Urban Adaptation to Climate Change
Data Driven Resistance ICT as a tool for community based adaptation in Koliwadas, Mumbai
Krishna Parikh spring 2020 Cornell University AAP
Image Courtesy Shweta Wagh and Hussain Indorewala
0. Flooding, a perennial threat to Mumbai 1. Koliwadas, vulnerable coastal community 1.1 Strengths 1.2 Vulnerability, outcome of climate change and unregulated urban growth 1.3 Politics of Exclusion and Marginalisation 2. Need for community driven adaptation 3. Use of data and ict for enhancing adaptive capacity 3.1 Knowledge Management 3.2 Mapping and Counter Mapping 3.3 Identity Assertion 3.4 Community Network 4. Conclusion 5. Bibliography
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Flooding
0
A perennial threat to Mumbai
Image Courtesy Robyn Perkins | GSD student Project
Chapter 0
Flooding, a perennial threat to Mumbai
The city of Mumbai with 20,000 people per square kilometer is one of the most dense metropolitan areas with a 150 km long coastline under the imminent threat of coastal flooding and sea level rise. Mumbai is largely located on reclaimed land, and much of the new settlement (industrial, residential, and commercial) has occurred along the coastal areas of Greater Mumbai that are low lying and flood-prone (de Sherbinin et al., 2007). A 1996 study by TERI (The Energy Research Institute) places Mumbai at the top of the list of Indian coastal cities facing the most physical and economical exposure to climate change. Flooding is a common problem for the city when extreme rainfall coincides with high tide of 4-5 metres. Extreme precipitation and warmer temperatures have increased the occurrences of hundred year floods. In 2005, it rained more than 37 inches in a span of 24 hours killing more than 900 people (Kumar, 2019). After the 2005 flood, the Mumbai Disaster Risk Management Plan (MDRM) was formulated in correspondence with the Maharashtra State Adaptation Action Plan on Climate Change (MSAAPC).
Sherbinin et al., 2007). Permanent inundation due to sea level rise and coastal erosion is the biggest risk for coastal communities. According to a 1996 report, TERI has estimated that a 1metre Sea Level Rise (SLR) will affect 5763 km2 (or 0.41%) combined area of the coastal states in India. Since coastal fishing communities live close to the sea, they bear heavy burden of rising sea level not just as a risk to their physical environments but as a risk to their livelihoods and lifestyles as well.
MDRM focuses mostly on infrastructure vulnerabilities, emergency resource management and post disaster rehabilitation. MSAAPC on the other hand deals with endpoint vulnerabilities of various sectors like agriculture, industry and others with adaptation strategies that exclude social vulnerabilities. Both these policies are aimed at technocratic solutions and structural fixes, not addressing the underlying inequity and social vulnerability. Over the years, proliferous construction, topographic modifications, poor disaster planning, inefficient project implementation, obsolete drainage systems and poor coastal zone management have all exacerbated flood risk, thereby increasing the vulnerability levels of diverse sections of the population and of coastal ecosystems (de Parikh Krishna
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1.1
Koliwadas
Strengths of the Coastal Community
Image Courtesy Kamna Vyas | CEPT Summer School Project
Chapter 1
Koliwadas, a vulnerable coastal community
Kolis ( fisher community) are widely considered to be the original settlers of Mumbai, forming now- urban villages called Koliwadas. Typically, Koliwadas are situated near creeks leading to the sea with provisions for keeping boats and selling fish. The Kolis are an important stakeholder in the city with unique relationships to its coastal resources and mangrove ecology. Male Kolis are responsible for fishing while female Kolis are responsible for drying and selling the fish. Koliwadas are typically dense low rise settlements with informal street patterns located in proximity to sea or a creek. They have communal spaces demarcated for storing boats, drying fish and selling produce. They typically have a mixed community structure with migrant settlers, encroachers and Kolis. It seems that although there is a colloquial understanding of what a Koliwada is, it lacks technical clarity as a settlement category within the development discourse. Interests of the fishing community are represented by local collective bodies operating at the scale of individual Koliwadas. Community governance and collective participation are the key factors in their strong social ties. According to precolonial codes, these bodies consist of the original settlers and they manage collective ownership of common land. They operate under the name of a Koliwada Trust called the Jamaat, leasing properties to the community and preserving traditional rights and rituals. Main responsibilities of the Jamaat include organising community events for traditional festivals, managing public infrastructure like market halls, temples, providing facilities for students, coordinating with local government bodies for infrastructure managements and lobby for public projects. They also look after finding sponsors and donations for fish festivals and gathering additional funds and resources. The trust is managed by an elected president with a Parikh Krishna
body of advisors. The secretary is a non elected representative of the government forming an important link between the community and the state. The members of the Jamaat are elected every 5 years by eligible residents of the Koliwada. The model of participatory governance as practiced by the Dharavi Koli Jamat Trust is an example of self-regulation and residents’ participation at a local scale, which needs all the official support it can get to become more inclusive and modern in the future. (Pacco, 2018). These community forms of governance are more prevalent in larger Koliwadas who have recognition at district level. At smaller scales, these Koliwadas are either managed by communal understanding or they fall under the jurisdiction of a larger nearby Jamaat. The jamaat is a part of a larger collective called the Maharashtra Machimar Kruti Samiti which looks after the collective interests of fisherfolk. Women Kolis also have a governing body called the Mahila mandal which governs the rules of selling and marketing fish. Community networks, strong social relationships and self governance initiatives enhance adaptive capacities of such groups with increasing exposure to outside threats.
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1.2
Koliwadas
Vulnerabilities of the Coastal Community
Image Courtesy Sibananda Senapati | Respondent rating of perceived threat
Chapter 1
Koliwadas, a vulnerable coastal community
Rising sea levels and changing tidal patterns affect seasonal fishing practices. Water pollution, loss of mangroves and fluctuating sea levels lead to irregular patterns of fish and other marine creatures in creek waters. Decline in fish population, frequent storms, loss of marine life and damage to fragile mangrove ecosystems have lasting impacts on coastal communities, Kolis in particular. Ecological degradation is caused by destructive development projects as much as by climate change and they are among the first ones to experience the impacts of both. As communities whose life patterns are synchronous with the rhythms of the seas, the Kolis are skeptical of reclamation activities and the coastal road project. (Wagh and Indorewala, 2019) The effects of larger processes of transformation are observed in increasing physical displacement of the community, incursion of inappropriate technology and competition from commercial fishing, overfishing, and declining catch.
the livelihood and resource marginalization of Kolis in recent times (Sequeira 2015; Chouhan, Parthasarathy and Pattanaik, 2016). They are constantly beign forced away from their land and their sea. Their symbiotic relationship with various marine creatures and the mangrove wetlands is lost when they are displaced. In a cyclic manner, ecological degradation also forces them to move away and adopt new lifestyles. The Kolis have been confronted with an unstoppable barrage of projects (Warhaft, 2001), programmes and policies stemming from transnational, national, regional, and local developments. Geographic injustices are embedded in stories of displacement of the original settlers in lieu of economic interests. Urbanisation and capitalist development projects have marginalised or impoverished the artisanal fishing community from their livelihoods and living spaces. Moreover, politics of identity and land ownership have methodically stripped these communities of their rights.
The fishing water commons of each village is determined based on a mutual understanding between adjacent Koliwadas. Within these marine commons, every family is apportioned a specific area of the sea, which the fishers refer to as the saj. Depth of water is an important factor in determining the location of individual saj. Changing coastlines and reclamation projects have altered coastal depths leading to intense competitions between adjacent saj. Moreover, since the system of demarcation is based on traditional knowledge practices and mutual understanding, there are no clear indications when one family intrudes on adjacent waters leading to conflicts within the community. Competitions and conflicts between Koliwadas are then exploited by commercial trawlers and large scale fisheries to annex fishing rights. Along with the factors related to globalization, ecological alienations are increasing Parikh Krishna
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1.3
Koliwadas
Politics of Exclusion
Image Courtesy Shweta Wagh | Building Inclusive Urban Communities, KRVIA
Chapter 1
Koliwadas, a vulnerable coastal community
Despite falling within the Coastal Regulation Zone, Koliwadas have been continually encroached upon by pro real estate amendments and land reclamation projects. Reclamation of coastal land for development projects like the coastal road or sewage treatment plants cut off access to sea and cause an asymmetric appropriation of the coastal commons. Inefficient sewage treatment plants located at the edge of the creeks dispose untreated waste into the sea. Construction and reclamation debris are also piled near the coast without any proper environmental disposal plans. Waste from upstream is regularly deposited on the banks near the mouth of the river, the prime fishing spot for the Kolis. Kolis have their own land tenure systems, co-ownership rules and customary rights over coastal commons. But these rights are not formalised. Moreover, community claims to waters are also contested by the government despite legal provisions. According to the Coastal Regulation Zone Notification of 2011, a clear boundary demarcation of fishing villages was proposed as a first step to ensure the protection of coastal livelihoods, customary rights and traditional commons. A clear mandate was included for safeguarding coastal commons by identifying Koliwadas and giving them the status of CRZ III zones. Such zones are protected officially from being encroached upon by urban development. These lands are also protected against the threat of slum classification and urban renewal schemes. Unfortunately, there is no consensus over the actual number of fishing villages in Mumbai. The Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) puts it at 24. The Department of Fisheries census estimated it was 30, while the Fishers Collective, quite understandably, arrived at the higher figure of 37. (D’Monte, 2015).
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The uncertainty in the number of Koliwadas and the ambiguous nature of demarcation powers leads to a process of selective exclusion in favour of vested interests. The bureaucratic way of understanding what a Koliwada is, is based on land or government records, but in most of the Koliwadas these boundaries are contested, as Koliwadas have experienced informal growth and expansion beyond their original or historic boundaries. So what is a Koliwada? Is it based on the ethnicity of its inhabitants (i.e the Kolis), the existence of a traditional occupation (i.e. fishing), a certain kind of urban form or settlement type or does it involve a certain kind of tenure which is based on customary rights or access to the commons. ( Wagh, 2017). Rapid urbanisation, unclear demarcation of land rights, discrepancy in data mapping, struggle for just representation, identity politics, inefficient sanitation infrastructure are constant threats to livelihood and eventually to the lifestyle of Koliwadas. The damages and disruptions are accelerated by effects of climate change. Systemic denunciation of Koli lands exacerbates their start point vulnerabilities.
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Need for Community Driven Adaptation
2
Role of ICT in building capacity and resilience
Mesh network diagram | Image via Commotion Wireless
Chapter 2
Need for Community Driven Adaptation
Moreover, maladaptation practices in form of infrastructural fixes drive these communities away from the coast. There is a need to develop adaptive capacity to overcome these vulnerabilities as soon as possible. The entangled political, economical and social structures demand a more bottom up approach to adaptation. The Jamaat operates with a participatory form of governance by consensus building and conflict negotiation. Strong community ties and the wealth of social capital can be leveraged to facilitate community based adaptation measures. It also ensures high levels of compliance in effectively governing commons. Adaptive governance for complex commons requires four fundamental strategies: to provide information , to deal with conflict, to provide infrastructure and to be prepared for change ( Dietz, Ostrom et al, 2003). A necessary step towards adaptation is to develop resistance and resilience. Resistance can be developed by recognising risks and incorporating methods of resilience through social organisation. Innovative strategies using new age media and information technology form a more democratic and multi layered resistance. (Chatterjee, 2010). Convergence of information technology and communication has led to a new kind of revolution, one which enhances interconnectivity by scaling laterally and can even transcend physical boundaries; the data revolution. ‘Politics of recognition’ or ‘ Politics of indifference’ can be prioritised by employing data analytics. On a more grassroots level, data can be leveraged to represent and assemble the marginalised. In most cases, recognitional justice is the pathway to distributive and procedural justice. (Fraser, 1996). New digital technologies are giving socially marginalized groups around the world a means through which they can make their voices heard (Walsh, 2006). With the proliferation of smartphones and GPS data, hyper global connectivity can be used to manage Parikh Krishna
common pool resources and also reinforce community networks. Particularly while dealing with uncertainties related to climate change and speculative future related to disasters, large data sets collected from within the community can help in resource mobilisation, identity assertion, capacity building and trends prediction. Expanding the strategies for adaptive governance to a data driven resistance can ensure a more just and equitable handing of the commons. Knowledge management helps in information dissemination and resolving conflicts. Mapping and counter mapping techniques along with identity assertion create networks to deal with change and be recognised by institutions. Community networks help in providing necessary technological infrastructure. Through specific case studies I will try to highlight some of the novel ways in which ICT can be used for building adaptation capacity and ensuring smooth self governance. The three case studies: weAdapt WOTR, Anti Eviction Mapping and Red Hook Wifi network span across geographies but the scale at which they operate and the larger implications of these initiatives can be used to draw certain inferences for Koliwadas.
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3.1
Use of ICT for resilience Knowledge Management
Image Courtesy weAdapt | WOTR Climate Change Adaptation Project
Chapter 3
Use of ICT for Resilience
Traditional knowledge systems existing within the Koli community are customised to different weather conditions and particular types of fish. Since these practices are mostly passed orally and have evolved over time, they constitute a body of knowledge which is enduring and intangible at the same time. The artisan fishers also have a deep knowledge of the sea and are adept at reading tidal patterns and sea currents. Slight variations in the colour of the water tell them how deep the fish will be. But with changing weather patterns and erratic growth artisan techniques are unable to predict fishing trends. By making local weather data available to the fishermen, these traditional knowledge systems can be made more robust. Access to information of flows, stocks, and processes of resource management are important for ensuring environmental governance. Hyper local information systems are more useful than aggregated broad news updates. A similar initiative was developed by WOTR Climate Change Adaptation Project. It combines timely weather information from local weather stations to help farmers plan their agricultural activities through Agromet stations installed in 29 villages in Maharashtra. A web-based initiative, it is marked by its unique automated platform and software to provide village weather trends that can be upscaled more widely. The advisories and met-forecasts are shared with the communities through phone and SMS technology. Similarly, information from early warning systems and real lime sea level monitors can be conveyed through low tech data networks like SMS and social media to help fisherfolk make better decisions.
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3.2
Use of ICT for resilience Mapping and Counter Mapping
A view of the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project, which started life in the San Francisco Bay Area | Image courtesy of AEMP
Chapter 3
Use of ICT for Resilience
Community based participatory mapping systems can address the recognition justice and identity crisis of Koliwada. Counter Mapping, as a term, introduced by Peluso, advocates the use of maps by communities as a means to represent themselves, in contrast to others representing them (Peluso 1995). In this case, it can enable excluded Koliwadas to make claims for rightful land ownership and undermine conventional biases in existing development plans. Low tech GIS data collected from smartphones coupled with high definition satellite imagery, historical land ownership evidence and government documents can help eliminate discrepancies in CRZ III notifications. Conflicts regarding fishing rights are one of the main reasons for third party negotiations where the community ends up losing their communal property to outsiders. Unlike land which can be easily demarcated using barbed wire, boundaries in the sea are much more difficult to mark and keep track of. In the case of Kolis, much of the distribution of sea parcels is based on mutual understanding and inherited fishing rights. There is no proper documentation of who has a right to what part of the sea which is a major source of conflict. Using GPS data, sonar technique to measure changed depths digital maps can be produced with clear demarcations of territories. Warning systems can also be devised to counter unknowing intrusions. Misdemeanour can be avoided and resolved within the community by such online mapping tools. Similar common pool resource management systems can also be applied to marking selling territories and price ranges for fish produce.
and stories to empower on the ground antigentrification organizing. It maps evictions in SF based on the landlord sponsored Ellis Act and creates a database for displacement, anaylsing trends and researching illegal financial gains. Eventually the digital web page became a tool for the community to search for where tenants were forced out and where they moved to. The digital medium spread to analogue maps with graffiti and murals in the city. Areas with unjust rental practices were identified and brought to mainstream media through mural work to light projections, from report writing and zine production to the co production of community events. Similar cartography and counter mapping techniques can be used to map displaced koliwadas and recognise patterns of institutional and governmental encroachment,
The Anti-Eviction Mapping Project (AEMP) is a counter-cartography, data visualization, and multimedia storytelling collective that emerged in the San Francisco Bay Area in order to provide maps, data, tools, Parikh Krishna
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3.3
Use of ICT for resilience Identity Assertion
Oral Narratives ( Counterpoint ) in Anti Eviction Mapping Project| Image courtesy of AEMP
Chapter 3
Use of ICT for Resilience
Production of maps and counter maps is a useful tool for giving agency back to communities. Community-driven map-making is a form of inquiry that allows us to collectively produce spatial knowledge useful in housing justice struggles. (McElroy, Vergerio, Raby, 2019). But digital maps run the risk of converting stories of loss and despair to abstract points on the vast context of virtual space. Normative social science projects that map displacement tend to convert stories of joy, refusal, empowerment and helplessness to signifier of eviction, movement and resettlement. The real stories of people and their struggles are lost in the process. For the Koliwadas, their ancient history with the formation of Mumbai and their synergy with the rhythms of the city are not something that can be represented merely through abstractions.
can herald a new ‘shift in power’ and challenge the ‘politics of representation’ by “shifting the means of documenting lives from the powerful to the powerless, the expert to the lay person, the professional to the client, the bureaucrat to the citizen, the observer to the observed’’. (Bose, Shibaji, et al, 2018) In the case of the Koli community, there is an underlying awareness of their marginalisation outside the community but the causes of marginalisation are not yet evident to relevant policy makers. By providing a means for the community to capture their daily struggles of environmental degradation, land rights abuse and systemic denunciation, they can represent their own vulnerabilities counter the dominant scientific and policy narratives about them while taking part in the local and state level policy meetings.
Counterpoint as an extension of the Anti Eviction Mapping tool maps geographies of community power to signal futures beyond dispossession. They collect stories of eviction and displacement to produce counter maps and detect patterns of racial , capitalist and colonial injustices. Such counter mapping tools combined with ethnographic representations through video stories and oral narratives create opportunities of identity assertion and memory making. They give voice to the voiceless and bring untold stories to the front. Information and communication technology combined with community media provides a participatory means to create and share information, control self-representation, process trauma as well as communicate in crisis situations. But such initiatives are still developing in the adaptation planning sector. As a participatory action research strategy, photo voice stories are associated with people having marginalized status and no political voice within a given context. As a visual ethnography tool it Parikh Krishna
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3.4
Use of ICT for resilience Community Network
The Tidepools map-based application that runs on the Red Hook network | Image courtesy of Jonathan Baldwin
Chapter 3
Use of ICT for Resilience
Community networks can also help in post disaster recovery and rebuilding. Most of the Koliwadas do not have presentation in formal structures and so like informal settlements, post disaster recovery and rebuilding is mostly left to self initiated efforts or philanthropic organisations. Mesh networks are a way to equalise the technology divide that restricts access to digital systems.
adaptive capacity and reducing sensitivity is that it operates from within the community and provides a platform for visibility and connection. For Koliwadas localised wifi network can perform as an open source decentralised communication tool with many applications. Such community networks provide unique opportunities for data collection, knowledge management, placemaking, capacity building, skill enhancement and participatory governance.
Red hookup Wifi became one such example of important public infrastructure in Red Hook, Brooklyn — a waterfront neighborhood particularly hard hit by Sandy. When Superstorm Sandy hit in 2012, Red Hook WIFI was one of the only functioning communication infrastructures in the neighborhood. In the days immediately following the storm, more than 300 people per day were accessing the network to communicate with loved ones and seek recovery assistance. RHI Status, an SMS Plugin for the Tidepools software, which provided a means for residents to text their location and needs to a contact number automatically mapped the information in Tidepools with threaded discussion so others on the network could respond. The application worked wherever Red Hook WIFI was accessible. The mesh network grew to include community initiatives like Red hook radio, digital bulletin like Shouter Box, Digital stewardship programmes, Bus 61 tracking and mapping of community events. Eventually it also facilitated career building and skill upgrading workshops by collaborating with local small businesses and knowledge centres. Even though the initiative was started from within the community, its successful implementation caught the attention of authorities who then provided financial aid to this previously neglected community. The novelty of capitalising on low tech data collection and mapping for building Parikh Krishna
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Conclusion
4
Strengths and Drawbacks
Collage of Recent Grey literature | Image courtesy of author
Chapter 4
Conclusion
“We all know that information and communications technologies (ICTs) have revolutionised our world...ICTs are also very vital to confronting the problems we face as a planet: the threat of climate change...Indeed ICTs are part of the solution. Already these technologies are being used to cut emissions and help countries adapt to the effects of climate change... Governments and industries that embrace a strategy of green growth will be environmental champions and economic leaders in the twentyfirst century.� Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary General ICTs are already recognised in the Nairaobi framework as an important tool for deep transformation in LDCs. But they can also be used to empower communities to create their own frameworks of resistance an resilience. Grassroots resistance generated through participatory data collection tools builds adaptive capacity and paves the way for community based adaptation. Using ICT as an analytical tool for more than just collecting data, produces important spatial, cultural and social knowledge in data poor contexts like India. Harnessing power of new age data revolution can add values to existing infrastructure and reveal new possibilities of adaptation practices.
illiterate sections of the society like the elderly. The interface for such systems as to be simple, easy to understand and in local language. It has to build on local knowledge and intuitive to operate. Another drawback of using ICTs to connect people is that it replaces physical participation and reduces actual engagement. But A Koliwada in the north of Mumbai can also virtually collaborate with a Koliwada in the south against maladaptive practices. If used properly only as a communication tool and not as a replacement for social infrastructures, it can extend beyond physical and geographical boundaries. The current COVID situation with lack of data about Koliwadas and the insanitary condition of housing has exposed these struggles and now more than ever we need the community to be recognised and heard, to have the power to adapt better and build strong.
Unfortunately these avenues are not explored enough in Indian context. Issues like data provacy and net neutrality threaten the sanctity of digital platforms. Consequently in India, seemingly neutral digital networks hide an underbelly of caste heirarchies and class prejudices, One big reason behind the hesitation in adopting ICT is that it depends on access to smartphones and a stable internet. Initiatives like the Red Hook Wifi project show us alternative ways of decentralising the telecommunications grid. There is also an inherent inequality in access to digital technology for the digitally Parikh Krishna
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Bibliography
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Chapter 5
Bibliography
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