: https://hum54-15.omeka.fas.harvard.edu/exhibits/show/bombaim/introduction
Fig: 79, 80
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 81- Women of Bombay then
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author ¬
Fig: 82- Bombay Coast as seen by the Britishers
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 83- Old photo of Rajabai Tower
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 84- James Wales’s 1791-92 depiction of the view from Sion Fort
Image Source: https://bijoor.me/2013/09/10/
Fig: 75- Koli fishermen
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
sion-fort-guardian-of-bombay-island/
edited by Author
Fig: 85- Map of Bombay
Map Source: Author
Fig: 86- Old Mahim Fort
Image Source: https://oldphotosbombay. blogspot.com/2010/06/bombay-old-portuguese-fort-in-mahim.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 87: Bombay Police 1855-1862
Image Source- https://121clicks.com/inspirations/50-old-and-vintage-bombay-mumbai-photos
edited by: Author
Fig: 88- Parsi & Brahmin Girls 1880
Image Source- https://121clicks.com/inspirations/50-old-and-vintage-bombay-mumbai-photos
edited by: Author
Fig: 89- Mole Station 1925
Image Source: https://www.past-india.com/ photos-items/ballard-pier-mole-stationbombay-old-postcard-1925/
edited by: Author
Fig 90- Printing Press in Bombay
Image Source- https://oldphotosbombay. blogspot.com/2010/07/blog-post_6609.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 91- Colaba then
Image Source- https://railmantri.in/
edited by: Author
Fig: 92- Fort Area 1870
Image Source- https://www.past-india.com/ photos-items/mumbai-fort-19th-century-oldphoto-1870/
edited by: Author
Fig: 93 & 94
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 95 & 96
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 97- People of Bombay
Source: Pinterest
edited by Author
Fig: 97- Mills of Bombay
Image Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/ jordicastellsague/48127684441/in/pool-indiatraveldesk
edited by Author
Fig: 98- Phoenix Mill today
Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 99- Chawls near mills
Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 100, 101 – BIT & BDD Chawls of Bombay¬
Image Source: Pinterest
Edited: by Author
Fig:102- Princess Dock at Bombay Port
Image Source: https://bombaythatwas.blogspot. com/2016/11/princess-dock-at-bombay-port.
html
edited by: Author
Fig: 103- Mazgaon Dock 1914
Image Source: https://www.timetoast.com/ timelines/history-of-bombay-s-infrastructure
edited by: Author
Fig:104- Worli Koliwada
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig:105- Chakop Koliwada
Image Source: Author
Fig: 106-Bazaars of Bombay
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 107-Chor Bazaar
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig:108- Old Crawford Market
Image Source: https://indian-heritage-and-culture.blogspot.com/2013/08/ crawford-market-bombay-vintage.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 109, 110- Crawford Market today
Image Source: https://travelazzi.com/crawford-market/
edited by: Author
Fig: 111- Kamathipura then
Image Source: https://www.youthkiawaaz. com/2014/08/falkland-road-prostitutes-bombay-hard-hitting-account-life-brothels/
edited by: Author
Fig: 112,113- Prostitution in Bombay
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 114- Salt pans in Bhandup, Mumbai
Image Source: https://pixelvoyages. com/2015/03/06/bhandup-salt-pans-mumbai/ edited by: Author
Fig: 115- Mira-Bhayandar Salt pans
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 116- Dhobis
Image Source: https://lbb.in/mumbai/outdoor-laundry-dhobi-ghat-mumbai-mahalaxmi
edited by: Author
Fig: 117- Mahalaxmi Dhobi Ghat
Image Source: Author
Edite by: Author
Fig: 118: Dabbawalas of Bombay
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 119- Dabbawalas of Bombay
Image Source: https://www.fourseasons.com/ magazine/taste/four-seasons-mumbai-dabbawala-experience/
edited by: Author
Fig: 120- Annawadi, Mumbai
Image Source: https://www.rediff.com/news/ slide-show/slide-show-1-katherine-boo-beyond-the-beautiful-forevers/20120228.htm
edited by: Author
Fig: 121- Annawadi, Mumbai
Image Source: https://www.thestar.com/ news/world/2013/07/06/life_in_the_slums_ of_india.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 122- Dharavi
Image Source: https://www.tripsavvy.com/ mumbai-dharavi-slum-tours-4072927
edited by: Author
Fig: 123- Kumbharwada, Dharavi
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 124
Source: Author
Fig: 125-128
Source: Pinterest
Edited by: Author
Fig: 129- Bombay Chawls
Image Source: https://www.hindustantimes. com/mumbai-news/in-pics-a-look-inside-mumbai-s-cramped-but-comfortablechawls/story-Gl0Zw7VfZiJU9ezG54U0aL.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 130
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 131- Mahul
Image Source: https://www.kractivist.org/ absolute-hell-the-toxic-outpost-where-mumbais-poorest-are-sent-to-die-mustshare/
edited by: Author
Fig: 132
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 133
Source: Author
Fig: 134- Mumbai migration
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 135 & 136
Image Source: Census of India, 1981 to 2011
Fig: 137, 138
Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 139
Source: Author
Fig: 140
Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 141
Image Source: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/internationaldevelopment/2020/05/19/covid-19-theend-of-megacities-as-we-know-them/
edited by: Author
Fig: 142
Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 143
Image Source: https://qz.com/india/1396785/
drone-photos-capture-the-staggering-inequality-in-mumbai
edited by: Author
Fig: 144
Image Source: https://sputniknews. com/20180530/satellite-imagery-map-economic-inequality-1064937389.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 145
Image Source: https://wingspawstarsi. com/2019_07_28/2019_07_28.html
edited by: Author
Fig: 146
Image Source: Author
Fig: 147
Image Source: Author
Fig: 148- Charkop Koliwada
Image Source: Google Earth
edited by: Author
Fig: 149
Image Source: Author
Fig: 150
Image Source: Pinterest
edited by: Author
Fig: 151
Image Source: Author
Fig: 152- Mahalaxmi Dhobi Ghat
Image Source: Google Earth
edited by: Author
Fig: 153- Mahalaxmi Dhobi Ghat
Image Source: Author
Fig: 154
Image Source: Pinterest
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Fig: 155- Mora Gaothan
Image Source: Pinterest
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Fig: 156- Mora Gaothan
Image Source: Google Earth
edited by: Author
Fig: 157
Image Source: Pinterest
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Fig: 158
Image Source: Pinterest
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Fig: 159- Erangal Village
Image Source: Author
Fig: 160- Erangal Village
Image Source: Google Earth
edited by: Author
Fig: 161
Image Source: Author
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