like write-right-rite-Wright, etc. The Scandinavian languages, where inflexion is absent, have considerably less homonymy. This also holds for the extent in which the lexical and grammatical morphemes or words are distinguished, cf. Dan noun = preposition trods (defiance/ in spite of), adverb = preposition efter (after), under (down/under), preposition = conjunction til (to/until); Engl adverb = preposition across, noun = preposition behind, noun = adverb = preposition inside, adjective = adverb = conjunction still, verb = conjunction like, preposition = conjunction since, pronoun = conjunction that etc; Ic adverb = preposition undir (down/ under), noun = pronoun vor (spring/our, us), pronoun = preposition viđ (we/with), verb = conjunction enda (terminate/and also), adverb = conjunction begar (at once/when) etc.; Afr noun = preposition deur (door/through), noun = conjunction as (ash/axle/as) etc.; Fr noun = pronoun minen (grimaces/mine), dou (dove/you, thou), numeral = pronoun ien (one/somebody), noun = conjunction mar (lake/but) etc. 2.2 In the inflexion, the situation is much the same, cf. Ger –en denoting weak nom. pl masc. (Menschen), infinitive and the 1. and 3. pl of the present and past tense (arbeiten, arbeiteten), weak gen. and dat. sg masc. and neuter of adjectives and the whole of pl (kleinen): or –e in the function of verbal 1. sg present and past tense (reise, reiste), of nom., gen. and acc. pl of nouns (Tage), of the weak nom. sg of all genders and acc. fem. and neuter sg of adjectives (kleine) etc. And similar examples from Icelandic, cf. –ur appears in nom. sg masc. of nouns (sometimes also in other cases, mainly in sg, leikur game), in the strong nom. sg masc. of adjectives (fagur beautiful), in the 2., sometimes also 3. sg present tense of verbs (brestur burst); –i embraces the whole of the weak sg fem. of nouns (aefi life), the strong nom. and acc. pl of neuters (ríki realm), the weak nom. sg masc of adjectives (fagri beautiful), the 1. and 3. sg and 3. pl of the present subjunctive (bresti burst) etc. Scandinavian languages have this type of homonymy less frequently, cf. Sw –t denoting the neuter adjective (eget own) and both the past participle and supine of verbs (dragit carried, läst read); and also perhaps –en, used for the past participle of the strong verbs (dragen carried), and for marking the postpositive article of the common gender (barnen the child). Norwegian examples, cf. –e standing for the plural of nouns (laerere teachers), for the pl form of the strong adjectives (store great), for the sg form of the weak adjectives (store), for the infinitive (telle count), for the subjunctive (leve live), for the imperative sometimes (fordre claim) and as a component of the past tense endings (i.e. –de, –te, bygde built, leste read). There are only few other cases, much less heavily burdened, as the –e given here. In English, there is basically only one, though largely employed, ending, namely –s, cf. pl nouns (tables), possessive suffix of nouns (father’s house), 3. sg of the present tense of verbs (he speaks). Due to very few endings, Frisian inflexional homonymy is rather rich, like the German one, though it does not reach the high degree of the Icelandic. 2.3 Synonymy occurs generally somewhat less than homonymy, and when it does, it is in conformity with the existence of inflexion again. Its relevance for the individual languages can be quite typically illustrated on the variety of the forms and types of the plural (nominative) noun formation (subdivided into variants, in some cases). Latin and other foreign imports are not considered here, cf.: Dutch: boeken (books), zieken (the sick), schepen (ships), kalveren (calves), sleutels (keys); Engl: tables, horses, losses; children, geese;
98 Ukázka elektronické knihy, UID: KOS204695